III.

Religion, Politics and Society

 5. The Political and the Sufic Wiliiyat

The contemporary and near-contemporary sufi texts, including the ta~kiras

(biographical dictionaries), throw light on issues concerning the sufis' role in politics,

as also in the society which will be studied in a subsequent chapter. The texts include

the Siyar-ul-Arifin of Jamali Kamboh, WZiqi 'at-i-Mushtaq! of Rizqullah Mushtaql,

Akhbar-ul-Akhyar of ~bdul l}aqq Muryaddi.~ DihlawT, and the Gulzar-i-AbrZir of

Ghau.~T Sha!!ar1. 1 The last chapter of the second volume of the Tiirlkh-i-Khan-i-Jahan7

wa Makhzan-i-AfghcmlofKhVfaja Ni'matullah Harawi also contains valuable material

on the lives of the shaikhs who were Afghans by birth, or were identified as Afghans.

The references to the involvement of the sufis in contemporary politics may be found

in a large number of anecdotes on their relations with the emperors and the nobles.

Several examples of the bestowal of kingship by the sufis and their participation in the

military campaigns have been noted above. All this influenced and shaped the ideals

of governance and are crucial for a better appreciation of contemporary politics.

Kings' Devotion Towards the SI{/is

The badshan and the courtiers visited the sufis' hospice (khlinaqah or jama'atkhana),

sought blessings from them and received gifts from the sufis which were treated as

tabarruk (sacred relic). Jamal! extensively describes the visit ofBahlul Lodlto his pTr,

Sama' -ud-D1n. The shaikh, a disciple of Shaikh ~adr-ud-IJin Multani' alias Rajii

Qattru, had left his homeland Multan on the eve of Timur's invasion, and went to

1
Gulzar-i-Abrar, Urdu translation by Fazal Ahmad and known asA1_kZi'r-i-Abrar, reprint (Lahore, AH.
1395).

201
Jaunpur. The shaikh travelled extensively in central India before settling down in

Delhi where he died in 909/1503-1504, and was buried near J:Iau~-i-Shamsl in the

vicinity of Kh~aja Qu~b-ud-DTn Bakhtiyar Kaki's tomb. Pious and learned, Sarna'-

ud-DTn was venerated by the leading sufis and scholars of the time. His son, Shaikh

Nasir-ud-din Dehlawl was the Shaikh-ul-IsHim of Delhi during the reigns of Sikandar

Lodl, Ibrahim Lodl and Babur. The elder son Shaikh ~bdullah Biyabani (d.l529) was

also a leading sufi of the time. 2 Jamal! informs that once Sarna' -ud-Din's lecture on

the type of people, including the rulers, who will be deprived of God's blessing,

moved Sul!an Bahllil so much that he wept and submitted that despite the sins

committed by him his devotion towards the sufis was gradually increasing. He also

hoped that this could lead to his salvation. Seeing that the sultan was crying, other

visitors to the hospice also started weeping. Impressed by the honesty and integrity of

the sultan, the shaikh gave his own special prayer-carpet to him. The sultan

respectfully put the prayer-carpet on his head and left the place. 3

The sufis were asked to stay in the dominion and pray for peace and stability,

and the durability ofthe rule ofthe sovereign, who in turn prayed to God and thanked

Him for the blessed presence of the sufis in his kingdom. Shaikh Mu~ammad

Mallawa (d.900/1494-95) had come to Delhi during Sikandar Lodi's reign and was

popularly known as Mi~ba~-ul-5\.shiqin. Initially a disciple of Shaikh Al).mad Rawati,

he was later trained by Shaikh Jalal Gujarati Among his disciples were 'Abdul J:Iaqq

Mu~addi~ Dehlaw1's paternal grandfather, and his uncles, Shaikh Sa'dullah and

2
A. Halim, "Mystics and Mystical Movements of the Saiyyid-Lodi Period (1414 A.D. to 1526 A.D.)",
Journal of the Asiatic Socie(v of Pakistan, Vol. VlJI, No.2, 1963, pp.71-108, especially pp.97-99.
3
Siyar-ut-'A.rifin, pp.259-61. For the evidence ofBah!Ul Lodfs devotion for the shaikh, see also A!Jflir-
i-Abrar, pp.209-l0.

202
 (

Shaikh Rizqullah Mushtaql, the author of the WZiqi 'at-i-MushtaqT. Abdul Ijaqq in an

anecdote shows the power of the shaikh's prayer to yield bumper crops. When

Sikandar Lodi heard about this miracle of the shaikh, he thanked God for the presence
4
of such saintly persons in his Sultanate. We shall return to Shaikh Mallawa again in

the next chapter for an episode in which a Hindu chief was prevented by his

companion ~from falling at the feet of the shaikh and converting to Islam. The shaikh
5
is buried at the famous village ofMallawa near Qannauj

Cash and land grants were given to the individual sufis. Rizqullah Mushtaql

has recorded the grants of land and cash to several religious persons including the

sufis. He also gives some anecdotes in this regard. One is particularly funny. He

writes that once when Bahlul Lodi had come out from the lavatory and was cleaning

himself, a Mulla named Tughlaq appeared. Oblivious to the sultans awkward

situation, the Mulla demanded of him to fix a stipend for a person whom he thought

was deserving and had brought along. Treating it as a religious duty, the sultan at

once fixed the stipend for him, allowed the Mulla to depart and then went in for

ablution. 6 Concluding the story, Mushtaq! asks how a ruler of his time would behave. 7

Mushtaql is obviously uncomfortable with the treatment meted out to a section

of the dimma (religious persons who enjoyed maintenance grants) under Akbar. He is

however all praise for Humayiln's attitude towards them. He writes that the king so

4
Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, pp.373-76.

5
Ibid., p.376.

6
Waqi 'iit-i-MushtaqT, p.lO.

7
Ibid.

203
venerated the holy men that one day when Amir Hindu Beg complained about the

wa~a'if(stipends) to the men of religion amounting to eighteen crore tankas while the

Turks were dying of starvation, the king warned him not to utter anything against the

holy men: 'I have dedicated the revenue of this entire country to the religious persons,
8
and we shall conquer another country for ourselves'.

Efforts were also made to maintain sufic institutions such as the tomb. 'Abdul

I:Iaqq records that even the nobles took steps in this direction. Malik Zain-ud-Din and

his brother, Shaikh Wazir-ud-Dm, belonged to a family which had close links with the

rulers of Delhi. Zain-ud-DTn was a wakil of Khan-i-Jahan, a cousin of Sikandar Lod~

and had good relations with the latter. He had assumed responsibility of maintaining

the tombs and shrines in and around Delhi. He also treated the lulama, sufis and other

saintly persons with respect and devotion, and thus always kept them pleased. 9 Zain-

ud-Din's younger brother, Wazlr-ud-Din did not serve on any official position, but

fought for the Afghans in the first battle of Panipat. 10 Zain-ud-Din was poisoned by a

servant of his. Thus, notes Abdul I:Iaqq, both the brothers achieved martyrdom for

Abdul Haqq also praises Sher Sh~ih' s noble Khawa~ Khan

11
which they used to pray.

in a similar vein. Highlighting his piety, generosity and other noble qualities, the

author records that Khawa~ Khan was martyred at the hands of Islam Shah, whom he

8
Waqi 'iit-i-Mushtaqi, p.l22.

9
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.470-71.

10
Ibid, pp.470-72.

11
Ibid, p.4 72.

204
 12
refers to as Shah Salim, in 958/1551.

The rulers and the courtiers invited the sufis to have meals with them. The

sources, while referring to Sher Shah's personal routine and welfare measures,

mention that the monarch used to take his meal in the company of the sufis. Often the

emperor visited the hospice of the sufis to have dinner with them. Rizqullah Mushtaq1

refers to an episode concerning a feast in the house of Shaikh Bahlul, which illustrates
13
the great esteem in which HumayU'n held the saintly persons.

The sufis not only participated in the campaigns which the rulers conducted in

the various regions, but also gave suggestions on how to make the expeditions

successful. Certain sufis were approached in times of crisis such as an attack from

outside. Mushtaq'i records that Sul!an J::Iusain Sharql of Jaunpur came to invade Delhi

twice, but on both the occasions he was defeated and driven away. On the first

occasion, as he reached Delhi and laid siege to it, Bahlul Lodi stood bare-headed and

prayed at the tomb of Bakhtiyar Kak'i throughout the night. Early in the morning a

man appeared from the heaven and handed over a staff, asking him to hit the invaders.

Bahlul Lodi at once made preparations and attacked Sul~an J.Iusain Sharql. In the

battle which ensued Sul!an ~usain's army was defeated and he retreated to Jaunpur.
14

This event took place in the year 1478, and, as l.H.Siddiqui puts it, was a

turning point in the career of Sul~an Bahlul. First Bahlul concluded a peace-treaty on

12
Ibid., p.576.

13
The badshah (Humayiin) and the grandees were present. Shaikh Bahliil was seated on the right
hand, BandagiShaikh Mul}'lmmad on the left, and Bandagl Shaikh 'Ala~ud-Dill was sitting in front.
In the meantime, Bandagi Shaikh Khalil arrived. The king asked him to sit on his head, pointing to
the roof as there was a room upstairs. He was assigned his seat there, IFaqi 'ar-i-MushtaqT. p.l23.

14
Waqi 'iit-i-MushtaqT, p.ll.

205
the terms set by Sul~an J:Iusain Sharq"'i as his army was much smaller, and then made a

surprise attack on the retreating Jaunpur army. He seized their goods and treasures
15
along with forty nobles. Sultan J1usain saved himself by fleeing. We shall deal again

with the inter-relationship between the sufis, Afghans and the Sharqls of Jaunpur in

the next section. At the time of Babur's invasion of Hindustan, Ibriiliim went around

the city to meet the sufis and seek their help in repelling the attack, but in vain. He

had seemingly antagonized some influential sufis of the realm who switched over to

the Mughals after their success over the Afghans.

The sufis were also approached for prediction about the fate of a campaign.

Shah Man~ur prophesied the failure of Humayun's Gujarat campaign. Humayun had

sent an agent to him to ascertain the viability of the expedition. Man~ur took out an

arrow from the agent's quiver, broke its wings, and then replaced it in the quiver. The

badshah, on hearing about this incident, interpreted the sufi's action to symbolize the

failure of the campaign, saying that the army would suffer as the soldiers would

scatter, though he (the ruler) would return to his place safely. 16

High offices were also offered by the sovereign to the noted sufis in a bid to

ally with them. Some sufis accepted government service and functioned as the shaikh-

ul-Isliim or the §·adr-us-~udiir, others did not. 'Abdul J1aqq claims that his maternal

grandfather, Zain-ul-Abidln alias Shaikh Adhan Dehlaw1 (d.934/1527-28) refused

Ibrahim Lodls offer to appoint him as his patron. Adhan Dehlaw1 was a disciple of
17
Shaikh Sarna' -ud-D"'in, who, as noted above, was much venerated by the Lodi

15
Siddiqui, Afghan Despotism, pp.22-23.

Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, p.580. For a different account and other episodes from the life of Snah Man~ilr,
16

see A::fcar-i-Abrar, pp.263-64.

1
;
-' ' .. .
Akhbar-ul-Akhvar, p.468. According to Halim, his tomb lies to the west ofHauz-i-Shamsl in Delhi, '

206
sultans, Bahliil and his son and successor, Sikandar. In view ofthe kings' devotion, a

large number of sufis and other saintly persons came to settle in the dominion. 1\.bdul

J:Iaqq gives several examples. Some of them served as the envoys of the kings. Shah

Qamis had come from Bengal to Salora, Khizrabad. He again went to Bengal as an

envoy of the monarch and died there. His body was brought to Salora where he was

buried. 18

Other sufis even entered into matrimonial alliances with the rulers. Shah

~bdullah Qureshi was a maj~iib and a descendant of Shaikh Baha~ud-Din Zakariya.

When his family shifted from Multan to Delhi in the reign of Sul!an Bahliil, the latter

got his daughter married with (Abdullah. 19 He subsisted upon a handsome grant from

Bahlul Lodi till his death in 903/1497-98. It may be noted here that 5\.bdullah' s father

Shaikh Yiisuf Qureshi was the ex-king of Multan who had managed to escape from

prison and sought asylum with Bahlul Lodi at Delhi. Bahlul repeatedly failed to

restore Shaikh Ylisuf on the throne ofMultan. Earlier Shaikh Yusufwas elected to the

throne of Multan in 854/1450-51, and was deposed and imprisoned by Rai Sihar his

father-in-law, the chief of the Langah Rajputs, who later on usurped the throne and

. Qutb-ud-Din.
took the title of Sultan . 'Abdullah's son Rukn-ud-Din Qureshi was a

pious man who was appointed Shaikh-ul-IsHim of Delhi in the reign of Sikandar Lodf

A younger son of~bdullah, Shaikh Ijasan, was a disciple of Shaikh Burhan ChishtT of

Kalpi and was a scholar of Persian poetry and well-versed in other sciences as well 20

"Mystics of Sayyid-Lodi Period", p.l02.

18
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.440.

19
Ibid., 452. For a briefbiographical sketch, also seeA!_kar-i-Abrar, p.l97.

20
Halim, "Mystics of Sayyid-Lodi Period", pp. 96-97.

207
 Yet other sufis impressed the bad5hah so much that he became devoted to

them. A close associate of Shah (Abdullah Qureshi, Shaikh I:faji 5\bdul Wahhab

Bukharl had also left Multan and came to Delhi. Disciple of Maulawl Sadr-ud-Din

Bukharl and descendant of Saiyid Jala]-ud-Din Bukharl who was the grandfather of

Makhdum Jahaniyan Jahangasht, (Abdul Wahhab was much venerated by Sultan

Sikandar Lodl. Later, as we shall see below, their relationship had deteriorated over

an argument on the sultan's not keeping beard. The shaikh died in Delhi in 93211525-

26. The chronogram 'Shaikh l;Hijl gives the date of his death. It is related that during

.
his second visit to the Haramain Sharlfain,. Mecca and Madina (which he undertook

after coming to Delhi), he saw in his dream the Prophet directing him to return to

Delhi 21 Probably he was contemplating to stay on in the Hijaz. 'Abdul Wahhab had

written a commentary on the Qur'an in 915/1509-10. (Abdull:faqq Mul]addi~ Dihlawl

has discussed some points from his commentary which was probably written when the

shaikh was in an ecstatic state 22 We shall return to this commentary in the next

chapter. Shah Jala:J Shirazi had also come to Delhi from Hijaz in the reign of Sikandar

Lodl. The langar was run at his house continuously. Apart from other things, the

visitors were also served with bread and firnl (a dish made of ground rice, milk and

sugar). Jala] Shirazi was a disciple of Shaikh Mul)ammad Nur Bakhsh, and had his

daughter married with Shaikh Mudassir, son of Shaikh I:faj1 :A..bdul Wahhab Bukharl

who is referred to above. Shirazi died in 944/1537-38, and was buried near the grave

of~bdul Wahhab. 23

:J Akhbiir-ui-Akhyar, pp.453-54. Ghau?} Sha~~arl incorrectly notes that 'Abdul Wahhab fought along
with Sul~1 Sikandar LodTin a battle agninst Babur. and was killed with the sultan and his soldier.
A!_kar-i-Abrar, p.230.

2
~ AkhbGr-ul-~4kh_yZir, pp. 455-60.
23
Ibid., p.460-6l.
208
 Some other sufis, though they decided to settle in Delhi or Agra, avoided

getting entangled in the whirlpool of politics. They led austere lives and engaged

themselves in mystical affairs Shaikh MuJ:~ammad Maudud Larl came to Agra in

90011494-95, and developed close relationship with Shaikh Aman Panlpatl

(d.957/1550-51). On account of this association, he shifted to Panipat after a

prolonged stay at Agra 24 MauHina Darwesh Muryammad Wa'iz came to Hindustan

from the Mawara-un-Nahr during the Afghan rule, led an austere life and died in

Delhi 25 Mir Saiyid Ibrahim, son of Mu'ln Qadir al-J-:Iasani of lraj, came to Delhi in

the reign of Sikandar Lodl. Disciple of Shaikh Baha-ud-Din Qadirl Sha!~arl, Saiyid

Ibrahim was a leading saint and scholar in Delhi during the period. He died in

953/1546-47 and was buried in the Ni~am-ud-Din shrine complex 26

Legitimacy and Involvement in Politics

The sufis who either belonged to the established families of the dominion or came not

long before, and were able to cultivate friendly relations with the kings - a

relationship which recognised the equal status of the sufis and the rulers if not the

24
Ibid, pp. 483-84. For Shaikh Amar1 Pa:tiipatf, see also. ibid. pp.496-99: Noting that Maudud Uirl
died in A.H.937, Ghau.~! Sha~n- suggests that the shaikh had come to India in the reign of Babur.
A!_kar-i-Abrar, p.233.

25
Akhbiir-ui-Akhyar, p.571.

26
Ibid.. pp.5Il-l3.

209
superiority of the former though claims to this effect were often made - served as

legitimizers of the political authorities. They prayed for the continuation of the 'just'

rule of the sovereign. In their assemblies and in their writings, they praised the

monarchs for their piety, justice, devotion towards the men of religion and for their

welfare measures. Though ideally the sufis were expected to keep some distance from

politics, they tended to get entangled in it. Their involvement in politics began with

the belief that they had the power to bestow kingship on someone whom they thought

deserving. References to the bestowal of kingship to Sher Shah have been cited

above. Several examples ofthe conferring ofthe crown to the early Turkish sultans of
27
Delhi are also to be found in the sources.

Significantly, the sources refer to an episode in which the founder of the Lodl

kingdom purchased the badshiihat of Delhi from a sufi of Samana. According to

MushtaqT, once three men came to India in connection with their trade. On their way

back, they halted in the town of Samana. All the three men Ballu (Bahlul), Firoz Khan

and Qutb Khan paid a visit to Saiyid Abban, who was absorbed in the thought of God,

and possessed spiritual power and was known for his saintliness. As they sat down,

the shaikh said: 'I sell the throne of Delhi for two thousand tankas. Is anybody willing

to purchase it?' Ballu enquired whether the shaikh would accept one thousand and six

hundred tankas as he had only that sum with him. When the shaikh gave his assent, he

27
Raziuddin Aquil, "Miracles in Early Chishti Literature".

210
placed the amount before him. Keeping the money with him, the shaikh said: 'you

may go now. The biidshahat of Delhi has now been bestowed on you. These persons

will serve you'. As they turned away, Bahliil's companions remarked: 'What did you

do? You did not have anything except that amount'. Bahliil responded: 'I have done

well. This sum was not sufficient for my entire life. I would have spent it within a

short time. If he is a saintly man and his prophesy proves true, I would have entered

into a profitable bargain; and if it does not tum out to be true, to do a service to a

Saiyid is an act of piety. In no way have I committed a mistake'. 28 While recording

this episode, Ni~am-ud--DTn Al).mad has also noted that the suggestion in some

histories about Malik BahlUl' s involvement in trade, had no foundation whatsoever.

