Outcomes of Exposure to Risk Information on Super Typhoon Haiyan by Residents in

Coastal Communities of Ormoc City, Leyte

Comabig, Rey G.

Abstract
Following the grounded theory approach, this study was conducted to determine the outcomes
of exposure to risk information about super typhoon Haiyan by residents in two badly affected coastal
communities of Ormoc City. Informants who were exposed to detailed information about the typhoon’s
strength, risks and the safety measures took positive actions. But those who got incomplete and unclear
information performed negative actions. Results suggest that risk information can generate the desired
responses from people if these are made comprehensive and delivered in a manner so as to generate
strong emotional responses that can motivate people to take appropriate actions.
Keywords: risk information, disaster response, risk communication, information exposure

1.0 Introduction

With the occurrence of the recent catastrophic natural disasters, risk communication has become
one of the important components in disaster risk reduction efforts (Sagala, 2007). Communication is
important for the success of disaster mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery. Risk
communication efforts should be designed to help people get the information they need to make
informed choices about the risks they face (Wade et al., 1992). However, many risk communication
stakeholders, both the providers and receivers of risk information, are confronted with the primary
challenge of how to effectively communicate environmental risks. They are challenged on what
constitutes environmental risk communication and how risk-related information can be delivered in a
meaningful, cost- effective and secure manner.
One example of a natural calamity where communicating risks was considered problematic was the
super typhoon Haiyan (locally known as typhoon Yolanda) which battered the Philippines particularly
the Eastern Visayas on November 8, 2013. Many lives were lost and billions of properties were
damaged because people were not given a clear information on the expected destruction that they might
encounter from a super typhoon such as the occurrence of a storm surge.
According to Gunawan (2011), the key to disaster preparedness is comprehensive information, and
the media have always been at the lead in providing this information. Information about incoming
disasters disseminated through the mass media does not only help in disaster preparedness, but also
with the rescue and relief operations. Experiences during the past disasters have shown that various
mass media were really helpful in times of natural calamities.
Outcomes of risk communication have been the focus of previous research but less has been done
on super typhoon Haiyan. For example, the study of Fischoff, Brewer, and Downs (2011) only focused
on the general outcomes of risk communication and not about Haiyan. Although Neussner (2014) have
studied about Haiyan, yet he only focused on the early warning efforts and less has been done to the
outcomes of information exposure of the residents. The same with Neussner (2014), Velandria (2014)
only studied the learnings from Haiyan. He did not include in his studies the outcomes after being
exposed to risk information on Haiyan. To address this, there is a need to study the outcomes of
exposure to risk information on super typhoon Haiyan.

This study aimed to: 1) find out the informants’ socio-demographic characteristics and their
exposure to risk information about super typhoon Haiyan; 2) determine how the informants responded
to the risk information they obtained and the outcomes of their actions; and 3) generate a theoretical
model that can explain the conditions surrounding the informants’ responses to the risk information and
the outcomes of their actions.
2.0 Framework of the Study

