British Forum for Ethnomusicology

The Engendered lyra: Music, Poetry and Manhood in Crete

Author(s): Kevin Dawe
Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 5 (1996), pp. 93-112
Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology
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VOL5 OFETHNOMUSICOLOGY
JOURNAL
BRITISH 1996

The engendered lyra: music, poetry and

manhood in Crete

KevinDawe

Thelyra-laoutoensembleis themostpopularandenduringmusicaltraditionin Crete.It is

an almost exclusivelymale professionand pastimeand as such embodiesa complex
synthesis values.Aspectsof musicalperformance
of engendered theseemingly
contradict
monolithicmanhoodidealsthatinformit, revealingits role as a site of intenseboundary
negotiation.

T HEFIRST
MAJORPUBLICATION to addressthe subjectof music and gender
within a variety of cultures from an ethnomusicological perspective was
Women and music in cross-cultural perspective (Koskoff 1987). That edited
volume addresses two questions: 1) To what degree does a society's gender
ideology, and resultinggender-relatedbehaviours,affect its musical thoughtand
practice?2) How does music functionin society to reflect or affect inter-gender
relations?
The InternationalCouncil for TraditionalMusic set up its own study groupto
explore such questions.In theireditorialpreface to the 1990 publicationMusic,
gender, and culture,HerndonandZieglerwrote:

In recentyearsan understandable interesthas arisenin promotinggreaterinsight

and betterunderstanding of genderas a criticalfactorin contributingnew and
meaningfultheoreticaldimensionsto ethnomusicological research.Theseinclude
not only the genderissues intimatelyconnectedto musicalperformance, butalso
issues createdby the genderof the investigator....Genderis a culture-specific,
inconsistentandvariableconceptthathas moreto do with socialroles, age and
statusthanwithbiology.[1990:7]

With the appearanceof the above two volumes has come a move towardsthe
publicationof more in-depthstudiesof the inter-relationshipof music, dance and
genderby ethnomusicologists.1Jane Cowan's book, Dance and the body politic

1 Seeger 1987 andRice 1994 areexemplaryin theirin-depthanalysisof bothmale andfemale

musicalpractices.See also Sugarman's workon the weddingsongsof MuslimAlbanianwomen
(1989) andmen (1987),andalso Seremetakis's studyof the mirol6yiaof Greek-Maniot women
(1991).I notea 'catchingup' processin Men'sStudieswithinthe anthropological
literature;
see,
forexample,
Herzfeld
1985,Gilmore
1990andCornwall
andLindisfarne
1994.

93
94 vol.5 (1996)
BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,

in northern Greece (1990) is one of the first lengthy volumes devoted to

understandinggender issues in relationshipto dance and musical performance,
and to male and female behaviourin general.Cowan's use of the metaphor"body
politic" relates to her discussion of the culturalemphasis throughoutGreece on
bodily presentation,and on associationsof this emphasis with issues of prestige,
reputation and sexuality. She investigates the ways in which Greek men and
women present themselves and evaluate each other's actions in the context of
dance. Her text, in turn,drawsheavily on Bourdieu(1977), with his emphasison
the fact that social "thought"is not abstract,cerebraland "disembodied"in the
Cartesiansense, but rooted in the way we use our bodies. I have found thatthese
extremely significantobservationson the embodimentof meaning useful in my
own work. Postures,gestures,clothes, hairstyles,the way in which musiciansplay
instruments,are modes of using one's body thatseem to express a way of being a
"man"and a way of being a "musician"(see figs. 1-3).2
In this article, I hope to underlinethe importanceof the "gender link" in a
considerationof the lyra-laoutoensemble.3The lyra [lifra](plural= lyres [lfres])
is a three-stringed,upright,bowed lute; the laouto [latito](plural= laouta [latita])
is a four-course,plucked,long-neckedlute (see photographs).The ensemble now
consists of eitherprofessionalmusicians or a mixtureof professionalsand semi-
professionals.Performancestake place for dancingand the recitationof poetryat
weddings,baptisms,calenderevents andfestivals.
In the next section I move froma discussionof some of the basic questionsthat
concernedme in the early stages of my fieldworkto a review of the ethnographic
literatureon manhoodin Creteandthe Mediterraneanarea.

Approaching"thepoetics of manhood"throughmusic
Many Athenianstalk aboutCretanmusic in a way similarto how they talk about
rembetika,music associatedwith the bouzouki and its semi-evolutionin
[buztiki],
the Piraeus underworld of the 1920s and 1930s. During my first period of
fieldwork,in Athens(1990), I beganto forman image of elusive bandsof musical
rebels touringthe wild mountainsof Crete performingat village weddings that
were truly Dionysian in characterand origin, where the law was flouted by lyra
playerswho werejust as skilled at playing machineguns. These impressionswere
fuelled by a reading of Michael Herzfeld's Poetics of manhood (1985), though
temperedby the author's grounding of such imagery (the cover features gun-