Probably his paternal ancestors were traders and used to come to Hindustan?9

..
Ni'matullah has also narrated the story and followed Nizam-ud-Din . in
Ahmad

suggesting that Bahliil was not engaged in trade, though his ancestors may have

been. 30 The maj;_iib 's prophecy encouraged Bahlul in later years to dream of acquiring

the Sultanate? 1

The princes also rushed to the sufis for their blessings and prayers during the

succession crises. Even though the nobles had supported the candidature of prince

N~am Khan after the death of Bahlul, the prince went to a leading sufi before his

enthronement and indirectly sought his support and blessings. Mushtaql records that

28
Waqi 'at-i-MushtaqT, pp.l-2.

29
Tabaqiit-i-Akban, Eng.trans., I, p.333.

30
TarTkh-i-Khan-i-JahanTwa Makzan-i-AfghcmT, I, pp.l30-32.

31
Ibid, p.l32. See also Tabaqat-i-Akban, Eng.trans., I, p.333.

211
the prince went to meet Shaikh Sarna' -ud-Di"n Suhrawardl with a work on prosody

with him. He did not inform the shaikh about the real purpose of his visit, and after

the salutation he respectfully sat down and requested the shaikh to teach him the first

lesson from the book. The shaikh read out the chapter and explained its meaning as,

'may God render you fortunate in both the worlds'. Mian Ni?:am requested him to

repeat it thrice. The shaikh did so. Thereafter, the prince asked for leave, informing

him about the nobles' invitation for his enthronement. Then he kissed the ground and

departed. 32 Appreciating the prince's move, Mushtaqi attributed this to his

Ni~_am-ud-Din A~mad has also recorded that

33
'remarkable wisdom and intelligence'.

before leaving for the crowning ceremony, prince Ni~am went to pay his homage to

Shaikh Sarna' -ud-Din and asked him to pray on his behalf He also requested him to

teach the book ofMfziin fiarf(a treatise on Arabic grammar). When the shaikh read in

it as'adakalliih t'lilafi diirain, that is, 'may the most high God make (you) fortunate

in both worlds', the sultan made him repeat it thrice, and then kissing the hand of the

holyman, and taking that prayer to be a good omen, commenced his joumey. 34

Ni'matullah has not only drawn on the account of Nizam-ud-Din

.. .
Ahmad, but also

added that the shaikh prayed for the success of the rule of the new sultan so that he

would be known as the Sikandar (Alexandar) of his time. 35 Thus, it is hinted that the

title Sikandar was actually given by the shaikh himself

32
Waqi 'at-i-MushtaqT, p.31.

33
Ibid.

34
Tabaqat-i-Akbafi, Eng.trans., I, pp.387-88.

35
TarTkh-i-Khan-i-JahZinT Wa Makhzan-i-Afgh7inT, I, pp. 218-19.

212
 In a divergent account of prince Ni~am Khan's visit to Sama'-ud-Din

Kamboh, Badaurii has noted the prince's fear that the shaikh might support the claims

of his brothers?6 Though the leading nobles had supported Ni~am' s claim to the

throne, his enthronement was not without controversy. His candidature was objected

to by 1sa Khan, BahlUl Lodi's cousin who remarked that 'the son of a gold worker's
37
daughter is not fit to be the king'. Badaunl adds that Sarna' -ud-Din indirectly

offered his blessings and best wishes to Ni?;am, obliging him by repeating thrice at his

request the meaning of as 'adakalliih. 38

Nif:am's ascendance as Sultan Sikandar Lodi was disliked by his brother

Barbak Shah. 'Abdul ijaqq Mu~addis Dihlawi" has not mentioned his name, but has

recorded that the rebellious brother of Sikandar Lodi"was a disciple of Shaikh Ifasan

T"ahir (d.909/1503-1504), disciple of Raji Ifamid Shah and khalifa of his son Raji

Saiyid Niir. One day, the rebel approached the shaikh and requested him to pray that

the kingdom of Delhi be conferred upon him. Instead of praying for him, the shaikh

advised him to obey the command of his brother and forget the idea of overthrowing

him as kingship was bestowed upon him by God. When Sikandar Lodi"came to know

of this he was impressed by the shaikh's integrity and spiritual attainments, and this

. .
further increased the sultan's urge to visit the sufi shaikhs. 39 Shaikh Hasan Tahir had

36
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. I, p.313.

37
Firishta.

38
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarlkh, Vol. I, pp.313-l4.

39
Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, pp.417-l8.

213
come from Multan to Bihar, and after the downfall of the Sharqis moved to Agra and

later to Delhi where he stayed in Vijaymandal palace, which had been abandoned by

the royalty. His preceptor Raj! Sayyid NUr was known for his miracles, and used to

dress like a woman to hide his identity. He died in Manikpur. Sayyid Nur's father,

Rajl I:Iamid Shah was a disciple of Shaikh Ijisam-ud-Din Minikpi:irl, himself a

disciple of Shaikh Na~lr-ud-Din Chiragh-i-Dehli.

40

Earlier a darwesh had prophesied prince Nizam' s victory over his brother

Barbak Shah. The young prince however told the darwesh not to utter such words so

openly. Mushfaql has recorded that Ni~am in his youth had fought a battle against

Barbak Sllah at Qannauj. As he was mounting on the horse, a darwesh came and

requested him to place his hand in his, and then predicted his victory. The prince

withdrew his hand and said that in a fight between two Muslims, one ought not to side

with anyone, but say that those whose success was in the interest of Islam should

emerge victorious 41 Later, this story was recounted again by Ni~am-ud-Din Al).mad 42

and Ni'matu!Hih Haraw1. 43

4
° For brief biographical nolices of Rajiljamid Snah and RajiSaiyid Wur, see also, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,
pp.416-17.
41
Waqi 'at-i-MushtaqT, p.25.

42
[abaqiit-i-AkbarT, Eng.trans.,l, p.385.

43
1arTkh-i-Khan-i-Jahan1 wa lvfakhzan-i-Afgharil, I, pp.215-16.

214
 The above episodes are examples of the ruler's concern for legitimization of

his action by the sufi shaikh. Whether a sufi actually prophesied or prayed on behalf

of a sultan or not, the mere mentioning of these episodes in the various contemporary

accounts is an indicator of the importance attached to these acts, the importance of the

sufi in the society and how crucial it was for the sultan to be perceived to be having

the backing of a religious person of the stature of a well known sufi, and thereby

gaining legitimacy and respect from the subjects. The' psychological gains were

immense to the king or the aspirer who could justify his ambition to acquire the

kingdom by stating that he was blessed by a certain sufi.

The sufis not only bestowed kingship but also lamented the death"''of a 'just'

ruler. There was also a lurking danger that their power and prestige might be

threatened in a new dispensation, especially when they were openly associated with

the earlier rule. Jama]i's uncomfortable position after the death of Sikandar Lodi is a

case in point. He had written a mar~_iya on the death of the sultan. A particular couplet

had become very popular already in the lifetime of Jamali:

>~ubJ;>~J!;u?;(f _;/(cJL/tluLJCJ~L-1
(0 Solomon of the times, alas! Where are you now?
(Tell me) so that I may place before you an appeal against the intrigues of the dfwiin.)

Jamal! has complained that the new sultan, Ibrahim Lodi's teacher, Farid, was a

despicable person. He presented the couplet to the king and told him that Jamal! has

referred to him and his other Afghan associates as Satan. Thus the ruler and the other

Afghans had become distrustful of Jamal[ He himself has written that though nobody

had the courage to harm him, his anxiety was natural. Then he saw in a dream that

Shaikh ~adr-ud-Din had sent a piece of cloth for him from Multan with the instruction

to wrap himself in it. He did so and performed the prayer of thanksgiving. When he
215
woke up, whatever little anxiety he had earlier was gone. Also, Sultan Ibrahim's

resentment was replaced by affection for Jamali. 44 Yet Jamali has lamented Ibrahim

Lodi' s hostile attitude towards Sikandar Lodi' s close associates who were removed

from their position. He added that some unworthy and seditious characters had

occupied important positions at the court and became the close confidantes of Sultan
45
lbrahim.

The sufis' attitude towards politics is best reflected in their stand and role in

the case of a conflict between rival protagonists. We have seen above that they

supported and even participated in Sher Shah's campaign against the rlijas. They also

supported Sikandar Lodi's action against them and condemned their occupation of the

territories previously under the control of the Muslims. We shall return to this

problem in a section on the sufis' attitude towards the non-Muslims in the next

chapter. Here we shall restrict ourselves firstly to a discussion on their role in the

attempts at empire-building by the SharqTs of Jaunpur and the Afghans led by Bahlul

Lodi, and then in the conflict between the Afghans and the Mughals in the first half of

the sixteenth century. The Sharqi monarchy emerged in 796/1393-1394. The SharqTs

exercised their sway over much of North India and their kingdom extended from

Rapri to Kahalgaon. Qannauj, Koil, Sambhal, Bahraich, Badaun and Bulandshahar

S~yar-ul-Ar(/in, pp.l95-%.
44

45 Ib"d
l.,p.l95.

216
acknowledged their supremacy. Bayana offered its allegiance to them and the Rajputs

of Gwalior also once paid tribute. Tirhut and Orissa were invaded more than once and

paid tribute. Even Delhi, was more than once almost within their grasp. The last of the

SharqTs was overthrown by Sul~an Bahlul in 886/1481-82. Jaunpur was once more

occupied by Husain in 1486. But before his death, two years later, Bahfiil had

installed his son Barbak as the ruler of Jaunpur, and left I:Jusain in possession of the

territories from Chunar to Bihar: A rare inscription of I:Iusain from Bihar is dated

892/1486-87. The last of his coins was struck, perhaps at Kahalgaon, in 910/1504-

1505. Bahlul issued his own coins in 888/1483-84 and 894/1488-89 from Jaunpur. 46

There are several references to the sufis' support to the Afghans against the

SharqTs of Jaunpur in our sources. We have earlier noticed Mushtaql's account of the

first siege of Delhi by the Sharq"is and the miraculous staff which Bahliil Lodl had

received at the shrine of Bakhtiyar KakT. MushtaqT has also noted that earlier the

Sharql king had sought blessings from Shaikh Bad1-ul-I:Jaqq before his march to

Delhi, which the shaikh denied as he was praying for Sultan Bahlul with whom he

identified the cause of Islam. 47 In the encounter which took place, the Sharqls had

suffered a serious setback and agreed for peace.

On expiry of the period of peace which had been agreed upon Sultan I:Jusain

again proceeded towards Delhi with a huge army, 48 supported by the rebel governor

ofBayana, A4mad Khan, son ofYusufKhan Jalwanl, who had the public prayer read

46
S.H. Askari, "Discursive Notes on the Sharqi Monarchy of Jaunpur", PJHC, 23rd Session, Aligarh,
1960, pp.152-63.
47
Waqi 'iit-i-MushtaqT, p.ll.

48
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Text, I, p.308.
217
 49
in the name of Sul1an J:Iusain. Jamall has recorded that his plr Sarna' -ud-Din was

staying in Bayana at this time. Sul~an Al).mad Jalwani came to him, along with Saiyid

Khunda Mir RasUldar styled as Murt8.fa Khan, and asked him to pray for the success

of the Sharql king' s campaign for the conquest of Delhi. Hearing this the shaikh was

much perplexed and immediately reminded Al).mad Khan of Sul~an Bahlul' s favours

to him and his family. The shaikh also added that his betrayal of the sultan can only

lead to his degradation. Further, referring to the Sharq1 ruler, he said that he cannot

pray for that unjust and oppressive tyrant. On the contrary, 'that dear one', Sultan

Bahliil, was deeply religious. 50 Jamali has added that Al).mad was ashamed to hear the

shaikh's response. Although he was extremely short-tempered, and his utterances

could even border on infidelity, he kept quiet that day fearing the shaikh's wrath, and

later gradually reconciled himself to serve Bahliil 51 It may be that he could not

muster enough resources in favour of the Sharqis who were eventually destroyed. The

Shaikh's suggestion gave him an honourable explanation for reconciliation with

Bahlul Lodf Also, Shaikh <Abdul Ghani Jaunpur1, the spiritual guide of Sul!an f:Iusain,

had disapproved the Sharqi king's attack on Bahlul Lodl. Though residing at Jaunpur

after the fall of the Sharq1 dynasty, ~bdul Ghani used to pay occasional visits to

Sikandar Lodl at Agra. 52 The sufis' support to the LodiS seems to stem from the need

which a section of the Muslims recognized for a powerful centralized Delhi Sultanate

49
Ibid; '[abaqat-i-Akbafi, Eng.trans, I, p.347; 1an7ch-i-Khan-i-JahanT wa Makhzan-i-AfghanT, I,
p.l56.

50 <-
Siyar-ul-Arijin, pp.258-59.

51
Ibid, p.259.

52
Halim, "Mystics of Sayyid-Lodi Period", pp.90-91. Another sufi Kh\yaja Mul_lammad 'isa had
prophecied victory for ~usain Shah in his fight against Bahliil which however did not come true
according to him due to Ij:usain Sillih opening the war aggressively. Ibid, p.86.
218
where their interests could be safeguarded. Writing about the early compromises of

Bahliil Lodi in entering into peace-treaties with the Sharqi ruler, Badaun1 is amused

by the presence of two kings at the distance of just 'seven days' journey', and gives a
53
couplet on how two kings cannot rule from one place:

(Who has ever seen a scabbard which can contain two swords
who has ever seen the thrones of two Jamshids in one place!)

In case of the Mughal-Afghan encounter, the sufis generally adopted the policy of

wait and watch, though we have already referred to a sufi praying for Ibrahim Lodi

without success. Also, the 'martyrdom' of a few saintly persons in the battle of

Panipat, and the condemnation that a large scale massacre by the Mughals evoked in

the wake of the conquest have been noted above. Once it was established that the

Mughals have come to stay and could not be wished away, the sufis took diverse

positions. Some of them sided either with the Mughals or the Afghans, some others

kept aloof, and still others kept changing their position with the fluctuating fortunes of

the two parties. The cases of Jamali and his two sons, ~bdul J:Iai 'Ij:ayati' and Shaikh
)

Gadai illustrate the position taken by the sufis in the changing trajectory of politics at

this stage.

Several examples of Jamali's views on the Lodlrulers have been given above.

We shall briefly recapitulate the nature of his relations with them and then go on to

discuss his attitude towards the Mughals. Jamrui must have been too young to develop

a close personal relationship with Bahliil Lodl. The sultan was a devotee of Jamafi's

53
Muntakhab-ut-TawarTkh, Text, I, p.308/ Eng. trans., I, p.405.

219
uncle, father-in-law and pTr, Sarna' -ud-Din, and used to visit the shaikh for

blessings and benediction. Jamali's reference to one such visit of the king to the

shaikh's hospice and the impact of the latter's exhortation on him has been noted

before. The devotion of Bahliil's son, Sikandar Lodl towards Sarna' -ud-Din has also

been mentioned. The monarch would frequently visit the shaikh. Jamal! must have

seen him during those meetings. In course of time, there developed a close

relationship between the two, and the king held him in great esteem and treated him as

his friend, as Jamali has himselfrecorded. 54 Later authorities too have highlighted the

friendship between the two. 55 As noted above, Jamal! also wrote a qa~fda in praise of

the emperor and heart-tormenting marsiya on his death. One particular couplet of the

mar~Jya led to an estrangement with Sikandar's son and successor, Ibrahim Lodi:

Though Shaikh ~adr-ud-Din's intercession had diffused the tension between them,

Jamali did not write any qa~lda for Ibrahim Lodi, nor there is any mar~jya by him on

his death. On the contrary, he celebrated the victory ofBabur over Ibrahim Lodi" in the

battle of Panipat; he commanded respect of the Mughal emperor. )\bdul ijaqq

mentions a verse of the qa~fda which Jamal! wrote in praise ofBabur: 56

(Such is the slayer of enemies king ~aliir-ud-Din Mu}).ammad Babur

He subdues the king ofBengal by sacking Kabul)

After Babur's death, Humayiin became the emperor and Jamal! wrote a qa~fda for

54
Siyar-utSfrijin, p.l95.

55
For Jamali's relation with Sikandar Lodf, see also, Muntakhab-ut- Tawarikh.

56
Akhbiir-ul-Akhyar, p.473.
220
him as well. 57 As noted above, he also acknowledged him on the completion of his
(- .
Siyar-ul-Arifin. Jamali must have become a close compamon of the emperor as he

participated in his Gujarat campaign, in 942/1535-36. According to 'Abdul Jiaqq,

Jamali died in Gujarat during the campaign on 10 ~il Qa'd 942/12 May 1536.
58

9
khusrau hind budah (He was Khusrau ofHind) gives the date of his death. 5

Jamali' s two sons, Shaikh ~bdul I;Iai 'Ijayatl' (d. 959/1551-52) and Shaikh

Gad~i (d.976/1568-69) were noted saints of their time. In the conflict which ensued

between Humayiin and Sher Shah, Hayatl seems to have sided with the Afghans or

perhaps joined them after the defeat of the Mughals in two successive battles at

Chausa and Qannauj. For he is found to have accompanied Sher Shah in his Malwa

campaign, and is particularly referred to in connection with Mallii Khan's escape. 60

Like his father, he was also a poet and was especially known for his extempore

composition of the verses. 61 Though he died at the young age of 36, he was already a

leading shaikh under the Siirs. ~bdul I:Iaqq has recorded that the scholars, poets and

qalandars who came from the direction of Afghanistan during the period stayed at the

shaikh's house. The latter ensured that they were treated well. 62 His power and

prestige had particularly increased under Islam Shah Sur. The king who enjoyed the

57
Ibid.

58
tAbdul I;Iaqq also notes that his body was brought to Delhi and was buried at a place at 'Qu!b Siihib'
which he had selected in his lifetime, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.473.

