Giving voice to area-specific qualities

The simultaneity of the long and the short term and the reconstruction of meaning through the analysis of daily routines

| ECS forum 25th October 2013 | Paul Blondeel at ppw KULeuven

A very temporary draft of as definition Specificity: (a) Coherences and fragmentations in (b) the ways people cope with and tell about their environment (c) readable as patterns and mechanisms that both (d) organize and reveal the deeper mechanisms of the area In area B these patterns and mechanisms differ from what can be seen or analyzed in area A, although on a deeper level the same mechanisms are operative. Specificity can be conceived of as the way a city or region has specialized itself in a given area, given its history, given the specific accumulation of investments in that area and the social and spatial inequality that these investments both produce and reproduce.
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Area specificity spatial, social, societal

Area-specific qualities in disadvantaged neighborhoods. How to theorize these qualities as being area-specific? How to analyze and implement them in processes of urban regeneration or neighborhood work? What does this ambition means to adult education and to the legacy of voicing the voiceless?

ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013

Area specificity spatial, social, societal 1. My wonderment during my own path as adult educator - / neighborhood and fieldworker why investigating area specificity Area-specific qualities in disadvantaged neighborhoods. How to theorize these qualities as being area-specific? How to analyze and implement them in processes of urban regeneration or neighborhood work? What does this ambition means to adult education and to the legacy of voicing the voiceless? 2. Reading specificity in urban everyday practices : simultaneity 3. Reading ones environment: individual approaches (going back to the interviewee); reading ones environment: collective approaches: focus- and platformgroups what to expect from it? 4. Bourdieu & Certeau 5. Q&A and Discussion

ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013

1. My own wonderment within 20 years urban research studio (Studio stadsonderzoek)

we dont hear what they simply say to us we do not really listen we do not admit the consequences of what is being said
1991- 1994 : the journey of Boabdil: intercultural exchanges between Belgian Moroccan and Spanish youngsters in Andaluca ( Jint CBWE Youth for Europe program)
1993 1998 1998 1998 1999 2000 2003 2003 2003 2007 2003 2005 2004 2003 2005 2006 2008 2009 Brussels (Molenbeek) Brussels (Vorst Anderlecht Kuregem) Ghent (Rabot Brugse Poort) Antwerp (railway station district) Rotterdam (Zevenkamp prins Alex.) Rotterdam (Tussendijken/Spangen) Dordrecht (Crabbehof/Krispijn) Leiden (Leiden Noord) Schiedam (Nieuwland) Three districts in Antwerp Lommel and other projects

2010 2015 PhD area specificity habitus and local DNA in processes of urban renewal - OASeS UA artesis design
sciences

Some examples and experiences, decisive for my own way of reading society and reading the city
we dont hear what they simply say to us we do not really listen we do not admit the consequences of what is being said
Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels) the story and the map that could underpin his story

Rotterdam: the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals two years later) story and underpinning map
Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

1. My own wonderment

ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013

Some examples and experiences, decisive for my own way of reading society and reading the city
we dont hear what they simply say to us we do not really listen we do not admit the consequences of what is being said
Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels) the story and the map that could underpin his story

Rotterdam: the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals two years later) story and underpinning map
Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research
My own curiosity : how do we continue and even enhance local structures of social inequality - me as a social worker (samenlevingsopbouw); as a journalist, an urban researcher (OSA, urban research studio, ) - other professionals and local officials - people in the hood

1. My own wonderment

ECS forum - ppw | 25 10 2013

Some examples, emblematic for my own way of reading society and reading the city
Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels) the story and the map that could underpin his story

Rotterdam: the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals two years later) story and underpinning map
Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

1. My own wonderment

Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels) the story and the map that could underpin his story

1. My own wonderment

1. My own wonderment

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1. My own wonderment

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Fieldwork and social sciences: before giving voice to..., first studying what people do, where and how how come they act and behave like they do?
local skills and competencies How do people use the urban fabric Document it yourself; Present their maps to them; Make possible they design new terms (new constructs?) for their own behavior
1. My own wonderment 12

Some examples and experiences, decisive for my own way of reading society and reading the city
we dont hear what they simply say to us we do not really listen we do not admit the consequences of what is being said
Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels) the story and the map that could underpin his story

Rotterdam: the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) story and underpinning map
Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

1. My own wonderment

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the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) - where are we what are people doing what can I see them doing?