2 SynnottandHowes(1992:163-4)notethat"Thecorporeality of theself is nowbeingexplored

in many areasof anthropology.The new discoursereflectsnot only advancesin scientific
methodologyandchangedvalues,but also a freshparadigmof the body as social, as well as
physical,as symbolic,and also as highlypolitical,andvery sensitive."See also Featherstone
1991.
3 Exceptinga few wordswhichhavealreadygainedsomecurrencyin English,all transliteration
fromGreekfollowsthe systemadoptedby the ModemGreekStudiesAssociation(USA) and
publishedin thestylesheetof theJournalof ModernGreekStudies4.1 (1986),pp. 64-6. Where
exceptionsaremade(e.g. lyra,laouto,mantinada),the MGSAromanisation is shownin square
bracketson firstoccurrence.
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 95

toting Cretanshepherds)--thatis, as used rhetoricallyby real people in real

situations,"inperformance". Theideaof investigating a connectionbetweenthe
manlyperformances discussed therein(i.e. all the different
performative modes,
verbalandnon-verbal)andmusicalperformance seemedplausiblebutlimitedat
thetime.Theindividualswhomakeup themusicalcommunityseemedto travel
constantly,in limbobetweenvillage,townandcity, out of reachanddifficultto
contact--asituationquitedifferentfromthatof Herzfeld'svillage-basedstudy.
Nevertheless,I was eventuallyableto see thecontentsof Herzfeld'spathfinding
studybecomingimportantto my own understanding of musicalperformance in
Crete.Giventhefact thatthe lyramusictraditionis virtually100percent male,
andin view of the importance placeduponGreeknotionsof "maleness"in the
ethnographic literature, my basicquestionwas:Howdoes thisgenderbias shape
music-makingand the behaviourof musicians?Whatdoes it mean to be a
"musician" anda "man"in Crete?
In his seminalstudyof a Cretanmountainvillage,Herzfeldshowshow social
actionsmustbe donein a certainwayto sustainmanlyidealsin thiscommunity.4
Socialroles arecreatedthereforeat everyopportunity, andthereis an emphasis
on foregrounding one's manlinessthroughone's actions:whatGilmore(1990:
36) describesas the "agentialmodality"of being"a man"in certainsocieties,
wheretheindividualis expectedto demonstrate a "gregariousengagement" in the
public arena of acts and deeds andvisible,concrete accomplishments. He sums up
manhoodperformances as a "malepraxis,endlesslyconjoiningon the stageof
communitylife"(ibid.).Individualsexperiencelife as engendered beings.They
express this state of being imaginativelyand in a way that shows an acute
awarenessof life experience.In Herzfeld'sstudy,villagers'evocationsof their
experiencesareseenas constituting a poetics,adheringto theprinciplesof poetry
(anexpressivevehiclewithwhichpoetssee meaningin andderivemeaningfrom
theirenvironment). Indeed,all actionsareseento contain"meaning" or simasia.
Menaim to carryout theirdailyactivitiesin a resolute,unhesitating andspirited
manner;they draw attentionto their actions-to actions that overcomethe
problemsof existenceandsocialintercourse, actionsthatmeetchallengeshead-
on, investing their off-the-cuffmanoeuvres with importance andthusmeaning.
is
Everydaywork carriedout withflair,expressiveof manlyvirtuesandtheskills
of theindividual.Herzfeldremarks,correctlyto my mind,thatGlendiotvillagers
in Crete,in meetingthedemandsof everydaylife, seemto admirewhatBourdieu
(1977:8) hascalled"thenecessaryimprovisation thatdefinesexcellence".
in
Informingimprovisation, thisdrivetowardsexcellence(excellenceat being
a man,thatis), is a discourse(an expositionof ideas,an exchangeof ideas,a
processof reasoning)and a rhetoric(persuasive/exaggerated talk or actions,

4 Herzfeld is among a numberof anthropologistswho have worked in Greek village

inthewakeofFriedl
communities (1964)andduBoulay
(1962),Campbell Later
(1974). studies
have focussed on specific relationshipsbetweenpower and gender,for example,Herzfeld
(1985),Greger(1985),Dubisch(1986),Cowan(1990),LoizosandPapataxiarchis (1991).
Fig. 1: Groom'sprocession,Anoyidvillage, June
 lyra 97
Dawe:Theengendered

Fig. 2 (left): Musiciansand singer at a privateparty in mountainvillage Anoyid,

Crete;from the album cover to "AnoyiantParda" ("Anoyidparty"), Aerdkis
Records,1990
Fig. 3 (right):Nikif6rosAerdkiscassettecover,AerdkisRecords,1989
z
N I K H 0DO P 0iE or
A E PA KHt *dvl'
-NIKHOO PAKHl '
, i;ol•]., r
.
:-K.:AOIBOAEZ
. P
? ,.•. . ,,
-,:.••.]
., ", -.

ITIXOI- MHTZOZZT.AYPAKAKHZ ?
4-1, - • •'<,:
.

