1

2
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Dear delegate and representatives from different universities, its an honor for me to welcome you
to the sixteenth edition of MOVENU international.

I would like to introduce myself, my name is Jose Roberto Nunez Alonzo, Venezuelan,
Caraqueño, and student of international relations at the central university of Venezuela. I'm one of
those that truly enjoy the study of history, the origin of social phenomenons, economic behavior
and the fair process development ; in my home I learned the meaning of values and the necessity
of self-improvement, i am not static. I believe in freedom, but not in debauchery; I consider that
the will is not enough to make a change, actions are the principal catalyst; I understand the
differences; I'm not a radical, but sometimes I understand that sometimes there's no room for
grays; I believe in institutions, but those that are transparents. I search explanations, I debate and
fight against injustice, I recognized my incapacity to hear sometimes.

I learned from everybody, and I don't let go of those from whom I learned the most, I believe in
friendship. I'm who I am for many reasons, on first place there is my family, my school and those
who I met there, my university and its people, I'm who I am because MUN, and everything that it
gave me in the past 4 years, without mention the previous 4. It’s these groups experiences that
allow me to write to all of you today.

I had the chance to live the MUN experience from different perspectives, understanding that
perception is vital, effort necessary and knowledge invaluable. I was a delegate, faculty, chair,
academic staff and I participated in numerous experiences, they all were widely different but at the
same time, similar. I found the reason why I respect MUN, I understand its meaning on the
personal and academic growing of the students, I applaud the effort of those that are located in the
backstage of those experiences, they all give their best, I also get frustrated finding the solutions
for its flaws, and that's why I'm doing this the best that I can with the glorious organizer committee
of this institution.

I wish you success and growing, and I long for MOVENU international to be as enriching as it was
for me

José Roberto Núñez

Secretary General of the sixteenth edition of MOVENU

4
Dear delegates,

Welcome to the General Assembly of MOVENU 2018. My name is Ivette Cuenod, I am a

fifth year student of Law at the Central University of Venezuela and in this edition of
MOVENU International I will serve as the Under Secretary for the the General Assemblies. I
proudly assure you that, with the help of Luis, Rafael, Natasha M, Corina, Natasha S, Maria
and Fabiana will have an enriching academic experience.

Thank you for accepting the challenge of being part of the most competitive committees that
are part of this Model. Where not only are the largest number of delegates participating, but
those who do have probably deduced the ultimate purpose of the delegates of large
committees in United Nations Models, TO BE MEMORABLE.

I honestly consider that those that with their academic knowledge, outstanding speeches,
negotiation skills, teamwork and above all their ability to generate debate, manage to be
essential in the committee not only for their Dais but also for their fellow delegates are the
ones who will stand out in a General Assembly. And I like to think that those who stand out
in academic activities such as MOVENU, are the ones that will become memorable actors in
the history of our Country.

MOVENU, beyond an academic competition, I insist, is a space where university leaders

from all over the country come together to sharpen their skills in order to represent us in front
of the whole world from their respective area of knowledge. Making it imperative that they
take full advantage of this learning opportunity, to draw on the knowledge of their fellow
competitors and their Dais, and that they challenge themselves and others to become a better
version of a delegate, leader and student, showing that they are memorable Venezuelans .

Without further or do I say goodbye, but not before reminding you that if by chance you have
any questions or queries about our committees, rules or about MOVENU; Do not hesitate to
contact us. Our goal is to make this experience as profitable as possible for our delegates
Welcome to MOVENU International
Thank you for accepting the challenge of the General Assemblies
Sincerely,
Ivette Cuenod
Under Secretary General for the General Assemblies

5
Dear Delegates,

It is with great excitement that I welcome you all to the Disarmament and International
Security Committee. I am Luis Alayón, and I am thrilled to be serving as your President in
the largest committee of MOVENU 2018. Alongside Corina Fung, Rafael Martinez and
Natasha Madrigal, who will serve as your Vice-presidents of this committee. We expect you
all to find the topics that we will discuss challenging and innovative. We are expecting our
committee to have a sophisticated debate and to be an incredible experience for all of you.

We have been around the national MUN circuit for a while already and our background is
quite diverse. Natasha is studying Psychology at Universidad Católica Andres Bello and
assisted to WorldMUN 2017; Corina is studying Economics at Universidad Metropolitana
and went to HNMUN two years (2017 and 2018); Rafael, who was part of UCV HNMUN,
graduated last year from Med school at his university; and I am doing a degree on Chemical
Engineering at Universidad Simón Bolívar and I attended HNMUN four times. Therefore, we
have tried to bring a little bit of our personal experience in the approach of these topics.

We expect you to have a truly substantive debate with a lot of content, technical concepts,
and bold ideas to solve the topics we are proposing in this study guide. The Environmental
Warfare is becoming every day an enormous threat to the international community. The
evolution of warfare technologies requires an evolution of the international law to regulate
and control them. Also, the ambiguity of failed states is challenging the mechanism of our
international institutions to deal with them. Both topics fall within the scope of our
committee's jurisdiction and we expect from you to use the full power of DISEC to bring new
and holistic solutions for these topics.

If you have any questions regarding the scope of the committee, feel free to send us an email
at disec.movenu2018@gmail.com. We are more than thrilled to be organizing this committee
and we hope you enjoy it. We cannot wait to meet you all in October!
Sincerely,
Luis Alayón, Natasha Madrigal, Corina Fung and Rafael Martínez,
DISEC’s Dais

6
 HISTORY AND
STRUCTURE OF THE
COMMITTEE
After World War II (WWII),
members of the International Community
found themselves in need for establishing
a platform that would serve for
international political dialogue among
nations. On 1945, countries met at the
United Nations Conference on
International Organization to draw up the
UN Charter 1. After coming into force, the
UN Charter established the General
Assembly (GA) as the main body for
multilateral negotiation. In order to fully
address political, social and economic
issues, the GA is divided in six main
committees.
The Disarmament and International
Security Committee (DISEC), also known
as the First Committee of the General
Assembly was created as one of the six
principal organs of the General Assembly
of UN on October 24th of 1945 when the
UN Charter came into effect. DISEC
focuses on issues regarding disarmament,
global challenges and threats to peace of
the international community; working
under the general principles of
7
“cooperation in the maintenance of
international peace and security, as well as
principles governing disarmament and the
regulation of armaments; promotion of
cooperative arrangements and measures
aimed at strengthening stability through
lower levels of armaments.”2
This committee has the power to
develop strong recommendations to all
Members of the United Nations regarding
disarmament and international security
aspects in forms of resolutions,
conferences, conventions, special summits
and treaties. Among its most imperative
concerns, the agenda prioritizes threats to
global security and weapons of mass
destruction as well as the elimination of
conventional arms.3
For better understanding of the
powers and functions of this Committee, it
is necessary to remark past landmark
document examples that will provide
delegates a better perspective on the
mechanics of debate and the importance of
the First Committee of the GA.
The first resolution ever adopted in
the General Assembly was developed by
DISEC and adopted unanimously on
January 24th 1946, entitled
“Establishment of a Commission to Deal
with the Problems Raised by the Discovery
of Atomic Energy” (Resolution I), had the
purpose of establishing a commission
responsible of studying and discussing
security concerns related to atomic energy
uses. This commission had the duty to
inform the SC on findings involving
weaponization of atomic energy4. By that
time, it was necessary to dissipate fear and
paranoid behaviors of the international
community towards each other on the use
of nuclear energy as weapon; therefore, to
ensure future peace, DISEC created this
commission.
 The role of the committee is to
provide space for each state to discuss
their position on disarmament-related
matters and suggest means for the proper
understanding and approach on the issue;
rather than using military equipment to
ensure security, Member States shall
suggest cooperative security arrangements
that increase global security5. GA
resolutions constitute non-binding
recommendations to member states. Even
though DISEC cannot enforce resolutions,
the committee may pass them to the UN
Security Council (UNSC), whose
resolutions are binding. It is the only Main
Committee of the General Assembly
entitled to verbatim records according to
the Rule 58 (a) of the rules of procedure of
the General Assembly.2
DISEC AND
ENVIRONMENTAL
WARFARE
As it was previously stated, the
Disarmament and International Security
Committee was created as one of the main
bodies seeking to tackle the imperative
need for a multilateral negotiation
platform. Therefore, all matters concerning
international peace and human welfare
8
rely on the committee’s action. As we will
explain further on, the modification of the
environment has become a new method of
weaponization for hostile purposes;
concerning not only environmental
aspects, but posing a threat to human
welfare.
Ecoterrorism and environmental
warfare are matters that are growing day
by day and calling upon urgent actions.
Ecoterrorism consists on the deliberate
destruction of the environment in order to
intimidate or coerce governments and
civilians. Environmental warfare, another
form of ecoterrorism, is the deliberate and
illegal destruction, exploitation and/or
modification of the environment used as a
strategy in times of armed conflicts.
Matters that clearly concern DISEC’s
scope of disarmament and international
security.
Threatening the international
community, it is in the committee’s
jurisdiction and responsibility to tackle the
issue at hand. To do so, proper
understanding of the topic and problem
must be achieved by all present delegates;
ensuring suitable and sustainable
solutions. Therefore, the sessions shall
seek to provide general debate, thematic
discussions and to call upon actions on
drafts. It is encouraged for delegates to
urge inventive solutions and propose the
reformation of existing institutions
intended to regulate such techniques.
HISTORY OF THE
PROBLEM
After the end of the Cold War, the
confrontation between superpower nations
has shifted. The "traditional" approach to
obtain global leverage changed to a
complex combination of economics, legal
and technological advances. Currently,
States rely on the fast evolution of
technology to target issues of international
concern such as: ethnic disputes, drug
trafficking, natural resources management
and climate change as means to expand
their power to different territories. The
modification of the environment with
hostile purposes is not something new, the
weather or environmental warfare has been
defined as the use of techniques to
intentionally modify the environment with
military purposes.
The first techniques used to
intervene the weather were developed in
the early 1900’s, when Charles Mallory
Hatfield developed rain-inducing
chemicals, guided by pluviculture studies6.
In 1946, Vincent Schaefer discovered the
principle of cloud seeding, process in
which different chemical agents act upon
existing clouds to intentionally increase or
reduce the chance of rainfall7.
Cloud seeding is one of the most
common techniques used to modify the
environment but since then, many
experiments have been put into practice
and many more techniques have been
developed. The evolution of the intentional
modification of the weather has resulted in
what today is known as Geoengineering.
The Oxford Geoengineering Programme
9
defines this phenomenon as the deliberate
large-scale intervention of the Earth’s
natural system8. Within this concept, two
main techniques are developed: Solar
Radiation Management (SRM) and Carbon
Dioxide Removal (CDR).
Operation Popeye
At first, cloud seeding did not seem
to be considered within warfare
application, but in 1974, the United States
turned the environment into an instrument
of war. The weaponization of the weather
dates back to the Vietnam War, in which
the U.S allegedly used a cloud seeding
program to increase rain in Southeast Asia
and gain leverage in the war. Operation
Popeye was the first known use of weather
warfare in military history, increasing
rainfalls up to 30 percent in the Indochina
region9. The cloud seeding operation was
meant to extend the monsoon season of
Vietnam, therefore destabilizing the
enemy. By extending the monsoon season
by altering weather patterns, the delivery
of supplies to soldiers in Vietnam became
nearly impossible. The operation consisted
in American pilots and their crew soaring
over Vietnamese territories to detonate the
canisters and release particles into existing
storms.10
Cloud seeding can be intended
towards peacetime efforts, but after the
details of this operation went public,
legislators began to push for treaties and
organizations to regulate weather
modification. For the first time, the hostile
use of environmental modification
techniques rose awareness in the
international community. The Vietnam
War introduced the term “ecocide” to the
military lexicon and showed the impact
military assaults on nature can have in