59
Muntakhah-ut-Tawarikh.

60
Wiiqi 'at-i-Mushtaql ,p. 149.
61
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.473.

62
Ibid, p.474.
221
 63
company of the saints and scholars treated !Jayatl as a boon companion. The shaikh

had also written a history of the period and dedicated it to Islam Shah. The work,

however, was non-extant already in the time of ~bdul ljaqq.

64
The Mughals had by

then returned with a vengeance.

Unlike I:Iayatl, his elder brother Shaikh Gada'i followed Jamal! in throwing

his lot with the Mughals. After Sher Shah's victory over Humayiin, Gada'i left for

Gujarat and stayed there for a few years before leaving for Hijaz. During his stay in

Gujarat he treated the fugitive Bairam Khan very well and ensured that the Khan

reached Humaylin's camp in Sindh safely. Earlier the Khan was captured by the

Mghans, but Sher Shah did not order his execution as he was told that at the time of

his capture the Mughal noble was staying in the house of Shaikh Mulh"i Qattal For

according to the belief of the Afghans, those seeking protection at the house of Shaikh

Qattru should be granted amnesty. 65 Later Bairam Khan fled from Sher Shah's

custody and reached Gujarat, and from there as noted above went over to Humayun in

Sindh.

Gada'i, on the other hand, left for I:Iaramain Sharifain, and came back to Delhi

in the first year of Akbar's reign. Expressing his deep sense of gratitude for the

shaikh's help in Gujarat, Bairam :&han appointed him on the post of $adiirat. 66

Serving on the post during the period of regency (1556-1560), Gada'i enjoyed

63
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh; TarTkh-i-Khan-i-JahanTwa Makhzan-i-AfghanT.

64
Introduction to the Siyar-ul-t;i.rijin, p.76.

65
Taiikh-i-Sher Shah/, pp.460-62. See also, Sukumar Ray, Bairam Khan, ed, M.H.A. Beg (Karachi,
1992), pp.58-61.

66
Akbarnama, II, p. Ni?,im-ud-Din has mentioned that Gadai was appointed as ~adr in the third year
of Akbar's reign, in AH.965, '[abaqat-i-AkbarT, 11. ~boas Khan has written that the extent of
Bairam Kruin's favour to Shaikh Gadai was beyond imagination, iankh-i-Sher Sh0h(,p.463.
222
unprecedented power and antagonized not only a number of sufis and 'ulama, but also

the emperor. 67 His arrogant attitude and arbitrary style of functioning proved to be an

important factor leading to the differences between Akbar and Bairam Khan and the

fall of the latter's regency. When Bairam Khan left for Gujarat in 1560 with the

intention of going for ljajj, Shaikh Gada'i also accompanied him. However, Bairam
68
Khan was attacked and killed by the Afghans at Patan in January 1?61, and the

shaikh took shelter in Jaisalmer. 69 After staying there for sometime, Gad"ii returned to

Delhi. Akbar treated him well this time and fixed a grant for him. However, due to

opposition from the courtiers and other influential persons, he could not be reinstated

in the court. Leading a retired life on pension, the shaikh enjoyed the company of

beautiful women. 70 His relationship with the 'ulama and some of the other sufis

continued to be bitter. The bitterness is reflected, among other things, in the

71
composition ofthe chronogram on the news of his death in 976/1568-69:

(the great hog is dead).

Indeed, too much dabbling in politics could be a matter of disgrace for the

sufis and made them vulnerable to attacks from the antagonists. We have already

noted the execution of Shaikh Bahliil at the hands of Mirza Hindru. Badaun"i has

written that Mirza Hindal put to death Shaikh Bahlul, the elder brother of

67
For the shaikh's power and prestige during the period, see also, .Tabaqat-i-Akhan, II; 1an7ch-i-Kh7in-
i-Jahcml wa Makhzan-i-Afghanl. I.H.Siddiqui, "Shaikh Gada'i Kambo: The Representative of the
Indian Elite at the Mughal Court (1556-1560)", in Mughal Relations with Indian Ruling Elite,
pp.90-105.

68
Ray, Bairam Khan, pp.218-19.

69
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.474.

70
Ibid, pp.474-5.

71
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh.
223
Shaikh Mu~ammad Ghau.~ Gwaliorl, at the instigation of certain 'evil minded'

advisors, in 945/1538-39. The shaikh enjoyed the full confidence and friendship of

Humayiln. 72 As mentioned above, other authorities have suggested that the shaikh was

executed on the charge of being in league with Sher Shah, and of supplying arms to

him. Sufic memory, however, considered Bahliil as a martyr and his execution was

commemorated by the chronogram: 73

Referring to Shaikh Bahli:il's execution, tAbdul I:Iaqq has noted that his brother

Mu~ammad Ghau~ Gwatiori was also favoured by Humayiin. The Mughal ruler was a

devotee of his preceptor Shaikh I;Ia}i ~amid (d.967/1559-60) too?4 Mu~ammad

Ghau~ stayed at Kalinjar fort for several years and prospered. After the advent of Sher

Shah, Qhaus, like Gada'i, had to migrate to Gujarat, and returned again in the reign of

Akbar. He however could not influence the emperor, his differences with Gada'i

being one ofthe factors. Humiliated, he left for Gwalior. 75

Also, the tragic case of Saiyid Shah Mu!Jammad Firuzabadi, illustrates

the popular veneration of the Saiyids and sufis, and the expectation of a certain degree

72
Ibid, Vol. I, p.350. Also see, A:.kar-i-Abrar, pp.234-35.

73
Muntakhab-ut-TawarTkh, Vol. I, p.350.

I;Iiiji I;Iamia was a disciple of Shah ~in, a disciple of Shaikh 'Abdullah Sha~ but had received
74

khilafat from Qarin' s son, Abul Fate~ Akhb7ir-ul-Akhyar, pp. 514-15.

For useful information on the life and mystic teachings of Ghau~ Gwiilion-: see A~kar-i-Abrar,
75

p.290-302.

224
of integrity in their character. The shaikh had come from Deccan to settle in Delhi. He

claimed that he was the last shaikh of the chain of Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilarii, and was

soon very popular in Delhi. This was the time when Ibrahim Lodi" was faced with the

danger of Babur' s invasion of Hindu stan. The king used to visit the sufi shaikhs for

their intercession. He was, however, defeated in the battle. Saiyid Shah Mu~ammad

stayed for a long time at the fort of Firuzabad during the reign of Babur. His prestige

and following remained intact under Humaylin. The Mghan ruler Islam Shah was

extremely devoted to him. When the nobles and the public saw the king's devotion

towards the shaikh, they became his disciples in large numbers. Even some darwesh

offered their allegiance to him and became his khalifas.

Two saintly persons, both Saiyids, happened to visit Delhi at this time. One

was called Mir Shams-ud-D1n Mu~ammad. A bachelor, he had travelled all over the

world, and was a scholar of wide interests. He kept some books and a couple of

servants during his journey. He had stayed for a while at Kabul where he was much

venerated by Humayiin. The second, Saiyid Abu '[alib, was a handsome young man

who had fled from Baghdad under unavoidable circumstances. Shams-ud-DTn and

Abu Talib happened to meet each other during the journey, and decided to travel

together to Hindustan.

When Saiyid Shah Mu~ammad Firuzabadi heard of their arrival in Delhi, he

tried to attract them towards him. Shah Mu~ammad had several daughters and was

unable to find suitable matches for them. Even before the arrival of the two Saiyids,

Sha.h Mul].ammad used to say that he was an Arab with relatives in Arabiya, and that

the marriage of his daughters would not be a problem if some of them came over to

Hindustan. The arrival of the Saiyids kindled his hopes. He offered them his

225
hospitality. The Saiyids stayed with him, and were very well served. After several

days had passed, Shah Mu~ammad sent a proposal to Saiyid Abu Talib for marriage

with his daughter. Abu Talib politely refused the offer explaining that he was a

traveller and intended to remain a bachelor. Incidentally, the two Saiyids were found

murdered in the house of Shah Mu~ammad. The news of the murder created a flutter

in the city. The people were shocked and their mourning was reminiscent of the scene

ofKarbala. The biers of the two saints were taken out in a procession with black flags.

The young and the old, men and women who participated in the procession were

crying like mad persons. Their bodies were transported to Madina where they were

buried.

Shah Muhammad was accused of the murder. His disciples and followers

turned hostile and wanted action taken against him. The leading nobles Taj Khan and

Shaikh Farld went to question him. He denied responsibility for the murder, and

suggested that some thieves might have broken into the house, and killed them. The

king, ~bdul I:Iaqq Mu~addi§ Dihlaw1 identified him as 'Sher Shah Lodi', referred the

case to the (ulama who were supposed to give their judgement in the light of the

sharT'at. The leading lulama from Lahore, Delhi, Jaunpur and other places gathered

together. Shah Mu~ammad was questioned again. He again denied any involvement

in the matter, and remarked that they may punish him in whatever way they wanted

to, but like a true Saiyid, he would endure everything. The'ulamii struggled hard to

gather evidence of his involvement on the basis of which they could give their

judgement. While the case was going on he was kept in custody and had to bear

torture.

Shaikh Aman Pan1pat1 was repeatedly requested by the 'ulama who were

226
already hearing the case to join them and help resolve the matter. The shaikh refused

to come saying that grieved as he was to hear of the murder, he could not believe that

Shah Mu~ammad, a Saiyid, could resort to such dastardly act. Further, his

participation in a case in which a Saiyid was being insulted would tantamount to his

own disgrace on the day of judgement. Finally, as he was already shattered by the

news of the two Saiyids, the execution of the third would disintegrate him completely.

Shah Mu~ammad thus, remained in jail, and died there. The anger of the public had

not yet subsided. They tied his feet with ropes and dragged the body through the

streets of the bazaars, and later buried him outside the fort of Delhi. The shaikh was

earlier suspected ofusing malevolentjinns (demons) to get things done for himselr.?6

Further, in the wake of competition between the rival sufis for the territorial

authority in the wilayat and influential position in political circles, they used political

power to subdue each other, often leading to acrimonious conflicts. The example of

Shaikh Jamall's conflict with Saiyid Ijusain Pai' Minari (d.942/1535-36) may be

given here. Saiyid Husain had come to Delhi in the reign of Sikandar Lodl, but did not

like the king and stayed away from his court. Some noble women had become his

followers so he had no need to worry about his maintenance. He had some differences

with Shaikh Jamal! who used to ridicule him and accuse him of debauchery. One day,

Saiyid Ijusain could not control his anger, and cut-off his private parts and sent them

to Jamal!. ~bdul I:Iaqq has noted that there were conflicting reports regarding this

incident. Some persons denied that this had happened. The truth, according to the

author, was that Saiyid I:Iusain was suffering from dropsy, and was operated on the

76
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.441-44.
227
advice of the doctors? 7

The sufis' conflict with each other stemmed from their claims to wilayat

which fused religious and political categories of authority in the territory controlled

by a sufi. A reference to the notion ofthe boundary of the wilayat is to be found in the

Akhbar-ul-Akhyar. Shaikh Bakhtiyar, a disciple of Shaikh A~mad Abdul J:Iaqq, had

sought his permission for a long journey in connection with his trade. The shaikh gave

his consent with the warning that he should not cross the river as his wilayat stretched

upto this side of the river only. 78 Though the sufis generally respected each other's

area of control, their desire for power and prestige in the wilayat brought them in

conflict with the rulers.

Tension Between the Sufis and the Rulers

The wilayat of the shaikh practically encroached on the king's territorial authority.

Wilayat or spiritual rule over a territory ran parallel to the king's jurisdiction,

administered through his officials. It was below the shaikh's dignity to be seen as

being under the king's patronage, indicated through such gestures as accepting royal

grants or attending his court, or even to extending permission to the monarch to visit

his hospice, with the shaikh receiving the sovereign with the same politeness as was

the lot of other visitors. The shaikh's authority over a wilayat had an obvious bearing

on the course of political events and material fortunes of the area. The belief in the

77
Ibid., pp.475-6. Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan identifies him as Imam ?amin and gives the date of his
death in 944/1537-38. He had got his little tomb constructed, adjacent to Qutb Minar in Delhi in his
own lifetime, A_~ar-us-~anadld. •

78
Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, p.411.
228
shaikh's power to bestow kingship, his role as the protector of the people in times of

crisis and as the healer of the sick legitimated and enhanced his authority in his

wiliiyat. The shaikh's indifference towards court rituals, his occasional refusal to

allow the reigning badshlih to visit his hospice and his encroachment into the power

base of the king, that is, the courtiers and the ordinary soldiers, were a potential threat
79
to the king's power.

Thus, in their quest for an authoritative position in the society some sufis

refrained from getting directly involved in political matters. This could however be

construed by the rulers as an insulting indifference towards them. Shaikh AJ:tmad

Dharsuw"i (d. 957/15 50-51), a descendant of Shaikh Baha~ud-DTn Zakariya, led a long

life and saw the reigns of several kings from Bahlul Lodi" to Islam Shah Sur. In his

early life, he was in the service of one of the sultans. One night, while guarding the

palace, it is recounted, his heart was transformed. He thought that he should serve the

one who protects him, and not the one whom he himself protects. Renouncing the

world, he went to the shrine ofMu'in-ud-Din Chishfi at Ajmer. In the company of a

lover of God, Mu'in-ud-Din, and, Shaikh Al).mad Mujid ShaiDa.n"i, who were staying
80
there, the shaikh was blessed with 'divine bounty'. 5\bdul I:Iaqq adds that the shaikh

later settled at Dharsu, near Narnaul, and strove to reform the Saiyids there who were
81
increasing! y getting 'de-Islamized'.

79
For a study of the cmmotation of authority of the shaikh 's wi layat, leading to conflict with the rulers
in the Delhi Sultanate, see Simon Digby, 'The Sufi Shaikh and the Sultan: A Conflict of Claims to
Authority in Medieval India", Iran, Journal of Persian Studies, Vol.XXVIII (London, 1990), pp.71-
8l.

80
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.40 1-403.

81
Ibid., p.402. We shall return to this problem of syncretism and synthesis in religion and culture in
the next chapter.
229
 Returning to the relation between the sufis and the rulers, even where the latter

were devoted to a particular sufi he was concerned whether they adhered to the

sharT'at, at least outwardly, or blatantly violated it. The example of Shaikh 'All Bin

.
Husam-ud-Din .
may be cited here. During the shmkh's visit to Gujarat, Sultan

Bahadur desired to have an audience with him to offer cash and landgrants. He

refused to have any connection with the ruler as his deportment betrayed his 'un-

Islamic' disposition. Q~i ~bdullah Sindhl, however, persuaded the shaikh to let the

sultan visit him. The following day, the king sent one crore Gujarati (tanka) to the

shaikh. The latter handed over the entire amount to the Q~I, saying that the amount

belonged to him as he was the mediator between him and the ruler.-s 2 Sul!an Ma~mud

of Gujarat, too, often visited the shaikh who generally remained indifferent towards

him on account of his so-called unlawful dress. 83

Also, Kh~aja ljusain Nagauii (a descendant of ~uti ljamTd-ud-Din Nagaurl

and disciple of Shaikh KabTr who was also a descendant of the former), refused the

invitation of the sultan of Mandu, Ghiya~-ud-Din Khalji; to visit him. The shaikh

however went when he was informed that the sultan was in possession of a sacred hair

(mu '-i-mubarak) of the Prophet. During his visit to Mandu, the shaikh prayed at the

grave ofthe sultan's father. The shaikh himself refused to accept the gifts offered by

the ruler, but let his son receive them on the condition that he would spend the amount

on the construction of the tombs of his grandfather and that of J:Iamld-ud-Din

Nagaun, as his preceptor had prophesied that he would receive some wealth which he

82
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp. 527-28.

Ibid, p.534. ~lxlul I;Iaqq gives another anecdote which shows that though the shaikh visited the
83

house of a wazir, his indifference towards the wishes of the host bordered on the hwniliation of the
latter, ibid., pp.530-3l.
230
should thus utilize. 84 The sufi memory has it that I:Jusain's son did not get any wealth

subsequently. 85

Some other sufis and their sons could not be lured into accepting the grants.

Mian Khan ..Zafarabadl(d.970/1562-63), disciple and khalija of Shaikh Hasan,

. refused
cash and landgrants from the rulers. Even his sons refused to accept the grants. Once

Humaytin put all the seals, concerning the imperial Jarman on grants, on a plain paper

and sent it to the shaikh in the hope that he himself wrote the number of villages and

the amount of cash which he wished to take as the grant from the ruler. The shaikh

refused the offer saying that he does not need them and that it was unlawful to deprive

the Muslims of their right. The king then suggested that the shaikh should let his sons

accept the grant as they might be needing it. The shaikh responded that he had no

right to dictate them to accept, or refuse, the grants. It was upto them to decide.

Subsequently, the Jarman was sent to his eldest son, Shaikh 'Abdullah who also,

refused the offer and remarked that only that person who strictly followed on the foot-

steps of his father should be called a son. 86 Makhdiim Shaikh 'Abdul Qadir

.. .. ofUchch,
(d.940/1533-34), popularly known as Abdul Qadir Sarii or Makhdiim SanT,

also refused to accept grants from the ruler, though his two brothers, Saiyid ~bdullah

and Saiyid Mubarak, were in the service of the king, and his father Makhdiim Shaikh

Mu~ammad ljusainl Jilanl had accepted the grants. After Makhdum Jilani' s death, the

Abdul ~qq has also noted that the tomb of IJusain Nagauii was constructed by Ghiya~;ud-DTn
84 1

Khalji, though its gate was built by some other kings of Mandu. Also, the building of the tomb of
IJami(:l-ud-Diil Nagaufi and its gate was constructed by Mu~ad Bin Tughluq who had fortified
the town ofNagaur as well, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.395-96.

85
Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, p.396.

86
Ibid, pp.482-83.
231
ruler not only wanted to renew the grants in favour of the successor, Makhdiim §ani,

but also increase it. Makhdum ~ani, however, turned it down saying that this may be
87
granted to the needy or the seek er.