API2TEIAHN XAIPETH2 -MIXAAH', vTAYPAKAKHL-

MYPfIN MAYPOYAH2 - BASIAHE YAOYPHlit

1 P 0

rZ rv r 4 ~ '3 ~/ / O 1/ 4? r ( d ~~

wl Mm
I=

geared to impress) that can be enabling and empoweringfor men.5 This is the
performanceof masculinity-feats and deeds done in a mannerthat reinforces
manly ideals. Herzfeld (1985) notes how Cretan shepherds demonstratetheir
manly selfhood by stealing sheep, procreatinglargerfamilies and besting other
men in games of chance and skill. These deeds are told of in rhymingcouplets
known as mantinades,whose recitationis an importantfeature of manly poetic
performance.6

5 Tworecentworksexemplify thetrendsanddivisions aboutgenderissuesin Greek

inthinking
ethnography.Thenormative schoolseestheindigenous of maleandfemaleexisting
ideologies
ina communally accepted, world,asa "traditional
non-negotiable inthehouse
divisionof labour
andfamily"(duBoulay1991:47). Thenthereis themodelof dominating malesconstantly
negotiatingpoweroverfemales,as documented in the workof Ardener1989,Clark1983,
RosaldoandLamphere 1976,Ortner andWhitehead 1981andRosen1978.Pertinent tomyown
study,thislattermodelis usedbyJaneCowan(1990),whoseapproach treatsgenderasanissue
combiningthreethemes:consciousness,powerand practices.Thesethreecomponents
derivefromthewayinwhichonegroupgainspoweroveranother.
essentially
6 Similarphenomena arefoundelsewhere intheMediterraneanarea.Marcus (1987:50),writing
of easternMorocco, recountshowmanlydeedsarecommemorated in versessungat festivals,
98 BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

A man, as recorded in the aforementionedstudies, is expected to marryand

procreate,to provisionhis family and to protectthem.But these activities depend
upondeeply held notionsof a "mobilityof action, a personalautonomy"(Gilmore
1990: 49), what Cretanscall egoism6s or "self-regard".This desirefor freedomof
movement,this strivingfor independence,adds up to a defensive postureagainst
the possible loss of personal autonomy(and thereforeof one's reputation)to a
womanor of being bestedby anotherman.This shows masculinityas an idealised
form of "maleness"used by one groupof people to gain dominanceover another
groupof people.
Performances of masculinity are not supposed to be premeditated, but
producedon the spur of the moment, impromptu,so as to suit the situation at
hand---anyhint of preparationis said to reduce the effect. These improvisations,
if successful, enlarge the reputationof the performer.They are capital (a main
fund or stock, credits earning interest) built up over time with an individual's
repeatedsuccess at performinga generallyacceptedrole, that of a "man"in the
community. Alongside this consistency comes a reputationfor reliability and
thus, dependingon the individual,credibilityin business.One's economic capital
can thus be enlarged along with one's symbolic cachet. There is room for
enterprise, taking a situation and turning it to one's advantage; and in all
enterpriseschemes thereis risk, nothingis certain,thereis a chance of profit and
loss. Men must invest theirresourceswisely and balance(or be seen to balance)
their own interests (their "self-regard" or egoism6s) against those of the
community.To do this they exhibit ponirid or "cunning"(Herzfeld 1985: 25) in
business dealings, since besting othersin financialexchange is anotherattribute
of manhood.
The following sections provide examples of how musical performance
coalesces with the manly ideals described above. Using data collected from a
variety of settings (mountainvillage, town, the media), I show how manhood
ideals are expressedthrough,or as, musical and verbalperformance.Let us turn
first to the local celebration, whose most intense focus is village weddings.
Weddingsare organisedarounddistinct genderideologies and practices,and the
musicianmakes a largecontributionto the shapingof these events.

Men, music, and weddingcelebrations

In general,weddings ensure the biological and social reproductionof the group,
contributing to the expansion of the symbolic capital of a family, group or
community.They are importantand delicate matters,the ritualisedunion of the
sacred and the cosmic which cannot stray too far from accepted norms. I agree
with Cowan (1990: 89) when she says that "As a key rite of passage through
which a man and a woman, each in differentways acquiresfull adulthoodin the

makingmanhooda kindof communalcelebration. Abu-Lughod in Egypt'sWesternDesertnotes

how "realBedouinmen"aresaidto be afraidof nothing,asserttheirwill at any cost andstand
up to any challenge;theirmainattributesare"assertiveness
andthe qualityof potency"(1986:
88-9).
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 99