warfare11. Today, the public seems to have
forgotten this event ever occurred; but
given the rise of geoengineering projects
(both from municipal governments and
private companies), experts believe it is
within nowadays weaponization relevance.
ENMOD
Furthermore, the United States was
involved in more environmental
modification conflicts throughout the years
1950’s and 1960’s. Such events called
upon the United Nations to take action on
the matter, and in December 10th 1976, the
General Assembly adopted Resolution
31/72 to establish the Convention on the
Prohibition of Military or Any Other
Hostile Use of Environmental
Modification Techniques (commonly
addressed as ENMOD). This happened as
a result of the submission of separate but
identical drafts of the convention by the
US and USSR.12
10
This resolution stresses the urgent
negotiation on disarmament and arm
limitation measures regarding
environmental techniques. The convention
defines environmental modification
techniques as any technique used to
deliberately manipulate natural processes,
the dynamics, composition and/or
structure of the Earth. The Convention was
opened for signature at Geneva on 18 May
1977 and came into force in 1978.13 The
circumstances in which the use of a
technique is considered a violation of
ENMOD, require the manipulation of a
natural process. The convention sets two
parameters to take into consideration when
an environmental modification technique
is applied: the scale of the damage and the
intent or purpose.
We can consider this convention to
be rather visionary, taking into account
that most of the technologies it was trying
to tackle were not even developed. Still,
many problems have risen regarding this
convention. It is understood that State
Parties of the convention are protected
against environmental modification
techniques; but, unfortunately, Parties
didn’t properly clarify the cases in which a
State Parties attack a non-Party (or vice-
versa). So, this constitutes an issue
regarding the proper understanding on the
conditions of ENMOD and many
problems have grown around it.12
Following this, 40 years after the
convention was introduced, the treaty is all
but forgotten. Only 70 countries ratified
the convention and State Parties have just
met twice, more than 20 years ago (1982,
1992). This treaty has for sure many flaws
but no international organization has done
the efforts to fix it. Many violations of this
treaty have occurred during the last 50
years.
Persian Gulf War
As it was previously stated, many
violations to the ENMOD’s parameters
have occurred, and a very important one
was a severe environmental modification
by Iraq during the Gulf War. Iraq is in fact
a country characterized by the many
environmental issues in which they have
been involved. The Persian Gulf War of
1991 resulted in serious environmental
damages for major portions of the Middle
East.
On January 21, 1991, the Coalition
Forces launched an air campaign against
Iraqi forces, which called upon Iraq’s
military forces to retaliate. Iraqi military
troops in Kuwait decided to do so by
implementing environmental warfare. The
valves at the Sea Island oil terminal in
Kuwait were opened, releasing large
quantities of crude oil into the Gulf. By
doing so, the oil moved southward and
began to concentrate in the northern coast
of Saudi Arabia, implicating dangers for
the affected zones and destroying complete
natural habitats. The consequences
following this event were rather
devastating, the whole shallow-water
11
ecosystem was affected, directly tackling
the multimillion-dollar Saudi Arabian
fishery industries.14
The apparent strategic goal of this
operation was to stop a US Marine
landing; and even though the
environmental damages were colossal, no
international organization reprimanded
Iraq’s actions.
Warring Parties in Middle East and North
Africa
As seen before, the convention
hasn’t had a big impact in protecting the
environmental infrastructure to be used as
a potent weapon in warfare. This threat, as
the targeting of the environment for
warfare purposes, can bring long-term
implications for ecosystems and human
welfare. New studies have found how
warring parties in the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA) have increasingly
targeted water and energy infrastructures
as tactical weapons. By doing so, they are
destroying and controlling such
infrastructure applying indiscriminate and
punitive tactics. The objective is to
displace and terrorize urban populations,
punish civilians, deprive opposing parties
of energy resource and furthermore calling
upon cities to surrender.15
Even though this is a warfare
application, civilians are being
tremendously affected. The study
previously mentioned showed that factors
such as hunger, malnutrition, waterborne
diseases and lack of medical care have
notably increased civilian mortality;
humanitarian organizations have been
forced to leave these conflict zones as they
too, are targets of this violence. The
environmental infrastructures are crucial
when rebuilding conflicted zones and the
repeated destruction of these in the MENA
region, are restraining the restoration of
basic services and reconstruction needed
for development.
International Community and ENMOD
As we have seen, the hostile use of
the environment is a pressing issue to
which the international community hasn’t
been properly responding, despite having a
convention that could in fact diminish the
issue. For years, the resolution adopted by
the UN has been ignored and even violated
with no repercussion. The scientific
community has tested some of the methods
to prove their efficacy and safety, and have
informed their respective head of states
about the benefits and risks of
implementation on the environment. Many
countries’ intelligence departments, as
well as Non-State Actors, have
demonstrated the interest in collecting this
knowledge to develop future military
strategies.
This weaponization of the weather
clearly concerns DISEC, as it constitutes a
potential scientific threat to the
international security. The committee must
gather to update regulations such as the
Convention on the Prohibition of Military
or Any Other Hostile Use of
Environmental Modification Techniques
by adapting it to the new technologies, and
should aim to create institutional reforms
to prevent catastrophic casualties
detonated by hostile use of climate
engineering practices.
CURRENT SITUATION
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Global Warming is for sure, one of
the main topics when it comes to
international politics. The last Climate
Change Conferences have focused on
ways to diminish the consequences of
climate change, and specifically climate
change as a result of development. The
debate should also focus on the use of
these new technologies with non-peaceful
objectives by nations and non-state parties,
and specifically, how should the UN act
against it.
Geoengineering technologies are
evolving faster every day and our legal
instruments, institutions and mechanisms
are not capable of keeping the phases to
the current changes. Climate change is a
common threat to the international
security, and every country is taking
unilateral actions to safeguard their
citizens. Existing laws do not control
research on new technologies and its
impact on other nations, as well as, the
unilateral use of geoengineering
techniques in order to prevent climate
change without the approval of neighbor
countries. Even if current legislation
forbids the use of hostile environmental
techniques, there is not enough institutions
or mechanisms within the United Nations
to face the problem. Thus, looking for
ways to empower our organization, its
mechanisms, and the international law
should be the focus of this committee
throughout the conference.
ENMOD Limitations
As previously explained, the
ENMOD is the only legal instrument
which specifically bans the modification
of the environment for military purposes.
This conference is for sure a pioneer on
this matter, but has many limitations and
loopholes.
This Conference established under
article 1: "Parties commit not to engage in
military or any other hostile use of
environmental modification techniques
having widespread, long-lasting or severe
effects as the means of destruction,
damage or injury to any other State Party.
Also, Parties undertake not to assist,
encourage or induce any State, a group of
States or international organization to
engage in such activities". Making it clear
that this conference is only applicable to
parties recognized by the international
community but it does not include new
threats such as Non-State actor under its
jurisdiction.
Also, not all environmental
manipulations are forbidden by the treaty.
It is important to understand that in order
to violate this convention, an attempt to
manipulate natural processes is required.
Therefore, the ENMOD establishes that
for a technique to fall within its scope it
must meet at least one of the following
three points:
1. Widespread: refers to a geographic
area; the environmental
modification must cover an area of
several hundred square kilometers;
2. Long lasting: effects lasting for a
period of months, or over a season;
3. Severe: means involving serious or
significant disruption or harm to
human life, natural and economic
resources or other assets.
These three points together are
known as the troika, and when a country
strongly believes that another nation
13
violated one of these points, the nation
could submit a formal claim to the
Security Council to discuss the matter.
Another major problem of this
conference is that it only bans
environmental modification for military or
hostile purposes. It fails to protect nations
when these technologies are used for
"peaceful” climate control. What if a
nation uses cloud seeding to have a better
rainy season and also induces a dry season
in a neighboring region? Should the
unilateral use of geoengineering
technologies be seen as hostile?
Furthermore, under the scope of
this convention, it is not clear if this legal
instrument also protects and applies to
Non-party states. It has never been
clarified until what extent could a Non-
Party state be held responsible or be
protected by this convention if they are
involved in a conflict in which this treaty
is violated. Even though this convention
could offer a little bit of protection to Non-
Party nations, still the range of action is
limited to members of the convention.
Paradoxically, this convention does not
offer a compensation mechanism for the
damages caused in violation of this treaty.
Finally, one of the main setbacks
for this convention is its consultation
mechanism. It is established that when a
country believes another party state
violated the treaty, the former could
submit a claim to the Security Council to
discuss the issue. This procedure makes it
almost impossible to successfully get a
favorable result when the convention is
violated. The five veto powers in the SC
“are a big constraint on the effectiveness
of ENMOD”.12
It is clear that a full review of this
legal instrument should be considered and
proposed during this conference. Many
other legal instruments protect the
environment from different perspectives,
their scope should also be taken into
consideration during our debate. The
outcome, however, will depend completely
on each nation domestic and international
policies. It is going to be up to you
delegates to decide if we need to create a
new convention or just empower the
existing one.
Emerging Situations
Targeting of Environmental Infrastructure
Targeting water dams, oil drills,
wind turbines, oil wells, etc. is a new form
of war-making with long-term adverse
consequences for state capacity, human
security, and conflict resolution. The
international community has focused the
last decades to create and improve existing
laws in order to prohibit attacks on civilian
infrastructure. Nevertheless, given the
inefficiency in many of our main organs,
the current legal instrument and
mechanisms are ineffective to protect
civilians from the new trends on war. 16
On July 2014, Israeli forces
attacked the Nusairat power station in
Gaza, this plant provided a third of Gaza’s
energy consumption. The Nusairat power
plant uses diesel fuel to generate the
power. Prior to the attack, 3 million liters
of diesel were held inside the tanks
14
causing a tremendous explosion and big
black plumes of smoke to reach the
atmosphere. During the loss of power,
water pumping was affected as well as the
sewing system.17 In Africa and the Middle
East, the protection of pipelines, electrical
and telecommunication systems have
become one of the main priorities of the
governments in order to avoid blackouts
and damage in the environment.18
In the summer of 2016, ISIS set on
fire oil wells when they were retreating
from Iraq. Oil fires is highly toxic,
releasing into the air: Sulphur dioxide,
nitrogen dioxide, carbon monoxide,
polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs),
and some metals such as nickel and
vanadium. These substances can cause
health problems as well as short and long-
term impact on the environment.19
Furthermore, this new type of
“Eco-terrorism” is posing a threat
internationally and domestically for many
countries. There are already reported cases
of sabotage in many facilities in different
countries. “Eco-Terrorism” and “Ecocide”
are new concepts that are not defined by
the United Nations nor international legal
instruments, but given the current situation
is an important point to take into
consideration. 20 21
Geoengineering as a Weapon
In the last year, geoengineering and
its application, have been getting more
attention as a solution for climate change.
Many experts are also really concerned
about the hostile uses of geoengineering in
the future. A good example to this case is
nuclear energy. The latter was intended to
be a replacement for fossil fuels, at the
time the hostile uses of nuclear energy
were not controlled or regulated by the
international community. The
consequences of the technology in war
were catastrophic and nowadays we still
live the impact on the environment from
the testing of nuclear bombs.
Geoengineering may be a good
solution to help us diminish our carbon
footprint in the environment, but this
technology could also be used for the
wrongs purposes. As of now, all nations
are allowed to do scientific research on the
matter without any type of regulation. To
be clear, the impact of geoengineering on
the environment is not our focus, but the
impact of the hostile uses of
geoengineering. As DISEC, we don't have
the right to decide if this technology is
useful in the future to help us fight climate
change but our jurisdiction allows us to
regulate in terms of military usages of this
technology. Clear limitations must be
established now in order to avoid future
conflicts.
15
Geoengineering covers a broad
spectrum of different technologies, they all
are capable of modifying temporarily or
permanently planetary processes. All of
them represent an impact to the entire
planet. Even if they are tested somewhere
in China, Latin America could still be
affected. Until what extend should the use
of geoengineering technologies
unilaterally by a country be considered
hostile? Taking into consideration that
some countries consider climate change a
hoax and do not support carbon dioxide
reduction efforts, they are probably going
to support these new technologies even if
they are used unilaterally.
As we have seen, the well-
documented history of weather
modification gives us a perspective of how
geoengineering can become a threat; it is
imperative we use the existing institutions
and legislations in the face of current
environmental anxiety and provide
responsive action.
RELEVANT PARTNERS
The discussion of Environmental
Warfare should focus on the development
of possible international standards
regarding the use of environmental
techniques for military purposes. Since the
topic is highly related to the impact on
climate change, the United Nations
Environmental Program plays an
important role; specifically, the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change. This institution is in charge of
analyzing and evaluating the social,
economic and political impact of climate
change. In June 2011, the IPCC published
a report on the Impact of Geoengineering
and how the hostile uses of this technology
play a key role on the matter. Furthermore,
UNEP created in 1972 the Earthwatch, an
international environmental observation
mechanism. The organization has the main
duty of monitoring the environment; thus,
working directly with these organization
could empower possible solutions.
It is important to understand that
most of the research on this topic is on
early stages. Important institution as the
Oxford Geoengineering Programme could
play an important role in order to develop
international policies. Also, national
security experts could give the committee
a better assessment of the risks posed by
Non-State Actors and rogue countries.
BLOC POSITIONS
Currently, four countries are
reported to possess the technology to
weaponize the environment: The US,
Russia, China, and Israel. There are other
countries with ongoing geoengineering
programs; therefore, Environmental
Warfare, specifically Geoengineering, can
trigger possible conflicts in the 21st-
century.
The ongoing US program
"HAARP", which stands for High-
Frequency Active Auroral Research
Program, was established by the United
States in 1993. It was originally run by the
16
US Air Force and US Navy, but nowadays
is led by the University of Alaska. This
top-secret project has been accused by
many countries and experts as an attempt
from the United States to weaponize
natural processes. Andrei Areshev, deputy
director of the Strategic Culture
Foundation, published an article alleging
how the US was provoking droughts in
Russia and central Asian countries. Many
experts even consider the impact of these
weapons to be worse than nuclear bombs,
due to the fact that its consequences are
permanent.22
China is also running a project to
build a new powerful radar system in the
South China Sea, in order to control
communication systems.23 Many experts
are also accusing the Chinese government
of this new weapon that could also control
and weaponize the weather in this unstable
region. China is also developing a new
cloud seeding project in the Tibetan
Plateau.24 Critics are skeptical about the
feasibility of this project and are
concerned about possible undesirable
impacts in neighboring regions.
The current interest towards
geoengineering as a solution for climate
change, could possibly represent a conflict
of interest in the future. The technology is
easy to develop and could have long
lasting repercussions on the environment if
not properly used.25 Nations promoting
this technology will look forward to
having flexibility in terms of scientific
research. Many developing nations
consider geoengineering as a new type of
technocratic control over countries;
therefore, will probably promote more
control of these technologies.
Geoengineering will be a major
geopolitical issue in the years to come, as
nuclear weapons were during the 20th
century.26
Furthermore, countries vulnerable
to climate change will like to keep their
options open on terms of scientific
research, but may look favorably to have
more control and regulations on these
technologies. Countries threatened by the
rise of sea level will be hesitant to sign any
agreement that could ban the usage of
geoengineering unilaterally.
We believe 3 possible paths could
be proposed during the conference,
depending specifically on the capabilities
of each country. Developed countries with
ongoing programs may encourage
countries to pursue research on these
technologies, but still seek to establish
non-binding guidelines in order to avoid
future conflicts. Research regulation and
total ban could also be proposed by
developing countries, afraid of giving
developed countries more power with new
technologies. Thus, avoiding and
controlling the spread of this knowledge
could be an option proposed specifically
by small developing countries.
Governance and Monitoring could be the
third way, countries that promote
Geoengineering as a solution for climate
change would probably support the
creation of mechanisms, regulations and
17
even new bodies within the UN in charge
of controlling the usage of this technology
for peaceful objectives. We will like to
remind you that it is quite hard to
generalize possible positions on this
matter, thus it will be your duty to analyze
the international and domestic policy of
your country.
PROPOSED SOLUTIONS
The legal instruments are not
working properly, and most of them do not
consider the new developments of
environmental technologies. Therefore,
improving, reviewing and modifying the
current international laws should be one of
the main focus of the committee. The
degree of freedom to allow countries to
develop these technologies will depend
completely on the domestic and
international policies of each country.
Furthermore, considering the creation of
new mechanisms to control the usage of
these technologies should also be an
important aspect during the debate. There
are many institutions and NGOs that
already make reports on the matter but
they fail to have a better impact due to its
lack of funding and capabilities.
Accountability is also a difficult
task that we must solve. Many countries
are not going to allow to expose their
technological advances to the international
community. Most of the Environmental
Weapons come to the light after top-secret
documents are published. Since they are
hidden to the public, the control of these
weapons is even more difficult. Also, since
not all nations are signatories of the
current international treaties that ban such
weapons, how could the international
community hold those countries
accountable?
The Creation of new institutions
within our organization could also be a
beneficial solution for this matter. It will
depend on how much power nations will
like to give to the UN, taking into
consideration the inefficiency of the
Security Council to solve complex
polarizing issues.
FINAL REMARKS
The topic presented is truly
complex and the technical background is
needed to understand the impact of these
technologies. Even though many of the
discussed technologies were not intended
to induce harm, the effects on human
welfare and ecosystems are long and
devastating. We want to clarify, that we do
not want you to talk about climate change
and how to avoid it. Furthermore, the
debate shall be focused on the potential
threat to the international security, due to
the weaponization and modification of the
environment for hostile purposes.
Remember the committees’ scope and
jurisdictions are to suggest cooperative
security arrangements that increase and
guarantee global security.
QARMAS
Following all the relevant aspects
of the previously described issue,
delegates should focus on providing
feasible solutions under the committee’s
scope. In order to do so, we highly
18
encourage delegates to answer the
following questions in the resolutions:
1. How can the rules outlined in the
ENMOD be better enforced and
adhered to in today’s age?
2. What should be done on the
national and international level to
improve the control of these
weapons?
3. How could the United Nations be
involved more actively in the
control of these arms?
4. Which type of mechanism is
needed in order to have a better
surveillance on the deployment of
these weapons?
5. How could the United Nations
make strategic partners outside our
institution to get a better
understanding of this issue?
6. Could Geoengineering be used as a
hostile threat to other countries?
7. How is climate change threatening
the international security in the
near future?
8. How should international and local
humanitarian actors adapt to meet
this challenge?
The discussion about failed states
is very controversial because of two main
reasons. First of all, the concept of
sovereignty plays an important role,
complicating the process of getting to an
agreement. In second place, there is no
official definition of a failed state, leaving
the International Community without a
globally accepted concept of this situation,
turning the matter into an even more
complex issue.
Nevertheless, despite the many and
varying definitions, they all agree that a
failed state is the opposite of a successful
state. A successful state can be seen as one
that controls and provides security to its
territory, population, is able to conduct
diplomatic relations with other states and
provides basic social goods to its citizens
in order to improve their quality of life. 28
Therefore, failed states can be seen as the
dark side of the previous definition.
Common characteristics of a failed state
are violence, political and/or territorial
instability. They are not able to provide
security nor growth to the country, and
cannot ensure the basic quality life any
human being deserves and has the right to.
Other features are inequities, warlordism
and a violent competition for resources.
At this point the state is completely
ineffective to provide safety and/or
response towards issues such as crime,
insurgency, extreme political corruption,
ineffective bureaucracy, cultural
disagreements, among others.
DISEC AND FAILED
STATES
In order to fully recognize the
inherent relationship of the topic with the
19
Disarmament and International Security
Committee, we must first understand the
context and scope of the discussion.
National institutions are responsible of
nourishing states; attributions such as
providing public services, opportunities
and protection rights to the citizens are the
most important functions of legitimate
institutional systems.29
States under the administration of
weak institutions are fertile soils for the
proliferation of violence and corruption,
and most likely will end up harvesting
radical ideologies in the form of rebellious
groups that can evolve into terrorist
organizations.30 The past illustrates
tremendous atrocities performed by radical
associations who were able to bloom and
spread in states where governmental
institutions were unable to guarantee
public rights and properly enforce national
law.
The use of force to contain
civilians indicates inefficacy of a
government on its fulfilment duties.
Countries with elevated corruption rates
are prone to use forceful mechanisms to
contain insurrectionary acts expressing
dissatisfaction towards the administration
management. Often, forceful pathways
detonate hostile civilian responses such as
revolts, armed conflicts and civil wars.
These types of conflicts are rooted on a
shared feeling of distress in which the
population does not feel protected by their
maximum legal authority.31
The most evident consequences of
governmental failure are societal upraises.
Weapon trafficking becomes a prevalent
problem in nations with debilitated
institutions since the obtainment of
weaponry supposes a reassuring
mechanism to the individuals who feel
defenseless inhabiting their motherland.
Empathetic unconformity might lead to
insurgent movements. In some cases, these
movements tend to organize over time
forming insurgent groups. Such kind of
conglomerates seek support and
expansion. These groups are considered
national threats if their leaders decide to
use fear and force as their main tools to
recruit vulnerable population and conquer
lands.32
As logically assumed, when
insurgent groups amplify their influence,
neighboring governments raise concerns.
Preoccupations over their population’s
safety and preservation of territorial
integrity are well founded. Hence, to
20
protect their borders and citizens they
might feel compelled to act upon seizing
the problem before it becomes their
problem, thus an international problem.
A classification of Failed States
The Fund for Peace is one of the
NGOs responsible of evaluating the
sustainable advances of the Member
States.33 This organization developed and
publish the Fragile States Index (FSI)
yearly, an instrument that measures and
categorizes -through several indicators- the
degree of sustainability of states. Before
the existence of the FSI, the Conflict
Assessment System Tool (CAST) was
created in the 1990s. It served as a
framework for policymakers to understand
and measure conflicts and its dynamics in
complex environments. Later, in 2004, this
framework served as basis for the FSI. The
idea was to create a mechanism that
allowed them to categorize dissimilar
national circumstances in order to
implement the proper policies or actions to
solve them.
Indicators of the index include the
security apparatus, group grievance, public
services, state legitimacy, economic
decline, etc. They are based on content
analysis, quantitative data and a qualitative
review. Countries are classified in very
sustainable, sustainable, very stable, more
stable, stable, warning, elevated warning,
high warning, alert, high alert and very
high alert.33 The most impactful thing is
that only one country (Finland) is very
sustainable and most of the countries (31
countries) are in the high warning
category.
But how does a state arrive to such
a situation in which it no longer has
control over its country? According to
Robert Rotberg, it is because “they are
convulsed by internal violence and can no
longer deliver positive political goods to
their inhabitants. Their governments lose
legitimacy, and the very nature of the
particular nation-state itself becomes
illegitimate in the eyes and in the hearts of
a growing plurality of its citizens.”34
Another expert on the topic, Jeffrey
Goldstone, defines five specifics pathways
to get to a failed state35:
1. Escalation of communal groups
(ethnic or religious) conflicts;
2. State predation (corruption or
corralling of resources at the
expense of others);
3. Regional or guerrilla rebellion;
4. Democratic collapse (leading to a
civil war or a coup d’état);
5. Succession or reform crisis in
authoritarian states.
DISEC, as the organ in charge of
eliminating threats to global security
(especially in terms of weapons of mass
destruction and conventional arms), is
highly interested and involved in
preventing the creation of failed states, and
the further development of existing ones.
It is particularly linked with pathway
number three of
Goldstone, the
regional or guerrilla
rebellion. These non-
state actors use the
power of arms to take
control and
illegitimate the current
21
state, setting an environment of chaos and
instability. Arms trafficking serves as the
pillar for these organizations to gain
control and establish themselves as a state.
Failed states cases of this type are Libya,
Iraq, Syria, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Yemen,
Vietnam, Colombia.
Failed states jeopardize this
committee’s main goal since those
territories are the crib of corruption,
terrorism, group grievance and weapon
trafficking. In the past, DISEC has dealt
with the issue of failed states as threats to
neighboring countries, and thus, the
international security. Nevertheless, the
concept of sovereignty sometimes
becomes an obstacle when dealing with
this specific issue.
Our collective duty is to protect the
fundamental human rights of the citizens
inhabiting failed states and guarantee the
safety of the population of surrounding
territories through disarmament
mechanisms designed to control arms
embargo, reduce weapon trafficking and
diminish the obtainment of power through
violent and repressive mechanisms used
by terrorist organizations and corrupt
governments to solidify their positions in
the failed state.
The extension of our power must
focus on providing recommendations to
governmental and regional institutions to
enforce their regulations and attain
sustainability by reducing risk factors
leading to a State’s failure and the
appearance of potential international
threats.
Considering the great
responsibility this committee upholds, and
basing ourselves on our inherent
disarmament mandate, we believe
necessary to reform our institutional
approach towards failed states to improve
our efficiency when handling these types
of situations aiming for the protection of
regional integrity and human rights above
unilateral interests. Therefore, it is
necessary for delegates to elaborate
innovative solutions, recommendations or
reform pre-existing regulations with the
feasibility to prevent or diminish the
impact of determinants of failed states.
STUDY CASES
Given the complexity of the topic
at hand, the guide provides two study
cases as examples of failed states. These
study cases must serve as basis for the
delegates to understand the topic and the
role of DISEC in this type of problematics.
LIBYA
The State of Libya is an oil-rich
country, mostly recognized for the 42
years autocratic and chaotic ruling of Col
Muammar Gaddafi and the instability that
came to the country afterwards. It is
categorized in the “alert” classification of
the Fragile States Index, and it is also
known for being the home country of
terrorists’ groups such as al-Qa'ida in the
Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Ansar al-
Shari'a groups and the Islamic State of Iraq
and ash-Sham (ISIS)-Libya.36
Background history
22
War is not a strange concept for the
people of Libya. They have been living it
since the beginnings of time. Nevertheless,
traces of it becoming a failed state occur
with the coup d’état of Muammar Gaddafi.
Before, Libya was the United
Kingdom of Libya, a constitutional
monarchy under Idris al-Mahdi as-Senussi,
also known as King Idris. From its
independence (in 1951) to 1969 Libya
experienced a time of reformation
regarding institutions. It was the enactment
of the first Libyan Constitution and the
National Assembly was created. Also,
Libya started exporting oil, which
signified an important milestone in the
economy of the country.
Gaddafi Ruling: “A failing state”
In 1969, Col Muammar Gaddafi
directed a coup d’état and deposed King
Idris. His objectives were to install a
Muslim state implementing the Sharia law,
and introduce state socialism nationalizing
most economic activity, oil industry
included. He called it the Libyan
Revolution. While Gaddafi stood as
Libya’s leader, its relations with other
nations were not the best. And with its
population either.
An environment of
“institutionalized chaos, economic decline
and general arbitrariness”37 invaded
Libya. But the conflict did not only remain
inside this territory. The Libyan-Egyptian
War (1977) took place, due to tensions
between the countries, and ended four days
later with a ceasefire agreement. In 1980
Libya invaded Chad, causing another
conflict.
Years after, while anti-Gaddafi
protests were taking place, a British
policewoman was killed, and Libya took
no responsibility. The United Kingdom
broke relationships with the state
afterwards.
A discotheque in Berlin was
bombarded in 1986, a Boeing 747
exploded in flight over Lockerbie,
Scotland in 1988, and a French UTA
airliner downed in 1989. 259 people were
killed in the Boeing, 170 in the airliner.
Libyan intelligence agents were
discovered to be involved in said attacks,
making Libya an unstable country the
West decided to place an eye on. Libya
was seen as a state who sponsored
terrorism. The United States ended
diplomatic relationships and the United
Nations imposed sanctions to Libya.
Peace façade
A peace facade was created. People
thought Libya could get to the peace and
stability it achieved short after its
independence. While the case of the
Lockerbie plane was being investigated,
the UN sanctions seemed to have worked.
23
In 2003, Gaddafi informed that he would
give up the pursuit of weapons of mass
destruction and that they will be submitted
to the UN for inspection.
That same year, the country is
elected chairman of the UN Human Rights
Commission, even though the US and
human rights groups opposed to the
decision. Also, Libya signs a deal to
compensate the families of the Lockerbie
bombing victims and takes responsibility
of the act, expressing it to a letter for the
Security Council. Compensations for the
victims of the other attacks are agreed as
well. Gaddafi seemed like a regretful man.
The United States restores its
diplomatic relations with Libya. In 2009,
Gaddafi is named chairman of the African
Union, positioning himself as a well-
recognized leader in the continent.
Nevertheless, a year later, Libya buys
USD 1.8 billion in weapons, raising
questions to all the International
Community.
Civil War
Revolts against their own
government took place in Egypt and
Tunisia. They inspired the protests of 2011
in Libya against Gaddafi, ending in
clashes between the national security
forces and the rebels. Security forces
started arresting protesters, which only
caused an acceleration of the conflict.
According to Human Rights
Watch, the government arrested,
disappeared and lethally used live fire on
peaceful protesters and people suspected to
be involved in anti-government
demonstrations. “In the fighting,
government forces repeatedly launched
indiscriminate attacks with mortars and
GRAD rockets into civilian-inhabited
areas, especially in Misrata and towns of
the western mountains.”38 At the same
time, extremist Islamic militia groups
started forming in the country.
The United Nations Human Rights
Council condemned the actions of the state
due to the systemic violations to its
population human rights. On February
26th the Security Council approved
Resolution 1970, which stated the
imposition of an arms embargo, sanctions
on Gaddafi, family members and
government allies, and referred the
situation to the International Criminal
Court (ICC) (38). It also stated that
civilians had to be protected by all means.
As an answer, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) carried air strikes in
the country.
After NATO’s operation ended, it
was reported by the UN that NATO was
responsible for the taking the lives of 60
civilians and harming another 55. Also,
NATO did not carry the proper
investigations of these events.39
However, pressure from the
International Community and Libyan
civilians seemed to have worked. On July,
2011 Gaddafi escaped and went hiding
when a group of rebels entered his
headquarters. Two months later he is
captured and killed, the National
Transitional Council (NTC), some of the
organized groups that rebelled against
Gaddafi, is recognized as the legitimate
government of Libya and promised to hold
elections eight months later. Peace seemed
to have arrived in Libya.
24
Current Situation
The NTC promised stable
institutions: a functioning judicial,
executive and legislative system, national
security and basic services. Sadly, they
were unable to do so. The population was
discontent. It was in 2014 when the
country finally held elections and power
was handled to the new House of
Representatives.
Everything was too good to be
true. But that same year, General Khalifa
Haftar, from the military lines of
Muammar Gaddafi, began a campaign
against the newly elected government.
Violent protests started once again, two
organised groups positioned themselves as
governments, the Libyan National Army
(LNA) and the Libya Dawn Coalition,
resulting in an armed conflict between
them.
Both parts agreed to a transitional
period, due to a UN peace deal in 2015, in
which they could come to an agreement in
topics such as disarmament, security and
the next government. In 2016 a new
government arrives to the country’s capital
in order to re-establish order and peace,
even though there are still opposing
factions to it. These opposing factions are
still responsible nowadays for armed
attacks to the Libyan population. Extremist
militias are still in active, the government
continues to attack its citizens in protests,
disarmament was never done, lives were
lost and thousands of people had to flee
their country wanting to survive.