Thus, some sufis were ashamed of taking the grants from the public treasury,

and at times could take the issue to its extreme. Shaikh Husam-ud-Din MuttaqT

Multani was known to be a rigid follower of the shar7'at. He would not stand in the

shade of the tomb of Shaikh Bah~ud-Din Zakariya at Multan, as he explained that

money from the public treasury was used for its construction. 88 Further, Shaikh

Al)mad ~bdul ~aqq of Rudaull, disciple of Shaikh Jalal-ud-Din Pan"ipati and teacher

of Shaikh ~bdul Quddus Gangohi, 89 condemned the ruling elite as dogs. 90

Together with such provocative remarks and actions, the use of royal symbols

by certain sufis could also lead to a misunderstanding. Abdul Haqq has referred to the

87
For this and other episodes in the lives of Makhdiim SiinT and his father, Makhdum Jilarii, see
Akhb7ir-ul-Akhyar, pp.429-36.

88
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.451.

89
Shaikh ~bdul Quddiis Gangohi(1453-l537) was the disciple, brother-in-law and khaltTa of Shaikh
AJ.unad ~bdul ijaqq of Ruduali. He spent thirty five years of his life at Rudauli and when
circumstances did not favour his stay there, he migrated to Shahabad in 896/1491, early in the reign
of Sikandar Lodlat the suggestion of his disciple,' Umar Khan Kasi; one of the sultan's nobles. He
remained there for another thirty five years. After the battle of Panipat, Babur sacked the town of
Shahabad and ~bdul Quddiis went to Gangoh and died there in 1537 at the age of eighty-four, M.
Zameer Uddin Siddiqui, "Shaikh Abdul Quddus of Gangoh and Contemporary Rulers", PIHC, 31st
Session, Varanasi, 1969, pp.305-11.

'Abdul I;Iaqq Mt$addi~ DihlaWi relates that during the shaikh's stay in Awadh, he had kept a female
90

dog as pet. The shaikh invited the notables of the place for a feast organized to celebrate the birth of
her pups. Next day, when Shaikh Janial. Gujaii, a disciple of Shaikh ~liih Darwesh who was based at
Rudauli, complained on not being invited, Shaikh Alunad ~bdul ijaqq responded that only the dogs
of the city were called for the feast held by his dog. The shaikh added that according to the tradition
of the Prophet the world is like a carcase and its seekers are dogs. He further said that since he
considered Jamal Gujail as a human being, he did not call him. ln fact the shaikh used to complain
that during his long journey from Sindh to Bengal he did not come across a single Muslim anywhere,
except Jamal Giijail of Awadh, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.408-409. For a biographical note of Shaikh
AJ:unad~bdul J:Iaqq, see also ibid., pp.403-408.
232
frightening demeanour of Shaikh ~bdullah Sha!faii who was a descendant of Shaikh

Shahab-ud-Din Suhrawardi, and his use of drums to attract the people for training in

his order. 91 The shaikh would dress like a sultan and his disciples who accompanied

during his long journey would dress like soldiers. 92 Shanan would also sit on a chair

on an elevated platform resembling a throne, and kept security guards posted outside

the house where he would stay during the course of his tour. ~bdul Ijaqq says that

when the shaikh was staying at Sarharpur, the leading Chishfi shaikh of the place,

Shah Da'ud, who wanted to meet the Shanan shaikh, forcibly broke into the house.

The shaikh kicked the gate-keeper who had tried to stop him and entered the premises

trampling on the gate-keeper's chest as he lay on the floor. 93 The episode points to the

assertion of power by the incumbent sufi in his williyat, which was subsequently

recognized by the visiting shaikh. 94 Returning to the use of royal symbols, another

sufi, Saiyid ~i (d.905/1499-1500), would occasionally dress like a soldier. A Saiyid

from Sawana, who had gone to Jaunpur and had become a disciple of Shaikh Baha~

ud-Din Jaunpiir1, he too used to get the drum beaten outside his house. One day, he

saw the Prophet in his dream who inquired as to why he got the drum beaten. The

shaikh replied that the drum was beaten to announce the arrival of the Prophet

himself. 95

91
Akhbar-ul-Akhylir, pp.379-80.

92
A.}.kiir-i-Abrar, pp.l61-66. Also see M.M. Haqq, "The Shattari Order of Sufism in India, pp.l67-75.
93
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p. 412

94
Ibid

95
Ibid, pp.480-81.

233
 In the eventuality of a conflict with the rulers the sufi had the option of

migrating to some other territory where his status was recognized. This is illustrated

from the case of Shaikh Abdultah Biyabanl, son of Shaikh Sarna' -ud-Di"n. Biyab7ml

was based in Delhi, that is, when he was not roaming in the forest or the desert which

earned him the sobriquet Biyabarii (from biyabcm, lit.: wild, savage, desert). He had

once interceded on behalf of some Saiyids who were imprisoned by the ruler. On the

king's refusal to oblige him, the shaikh left the place remarking that it was l]aram

(unlawful) to stay in the dominion and settled in Mandu, where he was welcomed by

the ruler. He did not accept any gift from the king, but wanted the assurance that his

officials would not disturb him. He died in Mandu and was buried there. 96 Some cases

of the migration of the pro-Mughal sufis to the territory outside the control of Sher

Shah have been noticed earlier. Generally, they left for Gujarat and from there to

Hijaz. Shaikh Salim Chishfi also left for ~aramain in 962/1554-55, after his conflict

with Hemu. This was his second visit, first being in 93111524-25. He came back in

976/1568-69 in the reign of Akbar and cultivated good relation with him. The birth of

Akbar's son, Salim (later Jahiingir), and his upbringing at the shaikh's house is well-

known. The shaikh was born in 897/1491-92, and died in 979/1571-72. 97

Another option for a sufi locked in conflict with the ruler was to stay in the

territory and perform miracles to establish his supremacy and authoritive position in

the wiliiyat. The case of Shaikh J:Iajl Abdul Wahhab's encounter with Sikandar Lodl

over the sultan not keeping beard may be cited here. Though the sultan had agreed

96
Ibid, p.449. See aisoA1_kiir-i-Abrar, p.225

97
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, pp.566-67.

234
that as a Muslim king he was supposed to keep beard, he said that he would do so

only if his pTr insisted on it. After the shaikh left the place, the sultan commented:

'The shaikh thinks that the people who come to visit him (the shaikh) and kiss his

feet, do it owing to his own spiritual power. He does not understand that were I to

cause any of my slaves to sit on a litter, and order all my nobles to carry it on their

shoulders, they would do so'. When ~bdul Wahhab came to know of this remark, he

cursed the sultan saying: 'His (sultan's) comment will stick in his throat'. Mushtaqi

concludes that the disease of the throat from which the king suffered was caused by

the shaikh's curse. 98 N~am-ud-D1n Al)mad has not referred to the curse, but alluded

to Sultan Sikandar's throat-disease. According to him, the sultan contracted an illness.

Although he carried on his duties normally, gradually the illness became senous,

leading to his death in this condition on 7 Zil Qa'd 923/21 November 1517. 99

The mutual inter-dependence of the sufis and the kings and the occasional

tension in their relationship has perhaps compelled some modem scholars to suggest

that the Afghan period witnessed a "spiritual anarchy" wherein the sufis of various

silsi/as were hankering for power and wealth. Presumably, this hypothesis is also

based on the premise that the sufis of the earlier period, that is, the thirteenth and

fourteenth centuries, kept themselves aloof from the politics of their time. The

assumption has already been questioned in some recent researches, and the role of the

sufis in politics, including that of the Chishtls who were considered to be far removed

from the quagmire of court intrigue, is no longer viewed as a scandal. 100 We have

98
wtiqi 'at-i-Mushfiiqf, pp.68-69.

99
Tabaqat-i-Akbarf, Eng.trans., p.384.

100
A great deal of evidence has been marshalled in support of the suggestion that the sufis were
involved in politics, see Simon Digby, "The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval
235
shown elsewhere that a number of sufis visited the reigning sultans. Others avoided

visiting the sultan's court and following its rituals. A section of them may have also

felt that a tactical 'on stage' distance from the rulers was in order for the

reconciliation of a hostile non-Muslim population of the loosely conquered territories.

Thus, the sufis came to settle in centres of political influence or in areas already made

sacred by the non-Muslim religious traditions. Other strategic places where they chose

to stay were the much-trodden trade routes. Certainly sufi orders were against the idea

of settling in a forest or at lonely places. There is also no evidence of noted sufis

staying in the localities of low-caste Hindus.

It has also been pointed out that the sufis accepted land and cash grants from

the rulers. They prayed for their victory over the kufftir. Often during the campaign,

the soldiers made a detour to visit a hospice or a shrine and sought blessings. Also the

shaikhs were approached to inquire about the fate of the Muslim army campaigning

away from Delhi. Some sufis even contributed in striking the roots of Muslim control

in newly conquered territories by sending khalijas along with the army. Others

allowed their sons to join the sultan's army and fight jihiid against the infidels. Yet

others went to report the events of the campaign. Most of the sultans, members of the

royal family and the court officials were actually murlds of the shaikhs, who bestowed

kingship on a person of their choice and snatched it away when dissatisfied with his

performance. Occasionally matrimonial alliances between the families ofthe sufis and

the sultans also took place. The tabarrukiit of the shaikhs, including the saliva-infused
food leavings, were much valued, among others, by the members of the royal family.

So the langar was an attraction not only for the hungry paupers, but was also

cherished by the royal family and rich officials. 101 All this is also reminiscent of our

illustrations from the lives of the sufis of the Mghan period which we have given

above. Thus there does not appear to be any decisive break in the sufic approach

towards politics and government in the period. So also was the case with society's

belief in the miraculous ability of the sufi shaikh. Indeed, miracle continued to be the

source of the shaikh's authoritative position in the wilayat. It was believed that the

provocation of the jalal of the shaikh could be disastrous, and his miracle could be a

source ofbenevolence as well. We shall discuss these issues in the next chapter.

101
The above discussion on the sufis' interaction with the ruling elite in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries' Delhi Sultanate is based on Raziuddin Aquil, "Sufi Cults, Politics and Conversion: The
Chishtfs of the Sultanate Period", Indian Historical Review, Vol.XXII, Nos. 1-2 (July 1995 &
January 1996), pp.l90-97.
237
 6. Saints, Miracles and Society

Seeking to understand sufic beliefs and practices from what is claimed to be the

scientific perspective, some scholars of the history of Islam in India not only dismiss
1
popular religion as unimportant but also strive to reform it. While, the Islamic

fundamentalists aspire to revive the 'golden period' under the Prophet and the

khulafti-i-rashidfn/ the liberal scholars attempt to reform the 'superstitious' past from

their own 'modern', 'scientific' or 'rational' standpoint. This is well reflected in their

approach towards belief in the miracles (karamat) of the sufi shaikhs. The

fundamentalists discriminate in their recognition of the paranormal power of the

saints and the prophets. They deny the claims of the supernatural abilities of the sufis,

and in keeping with Qur'anic injunctions, recognize only the prophets' ability to

perform miracles (mu 'jizat). Liberal scholars generally dismiss miracle stories in the

medieval sources, particularly sufi literature, as later concoctions designed to make

the gullible believe in the blessed power of the sufis. 3 At times they deny the very

existence of miracle stories in sufi literature. Particularly to be noted here is

Mohammad Habib's remark on the authoritative Akhbar-ul-Akhyar:· 4

1
See for instance M. Mujeeb's concern over the customary practices and rituals of the Mewati
Muslims which they have continued even after their formal conversion to Islam and his desire to
reform them, Islamic Influence on Indian Society.
2
For brief but valuable discussions of the various fundamentalist groups which emphasize the need to
go back to the Qur'an and lfa~ for the revival of the ideal government and society of the first
century oflslam, see Aziz Ahmad, Intellectualllistory of Islam.
3
For the dismissal of miracle stories on this line, and the suggestion that thus they are of no historical
worth, seeM. Mujeeb, Indian Muslims, pp.ll8, 121; Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism
in India, Vol.J, Early Sufism and its History in India to 1600 A.D (Delhi, 1978), pp.4-5; lqtidar
Husain Siddiqui, "The Early Chishti Dargahs", in Christian W. Troll, ed, Muslim Shrines in India-
their Character, History and Significance (Delhi, 1989), p.l2.
4
Mohammad Habib, Foreword, p.:XVIIT, in Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Muslim Revivalist Movements
238
 Though he has written greater works, Shaikh Abdul Haq is best known to our
generation by his Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, a history of Indo-Muslim mystics which
is based on reliable contemporary documents and consequently describes no
miracle and includes no non-existing saints, like Baley Miyan, Shaikh Saddu
and Shah Madar, whom Sir Henry Elliot once described as ''the apotheosized
imposters of Muslim India".

Khaliq Ahmad Nizami asserts that the noted Chishti shaikh, Ni~am-ud-Din Auliya'

(d.l325) did not indulge in miracle mongering. 5 Later in this chapter we shall have

occasion to verify Nizami's statement in the light of what is considered by him as the

..
'authentic' collection of Nizam-ud-Din ..
Auliya's malfilziit in the Fawa 'id-ul-Fu 'iid.
6

When compelled to acknowledge the presence of "fantastic" or "absurd" anecdotes in

medieval sufi literature, as while editing or translating a particular work, they do not

seem to recognize their significance and cursorily remark in a footnote that they were
7
"invented to pass time as well as to strengthen man's faith in God as sustainer". It is

only recently that some scholars have turned their attention to the tales of miracles in

sufi literature and highlighted the significance of miraculous combats between the

in Northern India.
5
Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, "Introduction" to the English translation of Fawa 'id-ul-Fu 'iid by Bruce B.
Lawrence, Nizamuddin Auliya: Morals for the Heart, Conversations of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya
Recorded byAmir Hasan Sijzi (New York, 1992), p.15.
6
Mohammad Habib has classified the sufi literature from the Delhi Sultanate as "genuine" and
"fabricated", "Chishti Mystics Records of the Sultanate Period", Medieval India Quarterly, Vol.I,
No.2 (October 1950), pp.l-42; reprinted in K.ANizami,ed.,Po/itics and Society During the Early
Medieval Period, Collected Works of Mohammad Habib, Vol.J (Delhi, 1974), pp.385-433.
Reiterating Habib's position, the leading scholars have not used and analyzed afresh the texts that
were condemned as fabricated or forged, see Rizvi, History of Sufism. K.ANizami, The Life and
Times ofShaikh NizamuddinAuliya (Delhi, 1991), pp.8-9, 195; idem, The Life and Time of Shaikh
Nasiruddin Chiragh (Delhi, 1991), pp.150-1. For a brief and tentative discussion on the usefulness of
the texts rejected by Habib as spurious, see Raziuddin Aquil, "Conversion in Chishti Sufi Literature
(13th -14th centuries)", Indian Historical Review, Vol.XXIV, Nos. 1-2 (July 1997 & January 1998),
pp. 70-94, especially pp. 70-4.
7
!.H. Siddiqui, English translation of the Waqi 'at-i-Mushtaqi, p.271, f.n.1 and p.272, f.n.l.

239
sufis and their opponents (mukhalifinl

We shall begin this chapter with an examination of the various motifs in

miracle stories involving the sufi shaikhs of the Mghan period. The discussion will

primarily be based on 5\bdul J:Iaqq's Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Mohammad Habib's above

remark notwithstanding. There is a possibility that the stories of the miracles of the

shaikhs may have sprung up among the beleaguered Mghans under Akbar when

5\bdul I;Iaqq recorded them in his work. However, the acceptance of such a
(
proposition is tantamount to questioning the credentials of Abdul Ifaqq as a

biographer. His insistence on the use of "reliable contemporary documents" as

evidence and checking of their authenticity by using the same tools with which the

IJadi§. of the Prophet was examined is admired by modern scholars. Still, in order to

corroborate the reliability of Abdul ijaqq's account we shall consult the sources

dating back to the Mghan period itself For this purpose we shall take up -the

Suhrawardl shaikh, Jam~ifi' s Siyar-ul- 'A.rifin to which we have already referred in the

previous chapter. Further, to check any suspicion that miracles might have suddenly

emerged in the Mghan period, we shall compare the various motifs in miracles related

by Jamali and Abdul Haqq with those found in the Chishfi ma/.ftl?_at and ta.1_kiras of

the fourteenth century. We shall mainly illustrate from the utterances of Ni~am-ud-

Din Auliya' in Fawa'id-ul-Fu 'iid 9

, of Na~"ir-ud-D1n Chiragh-i-Dehll in Khair-ul-

8
Muzaffar Alam, "Competition and Coexistence: Indo-Muslim Interaction in Medieval North India";
Simon Digby, "Hawk and Dove in Sufi Combat", Pembroke Papers I (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 7-25;
idem, "To Ride a Tiger or a Wall? Strategies of Prestige in Indian Sufi Legend", in Winard M.
Callewaert and Rupert Snell, eds., According to Tradition: Hagiographical Writing in India
(Wiesbade~ 1994), pp. 99-129; Minakshi Khanna, "Kashf, Manam and Karamah: Aspects of Sufi
Experience and Sufi Source of Authority", M. Phil. Dissertation (Jawaharhal Nehru University, New
Delhi, 1994).
9
Aniii- J:Iasan Sijzl, Fawa'id-ul-Fu 'ad, M. Latif Malik's edited text reproduced along with an Urdu
translation by Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami (Delhi, 1991 ).
240
Majalis 10, and the voluminous collection of the biographies of the Chisht1 shaikhs,
11
Amlr Kh'o/Urd's Siyar-ul-Auliya '.

The anecdotes of marvellous feats either narrated by a leading shaikh before

his disciples in the hospice, or recorded by a biographer, suggest that they were

performed by the sufis both in the wake of encounters with opponents and as acts of

benevolence. In both cases, the miracles served to establish the sufis' authoritative

position in society. It is not our concern here to establish the authenticity or historicity

of wondrous stories recorded in sufi literature. We are only in a position to show in

the light of the sources that miracles were an integral part of the sufi discipline. 12 Yet,

there was an emphasis on the need for the sufi shaikh to hide his supernatural

capabilities, just as the prophets were expected to display them. Despite the

expectation of restraint, sufi sources are replete with a wide range of miracles

performed by the sufis cutting across the silsilas and time and space. Perhaps the

context facilitated the alleged occurrence of a particular type of miracle. Generally,

however, as we shall see below, the motifs were of a universal nature. Apart from

drawing attention to the various motifs in the miracles and to how they served to

establish the authority of the sufi shaikh in society, we shall focus, in this chapter, on

stories of miraculous conversion of the non-Muslims to Islam. Though sufi sources

record a large number of accounts of individual and group conversion at the hands of

10
J:Iatriid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., Khaliq Ahmad Nizami (Aligarh, tJ59).
11
Aniir Kh'Yllfd, Siyar-ul-Auliya' (Chirangi Lal, Muhibb-i-Hind Press, Delhi, 1885, reprint, Islamabad,
1978).
12
For Ni¥m-ud-Dm Auliya,'s classification of miracles performed by the prophets, sufis, yogis and the
street charmers, see Fawa 'id-ul-Fu 'ad, Vol.II, 23ro meeting. Also see Kashf-u/-Ma{ljub for the sufic
theoretical position on miracle.