community,marriageis largelyaboutgenderand sexualityand the ways these are

organisedfor the reproductionof the family, the community,and the state."7
The focus here is upon the activities of men at celebrations,the principalrole
of lyra music at them, and the organisationalabilities of musicians. Women's
celebrations are part of the wedding, of course, although they take place in a
different setting and in less public fora. In the public arena (the processions
throughthe village, the gatheringsoutsidethe familialhouses, the meal, the cake-
cutting,the dancing)men are in control:even thoughwomen takeup the dance, it
is to the tune of a lyra-playing male. The lyra player comes to epitomise the
control men have in these contexts. Inextricably linked to the instrumental
improvisationsare the verbalimprovisationsof the lyra player and male guests.
In this section I shall provide examples of the essential interplaybetween these
elementsin the creationof a communityof machismoat the celebration.
The prime locus for verbalimprovisationis in the rhymingcouplets known as
mantinades ([mandinades]; singular mantinada [mandinida]). Formally, a
mantinadais defined as a couplet of two rhyming lines, almost always of 15
syllables each; in performance,each mantinadais elaboratedbeyondits metrical
"core"by repetitionof partsof the line and by the additionof non-metricalwords
and interjections such as "amin", which have little or no meaning in context
(Roderick Beaton, pers. comm.). Those usually sung at weddings are called
tragdMiatu gdmu ("songsof the wedding"),althoughthese same mantinadesmay
be memorisedand sung at paniyfria or "festive gatherings"and "feasts"and on
name days. In its general descriptive meaning of "rhymingcouplets",the term
mantinadesis also applied to thrini (from ancientthrenos;"laments",including
women's mirol6yia) and to dimotikdtragdidia("folksongs").Mantinadarelates
more specifically howeverto the coupletsintonedby men in a varietyof contexts,
whetherat weddings,otherfestive occasions,or in the coffee house.
Figs 4 to 6 relate to a performanceof a single mantinada by the lyra player
Dimitris Paspariikis at a wedding in the village of Anoyid in June 1991,
accompanied by Vang6lis Aleks~ikis and Vasflis Siglet6s on laouta. This
mantinada(fig. 4) is a standardlyric suitablefor weddings. Though sung by the
lyra player, it is a dedicationfrom the husbandto his wife which begins to spell
out the obligations that she will be expected to carryout in her marriage.She is
put under an obligation to engrave her name on her husband's cross after his
death. When he dies it is as if she will die with him. Given the fact that all the
musicians are men, this lyric may contributeto the confirmationof a kind of

7 Despitethe importance of weddingsandthepossibilityof exploringhow genderidentitiesand

relationsarecollectivelyelaboratedat them,theethnographic on Greececontainslittle
literature
informationon musicalperformance at theseevents.Forpassingreferencesonly see Friedl62:
57, Campbell1964,Greger1985:62-4, Herzfeld1985:63-5 andLlewellyn-Smith1973:6. But
Cowan (1990) has written extensively on the role of the dance event in a Macedonian
community(mentioningthe role of gypsy musicians),and Caraveli(1985) has writtenabout
celebrationsin a communityon Karpathos. See Kaloyanides1975foran extensivemusicological
analysisof themusicof the Cretandances(as metricalforms).
100 BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

phallic, masculineauthority,thatwill ideally be reflectedin the relationshipof the

marriedcouple in whose honourthey areleadingthe celebration.
This mantinada is usually sung upon Crete's most populardance form, the
syrtos [sirt6s], which is describedby Kaloyanides(1975: 98) as the "shuffling"
dance of Crete,in a 2/4 pulse which variesin speedfrom moderateto fast. A short
lyra prelude based upon kondilihs (melodic couplets of limited range; riffs or
themes) made popularby Andr6asRodin6s (1912-34) (fig. 5) provides the basic
melodic materialfor the mantinada,which is interspersedwith short lyra solos in
performance(fig. 6). The lyra player does not usually sing and play simul-
taneouslyin live performance.

Fig. 4: Translationof the mantinadasung on the Rodinossyrtos8

Aidesanapothinoammn
apothino, WhenI die,I die,
amanapothino
6nakei, I die,a candle
aminapothinodnakeri whenI die a candle
ki mialabidaandpsis, anda big candleyou shouldlight
ddesamin
ki mialabidaanipsis. anda bigcandleyou shouldlight.
Aideske t' 6nomi su sto stavr6 Andyournameon mygrave-cross,
Aidest' 6nomaisu sto stavr6tu yournameon thegrave-crossof
tifu munagripsis, my graveyou shouldwrite,
adesamin
tu tAfumunagraipsis. of my graveyou shouldwrite.

Fig. 5: Openingthemeof the Rodinossyrtos,played on the lyra

t) #mM
15
CA
A- - ?- ? ? ??

8 I includephoneticandEnglishversionshere.Theunderlying rhymingcoupletis
metrical,
underlined.Aides,ddesandamdnareinterjections
withoutprecisemeaning, whichI havenot
attempted to translate,althoughamanimpliesgrief.In the Cretandialectke ("and")is
pronounced "che"(asin"chess").
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 101

Fig. 6: Mantinadasung on the Rodinossyrtos

J =125

Ai- des - a - na a-

-Ipo-thi-n
.i, -. , ,Iq/rf solo
o p(a)po-th-o - nake -ri

a-m(n)(a)po-tba-ro e__A a ke - ri ki mia(la)b&-da"

-
solo
Ipyr
- (a)np. - 313,

a) r

solo
MI:NK
t'6- no- m su .__ s sta
-
vw6o

a -des a - mn tu mu na gr - p( - sis.
lia]afu
-
a -des a -manxttii fu mu na gm&- p -siz.