1. My own wonderment

the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) - where are we what are people doing what can I see them doing ?
The metropolitan boulevards where the city invests

1. My own wonderment

the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) - where are we what are people doing what can I see them doing ?

a b d e

[ 1]

[3]
[4]

[2]

The actual use of the city in two groups of inhabitants: the formal public space where the City invests (the two shopping streets being a part of the metropolitan boulevards), disappear when we take the use-patterns of both groups together (Map 4): daily use is not congruent with (and even orthogonal to) the formal organization and investments [ we live beside the city ]

the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) - where are we what are people doing what can I see them doing ?

Now adding the long run

1. My own wonderment

the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) - where are we what are people doing what can I see them doing ?
1500 - 1870 1900 1923

Now adding the long run

1. My own wonderment

the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals who stop it two years later) - where are we what are people doing what can I see them doing ?
1500 - 1870 1900 1923

Now adding the long run

Rotterdam 1910

Spangen Rotterdam: living beside the city ~ we have to invent our own ways

1500 - 1870

1900

1923

Rotterdam 1910

Actual routines playing on the stage of an older pattern Urban patterns as an actualization of a deeper (structural?) coherence

Actual urban form as ongoing lines of former investments petrification of the investments of earlier generations
De in 1943 weggebombardeerd e .huizenblokken blijven drie decennia braak liggen. De Puin wordt een heel belangrijke plek voor twee, drie generaties Delfshavenaren - een leegte als landmark in een (te) dicht bebouwd gebied!

Spangen Rotterdam: living beside the city ~ we have to invent our own ways

De noord oostelijke wijkrand tijdens de oorlogsjaren met opgespoten aarde en het botenhuis van de Roei- en Zeilvereniging "De Maas" op de voorgrond de route naar de Spaanse polder decennia lang een bevoorrecht speelgebied.

Niet becommentarieerd is de begraafplaats de plek waar de grote verkaveling van Spangen hapert (pas in 1947 komt de grond definitief vrij) en waar ook later eerder moeizaam gebouwd en gewoond kan worden.

Some examples and experiences, decisive for my own way of reading society and reading the city
we dont hear what they simply say to us we do not really listen we do not admit the consequences of what is being said
Brussels: the hotel janitor from Molenbeek (Brussels) the story and the map that could underpin his story Rotterdam: the community owned shelter for local junks (taken over by professionals two years later) story and underpinning map Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

1. My own wonderment

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Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

the lady passing the bus stop

-They stay there so silent (at the bus stop) so I dont know how to pass them.

Here (There)

We do it that way

Doing that way here Doing here that way Doing here that way we

1. My own wonderment

how to use the appropriations of city users

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Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

(place-) things

Here (There)

We do it that way

Doing that way here Doing here that way Doing here that way we

Do-ings
Wordings
1. My own wonderment how to use the appropriations of city users 24

Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

Here (There)

We do it that way
Is she crossing the street at the bus stop? Is she able to address her to them? Is the silence difficult or the glaring? Always the same kids?

Doing that way here Doing here that way Doing here that way we

1. My own wonderment

Go back and document the competent routines the DO-ings

Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

document the here & there (the place things

Here (There)

We do it that way
Is she crossing the street at the bus stop? Is she able to address her to them? Is the silence difficult or the glaring? Always the same kids?

Doing that way here Doing here that way Doing here that way we

1. My own wonderment

Go back and document the competent routines the DO-ings

Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research

document the here & there (the place things

Here (There)

We do it that way
Is she crossing the street at the bus stop Is she able to address her to them

Doing that way here Doing here that way Doing here that way we

Whose word-ings? which power? when in the research process?

