J

AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND

HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE
General Editor
E. F. KONRAD KOERNER
(University of Ottawa)
Series IV - CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY
Advisory Editorial Board
Henning Andersen (Los Angeles); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles)
Thomas V. Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); John E. Joseph (Hong Kong)
Hans-Heinrich Lieb (Berlin); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.)
E. Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.c.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo)
Volume 109
William Pagliuca (ed.)
Perspectives on Grammaticalization
PERSPECTIVES ON
GRAMMATICALIZATION
Edited by
WILLIAM PAGLIUCA
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY
AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA
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The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of Ameri can
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CUBIF. -----__ dli
AOOUIS. Fl __ , _____ ,
FECt
PRO , r ' .
s .. ___ ....
........ -
He. f'AC1U R", ........ . . ....... dritI
:f2
qg
- -) 2
] ~ , :0
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Perspectives on grammaticali zation I edited by William Pagliuca.
p. em .. (Amsterdam studies in the theory and hi story of linguistic science.
Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory , ISSN 0304 0763; v. 109)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Grammar , Comparat ive and general--Grammat icali zation. 1. Pagli uca, William. II.
Series.
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Preface
The thirteen papers in this volume represent a selection of the papers on
grammaticalization topics presented at the Nineteenth Annual Linguistics
Symposi um of the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. The theme of the
symposium was Explanation in Hi storical Linguisti cs, and the first volume
of selected papers from the conference has already appeared in this series
as Explanation in Historical Linguistics, Garry W. Davis and Gregory K.
Iverson (eds) (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, 84), Most of the papers
in the present volume appear in revised form.
The editor would like to thank all those who attended or helped
organize the symposium, especiall y the members of the symposium organiz-
ing committee and those who chaired sessions or registration tables. Special
thanks go to the College of Letters and Science and several of its affiliated
departments at UWM for continued financial and intellectual support of the
annual UWM Linguistics Symposium series, and to Garry Davis , who bore
primary responsibility for organization and scheduling, and who saw to it
that all aspects of what was an exceptionally large symposium ran as
smoothly as possible,
FL 4 7048
The Grammaticalization of French a
Patricia Kilroe
University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
1. Introduction: Stages of grammaticalization
It will be shown here that an analysis in terms of grammaticaiization fits the
historical facts of French d, a preposition with a basically locative function.
The focus will be on certain developments of sense and syntax that the
preposition has undergone in the course of the history of French. Concern-
ing sense change, I will look at how the concrete spatial relations expressi-
ble b French a aqd i!.s ad form the semantic basis of the
grammatical meanings of ii. I will use the term 'concrete' generally to mean
"existing in reality or in real experience, perceptible by the senses."
As for syntactic development, I will look at some of the constructions
within which French a has become constrained over the centuries. I will not
be concerned with the phonological or morphological changes of gram-
maticalization. Reduction of both form and stress occurred in the evolution
of the Latin adverb ad to the Latin preposition aa to the French preposition
a; except in relation to the definite article, however, French a has not
changed its phonological shape or its status as an unbound morpheme since
the beginning of Old French. The change in form will therefore be ignored.
Following Lehmann (1982), Heine and Reh (1984), and Bybee and
Pagliuca (1985), J posit that grammaticalization follows a predictable pat-
tern, and that the historical evidence from the French preposition a upholds
the pattern hypothesized. My interpretation of the pattern, which I am
proposing for the grammaticalization of French a, is given in (1).
50
(1) STAGE
2
3
4
SENSE
transferred
generalized
grammatical
empty
SYNTAX
free
I
I
,
de pendent
Patricia Kilroe
The history of French prepositions, whi ch I will illust rate with tI , provides
evidence that grammati cal ization is uni directional , proceeding fr om con-
crete to abstract sense by means of metaphorical or metonymic transfer .
and proceeding syntacti call y from relative freedom and independence to
dependence and fixation,l
Several stages of grammaticalization are identifiable in the hi story of
Lat in adfFrcnch a. These stages are identified in the present section; exam-
ples are provided in sect ion 3. The term 'stage' is employed broadly here, in
reference to a developmental, transitional process occurring over a period
of time, as well as to the results of that process.