A furtherexcerpt from the same wedding, and by the same performers,is shown
in figures 7 to 16. Unlike the standard,relatively fixed matinadatext above, the
couplets in fig. 9 are improvised.Here, verbalimprovisationstake place upon the
Anoyiandskondilis ("melodiccouplets fromAnoyii village")with an eight-beat,
four-barcycle, in the slow sigan(s dance in 2/4.9 A tense andexciting dynamicis
created between the verbal contests of lyra player (D. Pasparikis) and guests,
guest and guest, and, here, the supportingrole of the lyra and laouta themes-
kept as simple repetition and fill-ins between verbal couplets. Theme 1 of
Anoyiandskondilidsbegins (fig. 7). The lyraplayerthen stopsplayingand intones

9 The sigan6susuallyleadsintothefasterpentozdlisormalevizi6tisdances.
102 BritishJournal vol.5 (1996)
ofEthnomusicology,

a mantinada,playing short lyra solos betweenlines (figs. 8-10). Then the

coupletsin figures11-12areintoned.

Fig. 7: ThemeI ofAnoyiands

kondilids

J=80

bPon

Fig. 8: Mantinades sung on Anoyiands kondilids (example)

Zu - bfi-1i mu po-li-hbo- mo Zu - bix-li mu po-li-hro-mo-

- - - ~.i -w I .~ .w- i a I i
! -a1 l

,, , .

-1.

'k- ao, p vris-ko-dei o-mor-fies i pu vg-dnis?

ke mi-ro-dis

Fig. 9: Translationof the mantinadesinfig. 8 (extended)

mupolihromo Mymulticoloured flower(hyacinth)
Zubtili
zubglimupolihromo my multicolouredhyacinth
ya Desmup6s to kAnis. come,tell me howyou do it,
lyra solo
Ya pesmup6s to kanisto, Come,tellme howyou do it
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 103

pi vriskodei omorfids wherecan be found the beauties

ke i mirodi6spu vginis? and the scents you are producing?

lyra solo
Zubiilimu polfhromo My multicolouredhyacinth
zubiilimu polfihromo my multicolouredhyacinth
to pio kal6 su ap' ola: the best aboutyou is:

lyra solo
To pio kal6 su ap' ola: The best aboutyou is:
pios tha se di ke den tha pi, who will see you and not say
"har6-tinetin vi6la"? "welcome flower"?

lyra solo and link to the new theme:

Fig. 10: New theme

Played six times.

Fig. 11: Mantinades(a)'1

Yasemi mu, eba sto periv6li mu My jasmine:entermy garden
ki 6ti thdlisk6pse. and pick whateveryou want,

lyra solo
Ki 6ti thdlisk6pse, And pick whateveryou want,
6ir ki an hi o kipos mu whatevermy gardenhas
ine diki su ap6pse. is yours tonight.

lyra solo
frthaneki ipane mu na [...] They came and told me [...]
na tin evllo kipur6 to put her [unspecified]as a gardener
stes vi6les tu bakse mu. for the flowers in my garden.

lyra solo

10RoderickBeatonnotesthat"Thisexampleconsistsof twomantinades (couplets)of whichthe

second,containedin thelast threelines as written,is imperfectlyformed,probablyas a resultof
improvisation."He goes on to say that,in the last threelines, "Theidea is thatthe gardener
protectstheflowersagainstbeingpicked."(Beaton,pers.comm.1997)
104 BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

Fig. 12: Mantinada(b)"1

GuestOne:
Ela, Come!
Ebikam6sastobaks6, I've enteredmy garden
ke denbor6nadial6kso, andI can'tchoose
GuestTwo:
Opa!ke denbor6nadial6kso! AndI can'tchoose!
Hurrah!
GuestOne:
Ke denbor6nadialdkso, AndI can'tchoose
ti vi6lati kaliteri. thebestflower
na k6psena maz6pso. to pickandcut.

To change to anothertheme,Pasparikiscloses the section with a short linking

phraseon the lyra (fig. 13). The laouto chords(fig. 13, last bar)now provide the
backgroundagainst which Pasparikis introducesnew thematic material, based
upon theme7 of the Anoyianeskondilids(fig. 14).

Fig. 13: Closingphrase of section

Fig. 14: Anoyiandskondilidstheme7

Two male guests startsinging again (fig. 15). Here, they jest with the idea of
helping the newly-marriedman commit adultery--"shewill not see you, she will
not be jealous of you".Finally,the mantinadesclose with the themein fig. 16.