241
various shaikhs in the wake of the performance of some miracles, we shall illustrate

below anecdotes concerning the shaikhs of our period only. Occasional digression

into the lives of shaikhs of the earlier period for the purpose of comparison and

contrast however will not be without value.

Sufi literature also records instances where the performance of miracles did

not lead to conversion. There are instances where the non-Muslim opponents or

spectators are amazed by the miraculous ability of the sufi shaikhs. In such cases they

had to be content with the recognition of their spiritual power only. The sources also

show that at times the sufis could adopt a very hostile attitude towards non-Muslims.

As mentioned above, some of them participated in the campaigns against the non-

Muslim chieftains, which were projected as jihad. We shall illustrate below, through

the example of Shaikh ~bdul Quddus' letters to the rulers, that some sufis were not

averse to occasionally using political power to subdue non-Muslims. In some cases,

their approach could be as fanatical as of any orthodox Zilim of medieval India. But we

will also see the sufis' valuable contribution to syncretism and synthesis in the field of

religion and culture in this chapter. Among other things, we shall try to come to terms

with ~bdul Quddiis' seemingly contradictory role in this regard. Finally, an attempt

will also be made to understand the (ulama 's efforts to establish their own

interpretation of the shafi'at as a way of life in the realm. Yet hardly any 'alim of the

Delhi Sultanate is found to be questioning the belief in the miraculous ability of any

sufi shaikh. In fact the major shaikhs who have either narrated or recorded miracle

stories were leading scholars of their times. ~bdul Ij:aqq is counted amongst the noted

authorities on the traditions of the Prophet. Ni~am-ud-Din Auliya-' was a qualified

'alim in his own right, and was in his early years looking for a government job in

Delhi. He could have ended up becoming a qa?T, but Shaikh Najib-ud-Din

242
Mutawakkil, younger brother of Farid-ud-Din Ganj-i-Shakar, drew him to the mystic

path. Thus, even though the miracle stories recounted by them seem to be of folkloric

nature, the narrators themselves belonged to a literate culture. Moreover, the stories

were recorded in the sufi sources in Persian, itself a language of the elite. We have

therefore refrained from using such terms as 'popular belief and 'popular culture' for

describing the rituals and practices of the saint-cults in the period. They were as much

part of the elite cosmology as ofthe ignorant, illiterate and depressed plebians.

Motifs in Miracle Stories

Miracle stories recorded by ~bdul \{aqq mainly relates to the production of gold,

walking on water, sitting on fire, levitation, curing various diseases, revival of the

dead, prayer for rain causing downpour, production of bumper crops, controlling

demons, and presence of sufi shaikhs at more than one place simultaneously. These

motifs cannot be said to have appeared suddenly in the reign of Akbar, or in the

Mghan period for that matter. We shall illustrate below, in some detail, only those

motifs of which some explanations are to be found in the sources, or whose

occurrence can be understood in the context of the Delhi Sultanate. In the previous

chapter, we have given the details of an episode in which Shaikh ~asan Maj@b, the

lover of prince Ni~m, was not hurt by fire. We have also noted that this account was

earlier narrated by Rizqullah Musht"aqi. ~bdul J::Iaqq has also recorded that another

maj~iib Shah Abul Ghayb Bukharl, son of Shaikh Ifaji ~bdul Wahhab Bukhari, once

stood on a lighted stove for a long time and emerged from it unscathed. 13 Such claims

13
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.572.

243
were not at all scandalous in sufi circles or even in the larger ambit of the followers.
,
In fact, Mushtaql asserted that neither fire burnt the masliaikh, nor water harmed

them. 14 In the case of Abul Ghayb he was not only a maj~iib, but also a Saiyid or a

descendant ofProphet Mu~ammad. 15 Medieval Muslim cosmology, still persisting in

some measure, has it that a pure Saiyid is not burnt in fire at all. A biographical

dictionary of the Mughal nobles records that Saiyid Mu~ammad Kllan Barah, a noble

of Akbar, was provoked by some critics questioning his genealogy to walk into knee-

deep fire which barefooted jaqirs (itinerant monks) kept burning at night. The Barah

Saiyid had claimed that as a pure Saiyid the fire would not have any effect on him. He

stood in the fire for about an hour, and was not burnt. Satisfied with his claim, the
16
people persuaded him to come out.

Clearly such episodes were not peculiar to the reign of Akbar. Earlier too

_ Shaikh Jamal} had recorded the account of the Chishtl shaikh, Mu'in-ud-Dln Sijzl's

p7r, 'U~man l;larwanl's feat in a village of fire-wor3hippers. I;Iarwaiii sat unscathed

inside the fire-chamber of the local temple. Beholding the miracle, the villagers

embraced Islam at the hands of the shaikh. 17 This story was narrated earlier by the

Chishti shaikh, Na~ir-ud-Din Chidfgh-i-Dehll. According to him, after his arrival at

the village, Harwanl addressed the inhabitants and suggested that since they had been

14
Wiiqi at-i-MushtaqT, p.30.
15
The ma}Jfib anticipating his death checked from his mother whether he was a Saiyid or not, his
mother confirmed it, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.573. It may be noted that Abul Ghayb's father 'Abdul
Wahhab was a descendant of Saiyid Jalai-ud-Dfu Bukliaii Buzurg, grandfather of Saiyid Jalal-ud-
Din Makhdiiin Jahan.iyan, ibid, pp.453-4.
16
Shah Nawaz Khan and 'Abdul I;Iayy, Ma 'sir-ui-Umara ', English tr. H. Beveridge, revised,
annotated and completed by Baini Prasad, Vol.II, Part I, reprint (Patna, 1979), p.38.
17 -
Siyar-u/- :4rijin. pp.6-8.

244
worshipping the fire for a long time, it should not bum anyone who jumped into it.

Frightened, none of the fire-worshippers (atish prastan) volunteered to do so. The

shaikh then asked whether they would be convinced of the truth of Islam if he entered

the fire-chamber sat there awhile and came out unhurt. When they agreed to the
'
proposal, the shaikh immediately took a Hindu child (hindii bachcha) in his arms and

plunged into the fire. The Hindus and the fire-worshippers gathered there recited the

kalima and embraced Islam when the shaikh came out of the fire-chamber with the

child in tow. When the people asked the child how he felt inside, he announced in

Hindvi language that it seemed as if he was sitting in a garden (bazuban hindvT guft ke

man dar miyan-i-bagh nashista bfidam ).

18
Jamali" has added that <u ~man ijarwani was

actually provoked by the head-priest of the mammoth fire temple to resort to this

marvelous exploit. Elaborating further, Jamall has recorded that after the conversion

of several thousand villagers to Islam, the shaikh accepted the priest, Bakhtiya, ·;as a

disciple. He was trained in mystic discipline, joined the rank of the saints and bec~me

renowned as Shaikh 'Abdullah. The child, renamed Ibrahim, also grew up to ge a

saint. The fire temple was demolished by the people and in course of time a big

shrine-complex emerged on the site which also housed the tombs of 'Abdullah and

Ibrahim. Jamall has sought to provide an element of authenticity to his account by

adding that he had actually visited the site, stayed there for about a fortnight and

received blessings. The locals informed Jamali that'U~man J:Iarwani had resided there

for two and a half years. His hospice, including the inner chamber (!Jujra), was intact

at the time of Jamali' s visit. 19 Unfortunately neither Chiragh-i-Dehli nor Jamal! cared

18
Khair-ui-MajaJis, II th Meeting.
19
Siyar-ul- 'A.rijin, pp.6-8. Jahan Am Begum has given a more detailed version ofHarwarii's encounter
with the five-worshippers (mughan), and their conversation to Islam at the hands of the shaikh,
245
to mention the name of the village, nor the place where it was located. In the early

seventeenth century, Jahan .Ara Begam noted that the qa~ba Harwan (or Harun) was
20
located in the environ ofNishapur.

Such 'devilish practices' as entering fire or riding lions are generally said to be

borrowed by the sufis from the Mongolian shamans after the rise of the Mongols.

Amitai-Preiss, however, points out that the motif of trial by fire, and specifically of

being tossed into an oven, is an ancient one in the Near East, going back at least to the

Book of Daniel. 21 Moreover, the legitimacy for the transformation of fire into a

garden comes from the Qur'an. 'Abdul Wahhab Bukhari, father of Abul Ghayb, the

maj~iib who was not hurt by fire, had written a commentary of the Qur'an (tafs1r).
22

According to Abdul Ij.aqq, ~bdul Wahllab has noted that if ever Prophet Mul).ammad

paid a visit to hell, it would be transformed into a garden during the period of his stay

there. Though the inhabitants of hell would get respite from the blazing fire, they

would not be fortunate enough to have a vision of Mul).ammad. Justifying the

possibility, 5\.bdul Wahnab added that if the baraka of the spirit of Prophet Ibrahim

could transform the fire into a garden of roses, blazing hell could well be converted

into a garden during Mul).ammad's visit. 23 The spirit ofMu~ammad is believed to be

transferred to his descendants from one generation to another; this legitimized the

Mu 'nis-ul-Arwa!J, ed., Qamar Jahan Begum, in Princes Jahan Ara Begam: Her Life and Works
(Karachi, 1992), pp.15-17.
20
Mu 'nis-ul-Arwa~, p.14.
21
Reuven Amitai-Preiss, "Sufis and Shamans: Some Remarks on the Islamization of the Mongols in
the Ilkhanate", Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 42, Part I (February,
1990), pp.27-46.
22
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.454.
23
Ibid, pp.456-7.

246
claims of Abul Ghayb emerging unscathed from fire. The Saiyids, therefore, are

supposed to be venerated by other Muslims who are placed lower in hierarchy,

notwithstanding the egalitarian structure of Islam. Though the superiority of the

Saiyids has been questioned and disputed from time to time, the critics were made

eventually to recognize the established view.

Returning to the motifs in miracle stories, several episodes relate to the

production of gold by the sufis. An anecdote concerning Shaikh Al).mad )._bdul I:Iaqq

Rudaulwi' s comparison of the ruling elite with dogs has been recounted in the

previous chapter. Once the shaikh was sitting inside his room and Shaikh Bakhtiyar, a

close disciple, was standing before him. Suddenly the shaikh asked him as to what he

could see inside the room. When Bakhtiyar looked around, he saw that the entire

room was full of gold. The shaikh asked him to take some gold if he needed it.

Committed to the mystic path, Bakhtiyar responded that he no longer required it.

Pleased, the shaikh reverted the room to its actual state?4 Though there was no

immediate exigency requiring the performance of this miracle, the shaikh perhaps

wanted to test Bakhtiyar's spiritual progress as well as his devotion towards the pTr.

Incidentally, Bakhtiyar was in the service of a jeweller before giving up his job to

become a disciple of )._bdul I:Iaqq/ 5 which may explain the latter's preference for the

gold production motif.

The author of Akhbar-ul-Akhyar has recorded another incident of gold

24 Ib.d
1 ,p.410.

25 Ib.d
1 'p.409.

247
production by Saiyid Jalal-ud-Din Quraish1, a peripatetic darwesh who died at the

young age of 25 in 948/1541-42. Quraislii was provoked by a reference to alchemy

made in his presence. Alchemy was said to be practiced by certain mystics,

particularly the yogis as a device to produce gold. Though some sufis believed that the

production of gold was possible through this method, they were generally sceptical

about it. 26 Quraishl's reaction is a case in point. He said that he spitted on alchemy.

Abdul I;Iaqq noted that as he said it, his spittle fell on a copper utensil which was

immediately transformed into gold. 27 ~bdul IJaqq had also heard that the house of

Shaikh Abul Fat~ Jaunpiir1 (d.858/1454), grandson of Qi4l Abdul Muqtadir, was

'showered with gold'. The author has written that this tale was quite well known but

he could not find it in the shaikh's malfii.z_iit recorded by his khalfjas. However, one of

his descendants, Abdul Wahhab, himself a noted saint, drew the attention of the

author to a collection of the malfiigtit of Q~l ~bdul Muqtadir compiled by his

grandson, Abul Fate~ Jaunpiirl, in which such an occurrence is recorded. '"Abdul Jlaqq

found out that this miracle was actually attributed to Q~T Abdul Muqtadir. Q~1 Shah

who was a khalifa of Abdul Muqtadir had told the Chishtl shaikh, Na~Tr-ud-Din

Chiragh-i-Dehli that about fifteen to twenty coins had fallen from above in front of

him just outside the house of his pTr. He collected the coins and went inside to hand

them over to ~bdul Muqtadir. The latter refused to accept the amount despite the fact

that his household had been starving for three days. The more Q[?:i Shah urged upon

26
Several references are to be found in the sufi sources of the Delhi Sultanate, see. for instance,
Jawami~ul-Kalim for Saiyid Mt$unrnad Gesii Daraz 's comments on it.
27
The author has added that he heard about several other miracles performed by Qureslii. Akhbar-ul-
Akhyar, p.5ll. For some more episodes in the lives of the shaikh, see ibid,pp.508-10.

248
 8
the shaikh to accept the amount, the greater was the shaikh's anger?

Q~i Shah's narration of the miracle would hardly have surprised ·chiragh-i-

Dehli as in the Chishti sources of the Delhi Sultanate there are several similar

episodes?9 In a story narrated by Ni~am-ud-Din Auliya' it is said that Kh'Yaja Fu~ail

'Ayaz had been a dacoit before he turned to the mystic path. Repentant for his

misdeeds, he called all those whom he had robbed, sought their forgiveness and

returned their belongings. Among them was a Jew who refused to forgive the shaikh

saying that he would be convinced of his sincerity only if the shaikh produced gold

from the ground underneath his feet. The shaikh promptly performed the feat to the

satisfaction of the Jew, who thereafter converted to Islam. He then informed the

shaikh that it was mentioned in the Jewish scriptures that those whose contrition was

accepted by God were blessed with the power of converting soil into gold. He added

that by asking the shaikh to do so he only wanted the confirmation that his repentance
30
had been accepted An earlier version of this anecdote is recorded in an early

thirteenth century Persian text, 'Awfi's JawZimi '-ul-ljikiiyat. 31

The recurrence of the production of gold theme in the miracle stories recorded

28
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p.378.
29
Fawa 'id-us-Slilila-n, conversations of Kh\Vaja Qu!lrud-IJ"m Bakhtiyar Kaki, compilation attributed
to Fana-ud-Dih Ganj-i-Shakar, Urdu tr. (Delhi, n.d), p.l5; Ra~at-ul-Qulub, conversations of Faiid-
ud-Dfu Ganj-i-Shakar, compilation attributed to Nif.:am-ud-DTn Auliya', Urdu tr. (Delhi, n.d), p.82;
Aft.al-ul-Fawa'id, conversations of N~am-ud-IJfu Auliya', compilation attributed to AnUr Khusrau,
Urdu tr. (Delhi, n.d), pp.32-3, 102,126; Asriir-ul-Auliya,' conversations of Fand-ud-Din Ganj-i-
Shakar, compilation attributed to Badr-ud-Dm Is~, Urdu tr. Abdus Sami Ziya (Sabiwal, 1978),
p.202.
30
Aft.al-ul-Fawa'id, p.l3.
31
For an English translation of the anecdote, see !.H. Siddiqui, Perso-Arabic Sources of Information,
pp.l3-4. For this anecdote see also, Faifd-ud-IJfu 'Attar, TG!_kirat-ul-Auliya ', ed, Reynold A.
Nicholson, Part I (London and Leiden, 1905), p.76.

249
in the sufi sources of the Delhi Sultanate can be understood in the light of the fact that

India was known to be a veritable storehouse of gold. The rulers were frequently

found to be campaigning in the various regions in quest of booty as also for more

regular tributes. The lust for gold was common to rulers, nobles, and the general

populace. This explains the apathy of the public towards Mu~ammad Bin Tughluq' s

experiment with token currency. The sultan had to abandon the project amidst utter

confusion owing to lack of support from the people and the circulation of fake coins

in the dominion. The end result was the condemnation of the sultan as 'gold-

hungry'. 32 On the other hand, Qutb-ud-Din Aibak was highly respected for his

generosity, which earned him the title of "lak-bakhsh'' (the giver of lakhs). 33

Particularly venerated by the people were the sufis who were imagined to have the

power to produce gold at will, but did not make their hospice another 'sink'. They

distributed in charity whatever they received, resorted at times to the miracle to help

some very needy person, and only rarely for their own maintenance. Generally, the

performance was reserved for subduing an opponent or for creating an aura around

himself in the context of an 'arrogant' ruler or nobleman sending gifts, which

included some gold coins as well, and thus proclaiming that he did not need the

charity of kings.

Miracles were indeed used as weapons by sufi shaikhs to overawe and

terrorize their opponents, and establish their authoritative position in society. Several

episodes of the provocation of the jalal of the shaikh are to be found in the sources.

We have mentioned above Abdul Wahhab's curse which was believed to be the cause

32
For Mul].ammad Bin Tugbluq, see, Agha Mahdi Husain, Tughlaq Dynasty (Calcutta, 1963 ).
33
Minliaj-us-Siriij, [abaqat-i-!Vasin, ed., Abdul Hayy Habibi (Kabul), Vol. I, pp. 415-16.

250
of Sikandar Lodi' s illness before his death. The Chishti sources of the Delhi Sultanate

contain in fact instances which demonstrate the immediate and sudden death of
' '
opponents caused by the curse of sufi shaikh Farld-ud-Dln Ganj-i-Shakar. The sufi

memory particularly celebrates the 'elimination' of the two Delhi sultans- Qutb-ud-

Din Muoarak Shah Khalji and Ghiya~.-ud-Dln Tughluq - in the wake of their conflict

with Ni~am-ud-Din Auliya'. 34 As noted above, in the conflict over the royal and sufi

claims to authority, the official 'ulamii sided with the king and in their bid to support

.their master raised the question of the violation of the sharTat by the shaikh. In the

ensuing encounter, the shaikh is shown to come out victorious sometimes by

establishing his superior knowledge of the sharT'at, and on yet other occasions by

resorting to miracle. The message which came out from the sufi circle was loud and

clear: the person who provokes a shaikh is uprooted. Often the provocation of the

jala1 of a shaikh affected even the populace as it could cause famine and epidemic in

the realm.