At Stage 1, the preposition expressing, hypothetically, a single, con-
crete sense, lent itself to semantic transfer. Thi s first stage was also the first
step in the bleaching of the semantic content of the preposition, si nce a
word form necessarily loses some of the specificity of its original, unique
sense when it becomes polysemous. So, at Stage 1, the stat us of the
sition shifted from monosemous to polysemous. Metonymically acquired
concrete senses as well as metaphorical, no nconcrete senses develo ped
from the earliest , spatial meaning of Latin ad, which was allat ive without
obligatory specificatio n of goal attainment. In componenti al terms, the
liest use of ad expressed components PATH and TOWARDS. The
metonymic. senses include, in hypot heti cal order of acquisition, goal of
motion, proximity, limit of motion , and locati ve . Metaphorically derived
senses were many, e.g. time, accordance, and comparison.
At Stage 2, several of the transferred senses underwent generalization,
so that these transferr ed senses became more fr equent, gained wider
tactic di st ributi onal possibiliti es, and consequently underwent further
bleaching. It would seem that metaphor was a mechanism of Stage 2
development (as well as of Stage 1) ; the generali zation from one sort of dis-
tribution to another, e.g. preposition + locative noun to prepositio n +
infinitive, is typically a development of a nature.
2
At Stage 3, as a specific transferred sense was undergoing
tio n, the preposition was at the same time losing synt actic freedom, with
the result that it increasingly occurred in conventional gr ammatical frames.
The Grammaticalization of French a 51
At this stage, the relation expressed by the preposition in the conventional
frame in question can be called gra mmat ical ; the preposition is being
employed as a grammatical relator to a greater degree than it is being
employed to express content. The prepositi on has become
an indispensable grammatical device in these various structures, and, as
Lehmann (1985) observes, it cannot be omitted or replaced in those struc-
tures. So, at Stage 3, generalized sense became grammat ical sense, which
necessaril y ent ail ed increased syntact icization of the preposition in some
distributions. This syntacticization in turn went hand in hand wit h con-
tinued bl eaching of the semanti c content of the word in particul ar distribu-
tions, with the result that the sense of the grammaticalized form became
subordinated to the conventionalized meaning expressed by the structure in
which it appeared.
Within Stage 3, a distinctio n can be made between uses of the preposi-
tion as a grammatical relator in product ive constructi ons, and uses in
zen, nonproductive phrases which may nevertheless occur commonly in
guage use. Thi s distinction will not, however, be of concern here .
There is also a fourth stage of development that the preposition 0 has
undergone in some distributions , in whi ch it has lost its ability to express a
part icul ar rel atio n, thus becoming virtually empty of sense. In Stage 4, the
relati on that had been expressed was perceived as redundant or insignific-
ant in its construction, and the prepositional form expressing that relat ion
was eliminated from that constructio n. Evidence of this sort of develop-
ment can onl y be identifi ed historicall y, since only following the eliminat ion
of a grammaticali zed word can it be assumed t hat the word form must have
become empty of sense in the period prior to its elimination. An example
from French is the use of 0 to introduce a noun attribute compl ement ,
whi ch wi ll be taken up later (section 3.3.). Stage 4 is also the stage at which
the preposition can no longer express a relatio n that continues
to need expression. For French 0, this is evidenced by distributions in which
the preposit ion has been replaced by a less bleached preposition. So, Stage
4 is the eli minat ion or replacement of the preposition in particular di stribu-
tions. \
These stages are meant to indicate approximate focal points on a
tinuing scale of development. In real time, the stages occurred
taneouly for some uses of the preposit ion, so that , for example , a new sense
was being acquired even as another sense was being generalized. Further ,
spatial relations, such as the locative , continued to be expressed by the
prepositi on even following acquisition of grammatical meaning. It is ,
.'
"
52 Patricia Kilroe
over, impossible to determine where the boundary between these stages
actuall y fall s. This problem is especially acute for Stages 1 and 2; the differ-
ence between a semantically transferred sense and a syntactically
generalized sense is often elusive. Nevertheless, when considered synchron-
ically, examples of the use of Ii can be categorized with little difficulty into
the stages as I have delimited them. Despite their oversimplification, these
stages serve as a useful guide to a general understanding of the history of
the preposition Ii. What the data from the hi story of French show is that it
is not the number of transferred Stage 1 senses of the preposition a which
have increased since the beginning of Old French, but rather it is the
generalization and syntacticization of these senses, Stages 2 and 3, that best
characterizes the history of French il.
2. Relations expressed by Latin ad, Old French ,;
As stated earlier. French a is derived from the Latin preposition ad. The
two basic spatial senses of Classical Latin ad were allative and locative.