This study aimed to generate a theory that could explain the conditions surrounding coastal
residents’ exposure to and interpretation of risk information about a super typhoon and the outcomes of
their actions in response to the risk information they had been exposed to. Hence, this study is aligned
with the grounded theory tradition of communication research.
Grounded theory is concerned with the discovery of theory from data systematically obtained
from social research (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). It intends to generate new concepts and theoretical ideas,
emerging out of the data and the context (Eriksson & Kovalainen, 2008). This is a suitable approach if
the researcher aims to generate substantive theory, specifically in areas where existing knowledge is
limited, or to offer a new perspective to the existing knowledge about the phenomenon being studied
(Khambete & Athavankar, 2010). Strauss and Corbin (1998), however, pointed out that the importance
of the grounded theory lies not only in its capacity to generate a theory, but more on its capacity to
ground the theory in the data. Moreover, grounded theory is ideal to use for discovering important social
relationships and the behavior of groups where there has been little exploration of the contextual factors
that affect individuals’ lives (Crooks, 2001).
There are different phases in the process of building grounded theory. These phases include
deciding on a research problem, framing the research question, data collection, data coding and analysis,
and theory development (Spring, 2005). To start the research, it is important to identify first the area
of interest as well as to avoid theoretical biases, and to use theoretical sensitivity (Dey, 1999). According
to Strauss and Corbin (1998), theoretical sensitivity is the quality of having insight, the ability to provide
meaning to data, the capacity to understand, and capability to separate the relevant from that which is
not. During the research process, the theory could be developed further. This is through continuous
interaction with the data and the emerging theory in conceptual terms (Spring, 2005).
In grounded theory approach, the data collection goes on the basis of theoretical sampling. It is
the process of gathering data whereby the researcher simultaneously collects, codes and analyses the
data to decide what data to collect next and where to find them, and to generate theory as it emerges
(Glaser & Strauss, 1967). According to Spring (2005), sampling decisions change during the research
process. Also, it cannot be planned before getting on the study. Just like other qualitative research
strategies, the grounded theory approach uses one or more techniques to gather empirical data. It
includes various interview types such as in-depth interview, focus group discussion as well as survey,
and observational techniques which includes informant observation and similar field work, or through
archival analysis (Spring, 2005).
Since grounded theory is based on empirical data, the concepts have prognostic power when
used in the right context. The effectiveness of the method in the User Experience Design domain is
apparent, as often the research could be driven by the intent to directly apply its outcome, rather than
develop a ‘grand theory’ (Khambete & Athavankar, 2010).
Charmaz (2006) pointed out that in research anchored on the grounded theory tradition, the
researcher tries to find out what occurs in the research settings and what the informants’ lives are like.
The researcher then proceeds to describe the informants’ statements and actions, and ask what analytic
sense can be made out of them. Spring (2005) said that constant comparison is the basis for analytic
procedures in data coding and analysis. After noting an event, it is compared to other events pertaining
to similarities and differences. This method helps to discover and describe patterns and variations.
Furthermore, this will facilitate progressive refinement, and eventual formulation of the theory
(Khambete & Athavankar, 2010).
Theory generation is anchored on the concepts and categories being developed out of the raw
data. There are three analytic techniques in the data coding and analysis phase of grounded theory. It
includes open coding, axial coding, and selective coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). In this phase, there
are three aspects in which the selection of the sample depends on. It includes the emerging theory, the
concepts extracted, and their characteristics (Spring, 2005).
Glaser (1978) emphasized the significance of the core category for grounded theory. To him,
the generation of theory occurs around a core category. Without it an effort to develop grounded theory
will drift in relevancy and workability.
In grounded theory research, data gathering will continue until theoretical saturation is achieved
(Strauss & Corbin, 1998), that is additional data do not lead to discovery of new concepts and categories.
Thus, there is no prescribed sample size in grounded theory research. The benchmark for judging
sufficiency of the sample size is whether the sample selection was wide-ranging and varied enough to
guarantee detailed coverage of several aspects of the problem being researched (Khambete &
Athavankar, 2010).

3.0 Methodology

The study was conducted in the coastal barangays of Ormoc City, Leyte, namely, Brgy. Naungan
and Punta. These communities were selected as the study sites because they were badly hit by Super
Typhoon Yolanda (Haiyan). Ormoc City is also the second largest area heavily affected by the typhoon
in Leyte province with approximately 80-90% of the houses destroyed (USAID, 2013).
This study used the qualitative research approach which is useful in looking for common themes
and relevant ideas and experiences for coastal risk communication (Morrow, 2009).According to Austin
and Bailey (2014), the process and the outcomes of communication between communities affected by
super typhoon Haiyan are best captured through a qualitative research technique of data collection.
Letters of request were sent to the Ormoc City Mayor’s Office and to the barangay captain of each
selected coastal community to ask permission for the conduct of the study. After getting approval from
the city mayor and the barangay captains, the informed consent for human subject was given and was
discussed thoroughly with the informants at the beginning of the interview. The conduct of the study
immediately commenced after getting consent from the informants.
The snowball sampling procedure was used to identify the informants of this study. In snowball
sampling, the researcher first identified key informant who can provide the information needed for the
study. Then, the researcher asked the informant to identify other members of the community who can
give the information needed by the researcher (Babbie, 2001). The number of informants for this study
was determined through theoretical sampling. It is the process of gathering data whereby the researcher
simultaneously collects, codes and analyzes the data to decide what data to collect next and where to
find them, and to generate theory as it emerges (Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
The data gathered for this study included the community residents’ exposure to information about
super typhoon Haiyan, their responses to the information that they had been exposed to, and the
outcomes of their responses to the information they obtained from various media.
In this study, the informants were interviewed and asked questions related to their experiences
during Haiyan, as well as the outcomes of these responses after being exposed to risk information and
after considering some factors. The data were gathered through in-depth interviews with selected
residents of Barangay Naungan and Punta in Ormoc City, Leyte. The main data gathering instrument
for this study was an interview guide which contains the interview protocol, interview questions,
ranking exercise and informed consent (Boyce & Neale, 2006). The interview questions were
constructed in English then translated into Cebuano and was pre-tested afterwards. Field notes were
taken during the interviews. Consent to audio record their answers during the interviews was asked
from the informants. A cellphone recorder was used to audio record the interviews. The interviews in
the local dialect of the informants were later transcribed word for word and encoded in the form of
written document. In analyzing the data, the grounded theory analysis developed by Strauss and Corbin
(1998) was utilized.