1. My own wonderment

Go back and document the competent routines the DO-ings

Is the silence difficult or the glaring Always the same kids?

Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research
1900

document the here & there (the place things

1960

Is she crossing the street at the bus stop

2000

Is she able to address her to them Is the silence difficult or the glaring Always the same kids?

1. My own wonderment

Ghent: the lady passing by the bus shelter (they stay there so silent) story and multiple maps ::: >> multiple questions ::: >>> multiple positions of the one doing research
1900

document the here & there (the place things

1960

Is she crossing the street at the bus stop

2000

Is she able to address her to them Is the silence difficult or the glaring Always the same kids?

1. My own wonderment

0.2. Focus on the meaning of the urban interaction itself and go back check again and again

Outcome: lady at the bus stop: -The people in this small hood are just all old people, (like me) - In the community house they always (like here in the hood) - When I want to see young people, I go to the Hema (in the city centre) I long for more contact, but here, in the surroundings of my home, I do not know how to deal with it.

Whose word-ings? which power? when in the research process?

1. My own wonderment

What does policy and professionals in urban renewal do with these findings ? { Ahummm }

1. My own wonderment

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What does policy and professionals in urban renewal do with these findings ? { Ahummm }

1. My own wonderment

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2006/007 Rocsa Desite

episodes

2003 2007 - Bruggen naar Rabot

1998 2001 - SIF OSA project (PB- AL- )

voor 1982 - de functioning workmans district comes to

an end

1. My own wonderment

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2006/007 Rocsa Desite

episodes

skills and competences (social artistic) criticizing the mere physical urban renewal questions are heard (urban gardening! local practices better understood some local competences better addressed

2003 2007 - Bruggen naar Rabot

1998 2001 - SIF OSA project (PB- AL- )

voor 1982 - de functioning workmans district comes to

an end

1. My own wonderment

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Another segmentation in our attention and apperception is needed:

differentiate WORD-ings, DO-ings and PlaceTHINGS

Differentiate processes and discourses that put the word-INGS first; those that put the DO-ings first and those that put the Place-THINGS first Give privileged attention to processes that start with the places & things what people do / invest given the place where they live, given the things, given the life conditions, given their environment.

1. My own wonderment

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What we consider being the problem

Word-INGS
What we can do based upon that definition

The result (outcome) we hope to reach

Another segmentation in our attention and apperception is needed:

differentiate WORD-ings, DO-ings and PlaceTHINGS

Differentiate processes and discourses that put the word-INGS first; those that put the DO-ings first and those that put the Place-THINGS first Give privileged attention to processes that start with the places & things what people do / invest given the place where they live, given the things, given the life conditions, given their environment.

Do-INGS
What we consequently can see [ what exists]

Place - THINGS

1. My own wonderment

What we consider being the problem

The result (outcome) we hope to reach What we can do based upon that definition

Another segmentation in our attention and apperception is needed:

differentiate WORD-ings, DO-ings and PlaceTHINGS

Differentiate processes and discourses that put the word-INGS first; those that put the DO-ings first and those that put the Place-THINGS first Give privileged attention to processes that start with the places & things what people do / invest given the place where they live, given the things, given the life conditions, given their environment.

What we consequently can see [ what exists]

Rabot is the poorest neighborhood in Flanders press conference 1983 All endogenous initiative flees away; programs for help and sustainment enter. [between 1983 and 1998] We see an area depending on help and sustainment [Fieldwork and interviews 1998]

The result (outcome) we hope to reach

Rabot is the poorest neighborhood in Flanders press conference 1983 All endogenous initiative flees away; programs for help and sustainment enter. [between 1983 and 1998]

The result (outcome) we hope to reach

We see an area depending on help and sustainment [Fieldwork and interviews 1998]