Latin ad could also express a host of transferred relations which had been
generalized. Thus, gramrnaticalization stages 1 and 2 had already occurred
in Latin. The Oxford Latin Dictionary (1982) lists no fewer than fort y-six
different senses for Classical Latin ad. These are grouped into seven gen
eral categories , given in (2):
(2) General Relations Expressible by Latin ad (OLD 1982)
a. motion, direction (concrete and metaphorical)
b. limit (in space, time , of a thought , etc.)
c. position, situation (at , near, in contact with, in front of, for
space, time; for numbers, approximately)
d. addition, increment , application
e. response, opposition, dealing with
f. accordance, comparison, standard
g. function , purpose, result
In addition to these senses inherited by Old French Ii from Latin ad,
phonetic merging of Latin ad with the Latin prepositions ab 'from'. and
apud 'at, near, by with', resulted in a partial semantic merger, such that it
was possible for the Old French form [a J to express relations other than
those expressed by Latin ad. The merging of ad with ab was complete by
the beginning of Old French, with the result that Old French Ii was able to
The Grammaticalization of French d
53
express the ablative-derived senses of source and agent. The phonetic
development of [apudJ > [od], [oj eventually resulted in another phonetic
merger with d, which resulted in the use of d to express comitative functions
in Old French (ad could, however, already replace apud in certain distribu-
ti ons in Cl assical Latin) .
The major relations expressed by Old French Ii are given in (3). These
relations are organized on the basis of the classification in Godefroy (1937) ,
where examples from Old French texts can be found.
(3) Relations expressible by Old French Ii
a. Allative
i. direction in physical space toward a person, place, object
ii. direction or duration in time
iii . goal, purpose, destination
iv. goal in sense of attribute, quality
v. possession
3
vi. dative
b. Locative
i. in physical space
ii . in time
iii. situation with regard to someone or something
c. Comitative function
I. accompaniment; beside, compared to
II. manner ; according to, in accordance with; in adverbial
locutions expressing manner ; condition
iii. cause
iv. instrument
v. material
d. Ablative Latin ab)
I. source before a noun, +/-animate
ii. agent
,
3. French a: Grammaticalization stages 2, 3, and 4
The bulk of the evidence for Stage 1 of the grammati calization pattern into
which French a fit s is in Latin and pre-Latin. The remainder of this paper
will focus on a selection of the evidence concerning Stages 2, 3, and 4 in
French.
54 Patricia Kilroc
3. 1 Stage 2: From transferred to generalized sense
At Stage 2, the use of a before abstract complements can be identifi ed.
Most of this evidence is found in Old French, some in Late Latin , and some
in Middle French and Classical French.
The sense of goal expressible by French d, for example, was
generalized when it became able to int roduce a host of abstract noun com-
plements. The use of a to express goal before an infiniti ve is a further
generali zation of the goal metaphor , with the infiniti ve referr ing abstractly
by definiti on. The construction ad + Infinitive first appeared in Late Latin
before an infinitive expressing a concrete activity, as seen in (4a) . The cor-
responding construction appears in Old French, with a typically appearing
after a verb of physical acti vity and before an infinitive referring to physical
act ivit y, as shown in (4b) and (4c). Al so found in Old French, although less
often, is a foll owi ng a verb of nonconcrete activity and preceding an infini-
tive of physical activity or perception, as in (4d); rarely. the following infin-
itive as well as the preceding verb refer to abstract phenomena, as in (4e).
(4) Stage Two Grammaticali zation
a. dare ad manducare
'to give to eat' (i.e. 'for eating' ) (ltala, John 6,52)
b. as plus povres ie donel a mangier
' he gives it [food] to the poorest people for eat ing' (Saint
Alexis)
c. Or poez savoir que mull de cels del ost aleren! a veoir Con-
stantinople
' Now, you may know that many of those of the army went (in
order) to see Constantinople' (Villehardouin)
d. Celui qu'ele desirroit a veoir
'The one that she wanted to see' (Lancelot)
e. Quat a si grant chose convient moult a penser
'For, about such an important thing it is fitting to reflect a
great deal' (Villehardouin 13)
3.2 Seage 3: Grammatical meaning
There are many productive Stage 3 constructi ons in modern French, in
which a is an indispensable relator. Most of these have developed since the
Old French period. A small selection will be highlighted here.
The Grammaticalization of French a 55
3.2. 1 Manli er
The Latin preposition ad could express manner, having apparentl y derived
this sense from the sense of instrument , whi ch in turn was deri ved from the
sense of proximity or cont act. 4 The expression of manner is a more
abstract , more general, sense than that of concrete instrument. A was
widely used to express manner in Old French, but free, independent uses
have mostly been replaced by avec 'with', the basic comitative marker in
modern French.
A construction in modern French expressing manner, however, into
which a host of expressions fit s, is a + (Concrete or Abstract) Noun, with
the noun usually indeterminate but somet imes preceded by a possessive
adjective. Examples are given in (5a).