IRAQ
Background history
The “failed state” part of the
history of Iraq starts after the
decolonization, approximately after World
War II. In general lines, the period
contemplated in-between 1933-1954 was
of great socio-political turmoil in the
Middle East because socialist ideas began
to gain popularity. In 1958 the Iraqi
Republic was officially established under
the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister Abd
al-Karim Qasim a member of the Iraq
Communist Party whose efforts were
focused on building Iraqi national identity
and including the Kurds into the Arab
society. During the period of his mandate,
geopolitical relationships with neighboring
countries such as Turkey and Iran flourish,
but predictably, radical Arab believers
were not at peace with his views and much
25
less, the violent suppressive methods he
used to impose those ideals and endorse
diverse traditions in the territory. The
communist legacy lasted approximately
ten years after which it was finally ousted
by the Ba´athist Party.
Ba´athist Iraq
July 7th of 1968 pinpoints the
beginning of the Ba´athist order. A coup
d´état was performed by the Ba´athist
party, headed by Hassan al-Bakr and
Saddan Hussein After the success and
subsequent regimen decay, the Ba´athist
party decided to pursue an agenda in
which their military allies were not
included, ultimately ending in their exile
and posterior execution.
The Revolutionary Command
Council (RCC) -an institution created to
manage the executive and legislative
powers of the country- was created.
Saddan Hussein was elected as Vice-
President and one of his tasks was to
empower the Military Intelligence
Department to suppress insurgencies that
might rise over the years of their ruling,
since the party's main goal was to reduce
factional thinking; thus, diminishment of
cultural and religious contrasts was
required.
The 70’s represented the sprouting
decade for Saddan Hussein. He acquired
popularity around the nation. His actions
were focused on satisfying popular
demands therefore building up legitimacy.
His most notable efforts contemplate
revitalizing the economy through oil
exploitation, strengthening defense forces
by progressive training and weapon
fabrication and several investments on
education and literacy. The advances
promoted by Hussein were so prominent
that even UNESCO granted him
recognition.
During his ruling, Hussein
investments were key to his longevity in
the executive power. On a local level, his
expenses on military equipment caused
suffering to the citizens since the army did
not hesitate to use violence against any
opposite misbehavior detected. The most
concerning issue is that the investments
were not limited to
national
institutions.
also financed
paramilitary
groups originally
from Syria
believers of the
Ba´athist
ideology-
exchange of reducing societal pressures
posed by the Shia and Kurd minorities
residents of the country. Ultimately joint
collaborations between the Department of
General Intelligence and paramilitary
groups extended Hussein´s dictatorship of
terror for 24 years in which more than
250,000 Iraqis perished.
Hussein´s government
involved in several armed conflicts with
neighboring nations due to discrepancies
in political, territorial and religious beliefs.
The most notable cases are the Iran-Iraqi
War and The Gulf War.
26
Chemical weapons were deployed
in combats against Iranians and Iraqi
population belonging to Shia and Kurd
clans, allegedly involved in the movement.
The UN condemned this action and
the Security Council called for a cease-fire
answering to Iran desperate petition,
however, Iraq was reluctant to comply
with it. The war lasted eight years; from
1980 to 1988. Hussein´s extermination
goals against the Shia Iranian government
and internal suppression were not
He completely fulfilled since Iran, although
heavily debilitated, resisted the attack
without almost any relevant international
backing.
- The Gulf War was a result of
increased economic tensions between
Kuwait and Iraq. In 1990, after obtaining
in the military means, Saddan invaded
Kuwait, attempted a forceful merge.
Considering the circumstances, on
November 29th 1990, the Security Council
drafted the resolution 678. This document
requested the withdrawal of the Iraqi
troops from Kuwait establishing a deadline
of 45 days; it also approved the use of ¨all
necessary means¨ if the deadline was not
was met. Hussein decided to ignore the given
recommendation.
As a response, a U.S led-coalition
launched a missile attack, an airstrike and
deployed terrestrial troops that forced the
exit of the Iraqi troops from Kuwait in
1991; additionally, the UN imposed
sanctions over Iraq due to Hussein´s clear
disobedience.
The aftermath of the war left Iraq
devastated. Saddan Hussein was hungry
for retaliation against his international
enemies with special focus on the United
States. Since his reign was moved by fear
and all the institutions were corrupted he
was able to redirect funds destined for
humanitarian aid and oil revenue to
numerous paramilitary groups disguised as
goodwill non-profit organizations
supporters of his mandate. The amount of
weaponry acquired by these collectives
caused an exponential growth in their
power and influence. Later on, those
associations evolved until becoming
terrorist organizations responsible of
numerous attacks and human rights
violations in an international spectrum.
The most relevant matters to
emphasize regarding Ba´athis Iraq are:
a) Investments on development and
distribution of weapons of mass
destruction: The presidency
financed domestic arm production
and nuclear armament storage of
missiles, rockets, tanks, cluster-
bombs, snipers, rifles among many
others. Additionally, the
government invented projects such
as the Iraqi chemical weapons
program and biological weapons
program. These armaments were
deployed to fight against his
neighbors in the different war
periods.
b) UN actions towards the
government´s violent behavior:
After the initiation of the war
against Iran, Hussein´s perceptions
began to change. In many
27
opportunities, international advice
was offered to promote peace and
reduce the amount of violence in
the Middle-East but Hussein
seemed oblivious to the
recommendations.
As general consensus, the
sanctions were successful since many of
the military projects started by Hussein,
such as the Babylon project and the
biological weapons programs came to a
suspension for lack of economic and
technological resources.
US Invasion
As mentioned before, the Ba´athist
regime promoted arm-spread for various
reasons. The main one being
empowerment of the national military
intelligence department, but another
ulterior motive was to gain support from
Sunni paramilitary groups. Although it
was an effective strategy to ensure local
control, it evidently worried the
international community. In 1998 the US
released the Iraq Liberation Act formally
adjusting its foreign policy against Iraq´s
administration and looking favorably upon
the opposition groups. As expected, the
local military strategy backfired when the
paramilitary groups grew their power and
executed international terrorist attacks.
After 9/11, event that al’ Qaeda is
accused of, the American administration
began planning aggressive mechanisms to
ensure Hussein´s removal from power.
Meanwhile, the Security Council
drafted the resolution 1441 in which Iraq
was given a final chance to comply with
its disarmament obligations and warned of
severe consequences if the Republic
decided to dismiss the request. At the end
of 2002 Hussein invited the UN to a
weaponry inspection in which illegal

