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T HE S EA RC H FO R T HE N E W LE FT
TH I RD E DI TI ON
D IC K HOWA RD
Political Philosophy and Public Purpose
Series Editor
Michael J. Thompson
William Paterson University
New York, NY, USA
This series offers books that seek to explore new perspectives in social and
political criticism. Seeing contemporary academic political theory and
philosophy as largely dominated by hyper-academic and overly-technical
debates, the books in this series seek to connect the politically engaged
traditions of philosophical thought with contemporary social and political
life. The idea of philosophy emphasized here is not as an aloof enterprise,
but rather a publicly-oriented activity that emphasizes rational reflection as
well as informed praxis.
Third edition
Dick Howard
Department of Philosophy
Stony Brook University
New York, NY, USA
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2019
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to
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institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
In Memory of
Cornelius Castoriadis (1922–1997)
And
Claude Lefort (1924–2010)
Series Editor’s Foreword
vii
viii SERIES EDITOR’S FOREWORD
its power to give insight into the realist-materialist structures of power and
the humanistic-democratic ideas that must serve to displace and transform
them. For this reason, Howard sees Marx’s ideas as currently in evolution
and development by successive generations of radical thinkers. Just as the
writings of the Young Marx were once used to critique the orthodox sci-
entism of rigid orthodoxy, so today can we see in the Marxian legacy a
capacity of a renewal of more robust democratic and humanist principles
that underwrite the Marxian project of critique.
Such a project is in need now just as urgently as in the past. New forms
of authoritarianism are gaining legitimacy, populism has taken a decidedly
right-wing turn, democratic movements and associations have withered.
We are in the midst also of a long counter-revolution against the cultural
and institutional progress made during the middle of the twentieth cen-
tury. A more rapacious form of capitalism has been untethered from social-
democratic institutional constraints, the legitimacy of the business
community and its culture of consumption and entrepreneurship has colo-
nized the culture, oligarchic inequality reigns supreme, and the degrada-
tion of society and the natural environment both threaten to undermine
society. The early decades of this century have therefore shown that Marx’s
relevance persists even as a new generation now seems less aware of the
deeper political and philosophical debates that formed the ideas of earlier
radical thinkers. As populist ressentiment has increased and democratic
aspirations and values have ebbed, Howard’s book can help us focus once
again on the kind of political ideas we must keep in view. To imagine a
more compelling form of democracy, to elicit a radical imagination for
troubled times, we can indeed look to Howard’s important study of the
Marxian legacy to plumb the depths of a new political sensibility.
ix
x PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION
* * *
The first edition of The Marxian Legacy was published in 1977; versions of
its chapters had been published in the early 1970s in journals identified
with the New Left. By the time they were reworked for the book, the
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION xi
promise of that early movement had faded; what remained was tarnished
beyond recognition, consigned to a career in the academy or—in Irving
Howe’s famous retort to a radical student from Columbia University—
had ‘become a dentist in Westchester County’. The New Left called itself
a ‘movement’; it was a spontaneous, unmediated coalescence of minds and
bodies, instinct and desire, intuition and reason. Critics from what it
denounced as the old left fastened on this self-identification to criticize
traits that reminded them the fascist insistence that its leaders were the
reflection of such a popular movement. The members of the new move-
ment knew little about history; for most of the participants, their self-
identification as leftists meant simply that they were opposed to a status
quo that had been described by Paul Goodman, one of their elder sup-
porters, as ‘Growing Up Absurd’. Their movement was ‘new’ and alone;
the remnants of the radical organizations that had grown up during the
Great Depression and the anti-fascist war had been absorbed into that
same status quo. This was only somewhat less true in Western Europe than
the United States.