If a shaikh's curse caused destruction, his prayers could protect the people in

times of crisis. Several anecdotes of rulers frantically rushing to shaikhs for

intercession in the face of invasion from outside are to be found in the sources. In the

previous chapter, we have referred to Bahlul Lodl using a spiritually treated stick

received at the shrine of Bakhtiyar Kak1 to disperse the SharqT army. Similar

references are to be found in the sources of the earlier period which was marked by

the Mongol attacks, shaking the Muslim world for over a hundred years from the

34
For details, see Raziuddin Aquil, "Miracles in Early Chishti Literature".

251
early-thirteenth to the mid-fourteenth century? 5 In the case of a siege of Multan by

the Mongols, Na~Tr-ud-DTn Quhlicha visited Bakhtiyar KakT, among other saints, and

sought his help. The shaikh gave him an arrow and asked him to throw it in the

direction of the invaders from the terrace of his palace during the night. Qubacha took

the arrow and performed the 'ritual' as advised by the shaikh. No invaders were to be

found in the neighbourhood next morning. The magic arrow was believed to have
36
created havoc in the enemy camp, and compelled the invaders to take to their heels.

Such episodes actually point to the limitations of the military power of the political

authorities, which made the people tum to the shaikh for protection. The belief that

the shaikh had the power to influence the destiny of his territory was given further

impetus by the persistent sufic claim that the towns and cities would be destroyed if

the barkat of the shaikh was stopped.

The sufi shaikh was much sought after for his thaumaturgic role as well. Apart

from the "manufactured" ta'wg (amulets), tombs, waters of tanks and relics which

were generally known for their healing power, other methods in alternative medicine

included what may be termed 'divine touch', 'blowing', or 'breathing'. Makhdiim

Shaikh ~bdul Qadir, also known as Shaikh ~bdul Qadir ~anl, ofUchch used to claim

that he could cure all kinds of illness by just touching the patient. He explained that he

got this power on account of his spiritual association with Shaikh ~bdul Qadir JilanT

who was also known for his ability to cure blindness and leprosy. It is reported that

Makhdum Shaikh (Abdul Qadir had received a bamboo stick from the Prophet for

35
For the rise of the Mongols under Genghis Khan and their conquest, see Michael Prawdin, The
Mongol Empire: Its Rise and Legacy, English tr., Eden and Cedar Paul (London, 1940, revised
fourth impression, 1%1); Harold Lamb, The Emperor ofAll Men (Lahore, 1978).
36
R"a~at-ul-Quliib, p.34; Siyar-ul-Auliya ·. p.60; Siyar-ul- 'A.rijin, pp.25-6.

252
curing the widespread epidemic of ache in the ribs, in the region of Uchch. The pain

was found to be incurable and a lot of people had already perished. As directed by the

Prophet, the shaikh would touch the ribs of the patient with the stick, and the pain

would disappear for good. It is further related that once Multan was under the grip of

a fatal plague ({a'un). The people rushed to ~bdul Qadir §arii for the grass which had

grown where he had performed his ablutions, as it was said to be very effective for

curing the disease. 37 Another report suggested that the mere mention of the name of

Shaikh Taq'i, a weaver, of Kara-Manikpur, and said to be the preceptor of the saint-
38
poet Kablr, served as an antidote to poisoning, for instance, due to snake-bite. Apart

from healing of the sick, we have also come across cases of the revival of the dead at

the hands of shaikhs. 'Abdul I:Iaqq was told that Mian Najm-ud-Din Mandw'i had once

revived a dead person in Ahmadabad. He left the place immediately after performing

the miracle, and settled in Delhi. The major part of his stay in Delhi was spent at the

tomb of Bakhtiyar Kaki Later Najm-ud-D!n received 'spiritual permission' from

Bakhtiyar Kakl to leave for Ajmer, where he died at the age of hundred and thirty, and

was buried near the grave ofMu'Tn-ud-DTn ChishtTas desired by the latter, in a dream

seen by a descendant of his? 9 Majd-ud-Din's connection with the Chishfi shaikhs is

significant. Early Chishfi sources claim that Bakhtiyar Kak:T had also revived the life

of a dead person. 40

Such incidents are not unique for the period. A large number of instances can

For all the above reference conceming'Alxiul Qadir ~am's role as a miraculous healer, see Akhbar-
37

ul-Akhyar, pp.434-35.
38
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,p.379.
39
Ibid, pp.565-66.
40
Asrar-ui-Auliya: p.222. For more cases of the revival of the dead, see Ra[zat-ui-Mu/:libbin,
conversations of N~am-ud-Dih Auliya', compilation attributed to Am1r Khusrau, Urdu tr.
(Delhi,n.d), p.l98; M~d Jamal Qiwam, Qiwam-ul- 'Aqafd, Urdu tr., Nisar Ahmad Faruqi
253
be found in the sources concerning the shaikh's role as a healer in the thirteenth and

fourteenth centuries. Implicit in it was perhaps the belief that the sickness of a person

was caused by one or other kind of demon (jinn). The shaikh owing to his spiritual

knowledge and power was capable of dealing with demons and providing relief to the

sick. 41 In fact, some of the shaikhs were venerated for their ability to destroy

demons. 42 An inquiry into the history of the medical practices and health services

provided by the government in the period can help us explain better the shaikh' s

popularity as a healer. However, to suggest that such healers flourished only in the

medieval period because of the widespread credulity of the people and lack of

medical facilities is not entirely convincing. Pir babas continue to be much sought

after even in this so-called enlightened age. In fact, the psychiatrist Sudhir Kakar

draws striking similarities between the diagnoses of the seemingly contradictory

frameworks of western psychiatry and Islamic demonology. Kakar himself refers to

43
some incurable cases to the baba at the Patte Shah dargO:h in Old Delhi.

Sufi sources also record a large number of references to shaikhs being

approached by people for providing relief from such natural calamities as drought and

famine. 44 Existing knowledge on the history of the Delhi Sultanate does point to a

constant problem of drought in the period. Quoting a tradition of the Prophet, sufi

(Rampur, 1994), pp.37-38.

41
For such sn explanation in a modem context, see, Sudhir Kakar, Shamans, Mystics and Doctors- A
Psychological inquiry into India and its Healing Traditions (Delhi,l982),p.29.

Shaikh Abul Fatl}, the paternal grandfather of the mother of Shaikh ~Abdul Qadir ~ and a
42

descendant of Saiyid ~afi-ud-Din Gazrurii, founder of Uchch, was an accomplished saint and was
capable of destroying the demons, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,p.436.
43
Sudhir Kakar, Shamans, Mystics and Doctors.
44
See for instance, Siyar-u/- ~4ri}in,pp.36-7. For the shaikh's prayer leading to rain, see alsoAkhbar-

ui-Akhyar,pp.533,630.
254
sources suggest that drought was actually a sign of divine scourge. 45 Accordingly, the

people and the king rushed to the shaikh for his intercession. Chidigh-i-Dehll notes

that disturbed by drought, the ruler, identified by Jamali as Iltutmish, had sent

messengers to the masha 'ikh informing them that his job was to fight battles and it

was their duty to pray for the fulfillment of the needs of the people. They were asked

to pray for rain. Q~T J:Iamld-ud-Din Nagauri suggested that a mahfil-i-sama' be

organised. The proceedings of the sama' coincided with a downpour, so heavy that

the people were heard saying that they had enough of it. 46

The belief that drought and famine were actually a punishment from God for

the sins committed by the people explained away the ruler's failure to tackle these

problems. The suggestion that the king's job was to fight battles and it was the sufis'

duty to ensure the well being of the people shows that the shaikh was not expected to

keep aloof at times of crisis. The shaikh's active participation in such situations

created further bases for his claim to authority in society. Miracle-working, together

with humility, made the people venerate the shaikb. The relations between the shaikh

and followers were seen in terms of mutual fidelity and aid. The people's veneration

of the shaikh bordered on worship, and in turn they were blessed with his patronage

and his protection. The departure of a shaikh from a particular area was considered as

a bad omen- the forerunner of disastrous times to follow. Thus, people 'appropriated'

a miracle working shaikh, expected him to stay in their neighbourhood, and perform

miracles for them. Particularly cherished by the followers are reports of the victory of

sufi shaikhs in miraculous encounters with non-Muslim religious leaders, leading to

45 A srar-u-
- /A ul.rya,pp.219-21.
_,
46
Khair-ul-Majalis, gth meeting; Siyar-ul- 'A.rijin, pp.36-7.

255
conversion in some cases.

Miracle and Conversion/ Recognition of Spiritual Power

The sufi shaikh's role as the propagator of Islam in the Afghan period is highlighted

by Shaikh ~bduli:Iaqq. The author's references to miraculous healing by ~bdul Qadir

~ani of Uchch have been noted in the previous section. He has also recorded that a

number of infidels and sinners accepted Islam just by a vision of the jam1Illjaliil of

~bdul Qadir ~arii' s face. In one case, a ra 'iS (head, chief) of the Lingayat community

repented for his sins, embraced Islam and was immediately elevated to the high status

of walayat. In the same majlis, a qawwal refused the shaikh's suggestion to repent

and become his disciple. 47 Such cases of "attraction and repulsion", are not

uncommon in the medieval religious complex. In this connection, a particular incident

recorded by Abdul I;laqq is both significant and interesting. Listening to music in a

samli' party at his house, Shaikh Mu~amad Mallawa was lost in a trance. The Hindu

chief of the area happened to cross the house of the shaikh in the company of a Hindu

friend of his. Hearing the sound of the music and the raptures, the chief decided to

stop there and looked in through the window. Seeing the face of the shaikh, he was

dazed but shouted at his companion to pull him away from the window, or else he

would go (to the shaikh). His companion did as instructed with great difficulty. The

chief remained in a trance for a long time. When he regained his consciousness, his

friends and companions inquired as to what had happened to him. He declared that he

saw the Musalman dancing with his God in his lap, and if he were not pulled out he

47
Akhbar-ul-Akhyiir, pp.431,434.

256
 48
would have gone to him, fallen at his feet and accepted his religion.

However, according to ~bdul ~aqq, nobody had the power to resist Shaikh

Kablr-ud-Din ~asan's invitation to convert. A peripatetic sufi, later settled at Uchch,

~asan was well known for his miraculous abilities. He converted a large number of

'infidels' to Islam. 49 Several other examples of conversion may be found in the

Akhbar-ul-Akhyar. 50 One episode of the conversion of a Jangam Yogi at the hands of

1
Shaikh Abdul Wahhab Muttaqi may be noted here. Abdul Wahhab has himself related

that during his journey he met a yogi, deeply involved in various mystical exercises,

who would display his paranormal abilities. The yogi had told ~bdul Wahhab that he

possessed a fort made of gold and would take him there for a visit if he started

meditating with him. His dwelling was also frequented by numerous devotees at all

times who would bring as gifts a number of things, including cash. He would however

immediately distribute them among the visitors and would not keep anything for

himself During his meetings with the yogi, ~bdul Wahhab would often explain to

him some of the features of Islam which he would listen to with pleasure. The shaikh

also narrated that since the yogi would often refer to the fort of gold, he 'paid

particular attention towards it' (Probably the shaikh meant that he himself took the

yogi for a visit to the imagined fort of gold). He, however, found that the yogi

remained disturbed even as he returned to his own profession of "yogi-giri'', after

parting company from the shaikh. At last, he repented, embraced Islam and became a

48
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,p.375
49
Ibid, pp.449-50.
50
Ibid,pp.395,463-64,582.

257
disciple of the shaikh. 51

Such anecdotes did not emerge suddenly in the Afghan period. The sufi

literature from the Delhi Sultanate records a large number of cases of miraculous

encounters between the sufi shaikhs and the non-Muslim miracle-workers or mystic

power-holders such as yogis, sanyasis, gurus or brahamans. The arrival of a sufi

shaikh in a non-Muslin environment and his decision to settle there was considered in

certain cases to be an encroachment on the authority of the incumbent priest, or the

ruler of that territory. The shaikh's authority in such instances was established only

after his victory in a combat which involved such miraculous feats as sitting in a fire-

chamber, walking on a flooded river, flying in the air, riding a tiger, commanding a

wall to move in the air, and occasionally transforming the contestants into birds, etc.

While due recognition is given to the supernatural power of the non-Muslim religious

leaders, the shaikh's victory in the duel against his opponents proves his superior

spiritual stature and thus convinces the local challengers, the yogi, or the local raja of

the finality of his faith. The yogi becomes a waliullah (friend of God), and the ruler a

pious badshah. The conversion of the yogi and the ruler is also sometimes followed

by mass conversion in the territory. In the event of the refusal of the adversary to

convert to Islam even after defeat in the contest, there were two possibilities

depending upon whether the former recognized the superior miraculous ability of the

shaikh. If he did, he might be allowed to leave the place and settle elsewhere; and if

he did not, he might be eliminated by a curse.

One comes across a number of anecdotes of the arrival of yogis and

brahamans in the shaikh's hospice as well. Some of them came with the specific

purpose of testing the abilities of the shaikh; and seeing him display his powers, both

51
Ibid, p.556. 258
in the form of Jamal or jalal, they would often be overawed. The shaikh' s superior

credentials having been established, the visiting non-Muslim religious leader would

either embrace Islam and become a disciple to rise to the high status of a wall in his

own right or, feeling humiliated, take to his heels. Sometimes yogis came from distant

hill-forests to inform the shaikh that the knowledge of his sainthood was revealed to

them while meditating in desolate caves, and duly accepted it by prostrating before

him. In some cases, levitatory contests were held between visiting yogis and the

incumbent shaikh in which the former is shown to have been defeated.

Contrary to the general belief that the early mystic records did not refer to a

single case of conversion, we have related elsewhere some fantastic stories of

52
conversion at the hands of miracle-working shaikhs. The accounts of conversion are

generally sequel to the contests involving a visiting shaikh and a local challenger, or a

yogi visiting the hospice of a shaikh to test his spiritual accomplishments or the

shaikh's thaumaturgic role such as revival of the dead and/or protection from

malevolent supernatural beings. Thus, several cases of individual and group

conversion at the hands of the Chishti shaikhs of the Delhi Sultanate and their

preceptors elsewhere are to be found in the sources. Some cases of forced conversion

are also to be noticed. Chiragh-i-Dehll's successor, Saiyid Mu4ammad Gesii-Daraz

who later settled in the Deccan, is found lamenting the refusal of the Hindu religious

leaders to embrace Islam even after their defeat in debates and his performance of

miracles. Thus, the view that the ChishtTs were disinterested in conversion is not

supported by the sources. In all instances of conversion, the decisive factor was the

52
Raziuddin Aquil, "Conversion in Chishti Sufi Literature".

259
superior miraculous ability of the shaikh. The shaikh's power to revive the dead, his

ability to discover a thief or a kiifir, and his oppositional encounters with non-Muslim

holy men led to the acceptance of his charisma both by the opponent and others who

witnessed it. The subsequent conversion at his hands brought him immense prestige

and authority in his wilayat. Apart from the public display of miracles, the narration

of the accounts of miraculous conversions by the sufi shaikhs to their audience in their

hospices with the appended laudatory comments helped in their further perpetuation

among their followers and the general populace.

It is also observed that the attitude towards conversion and the ways and

means to achieve it differed not only from one silsila to another, but also among the

shaikhs of a particular silsila. Although Ni~am-ud-Din Auliya' has narrated accounts

of sudden transformation of individuals and groups on account of a shaikh' s charisma,

he preferred a gradual change of heart of a person in the company of a righteous

Muslim. Gesu-Daraz, on the other hand, wanted direct confrontation with Hindu

religious leaders, dispute with them on the textual knowledge of the 'Truth', compete

with them in the performance of miracles and convince them of the superiority of

Islam. He would express his dismay when his efforts failed to win him a convert.

Earlier, Farld-ud-DTn Ganj-i-Shakar had extolled the unmatched miraculous ability of

his Chisht! predecessors to convert non-Muslims, and he himself forced visiting yogis

to enter the fold. In highlighting the 'achievements' of sufi shaikhs in a non-Muslim

environment, or in relation to a visiting yogi in their wiliiyat, the sources chiefly aim

at projecting their image as disseminators oflslam.

Though the sufi shaikh himself was sure about his faith and his superior spiritual

power being established in the wake of an encounter with a yogi, he was often

concerned about the yogi's 'bad' influence on his disciples. Elsewhere, we have
260
shown Farld-ud-Din Ganj-i-Shakar asking the young Ni~am-ud-Din Auliya" not to
53
take interest in the yogi 's knowledge of matters of worldly interest. In an anecdote

in the La!ii 'if-i-Quddiisl, Shaikh (Abdul Quddus Gangohl appeared in the dream of

Dattii Sarwanl asking him to avoid the company of a sanyasi, called Anant Guru, at
54
the time when Dattu was in the army of Sultan Ma~mud, camping in Bihar.

Understandably, the Afghan soldier was being haunted by his conscience

which manifested itself in his dreams. DattD was aware that in spite of the fact that he

spoke well of God being one, the sanyasi was not a Muslim. The senior Afghans had

also not paid any heed to the sanyasi 's claim. Further, he might have been aware of

the execution of a brahmana, in the reign of Sikandar Lodl. Though, the brahmana

spoke well of Islam, he refused to convert despite being forced by the(ulama. Finally,

Dattu must have been conscious of his loyalty towards his pTr Shaikh ~bdul Quddus

Gangoh1, and aware of the latter's attitude towards yogis. The yogis are condemned

by 'Abdul Quddi:is in the course of a discussion of wa~dat-ul-wujiid (monism as a

55
reality) recorded in the main part of the La!ll 'tf-i-Quddzlsi ':

The manner in which certain unbelieving Jogis, who have not a trace oflslam
in them, relate knowledge of spiritual matters and of the Divine Unity ( 'ilm-i
ma 'rifat u wahdat) and the way in which they gain control over their breath
and display miracles is not hid from the wise: but do you not see how Pharaoh
also - curses be upon him! - as he was possessed of supernatural powers
claimed divinity?