artillery storage was discovered, later on,
the information was confirmed by the
inspectors of UNSCOM.
Backed with information provided
by these reports and the SC RES 678, the
US launched an intervention mission
against Hussein governance on March
20th 2003. The nature of this action was
illegal since the Security Council did not
authorize such measure beforehand, thus it
is not recognized as an intervention but as
an invasion.
Iraq War
The US invasion caused
tremendous political and social instability
in the Arab nation, as well as in the entire
Middle East region. The combination of
deficient institutions responsible of
exacerbating ethnic tension, an internal
policy favoring massive weapon access,
and the added foreign factor caused the
explosion of many violent disputes,
initiating the Iraq War.
In 2005, although the war was still
ongoing, Iraqi´s elected a transitional
government to redraft a new constitution.
28
The newly established National Assembly
performed presidential elections in 2006
were the new Iraqi permanent government
succeeded the transitional government
managed by the CPA.
On December 2003 Saddan
Hussein was finally captured, submitted to
trial –held by an Iraqi court- found guilty
of crimes against humanity and sentenced
to death penalty. He was hanged on
December 30th 2006.
Even though institutions were
slowly starting to rebuild, the past
consequences were still tormenting Iraq.
The war continued and several human
right violations (perpetrated by terrorist
organizations and foreign forces) kept
happening and extended to neighbor
territories specially Iran, Turkey and Syria
who became infected and largely involved
with domestic weapon trafficking.
New upraises from Islamic radical
associations prevailed in 2011, though the
overall number of casualties decreased
compared to the previous years. By the
end of 2011 the US army retired
completely from Iraq´s territory marking
the end of an eight-year war period.
Current Situation
When the U.S terminated its
mission, and remove the troops from Iraq,
Sunni extremists’ associations took this
opportunity to confront Iraqi central
government, now in hands of a mixed
representation of Sunni and Shia
democrats. A new chapter of terror was
introduced in Iraq´s history recalled as the
Iraq Crisis.
Between 2011 and 2013, the Sunni
paramilitary groups of Iraq and Syria
organized their structure and merged into a
new congregation known as the Islamic
State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). In 2014,
after conquering Mosul, ISIS became a
pertinent international threat.
Continuous fights are still ongoing
to eradicate terrorism responsible of
causing international tragedies and finally
achieve peace in the Middle East.
The lack of institutional balance
and representation on a national and
international scale inhibits the attainment
of socio-political stability in Libya and
Iraq, is the reason we’ve chosen this
country as one of our study cases.
FINAL REMARKS
Although the situation of the
previously described states is unfortunate,
the debate should not be focused only in
these particular scenarios. We encourage
delegates to include content of other
nations in similar circumstances, giving
special priority to cases of alert as well as
the worsened countries in 2018 according
to the information provided by the FSI.
As General Assembly, our powers
are limited. Solutions of direct military
jurisdiction, intervention policies and
sovereignty overstepping should not be the
main recommendations proposed by
delegations attending this committee;
nonetheless since every particular case is
different, they will not be disregarded.
Instead, considering our nature, solutions
29
oriented to diminish weapon trafficking,
corruption rates, carry out efficient
disarmament mechanisms and strengthen
national institutional efficacy should be
delegate´s main focus.
Creative approaches such as
development of conventions, treaties or
international protocols can be useful
mechanisms if the committee comes to a
unison understanding illustrating a more
realistic and practical method to tackle the
matters in question.
SUGGESTIONS FOR
FURTHER RESEARCH
It is highly recommended to review
other cases such as South Sudan, Somalia,
Syria, Yemen and the democratic Republic
of Congo which stand in the very high
alert category of the FSI 2018 report, other
examples will also be welcome for
discussion.
Also, it is necessary to use model
cases of sustainable states such as Finland,
Norway and Switzerland, or states in the
path of becoming sustainable such as
Australia, Uruguay and South Korea, with
the aim of analyzing the institutional
approach they used to attain their level of
development. Revising that information
could potentially open a new window to
establish comparison with the ones in
critical situations, thus would enlighten
delegates on creating feasible
recommendations adapted to the
demographics.
On a final note, is important to
overview and interpret the content of
disarmament international compromises
such as regulations on Conventional
Weapons and Arm Trade, the Convention
on the Prohibition of the Development,
Production, Stockpiling and Use of
Chemical Weapons and on their
Destruction, the Convention on the
Prohibition of the Development,
Production and Stockpiling of
Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin
Weapons and on their Destruction, the UN
Counter Terrorism Strategy contained in
A/RES/60/288 and on a more
contemporary note the Treaty on the
Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW)
contained in the A/RES/71/258 which has
not been completely approved yet. The
idea behind the revision of these
documents is to find reasons of non-
compliance or loopholes that could be
filled with practical suggestions to reach
consensus over disarmament, thus
diminishing the risk and vulnerability of
States prone to fail for improper exercise
of weaponry regulations.
QARMAS
Delegates must focus on how
mechanisms, under the scope of DISEC,
can strengthen current institutions in
countries around the world. For that, a
resolution of this committee must answer
the following questions:
1. What measures can DISEC
implement in order to encourage
national institutions to adopt
standardized international
guidelines aiming disarmament?
2. How can current mechanisms and
protocols be strengthened to
overpower aspects contributors of
30
failed states development such as:
corruption, weapon trafficking and
terrorism?
3. Can DISEC play a role in ending
current failed states? If so, with
which measures?
4. Which approach should DISEC
follow next to enhance efficacy of
future disarmament mechanisms in
this issue?
5. Which alternatives could DISEC
provide to neighboring countries of
a failed state to safeguard their
security without incurring in
sovereignty violation or unrequited
intervention?
6. When should DISEC call upon the
Security Council in failed States
scenarios to prevent humanitarian
crisis?
7. How can DISEC contribute to
strengthen international and
regional institutions dealing with
States prone to fail? Could DISEC
as part of the General Assembly be
improved? If so, how?
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experiment-trigger-tremor
23. South China Morning Post. (2018,
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33
34