4.0 Results and Discussions

A total of 27 informants were involved in the study. Nine of them (33.3%) were middle aged,
10 (37.04%) were old, and eight (29.63%) were senior citizens. None of the informants belong in the
young age category. A great majority of the informants (81.48%) were female, while only five of them
(18.52%) were male. Two-thirds (66.67%) of them were married, six were single, and only three were
either a widow or a widower.
 All of the informants interviewed had experienced formal schooling. Nearly three-fifths of them
(59.26%) had reached elementary level education. Five reached high school, and six had college
education. As for the informants’ livelihood, almost half of them (48.15%) were housewives, nine were
vendors, four were fishermen, and only one was a carpenter.
Informants were also asked as to what communication medium they frequently used. More
than half of the informants (59.26%) frequently used television; seven said they frequently used
cellphones, and only four (14.81%) frequently used radio. None of them indicated that they frequently
used newspaper and the internet.
Analysis of the informants’ narrations about their experiences during typhoon Haiyan revealed
that all of them were exposed to risk information about the typhoon. However, they differ in terms of
their sources of information, the information they received, and on how the information or messages
were delivered.
Their sources of information included the following: 1) warnings from the local authorities, 2)
news shared by interpersonal sources (neighbors and family member), 3) news on television, 4) news
on radio, and 5) messages sent through cellphone. From these communication channel, informants
obtained various types of information about super typhoon Haiyan (Table 1).

Table 1. Information about super typhoon Haiyan received by the informants

Information received Description

Information about the typhoon
only
Information about the typhoon
plus storm surge
Information about the typhoon,
storm surge, and safety
measures
There were informants who received less detailed information
about super typhoon Haiyan from a specific source. They
acquired information about the typhoon only.
Other informants said they acquired detailed information about
the typhoon and the dangers it may bring but it did not include
information about safety measures.
Informants with access to multiple information sources obtained
a very detailed information about super typhoon Haiyan. Aside
from the details about the path, strength, and risks associated
with the typhoon, the information they got also specified what
actions to do.

Based from the information provided by the informants, it came out that there were two
strategies of delivery of the information on super typhoon Haiyan. These were warnings and giving of
plain information (Table 2).
Table 2. Strategies of delivering information on super typhoon Haiyan
Message delivery strategy Description

Warnings Many informants said that the message delivered to them were in
the form of warnings where it was specified how dangerous the
typhoon is and what actions must people do to be safe from the
risks of the typhoon.
Plain information Other informants reported that they obtained only plain and
general information about the typhoon from certain
communication channels. The information they got was that there
is a coming typhoon. The information did not specify what safety
measures to do. Others also said that they got information about
the need to prepare, yet the information they obtained was
lacking; there were no details about what safety measures.
 After being exposed to risk information on super typhoon Haiyan, informants had various
immediate emotional responses (Table 3). Analysis on the interview transcripts revealed that informants
who felt fear, were worried, and alarmed were motivated to take positive actions to keep them safe
from the risks associated with super typhoon Haiyan. On the other hand, informants who did not believe
on risk information had negative actions.