The positive unity of the New Left was defined symbolically by the
figure of Marx. The fact that his work was little known only added to its
attractiveness. Marxism had been excluded from organized political life by
the anti-communist forces of the times; for inversely identical reasons, it
had no presence in the universities because it had been confiscated by the
Soviet Union under the name of ‘Marxism-Leninism’. That caricatural
orthodoxy maintained itself by imposing its rigid interpretations on the
work of Marx (which was not innocent of the reproaches addressed to the
rigid logic of ‘dialectical materialism’). At the time that the more radical
philosophical works of the young Marx began to be published in German
in the 1930s, the anti-fascist struggle did not offer propitious conditions
for critical reflection; the unity of the Leninist party maintained by its
Stalinist offspring was maintained during the anti-fascist war. It is under-
standable that among New Leftists it was assumed that there must exist an
‘unknown dimension’ of critical Marxian thought that could provide at
once and immediately insights, methods for criticizing, and means for
realizing their criticism of their post-war capitalist system. This quest for
what I call the ‘Marxian legacy’ is described in the Introduction to this
edition on the basis of my own experiences at the time in the United
States, France, and West Germany. A half century after those experiences,
it seems to me that one reason for the political failure of the New Left was
that they did not realize that it itself was an important part of the legacy
xii PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION
Claude Lefort, the editor of his posthumous work, to draw out the politi-
cal potential of Merleau-Ponty’s critical thought. Lefort was more than a
disciple; he had been the co-founder with Cornelius Castoriadis of the
radical journal Socialisme ou Barbarie (whose title refers to the choice
posed by Rosa Luxemburg that New Leftists found attractive 50 years
after her death). The reason that these two critics of Marxism from the left,
to whom this new edition of The Marxian Legacy is dedicated, need to be
read and understood can be illustrated here by a brief autobiographical
excursus that describes my evolution in the decade between the first edi-
tion of this book and the decision to publish an expanded second edition
a decade later. Their critical work is fundamental for understanding how
the critique of Marxism is necessary in order to preserve Marx’s legacy.
* * *
After the fallow years when radical politics seemed to move from the left to
the right as the symbolic figures of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan
appeared, social conditions similar to those that had nourished the earlier
New Left began to appear as what observers called ‘new social movements’
made their presence felt in the west at the same time that the first stirrings
of the ideas that would become the basis of the movement of civil society
against the state that appeared in some Eastern European countries.
Although their animating vision was often global, as in the case of the eco-
logical Green movements, the occasion for their mobilization was local,
reflecting the demand for participation in decisions concerning one’s own
life, as the Port Huron statement defining the goals of American student
movement (SDS) had put it in the 1960s. This grass roots orientation
expressed the rejection of social-democratic and Keynesian forms of politics
as bureaucratic and paternalist measures proposed by those-who-know for
the benefit of those-who-need-our-help. Whatever momentary material
improvement they could bring, such politics resulted in increased depen-
dency rather than greater social autonomy. A further aspect of these new
social movements can be seen in the way they sought to draw out the uni-
versal implications of their particular claims by formulating demands that
were at some times material, at others symbolic, and often identitary. Their
protests and proposals originated from local conditions, while their resolu-
tion demanded global change. The salient point about these movements
was their difference from the Marxist vision of politics proposing universal
remedies without consideration of their application to particular conditions.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION xv
* * *
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION xvii
antipolitics. The story of the New Left is not free of its own shadows;
indeed the New Left no more exists in reality than does the political or the
social; it stands today at the same symbolic level as did the name of Marx;
it is in effect his legacy.
This new edition of The Marxian Legacy has been entirely revised.
Although the chapter titles from the first edition of 1977 remain the same,
the arguments are clarified, modified as necessary and rewritten with an
eye to the present. The first section of the book begins “within Marxism”
understood as a radical theory that describes a self-sufficient totality that
claims to be the negation of the capitalist system. The second section ana-
lyzes three different ways of “using Marxism” as it became clear that the
increasing complexity of modern society cannot be understood only on
the basis of its economic foundation. The third section then tries to under-
stand why “criticizing Marxism” became necessary for those who wanted
to inherit the Marxian legacy. That is only the beginning of the story.