'Abdul Quddus' letters to the Afghan and Mughal rulers also bring to the fore his

53
Raziuddin Aquil, "Miracles in Early Chishti Literature".
54
For an evaluation of La{5ifi-QuddiisT and English translation of 22 anecdotes recorded by Dattu
Sarwaru which are appended at the close of the work, see Simon Digby, "Dreams and
Reminiscences of Dattu Sarwani", Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol.ILNo.l
(January 1965),pp.52-80 and Vol. II, No.2 (April, 1965), pp.l78-94, especially No.1, pp.64-5.
55
Simon Digby, "'Abd Al-Quddus Gangohi".

261
hostile attitude towards non-Muslims in general. In his letter to Babur, it is suggested

that (a) Hindus be excluded from high offices, particularly those of the department of

dfwanT; (b) offices of the amTns of the wiliiyats be given only to the pious Muslims;

(c) revenue be assessed and realized in strict conformity with the tenets of the

sharTat; (d) Hindus be forced to adhere to their traditional professions; (e) Hindus be

made to realize their inferior status as compared to Muslims; (f) Hindus be prevented

from wearing the same kind of dress as was worn by Muslims; and (g) mul:ztasibs be

appointed in each town for suppressing unfair practices in the market. 56

The significance of this outrageous letter lies in the fact that it was written by

a noted Chishtl shaikh of the period, ~bdul Quddus Gangoh1, whose own mystical

practices and beliefs seemed to be heavily coloured by non-Muslim mystical

traditions, as we shall see in the next section. The letter shows that it is not fair to say

that unlike the other sufi orders such as the Suhrawardis, and later the Naqshbandls,

the ChishtTs were always tolerant and accommodative, and cared little or not at all

about the conversion of Hindus because they believed in wal:zdat-ul-wujiid. 57 It would

be more appropriate to locate the fluctuating attitude of the sufis towards non-

Muslims in the political context of the period. In fact the attitude of the Muslims,

whether kings, courtiers or sufis, kept varying with the ever changing fortunes of their

56
Iqtidar Alam Khan, "Shaikh Abdul Quddus Gangohi's Relations with Political Authorities: A
Reappraisal", Medieval India-A Miscellany, Vol.4, p.83. Also see Simon Digby, "Abdul Quddus
Gangohi"; Rizvi, History of Sufism in India.
57
For a discussion of different views on the sufis attitude towards the non-Muslims and more
specifically the question of their role in conversion, see Raziuddin Aquil, "Sufi Cults. Politics and
Conversion", pp.l95-7.

262
political power throughout the medieval period. Both the court-chronicles and the sufi

sources testify that the campaigns of the Muslim army, called the lashkar-i-Islam, for

the conquest of areas hitherto controlled by non-Muslim chieftains, or to suppress

their rebellions, were portrayed as jihad. Large numbers of sufis are shown to be

participating in such campaigns either as sword-wielding warriors, or for providing

moral support and legitimacy. Also, the baraka of the presence of sufis in the army

camp encouraged the soldiers to fight with greater zeal.

Once the conquest was over the Muslims felt that they were secure and safe,

and contrary to the fanaticism in the period of the so-called holy-war, adopted an

open-minded attitude towards the non-Muslims and were willing to appreciate and

appropriate from diverse sources of tradition. The appropriation was not limited to the

field of politics only, but was equally strong in language, religion and culture which

we shall elaborate further in the next section. This liberal mindedness of the Muslims

stemmed from the sense of power that they enjoyed in the dominion. Power did not

drive Muslims mad, nor made them fanatic out to kill non-Muslims and eradicate

infidelity. Instead, at the height of their power, they could be found to be very

accommodative. As long as the 'others' were politically submissive, there was no

harm in borrowing from sources other than Islamic In return, they could also show

their benevolence and enjoy the power of giving something to the non-Muslims as

well. It was also pragmatic not to alienate the subjects, the majority of whom

remained Hindu throughout the medieval period The need for integrating the

chieftains for a more lasting control of the various regions has also been noted above.

The rulers were, however, frequently· advised by the Muslim elite, as by 'Abdul

Quddus in the above letter and earlier by ~iya' Baran! in his Fatawa-i-JaliZmdiirT, not

to appoint non-Muslims to high positions as there was a lurking danger that their
263
rebellion might cost the empire. Instances of their rebellion were, indeed, not few nor

far between.

Thus, while the rulers exploited the bogey of Islam to legitimize their

campaigns, the concern of the religious elite seemed to be more genuine. While the

(ulamii dreamt of the establishment of a strong Muslim dominion where their

interpretation of the sharl'at would be the law of the land, the sufis also felt secure in

a territory controlled by a Muslim governor. It is with this in mind that they supported

Muslim rulers even if they were found in their personal lives to be unconcerned with

the dictates of sharl'at. Also, though they were confident of their righteousness and

ability to perform miracles in the case of conflict with non-Muslim rulers or religious

leaders, the sources refer to several cases in which sufis had to migrate from a place

where a non-Muslim chieftain had rebelled and was persecuting Muslims. For such

episodes in the lives of the sufis of our period, we shall again turn to Abdul Ijaqq' s

Akhbiir-ul-Akhyar. Shaikh Kabir, a leading saint and descendant of Shaikh ljamld-ud-

Din Nagaur1, left for Gujarat in view of the rising menace of the 'infidels' at

Nagaur. 58 More significantly, 'Abdul J:Iaqq mentions the capture of the fort of Ajmer

by Rana Sanga in 922/1516-17. The Rana allegedly martyred a large number of the

Muslims there. Following a vision of Mu'in-ud-Din Chishfi, Shaikh Al)mad Mujid

Shaib1m1 had left the place with a small party of Muslims, seven days before the Rana

captured Ajmer. 59 Abdul ljaqq also records that during this period the kufftir had

converted the tomb of Mu'ln-ud-Din Chishtl into a temple, and had placed an idol

inside. Angry with his father, the sultan of Gujarat, Sul~an Bahadur, then a prince, had

58
Akhbar-ui-Akhyar, p.393.
59
Ibid.,pp.399-400.

264
visited Ajmer at this time. The prince had prayed that if he were blessed with kingship

he would wreak vengeance on the infidels of the place for desecrating the Chishti

shrine. Bayin Muj~o was also present there. The ma}_!iib indirectly announced the

bestowal of kingship on the prince. Pleased, the prince then returned to Gujarat. Later,

having assumed sovereignty, Sulran Bahadur marched to Ajmer and fulfilled his

vow. 60 Threat to life, and desecration of religious places in the wake of rebellions

compelled the Muslims to stress more and more on the need for a strong Muslim

Sultanate. Rizqulliih Mushtaql noted that the interest of the followers of Islam was

getting weakened under the Saiyids, so Bahlul Lodl was invited to stem the tide 61 As

noted above, he also appreciated Sikandar Lodi's action against the Hindus and

commented that no territory under him could be called a dar-ul-J:arb. Further,

Mushtaqi condemned Hemu as the enemy of Islam Evidently, Muslim memory was

haunted by reports of persecution in a hostile Hindu environment. There were

however also instances of coordination and reconciliation. We shall see in the next

section that attempts were made, at various levels, and consciously or otherwise, to

learn from each other and create an environment of peaceful co-existence.

Syncretism and Synthesis

Islam's interaction with other religio-intellectual traditions in India has paved the way

for syncretism and synthesis in the field of religion and culture, since at least the

thirteenth century. The role played by the sufis in this connection is particularly
62
highlighted by the scholars. The propagation of the belief in sufi circles that an

60
Ibid.,pp.578-79.
61
Waqi 'Zit-i-MushtaqT,pp.3-4.
62
For references, see Raziuddin Aquil, "Sufi Cults, Politics and Conversion."
265
individual soul could achieve union with God, formalised in the doctrine of wa}Jdat-

ul-wujild, brought the sufis very close to certain streams of non-Muslim mystical

traditions such as the Natha Yogis. Amongst the votaries of the doctrine was the

leading Chishti shaikh of the Mghan period, 'Abdul Quddus Gangohl. Despite the

fact that in political matters the shaikh's approach could be as fanatical as of any

orthodox 'alim of the period, the shaikh not only defended his belief in waiJdat-ul-

wujud in his Rushdnlima but also attempted to establish the mutual compatibility of

Natha Yogi and sufi ideologies. 63

In view of orthodox Muslims, the ~ulamli and the rivals of the Chishtis

denouncing the practice of drawing inspiration from the teachings of non-Muslim

saints, ~bdul Quddiis noted in his preface to the Rushdnama that his discussion of the

theory of wahdat-ul-wujiid and other sufic principles described in the tract were based

on the teachings of Shaikh ~mad 'Abdulf:l.aqq of Rudauli, and that he had learned of

them by mystical intuition. His son, Shaikh Rukn-ud-Din also explained in his notes

on the margins of the work that his father's attitude towards the Natha Yogis was

based on the Qur'an and the traditions of the Prophet. 'Abdul Quddiis, however, was

not entirely apologetic. He asserted that spiritual truths and matters relating to Divine

Love were held by all communities, for the sufis believed that the "Gnostic sees God

in every object; verily every object is striving to seek mystical knowledge of God".

The Rushdniima is written in mixed prose and poetry; its style is similar to that of the

Lam 'at of Fakhr-ud-Din 'Idiql (d.l289) and of the Lawaih of 'Abdur Rahman Jam!

( d.l492). It draws upon those verses of the Qur'an and the traditions of the Prophet

which provide the base for sufi beliefs and practices, and quotes Persian verses from

63
AlakhbanT or Rushd Nama of Shaikh ~Abd-ul-Quddiis GangoiU: Introduction, Translation (into
Hindi) and Annotation by Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi and Shailesh Zaidi (Aligarh, 1971).
266
the leading sufi poets. What gives the Rushdnlima a distinctive character is the

profuse use of Hindi verses composed by ~bdul Quddus himself and his teachers.
64
Some verses by Natha Yogis and Siddhas have also been quoted.

Modem authorities such as S.A.A.Rizvi and Simon Digby have studied, in

detail, the influence of yogic elements in the religious teachings and practices of

'Abdul Quddiis. 65 Aziz Ahmad, who seems to emphasize the tensions in the

relationship between the Muslims and the non-Muslim groups in medieval India, has

unfortunately ignored 'Abdul Quddus' life and teachings in his studies on the Islamic

culture in India. 66 'Abdul Quddiis had evidently borrowed, from diverse traditions,

ideas which strengthened his conception of taulfid or the wajiidf doctrine. Apart from

the Qur'an, traditions ofthe Prophet and Ibn-i-~abl's 'creative imagination', 'Abdul

Quddiis drew heavily upon the philosophy and practices of other Muslim and Hindu

mystics such as Gorakhanth. Rizvi notes that there are six references to either

'Gor-akhanth', 'Shri Gorakh', 'Nath' or '0! Nath' in the Rushdnama. As in many Nath

texts, these words at five different places throughout the work imply Ultimate Reality

and Absolute Truth, while in the sixth place, the word refers to the Perfect Siddha or

Perfect Man. 67 'Abdul Quddus used "Alakh" as his Hindi nom de plume. The Nath

described the supreme Creator as Alakh-Nath (the Incomprehensible or Unseeable

one) or as Niranjan. The shaikh also used the name Alakh Niranjan in the same sense.

He said that his Lord was Unseeable (Alakh Niranjan) but those who were able to

comprehend Him were lost to themselves. The shaikh also identified Niranjan with

64
Ibid, pp.VIII-JX.
65
Rizvi, Introduction to AlakhbZmT (Rushdnama); Idem, History of Sufism in India, Vol.I; Simon
Digby, "'Abd Al-Quddus Gangohi".
66
Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture; Idem, Intellectual History of Islam in India.
67
Rizvi, History ofSufism in India, Vol.I,p. 336.
267
 68
Khuda and called him the Creator of the different worlds. Though Rizvi

enthusiastically emphasizes the Nath influence on ~bdul Quddiis' understanding of

waiJdat-ul-wufiid, a curious parallel in the thought of the shaikh and that of

Gorakhnath for instance could indeed be drawn. At least, the Hindi verses of the
' '
shaikh in support of wajiidf doctrine clearly reveal that the shaikh used Nath idioms
69
and metaphors to express his thought, even as it was rooted in Islamic tradition.

Further, as Simon Digby writes, the crude physical concepts of the yogis are

allegorized and refined in 'Abdul Quddiis' references to them. This appears to be in

accord with his more general tendency to elevate and regularize the sufi tradition

which he inherited - his more cultivated behavior as a plr compared to his wild

exemplar ~mad 'Abdul J:Iaqq and his inclination towards a 'learned' sufi life

supported by profession of orthodoxy and of dislike of unbelievers. His treatment of

yogic ideas and techniques of ecstasy, probably passed on to him in the Rudauli

khanaqCih may be seen as an attempt to regularize an unorthodox, non-Muslim

tradition within the confines of a learned, though profoundly Indianized, Islamic

orthodoxy, the intellectual world of the religious classes patronized by the rulers and

high officers of late fifteenth and early sixteenth century Hindustan. 70 Indeed, Islamic

orthodoxy must have been scandalized by the shaikh's emphasis upon two favourite

aspects of the mystical life, ~alat-i-ma 'kiis and sul!iin-i-ykr, which reflect the

concealed influence ofNath practices. For years after the evening prayers, the shaikh

would perform the JalCit-i-ma 'kiis (also referred to as namaz-i-ma 'kiis, or chilla-i-

ma 'kiis when probably performing for forty days/ nights). This was generally carried

68
Ibid., Vol. I,p.337.
69
For the Hindi verses, see Alakhb7inT.
70
Simon Digby, " 'Abd Al-Quddus Gangohi" p.51.
268
out by hanging upside-down in a well with the legs tied to a branch of a tree. Fari"d-

ud-Din Ganj-i-Shakar used to perform it in the thirteenth century. The Chishtl

tradition traces the practice to Shaikh AbU Sayld bin Abi'l Khair, and before him, to

Prophet Mu~ammad himself.

In India, hanging upside down is the most conspicuous ascetic practice among

the urdamukhi sadhus. The terms ardha-urdha, 'downwards-upwards' and ultra,

'upside-down' are very frequently found in yogic texts, and refer at one level of
71
exposition to the reversal of the physical processes. 5\bdul Quddus himself

considered namaz-i-ma 'kiis to be the counterpart of ulti sadhna, or ujana sadhna, that

is, 'going against the current' or a 'regressive' process, implying a complete

'inversion' of all psycho-physiological processes. 72 The regular performance of

namiiz-i-ma 'kiis produced in the shaikh a condition he called sul{iin-i-;_ikr in which

one experienced strange changes in the physical and spiritual condition including a

deprivation of the senses and a lack of feeling of consciousness. Repeated

appearances of the sul{iin-i-;jkr led to the state of janii '-ul-janii '. In spite of the

analogy drawn between sul!iin-i-;_ikr and wahl (Prophetic inspiration), it is likely that

'Abdul Quddus was influenced by the yogic idea of the anahada sabda, the 'unstruck

sound', and that janii '-ul-fanii' was a state experienced by the jivan-mukta. 73 The

N{z_iim-ul-Quliib, a late seventeenth century Chisht"i SabirT treatise on techniques of

E.ikr, which includes sentences deriving from the Rushdniima and the accompanying

71
Simon Digby," 'Abd Al-Quddus Gangohi",p.50.
72
Rizvi, History of Sufism in India, Vol. l,p.342.
73
Simon Digby, " 'Abd Al-Quddus Gangohi'"p.50; Rizvi, History of Sufism in India, Vol. I,p.342.

269
gloss by Shaikh Rukn-ud-Din, and probably conserves oral teachings handed down in

the silsila, identifies the ~awt-i-sarmadf (sound of eternity) produced by breath-

control (pas-i-anftis or }Jabs-i-dam, itself founded on the yogic pranayama) with the

anahada of the yogis. The identification of sul{an-i-g_ikr with the anahada is made by

an important khalifa of the silsila descending from 'Abdul Quddus, l}ajl Imdadullah,

in the early nineteenth century; his description of the sensation also echoes the
74
passage in the La{alf-i-Qudd:iisf.

'Abdul Quddus and the other shaikhs of the Chishtl silsila were not

exceptional in their willingness to learn from the Indian mystical traditions such as

that of the Nath Yogis. Saiyid Mu~ammad Ghau~ GwaliorT, a leading shaikh of the

ShaHan order, popularized Hindu mystical practices through his translation of the

Amritkund, and drew attention to the similarities in the mystical terminologies of the

Muslims and the Hindus. In fact, several versions of the Amritkund in Persian and

Arabic known as Ifau;-ul-Ijayat or Bal:zr-ul-lfayiit were already in circulation in the

sufi circle, by the time of 'Abdul Quddus. The latter had extensive knowledge of this

yogic treatise and imparted its essence to his disciples. 75 Originally in Sankrit,

Amritkund had earlier been translated into Arabic by Q~T Rukn-ud-Dih Samarqand~

the author of the kitiib-ul-Irshad who visited Lakhnauti in the early thirteenth century

and was initiated into Hatha-yogic principles by a Siddha called Bhojar Brahman. The

work was later translated into Persian. A further Arabic version was again prepared by

a brahmana from Kamrup, apparently in collaboration with a Muslim scholar. This

version was re-translated into Persian by Mu~ammad Ghau~. 76

74
Simon Digby," 'Abd AI-Quddus Gangohi",p.51.
75
Rizvi, History ofSufism in India, Vol. I,p.335.
76
Ibid., Vol. l,p.335. For the popularity of Amritkund in sufi circles, see also Yusuf Husain, Glimpses
270
 The work prescribes exercises by which one could achieve the Nath Yogic

goal of transubstantiation of the body into a state of samadhi. Its main emphasis is on

the discipline of the body, the senses and the mind, and it suggests methods for the

continued suppression of respiration, which involves inhaling and exhaling the breath

in a specialized manner, and fixing the eye on the tip of the nose in order to effect a

union between the part of the vital spirit that resides in the body and that which

pervades all nature. A prerequisite for yogic discipline is the control of semen,

particularly in the initial stages of ascetic exercises, and an accurate knowledge of the

organs and their functions. The goal of the yogi is to transmute the physical body into
77
a subtle body, enabling it to obtain the state ofjivan-mukti.