Table 3. Informants’ immediate emotional responses to the risk information

Immediate emotional Description
responses

Fear After knowing that super typhoon Haiyan would be a very strong
typhoon, informants were afraid of what might happen to them.
Worried Other informants were worried after obtaining the information
regarding the damages that super typhoon Haiyan may cause.
Alarmed There were informants who were alarmed upon knowing the
strength of the typhoon and upon seeing the president of the
Philippines talking about the risks of the typhoon and calling the
people to follow the safety measures.
Disbelief Some of the informants did not believe the information regarding the
strength of super typhoon Haiyan as they were already exposed to
many typhoons and none was too destructive as what the
information about Haiyan said.

What reinforced their motivation to heed the recommended actions were the following: 1)
concern for the family, 2) intention to secure their things, 3) fear for the sea level to rise, 4) bad
experience from torrential flash flood that happened in Ormoc in 1991, 5) they were convinced to heed
the presidents’ and the local authorities’ appeal to prepare and evacuate, 6) forced by the spouse, 7)
forced by the local authorities, and 8) health conditions.

The informants who became afraid, worried and alarmed after being exposed to risk
information about typhoon Haiyan had the following positive actions before super typhoon Haiyan
made landfall: 1) evacuated to evacuation centers, 2) kept things in safe place, 3) stocked foods, 4)
secured the house, 5) contacted the family, and 7) sent the family to nearby province. Informants’
positive actions to the risk information during Haiyan are the following: 1) stayed in the evacuation site,
2) looked for safe shelter, 3) kept the children in safe places, and 4) pray. After the typhoon, most of
the informants have positive actions. This include: 1) asked for help, 2) stayed in the temporary shelter,
3) salvaged the house and other things, 4) looked for potable water, 5) looked for alternative livelihood,
and 6) moved to other places. Consequently, informants obtained positive outcomes (Table 4).

Table 4. Outcomes of positive actions

Outcomes of positive actions
Felt secured and safe
Received assistance
Suffered less damage
Description
Informants in the evacuation area felt secured and safe as a result of
taking positive actions. Not a family member was injured or
wounded.
All of the informants said that they received assistance in various
forms from different agencies as a result of seeking help.
Although all of the houses of the informants were partially and
totally damaged, those who kept their things in a safe place suffered
less damage compared to those who did not.

Reasons behind informants’ negative actions included the following: 1) underestimated

strength of typhoon, 2) lack of money, 3) influenced by a family member, 4) bad experience in the
evacuation site, 5) misunderstood the information, 6) lack of information, and physical incapability.
 Based from the information gathered from the informants’ answers, it was ascertained that they
1) did not care of the information, 2) did not evacuate, 3) did not prepare, and 4) did not secure their
house before super typhoon Haiyan. Their negative actions during the super typhoon Haiyan included:
1) stayed in the house, 2) secured things hurriedly, and 3) evacuated late while the wind was already
strong. Based from the accounts given by the informants, it was found out that some of them took
negative actions after super typhoon Haiyan. It included: 1) did not ask for help, and 2) did nothing.
Informants’ negative actions led to negative outcomes (Table 5).

Table 5. Outcomes of negative actions

Outcomes of negative actions Description

Exposed to higher danger As a result of not evacuating before super typhoon Haiyan,
informants were exposed to higher danger.
Death of a family member One informant said that her father-in-law died few days after the
typhoon due to the trauma that they have experienced as a result
of not evacuating.
Suffered more damage Compared to those who kept their things ahead of typhoon, some
informants who did not keep their things have more mess to
clean up and more things were damaged.
Acquired health problems Some of the informants acquired health problems such as
hypertension, depression, and trauma as a result of their negative
actions.
Had difficulty in rehabilitating There were informants who had difficulty in rehabilitating their
their lives lives as a result of their unpreparedness before super typhoon
Haiyan struck their place.
Generally, this study generated a theoretical model that illustrates the conditions surrounding
informants’ responses to risk information and the outcomes of their actions. These conditions included
exposure to risk information, emotional effects of the information, and motivations behind the residents’
responses to the risk information.
It is theorized that risk information on natural calamities that are understandable and complete
with the description of the risks and the safety measures to take can generate emotional responses from
people. Negative emotional responses like fear, being worried and alarmed can lead people to take
positive actions on the recommended safety measures, while disbelief can make people complacent and
lead to them ignore the recommended safety measures. Positive actions can lead to positive
consequences, while negative actions can lead to undesirable consequences.