A fourth section of this new edition of The Marxian Legacy turns to the
task of “realizing the legacy” once the need for an immanent critique of
Marxism that concluded the first edition had been understood. This fourth
section, which was first presented as an “Afterword” to the second edition
in 1988, returns to the earlier attempts to inherit the legacy from the per-
spective of the search for a New Left as they were reflected in the emer-
gence of “New Social Movements in the West and Civil Society against the
State in the East” (Chap. 101). These new movements made clear that the
realization of the Marxian legacy is not identical with the “revolution”
that was promised by nineteenth century Marxism let alone with its pre-
war dogmatic successors or their post-war or post-modernist ultra-left
xxi
xxii A Note to the Reader
Notes
1. Chapter 10, which was first published simply as an “Afterword,” should be
read as an independent essay that tries to understand attempts to “realize
the legacy”.
2. For this reason, although we remained friends and correspondents, I did
not return to the later work of Cornelius Castoriadis (1922–1997), André
Gorz (1923–2007), Claude Lefort (1924–2010), or Jürgen Habermas
(1929–). As mentioned in the Preface, I have written about them else-
where. C.f., for example, Political Judgments (1997), The Specter of
Democracy (2002), and Between Politics and Antipolitics. Thinking about
Politics after 9/11 (2016).
Contents
xxv
xxvi CONTENTS
Index395
CHAPTER 1
In the mid-1960s, as the Cold War seemed frozen into place after the
Soviet repression of the Hungarian uprising in 1956, and the stalemate
that defused the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, the spirit of a ‘New Left’
began to emerge in the West. Although encouraged by events in the Third
World, its common denominator was the idea that the misunderstood (or
misused) work of Karl Marx must have offered a theory that both explained
the discontent with the present among a new generation of youth and
could also offer them guidelines for future action. At once personal and
social, critical and political, this expectation was encouraged by publica-
tions of the writings of the young Marx as well as the discovery of non-
orthodox theorists and political activists whose critical work had been
ignored or suppressed by Soviet-dominated communist parties. These
theories represented an ‘unknown dimension’1 that became the object of
vigorous debate in the 1960s and early 1970s. The searching candle
burned bright for a decade before it flamed out.
Meanwhile, the revolutionary spirit that Marx liked to call the ‘old
mole’ had grubbed its way underneath the Iron Curtain; the multi-faceted
movement of civil society against the repressive states anchored to the
Soviet bloc brought finally the fall of communism. But the critical spirit
was too weak, economic need weighed too heavy, and the spirit of utopia
waxed. It seemed as if there was nothing to inherit from the past. As in the
1960s, the critical spirit of the young Marx, the critical philosopher search-
ing for his path, can suggest a reason to persevere. In a ‘Preliminary Note’
4 septembre, Rio-de-Janeiro.
En mer, 14 septembre.
L’état social d’un pays, comme son état politique, est un effet et
non une cause, et ceux qui méconnaissent cette vérité élémentaire
tirent de la constatation des faits actuels des conclusions toujours
fausses et injustes. La question de savoir si les espèces se
transforment n’est pas encore résolue ; mais quant aux peuples, cela
est de toute évidence.
Il faut donc, avant de juger une nation, connaître, au moins en
substance, quelle éducation elle a reçue et à quelle époque cette
éducation a commencé. L’aperçu très sommaire et très incomplet
que j’ai donné des richesses du Brésil suffit à faire comprendre
combien les destinées de cet immense empire sont intéressantes
pour l’avenir du monde civilisé ; un coup d’œil rapide sur son histoire
montrera qu’il ne faut pas se hâter d’être sévère à son égard, car nul
n’a été élevé à plus rude et à plus malheureuse école.
En l’an 1500, Pinson, l’un des anciens compagnons de
Christophe Colomb, aborde au nord de Pernambouc et prend