Unlike 'Abdul Quddiis, Muhammad

. ..
Ghaus' interest in the Hindu religious

traditions was not restricted merely to understanding and borrowing mystical practices

from them. The fanaticism noticed in ~bdul Quddus' approach towards the Hindus is

hardly to be found in Mu~ammad Ghau.~. In fact, 'Abdul Qadir Badaunl has noted that

the shaikh treated everybody, including the kufftir, with great honour, and kept

standing before them.( ;>~(J jl.;.J~/f'~)if~~jf.}.78 Sir Wolsely Haig

translates the above statement as: ''whom so ever he saw, were he a beggar even, he

treated with great honour, standing before him," 79 Instead of a beggar, the correct

word for kufftir in the text would be infidels/ unbelievers. This also explains t~
criticism against Mul).ammad Ghau~. His association with beggars, or at least res~
of A1edieval Indian Culture; Abdul Latif, The Muslim Mystic Movement in Bengal, 13~
(Calcutta, 1993); Richard M. Eaton, The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204-17~
1994).
77
Rizvi, History of Sufism in India, Vol.l,pp.335-36.
78
Muntakhab-ut-Tawan"kh, Vol. III, text, p.5.
79
Ibid, Vol. III, Eng.trans.,p.9.

271
for them, would not have been a cause of discomfiture for the orthodox Muslims.

Some fellow shaikhs, according to Badaurii, criticized him and denied him the status

of a true ascetic (

Badaun1 too was defensive on the issue. He wrote that God alone knows what the

shat"kh' s motives
. . t he matter. 81
were m

Unsure of its own yardstick to judge the standard norms of behavior, Islamic

orthodoxy, indeed, occasionally refrained from passing judgement on certain

objectionable acts of saintly persons. In fact, examples of 'covering up' such cases

abound. The case of KabTr illustrates the point further. Though the later sufi tradition

has appropriated Kab"ir as a disciple of Shah Taqi of Kara-Manikpur, hardly any

discussion on his life and ideas are to be found in early sufi circles. At times, when a

curious disciple inquired of his pir about the religious beliefs of this popular saint, he

might at best be told that Kablr was a muwa!Jbid. No further discussion was

encouraged. 82 Though Kablr probably lived in the period immediately preceding the

Afghan rule, 83 he left an enduring impact on the religious attitude and culture of the

subsequent period. His case is particularly relevant for an understanding of Islamic

interaction with non-Muslim religious traditions at the popular level. The non-Islamic

traditions were already powerfully influenced by the principles of Islam as conveyed

to them by the sufis. Kab1r's trenchant criticism of idol worship, and the caste system

of the Hindus, and his emphasis on monotheism clearly influenced religious leaders

80
Ibid, Vol. III, text,p.S
81
Ibid., III,text, pp.S-6.
82
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar,p.591
83
For Kabrr, see, Charlotte Vaudeville, A Weaver Named Kabir-Selected Verses with a Detailed
Biographical and Historical Introduction (Delhi,l993).

272
like Giir'ii Nanak who lived in the Afghan period. The role played by KabTr and Nanak

in syncretism and synthesis has been much emphasized by modem scholars.

However, J. S. Grewal has denied the influence of Islam, or for that matter of

any other system of ideas, on ~anak's teachings. For, according to him, the GUru's

ideas had "a sure degree of originality" as they were a product of "illumination" upon

him. 84 On the other hand, while noting that in "its initial inspiration Nanak's

movement shows a genuine monotheistic eclecticism in which Islamic influence is

clearly discernible", Aziz Ahmad doubts that the "syncretic appeal" of the medieval

religious leaders had any lasting influence. Ahmad also points out that "the

transformation of Sikhism from an eclectic faith which had come into being to bring

Hinduism and Islam closer and to be a bridge between them, into a fanatically anti-

Muslim militant group idealizing destruction, is perhaps the most tragic instance of

the failure of syncretism in India". 85 Indeed, the Sikh accounts both lament and extol a

prolonged episode of 'struggle' and 'sacrifice' of the GUrus against the alleged

oppression of Mughal rule under the successors of Akbar. The religio-political

community of the Sikhs, comprising prosperous Khatri traders and upwardly mobile

Jat peasants, was gradually emerging as an alternative political culture in medieval

India. Ironically, the evolution of the separatist, as against the syncretistic community

or panth of the Sikhs with its distinct cultural boundary marker, was taking place in

the reign of Akbar - of all emperors! It was only a matter of time before the Mughal

administrative machinery geared up to keep the Gurus and their masands (revenue

agents) in check. 86 However, the sympathetic Sikh narrative says, "Akbar's

84
J.S.Grewal, Sikh Ideology, Polity and Social Order (Delhi,l9%),pp.l-6.
85
Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture, pp.l52-5.
86
The above discussion on the rise of the Sikh panth as a state within the Mughal empire is based on
273
catholicity could protect the Gurus and their followers against open violence but it

could not obviate the nefarious designs of their enemies. The removal of a protecting
87
umbrella could increase the heat of hostility for the Guru and his followers". And

with the death of Akbar, the "withdrawal of imperial protection came rather suddenly
88
and in such a form that to call it harsh or hostile would be an understatement".

Sikhism's transformation from syncretism to hostility towards Islam, or for

that matter the division of the followers of Kablr into the Hindu and Muslim

Kabirpanthis, did not stop the process of syncretic borrowings from diverse religious

traditions. In fact, as Aziz Ahmad put it, "popular syncretism made several efforts to

compromise between Hinduism and Islam by selecting certain elements from each

and rejecting others. In most cases this kind of syncretism had a base in one of the two

religions while it borrowed from the other. In some cases it chose a middle position

outside the pale of both". 89 Again, Ahmad somewhat de-emphasizes the popular

appeal of the syncretic sects. He writes that in all cases their followers were few, a

few thousand, or more often only a few hundred, and often confined to small regions,

adding that their "chief interest is as curiosities of mushroom religious growth for the

social anthropologist or the historian of religion". 90 Also, despite assaults from Hindu

and Muslim reformist and fundamentalist movements, syncretic cults and syncretism

in popular beliefs have survived in India. A common feature in most of the existing

syncretic traditions is the worship of a galaxy of saints - legendary or otherwise. The

Raziuddin Aquil, Review of Eugenia Vanina, Ideas and Society in India from the Sixteenth to the
Eighteenth Centuries (Delhi,l9%), Studies in History, Vol.l3,no.2,n.s.(l997),pp.313-6.
87
J.S.Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, The New Cambridge History oflndia,II,3 (Qlmbridge,l990),
pp.60-l.
88
Ibid.,p.61.
89
Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture, pp.l55-6.
90
Ibid.,p.l56.
274
lasting appeal of the saints who actually lived in the medieval period can be attributed

to their willingness to mix with "all kinds of men" - often criticized by the Islamic

orthodoxy as in the case ofMuJ:tammad Ghau.~.

The popularity of the sufi cults was also, in a large measure, due to their

willingness to adopt the vernaculars as their language of communication with the

masses, and, in fact, at times for the expression of their own mystical experiences.

Most early references in Indian Islam to the use of Hindvi, or regional languages,

come from sufi circles. Already in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Hindvi

couplets sung in the musical assemblies of the sufis were quite popular. Some sufis

were even quoted as admitting that Persian poetry no longer created the same level of

ecstasy as in Hindvi. The popularity ofthe vernacular poetry was more marked in the

sufic fraternities of the period of our study. As mentioned above, 'Abdul Quddiis and

his mystic teachers at Rudauli composed verses in Hindi. His Rushdniima has a large

number of dohas and chaupais in the language. 91 Significantly, in a particular

couplet, the first line is in Persian and the second in Hindi: 92

~idq rahbar ~abr tosha dost manzil dil rafiq

Satta nagri dharma raja joga marga nirmala

(Sincerity is the guide; patience the provision for the journey; the friend our
destination; the heart our companion: truth is the city; righteousness its king;
yoga the pure road.)

In many of the Hindi verses the influence of Hindu mystical traditions, particularly

that of the nathpanthis, is clearly visible. 93

Of particular significance is the contribution to what is referred to as the prem-

91
Alakhbanl.
92
Simon Digby," 'Abel AI-Quddus Gangohi", p.66.
93
Ibid, especially pp.56-66; Rizvi, Introduction to A/akhbani.
275
gatha literature of the period by such sufi poets as Shaikh Qutb 'Ali alias Qu!ban, MIT
,
Saiyid Manjhan, and Malik Mu~ammad Jaisi. A disciple of the ShaWiri Shaikh

Burhan of Kalpi, Qutban (c.1500) wrote his love story entitled Mrigavati in Awadhi

dialect, and dedicated it to 'Sahu Husain', probably 'Alt-ud-Din I:Iusain Shah (1493-

1518) ofBengal. 94 Qutban might even be referring to I:Iusain Shah Sharcji of Jaunpur,

who having lost his last stronghold, Bihar, to Sikandar Lodl in 90011494-95 was

cooling his heels as a guest of 'Ala:ud-Din f:lusain Shah, in Bengal. In this verse

romance of Hindu origin and background, Qu~ban compared his patron with the

heroes ofHindu mythology and not with, say, the Perso-Islamic Rustam, Naushirwan,

or I:Iatim. According to A Halim, the ''tragic end of Mrigavati is illustrative of the

union of the seeker with the divine soul as it is illustrative of the Hindu ideal of

married love". 95 Further, as Aziz Ahmad suggests, Mrigavatf's "plot repeats the

pattern of the Sita legend, a fair princess in the clutches of a demon, and ends with the

self-immolation of the two queens on the pyre of the dying raja; this last element

seems to be the direct source of the ending of Jaisi's Padmavat. The plot of

Manjhan's Madhumalti follows the same pattern". 96 Manjhan, author of Mugdhavatr

and MadhUmiiltl, was a protege of the Siirs. The love story of Madhumalti and prince

Manohar differs from Qutban's work in being longer and having in addition a sub-

hero and a sub-heroine. Again, writing in pure Awadhi, Manjhan's description of

nature is located in its Indian setting. 97 The sufi poetry of love in Hindi reached its

culmination under that 'rare gem', Malik Mu~ammad Jaisi, whose Padmavat remains

94
A Halim, "Growth and Development of Hindi Literature During the Sayyid-Lodi Period". Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Vol.II, 1957, pp.85-6.
95
Ibid.,p.86.
96
Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture,p.241
97
Halim, "Growth and Development of Hindi Literature",pp.86-87.
276
a 'jewel in Hindi literature'. 98 Written in purest Awadhi in Persian script, Jaisi's

Padmavat symbolizes "the secession of a Muslim mind from its own culture and

choosing self-expression, though not synthesis, in the rival Hindu culture". 99

,
With the realization that Aziz Ahmad considers the theme of Jaisl's poem as

'alien' to the Indian Muslim tradition, and which does not fit well with his model of

Hindu-Muslim interactions in medieval India, we quote below the author's brief

remark on the work: "The Chishti sufi heritage which reached him through his

heterodox, rural preceptor Bodle Shah seems to have been submerged in his

knowledge and assimilation of Hindu mystical literature; and although he shows no

direct impress of Rama or Krishna cults, he seems to have been under the influence

not only of Kabir but of popular Hindu lore and yoga. The cosmography of the poem

is Hindu, though the poem conforms to the tradition of Persian mathnawis in devoting

a section to the praise of the Prophet. In the eulogy of Sher Shah Suri, the imagery is

drawn from Hindu mythology. As a love-poem it follows not the Persian tradition but

that of Hindu love-romances like Premaval and Madhumalti. In the legend of the

banishment ofRaghava Chetan's magic there might be a faint echo of the story of the

disgrace of Satan; but if so, it is oblique. Chetan's magic is steeped in Hindu

astronomy and the ethical verdict on his magical practices is one of Hindu orthodoxy:

'Those who do not walk in the way of the vedas lose themselves in the forest"'. 100

Islamic orthodoxy did not always remain indifferent to such cultural

appropriations in Islam. Though at times found to be 'covering up' some heterodox

behaviour and practices, as noted above, or dismissing them as aberrations, the

98
lbid.,pp.87-88.
99
Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Cu/ture,p.24l.
100
lbid.,pp.241-42.
277
orthodoxy could gear up against any statement or action which might be viewed by it

as a source of fitna (sedition) in society. In such a situation, the need to check the

degeneration of Islam was also strongly felt. Indeed, several reformist/revivalist

movements emerged in medieval Islam in India, from time to time. The leaders of

such movements wanted to reform or purify Islam by reviving the model of Islamic

society that existed at the time of the Prophet and during the reigns of the four rightly

guided caliphs. They all tried therefore, to bring contemporary Islamic practices in

line with the Qur'an and the Tradition of the Prophet. In doing so, they generally

opposed, or neglected, the authority of the four schools of jurisprudence in Sunni

Islam. Even when they accepted the authority of the schools, known as the ma,;.ahib,

they generally rejected the exclusive authority of any one school such as Hanafism in

North India. Instead, they claimed the right of ijtihad or the exercise of individual

reasoning in the interpretation of the Qur'an and the Tradition, as against the

orthodoxy's command for taqlrd or blind following of the authority of the founder of

one of the ma,g_ahib.

Further, these movements were generally led by charismatic leaders, who,

besides being Saiyids were already quite well known for their piety and learning.

Such leaders felt and claimed that God had given them the mission to rejuvenate

Islam. Many of them emerged in the sixteenth century, when the first thousand years

or millennium of Islam came to an end. Many Islamic traditions believe that a mahdi

or a new Muslim leader or mujaddid, the renovator of Islam would emerge at this

time. Since the leaders of these movements wanted to reform or purify Islam, they

were generally hostile to heterodox currents within Sunni Islam such as the sufis who

borrowed from non-Muslim religious traditions, and to the non-Sunnl Muslims such

as the Shi'is. The impact of these movements was therefore anti-syncretic.

278
 One such messianic movement was launched by Saiyid Mu~ammad of
101
Jaunpur to reform society in the late fifteenth and the early sixteenth centuries. As

suggested above, the emphasis on decline and decay during this period as against the

perceived order and prosperity in the reign of Akbar has compelled some modem

scholars to ignore the millennarian hypothesis for the rise of Saiyid Mu~ammad's

Mahdawi movement. The Muslim world was under the grip of severe apocalyptic

worries during the period. In India, however, Saiyid Mul).ammad's movement evoked

a limited response as it called for a high degree of asceticism. The institutionalization

of the movement in the h{jarat (jihad by way of migration) and the dii 'ira (temporary

or semi-permanent camps often consisting of hutments made of mud walls and

thatched roofs outside a town) was a further check against the spread of the

movement. Moreover, criticism against the existing political system meant incurring

the wrath of the rulers in various regions. Further, though Saiyid Mul)ammad himself

commanded some respect from the Sunnl elite, the movement was generally described
102
as gumrah, or deviating from the path of Islam. Hunted by Islamic orthodoxy

throughout his wanderings, the self-proclaimed Mahdl died at Farah in the North

West in 1504. Two of his close disciples, 'AbdulHih Niyaz! and Shaikh 'Ala'i were

persecuted by the narrow-minded theologian Makhdum-ul-Millk, who was the shaikh-

ul-lsliim under Islam Shah Sur, and under Akbar. Aziz Ahmad writes, ''Niyazi

renounced his faith under the lash, and 'Alai died under it". 103

More important from the perspective of Afghan history was the emergence of

101
For the Mahd<n.vi movement, see Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Muslim Revivalist Movements:
Qamaruddin, The Mahdawi Movement (Delhi,l985) Aziz Ahmad, Intellectual History,pp.27-9.
102
Akhbar-ui-Akhyar,p.439.
103
Aziz Ahmad, Intellectual History,p.28.

279
 104
the Raushaniya movement led by B"ayazid bin 'Abdultah Ansaii ( 1525-72). Himself

an Afghan, Bayazld was associated with Muslim mystics and Hindu yogis in his early

life. His emphasis on the pTr-i-kamil (the perfect preceptor), the use of ta 'wTI

(metaphorical interpretation in explaining the five pillars of Islam), and the

injunctions of ritual purity can be traced to the doctrines of the Ismailis. Also, he must

have learnt the doctrine of transmigration of souls from the yogis. Bayaz!d also

claimed to be a Mahdi and was called "Plr-i-Raushan" (illumined preceptor) by his

followers, while his opponents condemned him as "PTr-i-Tlir"ik" (saint of darkness).

Like other movements, the Raushaniyas were also condemned by Islamic orthodoxy

as heretics, but the movement flourished among certain Mghan tribes in the North

West. This resurgence of the Afghans was viewed by the Mughals as a political threat.

Athar Abbas Rizvi has briefly discussed the contents of his extant works

which are found to be similar to the ideas and beliefs of the pantheistic sufis. The

main cause ofthe opposition to the Raushaniya movement, according to Rizvi, "lay in

the great success Bayazid had ultimately obtained in working up the Mghan national

feelings to a pitch that might successfully meet the Mughal invasion of their

homeland". Also, the'ulamii and the sufis whom Bayaz!d had "vehemently attacked

for their wordly-mindedness did not fail to exploit the situation to their advantage and

joined the Mughals in branding Bayaz!d and his followers as heretics engrossed in
105
darkness". Thus, despite his trumpeted profession of respect for the leaders of

104
Hayazld Ansari's major works included Sirat-ul-Tauhld, Khair-ul-Bayan, Hiilniima, Maqsud-ul-
MuminTn andKhair-ul-Talibfn ofwltich the last is not extant now, see (Saiyid) Athar Abbas Rizvi,
"Available Works of Bayazid Raushanai", PIHC, 24th Session, Delhi, 1961, pp.l81-87.For the
Raushaniya movement, also see Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, Raushaniyya movement: Aziz Ahmad
Intellectual History,pp.30-31.
105
Athar Abbas Rizvi, "Available Works ofBayazid Raushanai".

280
diverse religious cults, Akbar ensured that the movement was crushed to the hilt. The

persecution of the Raushaniyas was coincided with Akbar's relentless campatgn

against the Afghan strongholds in the region ofBihar and Bengal.

With the consolidation of Mughal power by the end of the sixteenth century,

the hapless Afghans could only rue the change of their fortune and hope or pray for

the emergence of another Sher Shah. Nor were the Mughals secure about their

success. A detailed examination of the continued Afghan threat to Mughal rule under

Akbar and his successors is out of the purview of the present research. It may

however be noted that Mughal history is haunted by the threat of the phenomenal rise

of the Afghans who could suddenly emerge like ants and locusts, or like the

proverbial phoenix, rise from the ashes.

281