Hypothesis / construct: poorest neighborhood

Apparent outcome: All local initiative dies Rabot becomes dependent from help programs
1. My own wonderment

Practice: All salvation comes form outside the hood local initiatives are worthless

The 3rd register - The world of words and plans word-INGS

Inverting the arrows

The 1st register the world of things the apparent reality Place-THINGS

The 2nd register the world of practice = DoINGS

what people can tell about them selves given the things they do, in the ways they do them (More sustainable narratives and discourses)

What people can do given the place (houses, area, ) they live in; given the specific streets and squares, the specific income, the specific history the hood has

[ the apparent assumptions within ] the apparent practices & routines, skills & competences

1. My own wonderment

2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance

What we learn (x2) and what we hypothesize (x1): Local events can contain supra local information about relations, segmentations, relevant domains, specific coherence or fragmentation both socially and spatially. actual ongoing events perform and interpret long term patterns routine like actions perform unconsciously but in often very refined ways the underlying structural constraints.
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2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance

We need two gestures at once:

1. Prioritizing what people do given the place things they are living with 2. Reading those area bounded practices both in the short run* and the long** run
*Short and middle short run: their ongoing modus (as can be seen), some days, weeks, months ago ** Long run: years and decennia ago; centuries ago (Fernand Braudel !)

What we learn (x2) and what we hypothesize (x1): Local events can contain supra local information about relations, segmentations, relevant domains, specific coherence or fragmentation both socially and spatially. actual ongoing events perform and interpret long term patterns routine like actions perform unconsciously but in often very refined ways the underlying structural constraints.
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2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance

We need two gestures at once:

1. Prioritizing what people do given the place things they are living with 2. Reading those area bounded practices both in the short run* and the long** run
*Short and middle short run: their ongoing modus (as can be seen), some days, weeks, months ago ** Long run: years and decennia ago; centuries ago (Fernand Braudel !)

Reading the urban form as a petrification of investments of former generations { both Bourdieu & Giddens } Performed and interpreted in actual practices { Certeau and Bourdieu/Wacquant (93) but different }

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2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance Reading the urban form as a petrification of investments of former generations { both Bourdieu & Giddens } Performed and interpreted in actual practices { Certeau and Bourdieu/Wacquant (93) but different }
*Short and middle short run: their ongoing modus (as can be seen), some days, weeks, months ago ** Long run: years and decennia ago; centuries ago (Fernand Braudel !)

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2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance

Why is it that the neighborhood Nieuw Ghent is situated in between those very big structures (university, hospital, plats, supermarket, )
*Short and middle short run: their ongoing modus (as can be seen), some days, weeks, months ago ** Long run: years and decennia ago; centuries ago (Fernand Braudel !)

Nieuw Ghent

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2. Modes of simultaneity and their relevance

why all the negative activities and fuycntions came into the north sector of Ghent, since 1777 on (and earlier

*Short and middle short run: their ongoing modus (as can be seen), some days, weeks, months ago ** Long run: years and decennia ago; centuries ago (Fernand Braudel !)

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Strongest example: Marginal and poor people do not enter the city today (UNDER), as they didnt in the 18the century and probably before (LEFT).

Strongest example: Marginal and poor people do not enter the city today (UNDER), as they didnt in the 18the century and probably before (LEFT). At the De Coninck square, both trajectories meet and coexist: rich and poor (moderate and marginal; the ordinary and extraordinary) use the same urban space but do not interact = urban specificity and competence a kind of local DNA, an aspect of the deeper structure made visible but for whom and to what ends ? ]

The open land oustside the Spanish citywalls no stone buildings allowed

The main entrance closing at 6 p.m.; opening again at 6 a.m.