Figure 1. Theoretical model showing the conditions surrounding informants’ responses to risk
information and the outcomes of their actions
5.0 Conclusion

The theoretical model generated from the data revealed that residents were exposed to risk
information on super typhoon Haiyan from various communication channels. However, access to
mediated communication channels alone does not assure communities’ preparedness for natural
disaster. It means that information must be taken offline as well so that people with limited access to
mediated communication channels will still get hold of the information. In this study, interpersonal
sources of information, especially the local authorities, played a significant role in convincing the
people to take positive actions. This suggests that the local authorities have a vital role in managing
disaster risks before, during, and after the occurrence of disasters since they have a very crucial part in
disaster preparedness and response. They must be proactive when it comes to disaster reduction efforts,
which should not only focus on relief operations and rehabilitations but also on disaster preparedness
and disaster risk reduction. Additionally, local government units must have sound and well-executed
pre-crisis communication programs so that communities will take part in emergency preparedness and
risk mitigation activity.
On the other hand, efforts of the local authorities and other concerned agencies would be useless
if they lack credibility. In this study, people took positive actions because they were persuaded by
people whom they trusted. Without trust, any risk information about a natural disaster will likely be
disregarded. These conforms to the findings of Heldring (2004) that without trust, any information from
a specific organization will be discounted, including information about levels of safety, disaster
scenarios, or evacuation procedures.
This study also showed that the information that the coastal community residents obtained
differed in terms of details and presentation. Informants who were exposed to more detailed information
about the typhoon’s strength, risks and the safety measures had negative emotional responses (fear,
worry and being alarmed), which in turn motivated them to take positive actions to heed the
recommended safety measures. On the other hand, those who got incomplete and unclear information
about the typhoon and its risks did not believe the information and were motivated to perform negative
actions, specifically ignoring the warnings to take safety precautions. This implies that those involved
in preparing risk information for dissemination should try as much as possible to make the risk
information comprehensive and understandable to the target audiences so that it can move people to
take positive actions, specifically precautionary measures that would ensure their safety during
calamities. These conforms to the findings of Cola (1996) that the more specific the risk information,
the more likely will the public respond to it.

Additionally, the strategy on how the message was delivered also affects the residents’
responses to risk information. In this study, it was found that messages in the form of warnings were
more effective in persuading the people to take positive actions. These results imply that risk
information must be specific and forceful so that it can motivate the people to take action. This provides
support to the findings of the study of Kafle and Murshed (2006) which suggest that the provision of
risk information to communities in relation to hazards, vulnerabilities, risks, capacities and
preparedness actions should be done whenever there is an impending natural disaster so that the
residents would take necessary actions.
Worth noting in this study is that people take action only when they can identify what particular
actions can be taken to lessen their risks, when they are certain that these actions will be efficient, and/or
when they trust themselves to be able to perform the tasks. This highlights the need to provide people
with risk information that are easily understood by using simple words since actions will only occur if
the people really understand the risk information. Otherwise, people would take negative actions
because of misinterpretation of the message. These conforms to the results of the study of Sullivan, et
al. (2012) that the provision of information alone is not enough to cause a response and that actions will
only happen if the people understand the risk information.
To deal with disasters, people must take part in every risk reduction and emergency
preparedness programs. This is to minimize the effects of emergencies, disasters, and other crises.
Results of this study, however, show that residents may not always respond to risk information because
of some factors such as the perception of the typhoon, safety features of their homes, the time they have
available to prepare for the typhoon, their age, the reactions of other family members who are also
deciding whether or not to evacuate, their financial status, heath condition as well as their experience.
This study has proven that experiences could affect peoples’ responses to risk information. Those who
have personally experienced the impact of a natural disaster are more likely to respond to risk
information. However, those who have experienced with natural disasters but have not experienced
damage to their own property or injury continue to believe that they are also protected against possible
danger from impending disasters.
Results of this study also suggest that risk information can generate the desired responses from
people if these are made comprehensive and delivered in a manner so as to generate strong emotional
responses that can motivate people to take appropriate actions.

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