(5) Stage Three Grammaticalizat ion
a. Manner
a genoux
'on bended knee'
au galop
' at a gallop'
a son gre
' to one's liking'
a mon insu
' unknown to me '
a sa guise
'as one likes'
(dormir) a poings fermes
' (to sleep) soundly' (lit. 'wit h closed fi sts' )
b. Manner of Transportation
a pied
'on foot'
a cheval
'on horseback'
a bicyc/ette
' by bicycle'
a vela
' by bicycle, moped'
a skis
'on skis'
56
c. a + Fem.Sg. Def.Art . + {Fem.Sg.Adj.}
or
a la fran raise
' in the French style'
a la legere
' lightl y, carelessly'
a la diable
{ m.lf. noun}
'any old way' (i.e. ' devil' s style';
diable is a masculine noun in French)
a La Mitterand
Patricia Kilroe
' Mitterand style' (' Mitterand' a proper name whose refe rent
is male)
A "t ransportati on" subset of manner exists for this construction, as illus-
trated in (5b). The last three examples in (5b) apparentl y came about by
analogy with the first two in (5b), but a is now in competi tion with en ' in' in
these phrases, i.e. en bicyclelle, en velo, en skis. The substitution of en for
Ii is probably by analogy with en voilure ' by car' (Grevisse 1986) , although
it has also been suggested that en skis occurs by analogy with en chaussures
' in shoes' and ell sabots ' in clogs' . This use of ell merits observati on to see
if it will influence other expressions in the transportation subset , and
perhaps even non-transportation manner expressions in thi s constructi on,
to repl ace a with ell . If thi s change continues to be generali zed, then the use
of a in the a + Indeterminate Noun manner construction may ultimately
reach Stage 4 grammati ca li zati on, with a being ousted by en for all future
innovations within thi s construction .
Anot her Stage 3 manner construction in modern French is a +
Feminine Singul ar Definit e Article + Feminine Singul ar Adj ecti ve OR
Masculine or Feminine Noun . This constructi on is ellipt ical, the recovered
construction being a la maniere (de) ... 'in the manner of' or a fa mode
(de) ... ' in the style of. Exampl es are given in (5c).
3.2.2 Purpose
The construction Determiner + Concrete Noun + a + (Indeterminate)
Concrete Noun, to indi cate the concrete purpose for which a mate ri al
object is intended, is widely employed in modern French. The sense of pur-
pose expressibl e by a is part of the goal metaphor, deri ved from the all ative
sense. Exampl es are given in (6) .
The Grammaticalization of French a
(6) Purpose
une (asse a the
' t""cup' (i.e. 'a cup for tea' )
li ne machine a ecrire
' typewri ter'
un moulin a cafe
' coffee mill '
un ver a soie
'sil kworm'
li ne bofte aux [eares
' mailbox'
un pot a jleurs
' fl owerpot'
3.2.3 Dative marker
57
The preposit ion a is the basic dative marker in modern French. The use of
a to signal the dati ve is a Stage 3, grammaticalized extension of the goal
metaphor. Exampl es are provided in (7).
(7) Dati ve Marker
elle a parle a Marie
'she spoke to Marie'
nOLis l' aVail s dOll ne a Paul
'we gave it to Paul'
3.3 Stage 4: Emply of sense
One of the clearest illustrations of Stage 4 graI11l11 aticalization in French is
the use of a to introduce a noun attri bute compl ement, derived from it s use
to express metaphorical goal. An example is given in (8).
(8) Noun+Verb+it+Noun Attribute Complement
O. Fr.: Charlon elistrent a roi
'They chose Charles to be king'
Mod.Fr.: A" a iilu Charles president
' they elected Charles president'
This use of a, which began with Classical Latin ad and was
great ly extended in Late Latin, had almost completely disappeared by Mid-
dle French.'
58 Patricia Kilroe
In general, a is less in use in modern French than it was in Old French.
There has been a general retreat of OJ especially before ani mate nouns.
From Old French to modem French there has been a loss of some construc-
tions as well as nuances of senses, particularly those derived from the late-
Latin absorbed ab senses (source. agent), and apud senses (the comi tative
function) . Of the concrete relations in physical space expressible by Old
French d, only the expression of the locative is stable and independent in
modern French . It appears to be the case that all of the uses of a in Old
French that were at Stages 1 and 2, that is, all of the relatively free, nonsyn-
tacticized uses of a expressing all transferred relations, EXCEPT the locat ive,
have been or are in the process of being repl aced in modern French. Tn
relatively nonsyntacticized phrases, pour 'for', for example, replaces a in
the. expression of goal, a phenomenon that has been increasing since the
16th century; avec 'with' replaces ii in the comitative function, especially
before an animate noun ; de 'of, from' has replaced a in most of the expres-
sions of possession and source in which a could appear in Old French; par
' by' and de replace a in the expression of agent , a phenomenon that has
been increasing since the 17th century.