11 "Thisis onematinada (couplet)of whichthe secondhalfof the firstline (ke denbor6

is unmetrical"
dialdkso) (R.Beaton,pers.comm.,1997).
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 105

Fig. 15: Mantinada

(c)12
GuestTwo:
Elastishar6ski 61atis tapliiti, "Cometo herjoys andall of herriches"13
GuestOne:
Ki 61atis ta plhti Andall of herriches
ki 61atis ta pliiti, Andall of herriches,
GuestTwo:
Opa!Ki 61atis tapliti, Hurrah! Andallof herriches
ki 61atis ta phiti, andall of herriches,
GuestOne:
Elapdlimu ista, vial- Comemy birdleavethemon theshore
muke andense di, shewill notsee you,
vial6
ke dense kavgadisi andshewill notbejealousof you
GuestTwo:
Opa!se kagadisi, Jealousof you,
Hurrah!
GuestOne:
Ke dense kavgadfsi, Andif shedoes'ntmakeajealousquarrelwithyou,
ke dense kavgadfsi, andif shedoes'ntmakea jealousquarrelwithyou,
ne fdroap6tonplitanoner6 I'll bringwaterfromtheplane-tree
nase potsi. to wateryou.14

Fig. 16: Closingphrase

LYRA

rit.... ...........

In the performancedescribed here, one notices firstly how the mantinades,

with contributionsfrom the male guests, constructa "communityof masculinity"
based on macho themes, and secondly how the lyra player controls the event-
moving people fromtheme to theme.

12"Onlyonemantinada, precededbyformulaicphrases" pers.comm.1997).

(Beaton,
13A wellknownCretan expressionabouta woman's (anywoman's) character.
14AccordingtoRoderick Beaton(pers.comm.1997),thelasteight linescanbeparaphrased to:
"ifyourwifedoesn'tcatchyourunning loose,andso doesn'tgiveyoua hardtime,I'll bring
undertheplane-tree)
waterfromthelocal/ villagespring(traditionally tomakeyoufeelbetter."
He goeson to suggesta further "if youdon'tget laidin all thelengthof the
interpretation:
maybewe canfindyoua littlebitrightherein thevillage"(playing
seashore, onthetraditional
symbolismof waterastheantidotetothe"fires"of sexualpassion).
106 vol.5 (1996)
BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,

Musical skills are pushed to the limits with increasingintensity as the speed
and rhythms of the dances are alternatedin rapid succession; the virtuoso
improvisationsof the lyra playerfeed off the acrobaticsof the dancers(especially
the lead dancer). There is a movement away from known melodic material
accompanied by an intensification of melodic and rhythmic invention whose
"highs" are punctuatedwith cries of "Opa!"(a cry of encouragement).These
processes constitute the main means by which kefi ("high spirits")is organised
and orchestratedby the lyra player. The musical strategiesof musicians, their
manipulationof musical themes, tempos and improvisations-as elsewhere-
occur in a way which takes into account and manages the moods and sounds of
the total environment (including the punctuations of gunfire at village
celebrations)in their attemptsto orchestratea successful performance--one that
is convivial for participantsandprofitablefor musicians(see fig. 17).

Fig. 17: Improvisationon the Protos syrtosthemes

(Anoyia" lyra;X = singleroundof gunfire)
village,29.vi.91;D. Paspargkis,

Theme1
7ma L..J
L..L I

gu••ire:X XX X X X XXX
I -- -

A A MA Fm I x
I E
E'w.1ml
1'' 11 F9j IU X* i i X -7~1 1
xm

A Atr&7 'lOp&lI

"Opa!Opa!" ?
IL
.
I I k
o

There are two points to make about the role of gunfirein the flow of musical
events. One is thatit is a momentof high-spiritedperformanceby one or more of
the male guests markinga decisive contributionto a communalmachismo. The
sound of gunfire has many associations, and in Crete it is associated with the
expression of joy and with the projection of masculine ideals (see Needham
1967:614, Herzfeld 1985:68). The otherpointis that the gunshotsin fig. 17 were
deliberately "aimed"to coincide with the returnof theme 1. This is common
practice.
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 107

Westernmusicologicaltechniquesof analysisreveal musicians'skill at linking

together highly ornamentedthemes. Indigenous theory too acknowledges the
significance of this aspect of lyra improvisation.Cretanmusiciansand audiences
commentedon how virtuosoplayersmove from one theme to another,noting the
"manly" skill (i.e. control, fluency) with which they link them together. An
example is shown in fig. 18.

Fig. 18: Furtherthemesand linkagematerialfrom the Anoyiandskondilies suite

as performedby D. Pasparnkis(Anoyidvillage, 29.vi.91)

J =100
LINKI ; x1

THEME

LIoNK x 0

A i x

eu I 1
LINKr xilt
Sxl
THEME.U
Ia

This section has looked briefly at how the musiciancontrolsthe sonic texture
of the event, utilisingmusical and "non-musical"sounds,weaving the non-verbal
and verbalcomponentsof performanceas thematicmaterials.In the next section
we look at how the "manly"and"not-so-manly"elementsof musicalperformance
are woven together.