1911: Flanerende dagjesmensen ontmoeten een gehandicapte bedelaar aan de terrasjes van Meir

Strongest example: Marginal and poor people do not enter the city today (UNDER), as they didnt in the 18the century and probably before (LEFT). At the De Coninck square, both trajectories meet and coexist: rich and poor (moderate and marginal; the ordinary and extraordinary) use the same urban space but do not interact = urban specificity and competence a kind of local DNA, an aspect of the deeper structure made visible but for whom and to what ends ? ]

But what does it mean if the local DNA does not become a public issue ? Society itself the urban community of Antwerp should discuss what this phrase means and how it could be implemented into programs.

2001 - Foto uiterst rechts: De agenten zijn weg en daar is de vrouw weer. Daarom heeft de politie zaterdag 14 bedelaars opgepakt en vastgehouden tot de winkelende menigte weg was.

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Examples of local specificity revealing an aspect of a deeper (supra local) structure

Core practice
Rabot Gent

Core themes for programs and policies

Ghent is already here city wide youth centre open the city for this neighborhood producing new tissue do not fill or stitch up the fracture zone how to plan and organize the main library how to handle prostitution how to deal with the pubs (day and night) music and dance scene What do we tolerate on the informal level and what isnt tolerable When we do it ourselves, were mostly better of. (but in some cases we arent)

Initial suggestions for program images and conditions to it

De Site Toreken Kopergietery

What comes form the outside, needs to be adjusted and refined to the already existing qualities here Rich and poor (average and marginal) stay apart but share the same city Here you live alongside the city

Railway Station Antwerp

Only a (small) group of city professionals takes it up; politicians wish not here the question it poses to the whole of Antwerp self made houses self-help group Utopia

Spangen Delfshaven

how to use the appropriations of city users

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De niet herkende nadelen van hun blinde aanname

Opeens merken we:

Winkeliers bussen reclame alleen nog buiten de wijk

Ze verwachten quasi niets meer van de wijk(bewoners) allemaal arme sloebers ( en krachtiger termen)
Stemmen hun assortiment niet af op Turkse gezinnen
Doen geen zaken meer met lokale actoren (soc. Sector), alleen met het stadhuis (B&W)
Het jaarlijks wijkfeest wordt opgeblazen / winkeliers haken af.

En winkelier, Mr. Borlo, stemt assortiment wel af op wijk, op Turken en op studenten van de industrile hogeschool Heeft betere omzet
Is beter ingeplant in wijk- en buurtleven 54

Intro | "wat niet verandert" | 4 Cases | Technieken = werken met | Discussie

Iets terugkerend in al die episodes en in alle investeringen?

TWEE BASIS-SCHEMAS IN DE OMGANG MET WIJK EN STAD

Al het goede komt van buiten [ van de wijk hier valt niets te verwachten]

Al het goede is hier al [ bemoeienis van buiten leidt tot sociale verdringing ] 55

Intro | "wat niet verandert" | 4 Cases | Technieken = werken met | Discussie

De niet herkende nadelen van blinde aannames

Twee praktijkgemeenschappen diametraal tegenover elkaar: All the good things comes from the outside * we dont expect anything fromn those poor guys here]

Upside the shopowners and some better of residents, except Mr Borlo (Carrefour)

All the good things are already here [ fear for gentrification ]

Under: the map of the soocial sector focusing (at tht time) merely only upon poor and diadvantaged groups.

Social workers speaking to participating shop owners: you are the only ones here who live in the hood and financially invest in the hood And we are the ones leaving every day at 6 p.m. societal stake: when mapped, local positions and presuppositions can be made both conscious and political dissensus.

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3. Bourdieu [ and Certeau ] on simultaneity of both the short and the long run
I choose to map the ways in which people use the city and I do that in a iterative and multiple approach. This choice is both operationally driven and theoretically driven. In this iterative mapping, I pay tribute to the very rich anthropology of the younger Bourdieu, his fieldwork and comments upon it. From 1979 on, these reflections multiply and proliferate into a universal theory . Whereas his ethnographic approach is in the 60 and 70ies is still context oriented and spatially grounded, his later sociology becomes in the a-spatial. This is most problematic in his socialization theory where he uses Piaget praxeological understanding of early childhood learning but without sufficient referring to his French Colleague (Bruno Frre). Some key insights of Bourdieus core theory should be reoriented and /or confronted to his earlier and more spatially oriented approach (Wacquant 1996; 2002; 2004).