CHAPTER I – NATURE OF THE
RULES
Article 1
The Modelo Venezolano de Naciones
Unidas (MOVENU) and all of its
participants must comply with the
following procedural rules; the application
of any other rule will not proceed. In
regards to situations that are not previewed
within these rules the Organizing
Committee Directive will decide upon the
matter.
CHAPTER II – OFFICIAL
LANGUAGE
Article 2
The official languages of MOVENU
international are Spanish and English,
according to the nature of each committee.
All those participants that decide to use
any other language for the use of technical
terms must provide an immediate
translation.
CHAPTER III – AUTHORITIES OF
THE MODEL
35
FIRST SECCION: ORGANIZING
COMMITTEE DIRECTIVE
Article 3
The Organizing Committee Directive of
MOVENU international is the maximum
administrative authority and highest
decision-making instance of the model. Its
principal function will be the planning,
organizing and ensuring that MOVENU
takes place, its preceded by the Secretary
General and the General Coordinator
jointly and conformed by different
coordinations.
SECOND SECTION: SECRETARY
GENERAL
Article 4
The Secretary General is the maximum
academic authority of the model. The
Secretary
General’s decisions and recommendations
will be based in the good development of
the event and all of the Secretary General’s
interventions will be based on the
principles of the United Nations Charter.
Article 5
The Secretary General’s obligations are:
a) Preceding the opening and closing
ceremonies of MOVENU;
b) Coordinating and supervising the
activities of each committee and its
respective
c) Committee Directive;
d) Sign all participation certificates;
 e) Following and promoting the The Under-Secretary-General is the
logistical and organizational maximum authority of each of the
decisions made by the committees under his or her supervision.
The decisions of the Under-Secretary-
f) General Coordinator; Generals and recommendations will be
based on the optimum development of
g) Approving or denying under
committees, regarding academy and
complex circumstances, jointly
procedure.
with the Committee
Article 8
h) President and Vice-President and
the specific Under-Secretary- The Under-Secretary-General’s
General, Draft Resolutions, obligations are:
Directives, Communiqués, Press
Releases and/or any other a) Coordinating and supervising the
document with resolute character activities of each of the committees
elaborated by committee delegates; under his or her authority and their
respective Committee Directives;
i) Ensure the compliance of the
present rules. b) Following and promoting the
logistical and organizational
Article 6 decisions made by the General
Coordinator;
The Secretary General´s functions are:
c) Approving or denying under
a) Taking charge of the presidency or
complex circumstances, jointly
moderation in any one of the
with the Committee President and
committees in emergency
Vice-President and the
situations;
authorization of the Secretary
b) Relieve from his or her functions General, Draft Resolutions,
the President or Vice-President of Directives, Communiqués, Press
any committee if they did not Releases and/or any other
comply with the present rules, in document with resolute character
accordance with the committees elaborated by committee delegates;
Under-Secretary-General;
d) Ensure the compliance of the
c) Making oral or written declarations present rules.
in any of the committees.
Article 9
THIRD SECTION: UNDER-
The Under-Secretary-General’s functions
SECRETARY-GENERALS
are:

a) Taking charge of the presidency or

Article 7 moderation in any one of the

36
 committees in emergency
situations;
b) Giving a statement in a committee
when the situation requires it;
c) Relieve from his or her functions
the President or Vice-President of
any committee if they did not
comply with the present rules, with
the authorization of the Secretary
General.
FOURTH SECTION: COMMITTEE
DIRECTIVES
Article 10
One (1) President and a maximum number
of three (3) Vice-Presidents will compose
the Committee Directives. Additionally, if
necessary, committees may count with a
Specialized Coordinator.
Article 11
In cases where members of a Committee
Directive are authorities or members of a
participating delegation in MOVENU, all
measures and recommendations executed
by the Under-Secretary-General in these
cases will be under the discretion of the
Organizing Committee.
FIFTH SECTION: COMMITTEE
PRESIDENT
Article 12
Committee Presidents are the mayor
administrative, procedural and academic
authorities within each committee.
Article 13
The Committee President´s obligations
are:
37
a) Having deep knowledge of the
present rules and applying them
firmly and with courtesy;
b) Compiling all information related
to each subject, with the objective
of being able to answer any and all
doubts those delegates may present
in committee;
c) Acting as a consultant with deep
knowledge of the position of each
county or representative, so he or
she can direct participants during
their negotiations and during the
elaboration of Draft Resolution,
Directives, Press Releases or any
other document with resolute
character;
d) Being responsible with any
commitment acquired within
committee;
e) Serving as a conciliator between
committee blocks;
f) Declaring the opening and closure
of each session;
g) Consider all motions presented by
participants, according to the
present rules.
h) Remind delegates of their rights
and duties during sessions;
i) Promoting respect and the proper
use of diplomacy among delegates;
j) Assign responsibilities to other
members of the Committee
Directive team;
 k) Apply sanctions for reasons of
misconduct or any other situation
entioned in the present rules;
l) Approve or deny a Right of Reply;
m) Call for delegates to use their
negotiation tools with the means of
conciliation between conflicting
positions;
n) Approve or deny jointly with the
Vice-presidency Working Papers;
o) Approve or deny jointly with the
Vice-presidency, the Under-
Secretary-General and the
a) Secretary General Draft
Resolutions, Directives, Press
Releases and any other document
with resolute character elaborated
within committee;
p) Approve or deny jointly with the
Vice-presidency amendments to
Draft Resolutions.
Unique Paragraph: In the case of JCC
and Unicameral Crisis Committees, the
Cabinet President, depending on the
specific case, will count with the
extraordinary obligation of representing a
historical or current character, in such
cases the Cabinet President will respect the
position of the character in regards to
proposals elaborated by members of the
Cabinet. In the opposite case, the Cabinet
President will act as a simple Moderator.
Article 14
The Committee President’s functions are:
q) Recommend and orient the speaker
if his or her speech is not referring
38
to the subject matter; Moderate
debate at all times until he or she
yields the moderation to the Vice-
presidency;
r) Establish if there will be any
changes in the Committee Agenda;
s) Suggest motions during debate
when he or she considers it
necessary;
t) Apply, when necessary,
modifications to the rules of
procedure, with the authorization
of the Under-Secretary-General
and the Secretary General;
u) Authorize the entrance and/or exit
of special guests and members of
the Organizing Committee of the
model during sessions.
v) Invite the Secretary General to
observe and/or intervene in any
session where controversy rises,
under his or her discretion.
Unique Paragraph: In the case of the
JCC and Unicameral Crisis Committees if
the Cabinet President represents a
character; he or she will be able to
intervene during debate as any other of the
cabinet members, in the contrary case, he
or she will just count with the functions
stated previously in the present rules.
SIXTH SECTION: VICE-
PRESIDENTS
Article 15
They represent the administrative instance
closest to the presidency and they must
support them with their functions and
obligations.
Article 16
The Committee Vice-president’s
obligations are:
a) Having deep knowledge of the
present rules and applying them
firmly and with courtesy;
b) Act as a consultant with deep
knowledge of the subject, so he or
she can orient delegates clearly and
cohesively during negotiations and
the elaboration of Draft
Resolutions;
c) Help and support at any time the
Committee President in the
fulfilling of his or her attributions
and obligations in committee;
d) Moderate debate when the
Committee President has yielded
moderation;
e) Fulfill all attributions assigned by
the Committee President in the
development of sessions and
regarding academic and
administrative procedures;
f) Approve or deny jointly with the
Presidency Working Papers;
g) Approve or deny jointly with the
Presidency, the Under-Secretary-
General and the Secretary General
Draft Resolutions, Directives,
Press Releases and any other
document with resolute character
elaborated within committee;
h) Approve or deny jointly with the
Presidency amendments to Draft
Resolutions.
39
Unique Paragraph: In the case of JCC
and Unicameral Crisis Committees, the
Cabinet Vice-president, depending on the
specific case, will count with the
extraordinary obligation of representing a
historical or current character, in such
cases the Cabinet Vice-president will
respect the position of the character in
regards to proposals elaborated by
members of the Cabinet. In the opposite
case, the Cabinet Vice-president will act as
a simple Moderator.
Article 17
The Committee Vice-president’s functions
are:
a) Recommend and orient the speaker
if his or her speech is not referring
to the subject matter;
b) Suggest motions during
moderation when he or she
considers it necessary;
c) Call for delegates to use their
negotiation tools with the means of
conciliation between conflicting
positions;
Unique Paragraph: In the case of the
JCC and Unicameral Crisis Committees if
the Cabinet Vice-president represents a
character, he or she will be able to
intervene during debate as any other of the
cabinet members, in the contrary case, he
or she will just count with the functions
stated previously in the present rules.
SEVENTH SECTION: CRISIS STAFF
Article 18
The Crisis Staff in the primary logistical
and academic figure of the JCC and
Unicameral Crisis Committees, the Crisis
Staff may have the number of members the
Under-Secretary-General and the Secretary
General consider necessary, and there can
be more than one Crisis Staff for the
different Crisis Cabinets of MOVENU, the
Crisis Staff of MOVENU will be
composed by a Crisis Director, a Crisis
Sub-Director and Crisis Staff Members;
the obligations of the Crisis Staff are:
a) Receive and respond to all
directives, communiqués and press
releases sent by each cabinet;
b) Enter to the Cabinet acting as any
individual that members of the
Cabinet or the Committee
Directive call for, that cannot be
represented by a delegate of any of
the JCC or Unicameral Crisis
Committees or any other
MOVENU committee with
approval of the Under-Secretary-
General and the Secretary General;
c) Send the Cabinet continual crisis
situations to motivate debate and
maintain a fast and efficient flow
regarding reception and response
of crisis elements.
d) Listen to the recommendations and
needs of the Crisis Committee
Directive in regards to crisis that
have been sent or that they
recommend to receive;
e) Maintain communication with the
Under-Secretary-General in
regards to responses to directives,
communiqués and press releases as
well as any new crisis they plan to
send to the Cabinets;
40
f) Keep cabinets informed about the
number of troops, weaponry,
supplies or any other specific
information that can be required by
the Committee Directive or any
cabinet member throughout debate;
g) Not filtering information in regards
to responses to directives,
communiqués, press releases and
future crisis that may be sent to
member of the cabinets or a
member of its respective JCC.
EIGHTH SECTION: GENERAL
COORDINATION
Article 19
The General Coordinator in the major
logistic authority of the model. The
decisions and recommendations will be
based on the good development of the
event.
Article 20
The General Coordinator’s obligations are:
a) Coordinate and supervise the
activities of each one of the Co-
ordinations, within the logistic and
administrative areas;
b) Ensure the fulfilling of all
logistical objectives before and
during the event;
c) Sign certifications given to event
participants;
d) Ensure the compliance of the
present rules.
CHAPTER IV – PROTOCOL AND
LOGISTICS PERSONNEL
Article 21
They will be the ones in charge of
ensuring order and the normal
development of the activities of
MOVENU. The people in charge of al
logistic and protocol functions are the
Logistic Coordinator(s), the Event
Coordinator(s), the Registration
Coordinator(s), and the Inter-Institutional
Coordinator(s) under the authority of the
General Coordinator.
Article 22
The Protocol and Logistics Personnel’s
obligations are:
a) Supporting participants, serving as
guides in the different stages of the
event;
b) Ensure the efficient written
communication between delegates,
as between delegates and the
Committee Directive;
c) Coordinate the communication
with the purpose of avoiding
violations of the diplomacy codes
established for the well
development of the model;
d) Control the entrance and exit of
delegates, observers, consultants
and guests of the event;
e) Guide authorities and special
guests of the event;
f) Fulfill the obligations derived from
their competence at all times
41
during the development of the
event.
CHAPTER V – DELEGATIONS
FIRST SECTION: DELEGATES
Article 23
A Delegate or Delegation is the person or
group of people that acquire the
responsibility of representing a country,
organization or character in one of the
different committees of MOVENU.
Article 24
The delegate’s obligations are:
a) Participating in MOVENU
adequately prepared, with the
objective of proposing possible
solutions to the problems in
discussion, and engaging in
competitive and fair negotiations
with fellow delegates;
b) Be punctual with the established
schedule;
c) Sending the Position Papers to the
Committee Directive two (2)
weeks before the model starts. If
such document is not sent, or sent
after the two (2) weeks limit, the
delegation will be subject of a
sanction that will be given during
the first session;
d) Keeping a diplomatic and
respectful behavior with all other
delegates and the authorities during
sessions and other events of
MOVENU;
 e) If the delegation is composed by
two (2) people, at least one out of
the two delegates must be present
in committee during each session;
f) Have an appropriate dress code
following diplomatic standards;
g) Follow the decisions of the
Committee Directive.
SECOND SECTIONS: OBSERVER
DELEGATES
Article 25
Observer delegates will represent:
a) Non-member states;
b) Intergovernmental Organizations;
c) Non-Governmental Organizations
d) Specialized Agencies of the UN.
Article 26
Their functions will be:
a) Use their right of speech and make
motions. Observer delegates will
follow the same procedure for the
Right of Reply;
b) Advise and promote Draft
Resolutions, without acting as
signatories;
c) Ask to be added in the Speakers
List in the same way as any other
member state. Non-Governmental
Organizations have the right to
make up until two (2) special
presentations a day, the time for
each presentation will be under the
42
discretion of the Committee
Directive.
Article 27
Their procedural restrictions will be:
a) The cannot vote on the approval of
Resolutions and Amendments;
b) They cannot present as their own
initiative Working Papers, Draft
Resolutions or
a) Amendments;
b) They can be signatories of Draft
Resolutions, Amendments and
Working Papers, under the notice
by the Committee Directive that
such signatory is not binding and
does not count as endorsement.
Article 28
For members of the Press Center article 26
is suspended considering then special
procedures of the committee.
THIRD SECTION:
REPRESENTATIVES OF
UNIVERSITY DELEGATIONS
Article 29
A university delegation is a group of
participating delegates in MOVENU
committees. Each participant or group of
participants will have a Faculty Advisor
and/or one or more Academic Advisors
that will be their connection with the
authorities of MOVENU.
Article 30
Their obligations will be:
 a) Represent before the authorities of
MOVENU the members of their
delegation;
b) Be punctual at Delegation
Representative Meetings with the
authorities of MOVENU;
c) Communicate with the members of
their delegation to know if there
are any discomforts with
development of the sessions.
Article 31
Their functions will be to:
a) Give either in oral form or through
writing, comments, suggestions
and/or complaints that may arise
during the development of sessions
and the meetings with the
Organizing Committee.
b) Assist to the sessions of the
different committees, avoiding the
interruption of the development of
sessions and without
communicating, under any means,
with participants;
c) Communicate with their delegates
to assist them in academic issues,
outside the room of the committee
and without interrupting the
committee’s activities.
FOURTH SECTION: CREDENTIALS
Article 32
The Credentials of delegates, observers
and representatives of the delegation will
be given before the opening ceremony of
the event. Entrance to sessions will be
43
denied and complementary activities to all
who do not have their credentials.
CHAPTER VI – SESSON
DYNAMICS
FIRST SECTION: OFFICIAL
POSITION PAPERS
Article 33
The Official Position Paper is a document
that expresses the exterior politics of the
country represented by the delegate, or
delegates, referring to the subject of
discussion within the respective
committee. They must be sent to the
Committee Directive at least two weeks
before the first session and they will be
published by the Organizing Committee
before the first session. The specific
format may vary according to each one of
the committees. It is one page per topic,
and must include: a briefing of the
country, organization or character
represented in relation to the topic; the
position of the country, organization or
character regarding the topic debated; and
a concise exposition of the solutions and
proposals the delegate will discuss during
the conference.
Unique Paragraph: In the case of Crisis
Committees, the mailing of the Official
Position Paper is a requisite, the document
must fulfill the format stated by the
Committee Directive and within it
delegates must briefly explain their initial
focus and objectives that the character
expects to achieve in regards to the subject
matter during debate. The Official Position
Paper of Crisis Committee members will
not be published in the MOVENU web-
page, with the objective that delegates may
explain freely their plan and objectives.
SECOND SECTION: QUORUM
Article 34
The Committee Directive of a Committee
may declare a session open when at least
25% of the registered delegates are
present. However at least half of the
delegates must be present in committee to
vote on matters that require a qualified
majority. In the case of the Security
Council the five (5) permanent members
must be present.
Unique Paragraph: In the case of
Committees with 15 members or less, it
will be required the presence of at least
fifty percent (50%) of the registered
delegates.
Article 35
If there is no quorum the Committee
Directive can wait until twenty (20)
minutes to re-verify quorum. If there is
still no quorum the Committee Directive
will wait another ten (10) minutes within
the second period, all delegates that arrive
will be sanctioned as well as any delegate
that arrives after the floor is open. If after
the 30 minutes there is still no quorum, he
chair will declare the session open with the
delegates present.
Unique Paragraph: In the case of the
JCC, if in any of the cabinets there is no
quorum, the chairs of all other JCCs will
wait 20 minutes until there is sufficient
quorum to open the session. If one JCC
has a different schedule and has no
quorum the time will be either reduced
from the other cabinet or augmented to the
44
Schedule of that cabinet to recover the lost
time.
THIRD SECTION: SETTING THE
AGENDA
Article 36
In the case that there is more than one
committee topic, an Agenda must be
established.
Article 37
To determine the Agenda, the Committee
Directive will accept a motion for setting
one topic first in the agenda. Then, a
speaker’s list for setting the agenda to
debate which topic should be discussed
first will be established. Speakers in favor
and against must compose the list, for the
amount of speaker the Committee
Directive considers necessary.
Article 38
Once arguments from both sides are heard,
and with the advice of the Committee
Directive, the motion for closure of the
debate on the agenda is in order and needs
to be voted. If approved, the committee
will proceed to a voting procedure to
establish the order of the topics of
discussion. A simple majority is required
to approve the Agenda. If the motion for
the closure of the debate is not approved,
the committee will continue in the for and
against speakers list.
FOURTH SECTON: SPEAKERS LIST
Article 39
The Committee President will declare
opened the Speakers List and recognize,
under discretion of the Committee
Directive the first Speakers as they raise
their placard.
Unique Paragraph: The Speakers List is a
proper figure of the regular committees of
MOVENU, the committees with separate
rules or special dynamic of debate will
establish such procedures in their study
guides with their corresponding annexes.
Article 40
Any other delegation that wishes to be
included in the Speakers List will have to
ask to be added through a written
parliamentary note.
Article 41
The Committee Directive will establish the
time estimated per speech at the beginning
of each session. A few seconds before the
time expires, the Committee Directive will
notify the delegate through a non-verbal
mean.
Article 42
The Speakers List will remain open until a
motion is introduced and approved to close
General Debate. In the case that the
Speakers List expires, the Committee
Directive will name delegates to establish
trough alphabetic order:
FIFTH SESSION: THE SPEECHES
Article 43
The delegates must have the authorization
of the Committee Directive to intervene
during sessions. The Committee Directive
will have the power to declare out of order
the speaker when the content is not
relevant to the subject matter or offensive
towards another delegate. Speeches must
45
be given with a formal and strictly
diplomatic language.
Article 44
The estimated time for speeches will be
thirty (30) seconds as a minimum and the
maximum time will depend on each
Committee Directive. At the beginning the
Committee Directive will establish the
time, but delegations may change it
through a Procedural Motion to modify the
Speakers Time.
Article 45
If the delegate does not consume his or her
entire speaking time, he or she may yield it
in the following manners:
a) To the Committee Directive: The
Committee Directive must accept
the time yielded and continue
calling for other delegates to speak;
b) To Comments: At the end of the
speech, the delegate may yield the
time to comments, the Committee
Directive will recognize up until 2
delegates to make comments,
comments must refer to the
previous speech if not they will be
considered out of order.
c) To another delegate or delegation:
The Committee Directive will ask
another delegate or delegation if
they accept the yielded time and if
the response is affirmative, allow
the intervention of the other
delegate or delegation for the
remaining time. The delegate must
clarify that he or she wishes to
yield the remaining time if not it
will be assumed the time was
 yielded to the Committee what is established in the present rules,
Directive. procedural motions are:

Unique Paragraph: In case that the a) Motion to Set a Topic First in the
delegate didn’t yield his time, it will be Agenda;
taken by the chair automatically.
b) Motion to Modify the Speakers
Article 45 Time;

At the end of his or her speech the delegate c) Motion for an Un-Moderated
or delegation may call for the right to Caucus;
answer questions and will count with one
(1) minute. When such right is asked for d) Motion for a Moderated Caucus;
the Committee Directive will invite
e) Motion for the Extension of an Un-
delegations that wish to make questions to
Moderated Caucus;
raise their placard. The Committee
Directive will select the delegation or f) Motion for the Extension of a
delegations that will ask question, and will Moderated Caucus;
tell the delegates if a preamble or
subsequent question are in other, because g) Motion for the Opening of a Round
this will depend on the nature of the Robin;
committee and will be completely under
the discretion of the Committee Directive. h) Motion for the Consultation of the
Hall;

CHAPTER VII – POINTS AND i) Motion to Close Debate;

MOTIONS j) Motion to Introduce a Draft

Resolution;
Article 47
k) Motion to Introduce an
When a delegate wishes to introduce a Amendment;
point or motion to the floor, he or her will
raise the placard, once the chair recognizes l) Motion for the Postponement or
the delegate he or she shall establish the Resumption of Debate;
point or motion desired. Motion can only
be introduced when the floor is opened m) Motion for the Division of the
and be second, voted and approved by Question;
simple or qualified majority as is indicated
a) Motion to Re-Order Draft
in the present rules. Points are not voted
Resolutions;
because they are a delegates right.
b) Motion for Roll-Call Voting;
Article 48
c) Motion for the Suspension or
Procedural Motions can be used to modify
Adjournment of the Meeting.
the normal course of debate. According to

46
FIRST SECTION: POINT OF ORDER
Article 49
The Point of Order is used exclusively to
indicate the Committee Directive that a
procedure established in these rules has
been violated. In case that a member of the
Committee Directive makes a procedural
mistake, any delegate may call for a Point
of Order with the purpose that all
procedures that place according to the
rules. This Point does not require the floor
to be open. Points of Order must be made
in a respectful and polite manner,
following the rules of conduct of
MOVENU.
Unique Paragraph: The Point of Order
may not interrupt the speaker, nor be
established in Committee without
recognition by the Committee Directive,
the Committee Directive of a small
committee will establish specific method
to entertain these motions, this may
include that points are received by
parliamentary note.
SECOND SECTION: POINT OF
PARLIAMENTARY INQUIRY
Article 50
Any delegate may use this point with the
purpose of asking the Committee Directive
about procedural rules. This Point requires
that the floor is open and cannot interrupt
the Speaker.
THIRD SECTION: POINT OF
PERSONAL PRIVILEGE
Article 51
In the case that a delegate feels
uncomfortable by an external situation that
47
does not allow him or her to participate
normally in debate, he or she may call for
a Point of Personal Privilege. This Point
may interrupt the Speaker reason why it
should be used with caution. This Point
does not require the floor to be open.
Unique Paragraph: The Point of Order
may not interrupt the speaker, nor be
established in Committee without
recognition by the Committee Directive,
the Committee Directive of a small
committee will establish specific method
to entertain these motions, this may
include that points are received by
parliamentary note.
FOURTH SECTION: RIGHT OF
REPLY
Article 52
If a delegate feels his or her personal
integrity, the national integrity of the
country or the character has been offended
by another delegate, he or she may send a
right of reply. A disagreement with the
observations or statements of another
speaker will not justify the Right of Reply.
Article 53
The Rights of Reply must be sent through
Parliamentary Note and directed to the
Committee Directive who will recognize
or not the reply under their discretion.
Rights of Reply made through a speech,
point or motion will be out of order as well
of a Right of Reply against a Right of
Reply.
Article 54
If the Committee Directive declares in
order a Right of Reply, the Committee
Directive will give a discretional amount
of time to the offended delegation and 30
seconds to the delegation that committed
the fault, so if he or she can apologize to
the affected party if they desire to.
FIFTH SECTION: MOTION TO SET
A TOPIC FIRST IN THE AGENDA
Article 55
The Motion to Set a Topic First in the
Agenda is only in order in committees
with two (2) topics. At the beginning of
the first this motion is in order.
Article 56
After the motion is proposed, mentioning
which of the topics will be discussed first,
committee will follow the procedure
established in the Third Section: Setting
The Agenda. This motion is voted in a
procedural manner.
SIXTH SECTION: MOTION FOR AN
UN-MODERATED CAUCUS
Article 57
The Un-Moderated Caucus is an informal
meeting that has as an objective to
facilitate dialogue, achieve consensus
between delegates and elaborate
documents. As an informal meeting, the
formal rules of procedure regarding
moderation, delegate intervention, and
points and motions are not applied. The
time of the Un-Moderated Caucus will be
of a maximum of twenty (20) minutes with
the possibility of extension by a motion for
extension or by discretion of the
Committee Directive. The extension of an
Un-Moderated Caucus cannot exceed half
the time of the original caucus.
Article 58
48
The delegate that calls for the opening of
the Un-Moderated Caucus must explain
the time proposed. The motion is approved
by simple majority.
Article 59
The Un-Moderated Caucus can be
requested only when the floor is open and
the Committee Directive recognized the
delegation that makes the request. The
Committee Directive may consider the
motion in order or not. During its
realization the Speakers List will be
temporarily frozen.
SEVENTH SECTION: MOTION FOR
A MODERATED CAUCUS
Article 60
The moderated Caucus is an informal
meeting presided by the moderator, and its
purpose is to make organized debate easier
amongst delegates. It can also be used to
make questions to the Committee
Directive regarding to content of the
subject matter. The time for the Un-
Moderated Caucus will be of a maximum
of twenty (20) minutes with the possibility
of extension by request of the delegates or
by discretion of the Committee Directive.
The extension of a Moderated Caucus
cannot exceed half the time of the original
caucus.
Unique Paragraph: This motion cannot
be applied in committees that manage a
permanent moderated caucus format of
debate.
Article 61
The delegations present will have the
possibility of making a Motion for a
Moderated Caucus when the floor is open;
it must be approved by simple majority.
The delegation proposing the motion must
explain its motive, length and time per
speaker. The Committee Directive may
declare the establishment of a Moderated
Caucus at any time at their discretion.
During the development of the caucus, the
Speakers List will be temporarily frozen.
Article 62
Every procedural motion will be
considered out of order during Moderated
Caucus. The committee directive will only
recognize the Point of Personal Privilege,
Point of Order and Point of Parliamentary
Inquiry. These points must be used with
discretion.
EIGHT SECTION: MOTION FOR
THE CONSULTATION OF THE
WHOLE
Article 63
Delegates may request the Consultation of
the Whole, which covers the whole
committee and suspends the rules of
parliamentary procedure during this time.
This motion will be in order when the
floor is open. The delegate requesting the
Motion must indicate the time, maximum
of 10 minutes, and the purpose. This
motion will be approved by simple
majority. It may have a 5 minute extension
at the discretion of the board and the
decision is not subject to appeal.
Article 64
In case of approval of the motion, the
board of directors will yield moderation to
the delegate who made the motion, who
49
will moderate the debate and can yield the
moderation to another delegate
Unique Paragraph: This motion will be
in order in committees with 20 or fewer
delegates
NINTH SECTION: MOTION FOR
SUSPENSION OR ADJOURNMENT
OF THE MEETING
Article 65
Any delegate may introduce a motion for
suspension of the meeting (suspending all
committee functions until next session) or
adjournment of the meeting (suspending
all committee functions for the rest of the
conference). The length of the suspension
and the adjournment shall be adapted to
the official schedule of MOVENU
International.
Article 66
This motion requires to be seconded and
requires single majority to pass. The
motion for suspension or adjournment of
the meeting is a procedural motion and no
abstentions are allowed.
Article 67
The committee directive may declare this
motion out of order or declare a
suspension at discretion in observance of
the official schedule of MOVENU
International.
Article 68
During suspension delegates will be
requested to abandon the committee room.
TENTH SECTION: MOTION FOR
ROUND ROBIN:
Article 69
In committees of twenty (20) delegates or
less (as specified on the Country Matrix)
the motion for Round Robin will be in
order. This is a form of debate in which
delegates shall proceed to make speeches
about a specific topic proposed by the
delegate who made the motion, starting
with the delegate located at the right of the
committee directive and continuing with
the rest of the delegates in counter
clockwise way until all delegates have
spoken. This motion requires that the
proposing delegate establish the topic. The
speaker’s time will be set on sixty (60)
seconds per delegate and the motion
requires simple majority to pass.
ELEVENTH SECTION: MOTION
FOR THE INTRODUCTION OF A
DRAFT RESOLUTION
Article 70
Once the Committee Directive has
approved the Draft Resolution, the motion
for the introduction of that document is in
order. The Committee Directive will
recognize some submitting delegates in
order to read the document and also will
allow a group of submitting delegates to
answer questions about the document at
their discretion. The number of questions
and the time to answer will be established
at the discretion of the Committee
Directive.
Article 71
A Draft Resolution requires at least 25%
of the attending delegates acting as
signatories of the document in order to be
approved by the committee directive.
50
Article 72
The vote for this motion is a procedural
vote. In order to complete the process for
the Introduction of a Draft Resolution, this
motion requires being seconded and
simple majority to pass.
TWELFTH SECTION: MOTION FOR
THE POSTPONEMENT OR
RESUMPTION OF DEBATE
Article 73
Any delegate may introduce the Motion
for The Postponement or Resumption of
Debate on a specified Draft Resolution.
No debate or action will be allowed on any
Draft Resolution on which debate has been
postponed. The motion for Resumption of
Debate cancels the effect of the
postponement.
Article 74
When the motion is in order, the
Committee Directive will call for one
speaker in favor of the postponement or
resumption of debate in the specified draft
resolution. The motion for postponement
requires a qualified majority to pass while
the motion for resumption requires a
simple majority to pass.
THIRTEENTH SECTION: MOTION
FOR THE INTRODUCTION OF
AMENDMENTS
Article 75
Once draft resolutions have been
introduced it can be amended. The
amendment is a document that stipulates
modifications (either erase, modify or add)
to a specified draft resolution, and requires
a minimum support of 15% of the
attending delegates in order to be approved
by the Committee Directive. Pre-
ambulatory clauses cannot be amended.
Article 76
This motion shall be seconded and
requires simple majority to pass. The
committee directive will establish a “for
and against” the amendment speaker’s list.
Once two delegates for and two delegates
against the amendment have spoken,
motion for closure of debate on the
amendment will be in order. The vote on
the amendment will be considered a
substantive vote and requires the simply
majority to be approved. A Motion for
Division of the Question may be used on
the amendment.
FOURTEENTH SECTION: MOTION
FOR CLOSURE OF THE DEBATE
Article 77
Any delegation may introduce a Motion
for Closure of the Debate. This motion
requires to be seconded. This motion
requires qualified majority to pass.
Article 78
The Committee Directive may declare this
motion out of order and this decision
won’t be subject to appeal.
FIFTEENTH SECTION: MOTION
FOR THE DIVISION OF THE
QUESTION
Article 79
After closing the main debate on the topic
and just before voting on a Draft
Resolution or an Amendment, any
delegation may promote this motion so
51
operative causes of the document are to be
voted individually or by groups.
Article 80
This voting of the motion is procedural.
Once the motion has been approved by the
committee, the Committee Directive will
recognize several delegates so they can
state options on how to divide the
question. Then, the Committee Directive
submits to a vote the different options,
starting with the most disruptive one (the
option that divide the document in most
parts), and the one approved will be the
one that counts with the simple majority of
votes of the delegates present, if no
options are approved the motion will not
pass and the Draft Resolution will be
voted as a whole.
Article 81
When the option for the division of the
question is approved, the delegates move
to vote each division of the specified
document in a manner similar to a
complete resolution. Each approved part of
the Divided Draft Resolution, will be
joined in the final document, and is
approved by qualified majority.
SIXTEENTH SECTION: MOTION TO
REORDER DRAFT RESOLUTIONS
Article 82
The order in which Draft Resolutions are
voted can be altered. The Motion to
Reorder Draft Resolutions will be in order
immediately after the closure of debate
and just before voting Draft Resolutions. If
the motion is approved by simple majority,
the Committee Directive will take motions
with different proposals for the order in
which Draft Resolutions can be voted. The NINETEENTH SECTION:
vote will be done for each proposal until PRECEDENCE OF POINTS AND
one is approved by simple majority or all MOTIONS
fail; if all options failed the motion will be
out of order and Drafts will be voted with Article 86
the original order.
The precedence of points and motions is:
SEVENTEENTH SECTION: MOTION
a) Point of Personal Privilege
FOR ROLL CALL VOTING
b) Point of Order
Article 83
c) Point of Parliamentary Inquiry
After closing debate and before voting a
Draft Resolution a motion for Roll-Call d) Set a Topic First in the Agenda
Voting is in order, this motion must be
second and voted, and is approved by e) Adjournment or Suspension of the
simple majority. Meeting