Gendernegotiationand musicalperformance
What has been said so far seems to support the notion of a male-dominated
society with no compunctionaboutkeepingwomen and othermen undercontrol.
The behaviour, imagery and rhetoric surroundingmusical performancewould
have us believe that there is no room for such things as sensitivity, sweetness,
emotion and play. But there are apparentloopholes in the manly trope (the ideal
that men are always "in control")that allow men to step over the line a little, to
push at the boundariesof manhood and manly behaviour,even though this is
ultimately covered up under the blanket of a man's demand to be taken
seriously-and even in a drunkenstupora man becomes the focus of attentionat
108 BritishJournalof Ethnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

leastfor a shorttime.15Indeed,"acelebration of unrulyselfhood"(epitomisedby

animaltheft)is centralto the"poeticsof manhood" describedby Herzfeld(1985:
272). At celebrationsothermenrely on the virtuosicimprovisations of the lyra
player to hold the community of machismo together, whilsttheyplay,floutthe
lawandtakeminorrisksin public.
Theperformance of machismoby musiciansinvolvesintensenegotiationand
delicatehandling.Sincemusicalperformance has to appearmanlyin a context
where certainmanly bearingsare takenfor granted,the performerhas to
overstate,andto overstatewithcareandprecision.A contradiction emergeswhen
the ideologyof machospontaneity, roughnessetc. is confrontedby thepractical
demandsof performance, requiring carefulstage-management of impressions and
appearances. I observedhow concernedmusicianswereabouttheirappearance,
seen for examplein the use of hairspray (somelyraplayerswouldsit in the car
aftera weddingprocessionandbeforeplayingat theweddingpartyandsprayand
combtheirhairandmoustache)andthe wearingof jewellery(ornatenecklaces,
ringsandexpensivedesignerwatches).Lyraplayersalso haveto takegreatcare
of theirnails!(Theplayingtechniqueof the lyrademandslongnails.)Morethan
vanity, implicit meanings are involved that counter this slide into "the
effeminate". Takingcareof his appearance showstheperformer is in control,not
onlyof his musicbutalsoof his body:he is signallingthathe will be in controlof
the celebrationtoo. A professionaljob will be done. He is worththe money,
peoplehaveinvestedin himbefore(asthejewelleryproves).
Mantinadesoften go beyondthe imageryof machismointo daily events,
politicsandhistory.Accordingto AristidisHeritis,a poet fromAnoyiavillage,
mantinadesdisplaythe sensitivityandstrongheartof the performer/writer. A
giftedobserverof life, torturedinside,he is strongenoughto be ableto control
his emotionsandto sharehis revelations--tocopewithall life can throwat him.
Aristidis'mantinadesgo beyondcompetitivemanlyjoustsat celebrationsor in
the coffee housesto describeattachment to place(village,town,city, a region)
andto an environment he had to learnto workwithinas a shepherd.Aristidis
summarisestheirsubjectmatteras "love,passion,and the environment". The
reasonto write is i idia i zoi--"life itself'. The subjectis life. The moon, a
woman'seyes, observations of nature,"thingsthatpeoplemiss",areimportant to
Aristidis.
Mantinadesreveal again the latitudewhich enables some men to express their
feelings in both harsh and sweeter tones of voice. However, in the face of the
forcefulmanhoodideals endorsedby the community,this "sensitivemanliness"is
againcontained,explained,negotiatedand mobilisedin rhetoricas emblematicof

15 Cowan(1990:227) remarks: "Attributed to over-drinking,

quarrelsandotherdisruptiveacts
are seen as evidenceof a man's ... 'liveliness',his demandto be takenseriously'as a man'."
This is in line with my own experience:at all but two of the gldndi(celebrations)I attended,
shepherdswouldbe carriedoff, cursing,worseforthewearof drink;othermenwouldlaughand
shout"goodperson!"(kal6sdnthropos).In anycase all men areindividualswho will sooneror
laterhaveto returnto livingup to the morehonourable ways of beinga manin the community,
i.e. displaying"control"
andcunningin theiractions(see alsoHerzfeld1985).
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 109