Change in his theory about socialisation: Untill Outline spatial (world of places); afterwards learning in a world of concepts; false use of J. Piaget

Concepts in Bourdieus core theory Habitus Field (1st & 2nd version) Doxa [ Durkheimian + Permeability of in-world and outward world Continuity and focus on that what does not change (from a humanistic perspective) specific contribution of the later Bourdieu (Weight of the World; Pascalian Meditations).
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 The individual habitus is a set of durable dispositions originating in early childhood and structuring in a specific way all later interactions. This specificity is class bounded, although class (and capital) is structured in a multiple and dynamic way. This specificity operates trough ones perceptions, appreciations (judgments) and actions. What one can see, appreciate and do in a given situation, is structured by his or her durable dispositions reproducing the expected outcomes one has learned to expect (DiMaggio 1979). People are complicit in the reproduction of the inequality they live in but they are not aware of this dependence. On the contrary, they live in a illusion of freedom (Doxa) which helps the system to regenerate itself again and again, in very specific ways. Habitus and doxa are performant in creating a continuity between the specificity of individual actions and the specificity within regions of the macro-structure, although Bourdieu does not develop how these regions relate to the macro-system. Habitus can be seen as inculcated social structure (structures inculques) becoming on its turn operative, structure structurante. Both Habitus and structure (equals Field?) derive their social efficiency from ordinary and non ordinary practices, both individual and institutional actions (see three forms/modes of capital, Bourdieu 1984). But what is the collective or class habitus? Is it there, does it exist as a sociological substance? This remains a lifelong problem within Bourdieus theory :: his FIELD notion modulates again and again
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 Constraints in the environment facilitate specific routines and actions but Bourdieu is never clear about the aggregation and the solidity of these actions, their sociological measure and weight. Class revolt is such an action but doing the dishes also In an 1984 he details it , and from 1993 on (the weight of the world) he seems to bother less for the consistency of his global theory. Habitus becomes multiple (Hillier and Rooksby 2000) with a hard (unconscious, structure driven) core and more softer and fluent layers above it. By becoming multiple, habitus can also become partially conscious a theme that Bourdieu touched superficially as he wasnt able to elaborate before dying in 2002.

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Important in the 1984 article:

Capital which, in its objectified or embodied forms, takes time accumulate and which () contains a tendency to persists in its being, is a force inscribed in the objectivity of things so that everything is not equally is possible. And the structure of the distribution of the different types and subtypes of capital at a given moment in time represents the immanent structure of the social world, i.e. , the set of constraints, inscribed in the very reality of that world, which govern its functioning in a durable way, determining the chances of success for practices. (o.c., 241-42, mijn nadruk)

+ three modes of Capital: lived capital (ongoing practice), objectified institutionalized

Links to a more spatial approach of specificity and permeability of the subject. Gives way to the possibility that in one area, people share more or less analogous presuppositions about the order of the (local) things (what is true en valuable and how), because people have more or less analogous pasts and experiences in more or less analogous worlds and classes. These communities of common presuppositions organize interesting social groups which I call communities of practice. example Ghent
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Samenvatting en Doorwerking: HOE DE PIJLEN KEREN

Bestaande situatie is ongewenst

Vaardigheden en middelen inzetten

Adequate acties ontplooien

Gewenste situatie

Eigenlijke doelen bespreken

Feitelijke en mogelijke vaardigheden inzetten

Feitelijke en mogelijke acties benoemen

Feitelijke situatie zoals ze nu eenmaal is

Woorden

Routines en praktijken

Dingen / omgeving / omstandigheden

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Feitelijk stadsgebruik meer feitelijke relaties meer feitelijke / duurzame verhalen

Discussion

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