Further , the ability of modern French a to express the allative in phys-
ical space (PATH TOWARDS or GOAL) has been severely restricted, its use
being for the most part confined to a Verb + a + Locative Complement
construction in which the verb indicates a change of locati on (e.g. aller 'go',
venir ' come'), and goal attainment is specified (9a). When goal attai nment
is not specified, that is, to express path without goal, the prepositi on vers
' toward' is used in place of a (9b); vers can also be found in place of earlier
a before an animate complement when goal is impli ed (9c). Following verbs
which focus on the manner of a change of locat ion, e.g. nager 'to swim' and
courir ' to run', the prepositional phrase jusqu'a ' to, up to, until' is preferred
to a when goal attainment is specified (9d). Jusqu'a is required before com-
plements where the goal meaning of a could be confused with the locative
(ge).
(9) Movement in Physical Space
a. oller a Paris
' to go to Pari s'
conduire quelqu'un a I'h6tel
'to drive someone to the hotel'
retourner a son Jardin
' to return to one's garden'
The Grammalicalization of French a
b. aller vers fa ville
' to go in the direction of the city'
aller vers La fenelre
' to go toward the wi ndow'
c. if se tourne vers SOil pere
' he turns to his father '
d. nager jusqu' au rivage
' to swim to the shore'
e. prendre "ascenseur jusqu'au quatrierne
' to take the elevator to the fourth fl oor'
59
A simplifi ed, summary schema of the hi storical development of ad/a in
terms 0f the components PATH, GOAL, and LOCATIVE is given in (10). Recall
that , hi stori call y, the use of Latin ad to express the locative derived from its
use to express goal, whi ch derived in turn from the expression of path
towards.
( 10) Development of ad/a by Components
PATH GOAL LOCATIVE
Earliest Lat. x
Pre-Cl. Lat. x x
CI. Lat. , Late
Lat. & O.Fr. x x x
CI. French x x
Modern French (x) x
4. Conclusion
In order to appreciate grammaticalizat ion as a di achronic process, it is use-
ful to observe data for which there is evidence extending over an extended
period of time. The hi storical fact s from pre-Latin, Latin and French pro-
vide documentation that contributes to our understanding of the gram-
mat icali zation of modern French prepositi ons.
The grammati cali zation pattern explored here has been applied only to
French a. My research suggests , however, that a simil ar pattern holds for
the full set of French prepositi ons, and probably for the prepositions in
many, perhaps all , Romance languages.
60
Patricia Kilroe
Noles
I. An explanati on of the use of the term ' metonymi c' is necessary here. While the most
common usc of ' metonymy' in recent linguisti c li terature has retai ned the relatively
speci fic sense of "part for whole." broader uses of the term occur at least as early as
Ull mann (1964: 177) to mean that two objects or ideas may be associ ated " by 'contiguity' ,
the fact that they coexist in the same menIal context. " It is in this broad sense that I appl y
the term ' metonymi c' to changes in the concret e relations of Lat in ad. The type of
changes to which I apply this term, moreover. e.g. the development of the locat ive from
the al1 ati ve . have been alluded to by Stern (1931:63-4) as "lack of knowl edge concerning
the referent " or "obj ective uncertainty" . Stern ill ustrates this notion by the fact that the
French word for m cuisse ' thi gh' has as its Lati n etymon t he word form coxa. meaning
'hip', explaining this sense change as a result of the difficul ty in determining where the
referent of hip ends and that of Ihigh begins.
2. There are, of course , steps in between the prep. + locative noun to prep. + infi nitive
development , incl uding such complements as animate noun, inanimate noun , and verbal
noun of physical activity. At each of these steps, the semantic component GOAL remains
constan!.
3. Godcfroy (1937) cl asses the use of a to express possession as locative-derived . See Kilroe
(1989) (or an account of Ihis use as all ative-deri ved via the goal metaphor, as shown in
(3) .
4. Sec, in thi s regard, Meyer-Lubke ( 19OQ).
S. There remains an extremely limited use of a to signal noun att ri bute complement in a few
frozen expressions in modern French, e.g. prendre a Ib noin ' to call to wit ness'.
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