a more resilient,"tougher"masculinity-which remainsat the core of pastoralist

ideology.
Alongside the broaderrange of subjectsand tone of voice throughwhich some
poets expressthemselvesis the rangeof timbresfound on the lyra. Sometimesthe
lyra itself is said to have a "sweet voice" (glikt font). A combinationof glikds
("sweet")and sklirds ("harsh")tones (terms provided by my male informants)
does not seem to underminethe "manliness"of performance.The "sweet"tone is
said to reflect the efpdthia ("sensitivity") of men demanding to be "taken
seriously as men" (Cowan 1990: 227). The notion of "sweetness"in this context
might be surprising,but it is mentionedas something experiencedby a "virile"
man. I was told thatheartfeltemotionsare expressedwith a "strongheart"(dinati
kardid).16
I can best describe men's thoughtson the male qualities of vocal and instru-
mental tone productionby discussing their views on the only semi-professional
woman lyra playeron the island, AspasiaPapadcikisfrom the city of Hania. Men
would say how much they respectedher playing skill, but would then go on to
commentabouther sound by saying "Butshe is not a man, is she?"(Alld den ine
dndras,etsi den ine), followed by "She imitatesmen" (Mimitaitus dndres). The
few Cretan men interested enough to comment on her abilities described her
singing as glik6 or "sweet"and said thatthey enjoyedit, even thoughthey did not
listen to her much. The men's voices, Cretanmen would say, are poll dinates
("very strong","loud")or skliris ("hardand tough"). To my ears, this woman
lyra player has a light sound similarto that of the violin in the Cycladic Islands.
She sticks to themes without much elaborationor improvisation.The lyra plays
simultaneouslywith the voice on herrecords(this is not always the case on men's
records and certainly not the case at celebrations), so its sonorities help to
counterbalanceher softer voice, although it is played in the higher register as
much as the lower. Her vocal exclamationsare not as forceful, including"Opa!"
and"Ami(n)"butexcluding"E!"which comes before a curse.
Men were reluctant to elaborate about the work of Aspasia Papadikis, but
implicit meaningswere obvious. The men were unquestioningbecause they said
that they had never thought about it-she is a woman! Whateverthe sound, it
cannotbe as good as thatof a man!The lyra is a man's instrument!
Aspasia Papadikis adopts a submissive attitude on her record. She treads
carefully in a male domain (and she does not play at weddings). Titled Ta
Monopdtia tu Ptnu (The Paths of Pain), the record is a celebration of her
devotion to a man. The "pathsof pain" are the trials and tribulationsthat they
went throughin theirrelationshipbefore he went away to sea. She is waiting for
him to return,and all the songs on the album are about her longing to see him
again.
On the cover of her record(fig. 19), Papadcikiswears a red scarf,disguisingthe
fact that she is an older woman-girls wear red, it is the colour of passion
(pdthos).She is less threateningin the guise of a girl. The coins aroundher neck

16Dinat6s(strong,loud)can alsomean"virile"(cf. andrikds).

110 BritishJournalofEthnomusicology,
vol.5 (1996)

Fig. 19: AspasiaPapaddkisrecordcover,Cretaphon,

1990

STEREO D

asset-and can meanthatshe is

are a sign of fertility,a sign of her"internal"
eithermarriedor at least devotedto one man.Herpostureis one of pride,not
arrogance, withone handon herhip(notherwaistlikethemen)andsheholdsthe
lyra-a symbolof themanshewaitsforandhispoweroverher-as consolation.

Theseexampleshaveshownhow a well-rehearsed rhetoricguarantees thatthe

manly idealsof performance The
hangtogether. symbolism of lyra music andthe
practicesof musiciansare linked
inextricably to Cretan ideals of manhood. I have
used Herzfeld'sstudy of a Cretanmountainvillage as a touchstonefor my
discussionof manhoodin Crete.But, althoughthe manhooddescribedby him
resonatesthroughoutmy observationsof musicalperformance-asone might
expect, because lyra music is seen as essentiallylinked to village life and
emblematicof Crete'sheartlandby most Cretans-it very muchdependson
contextas to whena trulymachoeventwill occur(by all thecriteriamentioned
above);andat villageslike Anoyiaandthe one describedby Herzfeld,this is
largelyconfinedto celebrations.TheCretan"heartland" andthe island'smusic
are
industry being pulled ever more into national and international networks
wherethe symbolicallycrucialnotionof "control"lies "somewhereelse". Yet
dramaticsocial changein Crete,with reformulations of social life, leave lyra
 Dawe:Theengenderedlyra 111

music as a unique vehicle for the working out of older notions of identity with
newerones-in fact, for the workingout of competingdiscoursesof identity.
Peter Loizos notes that agriculturalists,who are depicted as effeminate in the
rhetoricof Cretanshepherds,may "have a discoursein which otherconcepts are
foregrounded"(1994: 78), concepts like anthropid or "feeling for one's fellow
humans" as opposed to egoismts or the manly "self-regard"of shepherds
(Herzfeld 1985: 11). It is becoming increasingly obvious that manhood is a
complex and nuancedissue, and that differingnotions of manhoodinteractwith
musicalperformancepractices.17
Lyra musiciansmust continueto managethe gap between local and local, and
local and non-local worlds, if they are not to find their sense of identity
irrevocablytorn apart.This "gap"is perhapspartiallyreconciled by the fact that
the "local" continues to be transformedby global patternsand that the global
continues to be apprehendedin Cretan terms-terms which are continually
negotiatedthroughthe dynamicinterplayof music, poetryand ideals of manhood.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am extremelygratefulto DavidHughesandRoderickBeatonfor theirconsiderable
helpwiththe preparation of thisarticle.I presentedsomeof theseideasin a paperat a
MusicandGenderStudyDay,MusicDepartment, Universityof York,17.v.96,andin a
seminarat The Queen'sUniversityof Belfast,Departmentof Social Anthropology,
28.ii.96.I wishto thankall colleaguespresentforhelpfulcommentsanddiscussion.

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Kevin Dawe is a lecturerwith the Open University. He received an MSc in biological

anthropology from the University of London and a doctoral degree in social anthro-
pology (ethnomusicology)from the Queen's University of Belfast (1994). Address:The
Open University (Ireland), 40 University Road, Belfast BT7 1SU. E-mail:
<K.N.Dawe@open.ac.uk>