Article 84 f) Suspension or Resumption of

Debate
During Roll-Call Voting, the Committee
Directive will read the names of the g) Motion for the Consultation of the
delegations in alphabetical order; when Hall
calls a delegation must state their position
“in favor”, “abstain” or “against”; if a vote h) Extension of the Un-Moderated
goes against the national policy of the Caucus
country, a delegation may use the Point
i) Extension of the Moderated
“Vote with Rights to Explain” just after
Caucus
the Committee Directive states the result
of the vote, this allows the delegation to j) Motion for a Un-Moderated
clarify in regards to his or her position. Caucus
EIGHTEENTH SECTION: MOTION k) Motion for a Moderated Caucus
TO MODIFY THE SPEAKERS TIME
l) Motion to Open a Round Robin
Article 85
m) Introducing a Draft Resolution
This motion will be in order when the
floor is open, the delegate must n) Introducing an Amendment
accompany the motion with the proposal
for the modification of the speaker’s time. o) Closure of Debate
The Committee Directive may consider it
p) Modify the Speakers Time
out of order under their discretion.
q) Reorder Draft Resolutions

52
 r) Division of the Question
s) Roll- Call Voting
CHAPTER VIII – VOTING
PROCEDURES
FIRST SECTION: VOTING
Article 87
There are two types of voting: substantive
and procedural. When voting for a
Resolution, parts of it, an amendment or
any other document with resolute
character, it’s considered substantive. All
other votes are considered procedural and
in procedural voting you are not allowed
to abstain.
Article 88
During voting procedures there are two (2)
two types of majority.
a) The simple majority refers to the
option that obtains the largest
quantity of votes, during
procedural voting.
b) Qualified majority is constituted by
2/3 (two thirds) of the delegations
present.
Unique Paragraph: In Crisis Committees
all voting, either procedural o substantive
will be approved by simple majority with
the exception of the Declaration of an
Extraordinary Decision. This happens
when a decision is so important that it
requires the approval of most of the
cabinet. If a Directive requires the cabinet
to proceed with monumental actions, a
member of the cabinet can declare the
directive as an “Extraordinary Decision”
53
before voting. This recognition can be
made by any cabinet member and does not
require voting, the Committee Directive
can also declare a Directive as an
“Extraordinary Decision”. This declaration
cannot be made when the dais recognizes
it’s out of order. There are two main
consequences to declaring a directive an
“Extraordinary Decision”, first it must
obtain qualified majority and secondly an
“Extraordinary Decision” is of such
magnitude that delegates must be prepared
to confront the consequences that should
not be taken lightly.
Article 89
Each delegation will have the right to vote
only once. No delegation will be able to
vote for an absent committee member.
Standard voting is done by raising the
placard when the Committee Directive
says so.
Article 90
In the Security Council, the vote against
vote of any of the five permanent members
will be considered as a veto to any Draft
Resolution or to parts of it.
SECOND SECTION: SUBSTANTIVE
VOTING PROCEDURE
Article 91
When closing debate on the topic or on an
amendment, the committee will
automatically initiate a voting procedure
for a Draft Resolution or an Amendment,
at that time it will not be allowed for
people to enter or exit the room.
Article 92
During voting procedures all points will be
in order, but only the following motions
will be in order: Motion for the Division of
the Question, Motion for Roll-Call Voting
and Motion to Reorder Draft Resolutions.
Article 93
There will be only one resolution approved
by subject. After approving the first one,
the rest will be considered rejected.
CHAPTER IX – WORKING
PAPERS, DRAFT RESOLUTIONS,
AMENDMENTS, AND OTHER
DECISIVE CHARACTER
DOCUMENTS.
SECTION ONE: WORKING PAPERS
Article 94
Working Papers have the purpose of
steering the debate through the written
formulation of the ideas achieved along
the negotiation process between
delegations. They must develop the
proposals for future Draft Resolutions.
Article 95
The Working Paper does not need a
specific format. For MOVENU purposes,
it must specify at the heading of the
document, the Committee and Topic.
Article 96
A Working Paper needs the approval of
the Committee Directive and its
distribution is optional. The Committee
Directive will grant a number, in
54
ascending order, to each Working Paper
presented.
Article 97
A motion for the introduction of Working
Papers is not required. The Committee
Directive may read to the committee the
content of the Working Papers that have
been approved.
SECTION TWO: DRAFT
RESOLUTIONS
Article 98
To present a Draft Resolution, delegations
must send it to the Committee Directive
for its approval. The respective Under-
Secretary-General and/or the Secretary
General may receive the document from
the Committee Directive. The Committee
Directive shall report orally to the
committee that a draft resolution had been
introduced and shall publish it to the
delegations for further discussion; at the
same time, the Committee Directive will
invite a number of signatories to read the
Draft Resolution and answer some
questions from the rest of the committee.
A previous Working Paper is not required
for the formulation of Draft Resolution.
Article 99
Draft Resolutions must be written and
presented following the parameters
established on the Rules of Procedure
delivered to each delegation.
Article 100
Draft resolutions will be classified in order
to distinguish them from each other. The
Committee Directive will refer to Draft
Resolutions according to this
classification.
Article 101
The signatories that support the
introduction of a Draft Resolution must be
included on it. A minimum of 25% of the
delegates present at the session must be
signatories of a Draft Resolution, as a
prerequisite for the approval of the
Committee Directive.
Article 102
Only one Resolution per Topic can be
approved on Committee. The approval of a
Draft Resolution implies the automatic
closure of the debate on the specific Topic
and the beginning of the discussion of the
next Topic on the Agenda.
Article 103
A qualified majority is needed for the
approval of a Draft Resolution.
SECTION THREE: AMENDMENTS
Article 104
To introduce an Amendment, it must be
sent to the Committee Directive for its
approval. After it has been introduced, the
Committee Directive will open a new
Speakers’ list with two (2) speakers in
favor and two (2) speakers against of the
Amendment. Once these delegations have
spoken, at least two (2) per side, is going
to be in order a Motion to Close Debate.
Article 105
For the approval of an Amendment, it
must specify to which Draft Resolution it
is amending and if the objective of the
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amendment is to add, to modify, or to
erase operative clauses from that specific
Draft Resolution; furthermore, the
Amendment must have a minimum of
signatures equivalent to 15% of the
delegations present at the committee.
Article 106
The introduction of an Amendment will be
in order after the introduction of at least
one (1) Draft Resolution and before the
final voting process for Draft Resolutions
has started.
SECTION FOUR: DIRECTIVES
Article 107
On Crisis Committees, a Directive is a
document that explains the actions that the
majority of the cabinet wants to take in
order to affront a specific crisis or to get
some results related with the Topic; must
be handwritten and approved by the
Committee Directive.
Article 108
A directive may have:
a) An application to open a
negotiation with a specific member
of the other house, or international
representative, or a civil
organization relevant to the topic;
b) Bilateral and multilateral
agreements;
c) Ceasefire;
d) Governmental or administrative
actions;
 e) The election of a new president for
the cabinet or the rotation of
cabinet’s positions;
f) War and military actions;
g) Any other action that the
Committee Directive considers
relevant to the issue.
Article 109
Once the Committee Directive has
approved the Directive, it is going to be
read to all the cabinet and voted. The
Committee Directive may declare out of
order any Directive, if it goes against the
principles and objectives of the cabinet.
Article 110
The Committee Directive will grant a
number in ascending order to each
Directive.
SECTION FIVE: COMMUNIQUES
Article 111
Each member of a Crisis Committee has a
position that includes certain attributes of
authority and power. These attributes can
be exploited through personal notes
addressed to a staff member or a
subordinate ministry. These communiqués
must be forwarded to the Committee
Directive for its approval through the
protocol team. Communiqués are used for
more specific actions as inquire
information of a ministry or agency,
investigate other members, go to the
legislative body, etc. Particular decision of
the delegate is to decide what is the best
way to make use of his personal
correspondence. Communiqués that
require the participation of more than one
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ministry and whose actions have an impact
on the cabinet as a whole and not on the
specific delegate shall be elected, unless
the Committee Directive agreed with the
delegate.
SECTION SIX: PRESS RELEASES
Article 112
Crisis Committees can make a request for
the publication of a Press Release. With
Press Releases, the Cabinet can publish or
disclose any information of public interest;
this may be through Media or public
declarations. Some crisis committees will
work with members of the Press Center,
always taking into account the time that
the committee was carried out. In this last
case, is Press Center's Delegate who
decides in which way he is going to
publish the information, following the
editorial line he is representing.
CHAPTER X – DISCIPLINARY
ACTIONS
Article 113
Violations of these Rules will be penalized
with warnings and sanctions that
negatively affect the academic assessment
of the delegate. The Committee Directive
may issue warnings to any delegate who
shows improper behavior during the
sessions. The accreditation of three (3)
warnings will result in a first formal
sanction, and three (3) sanctions will result
in expulsion. Delegates that receive a
sanction are not entitled to an award. The
aforementioned procedure regarding the
number of warnings and sanctions may be
bypassed depending on the severity of the
action.
Article 114
The warnings and sanctions will be
assigned when:
a) Being late to meetings, after roll
call, or while not present when
called during the speakers list
b) Misuse of the Rules of Procedure
repeatedly and/or deliberate;
c) Breach of the formal dress code;
d) Use of obscene or insulting
language during the sessions;
e) Disrespect to fellow delegates
inside and outside the committee
room;
f) Sabotage the scheduled sessions or
any activity within the Model;
g) Physical aggression to any
participant of the Model;
h) Disrespect to the Committee
Directive;
i) Improper use of the event spaces;
j) Failure to deliver a Position Paper
within the stipulated time.
k) The use of plagiarism in the
important documents for the
competition such as the Position
Paper, Working Papers, Draft
Resolutions and Amendments.
MOVENU International will
consider as plagiarism the use of 7
or more consecutive words coming
from a document whose authorship
is from someone different than the
one who is making use of that
information.
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CHAPTER XI - AWARDS
Article 115
Once MOVENU’s sessions finish, the
delegations with a prominent behavior
during it will be rewarded with some of
the following awards:
a) Best Delegation.
b) Outstanding Delegation.
c) Honorable Mention or Honorable
Mentions (Depending on the
number of delegates in committee).
Article 116
University Delegations will also be
rewarded, taking into account the
efficiency achieved by the members of the
delegation, with two categories:
a) Small Delegation: Those
delegations with presence in a
minimum of 4 committees and
with a maximum of 10 delegates.
Being the award to which they can
aspire for "Best Small Delegation".
b) Large Delegation: Those
delegations with presence in 5 or
more committees and with more
than 10 delegates. Being the award
to which they can aspire for "Best
Large Delegation".
Article 117
In order to calculate the efficiency
achieved by a University Delegation, large
or small, a numeric value is going to be
given to all the awards received by the
members of a delegation in all committees their decisions, Committee Directives
that delegation is participating, as follows: must notify to the respective Under-
Secretary-General about its decisions in
a) Best Delegation: three (3) points. order to elaborate the certificates.

b) Outstanding Delegation: two (2) Article 120

points.
Results will be announced and awarded
c) Honorable Mention: one (1) point. during the Closing Ceremonies of the
event.
At the same time, the amount of possible
points that a University delegation can get Approved by the Secretary General and
according to the number of participating the Under-Secretary-Generals of
delegates per committee and the MOVENU 2018.
aforementioned scale is going to be
calculated. This amount will be established
in the registration form of each delegation.

Article 118

To calculate the efficiency achieved by a

University Delegation, large or small, the
following formula is going to be used:

Article 119

Delegations evaluation is responsibility of

all Committee Directives during the entire
event and following an evaluation scheme
designed by the Under-Secretary-Generals
and the Secretary General, the results are
going to be totalized after the end of the
last model’s session and before the
Closing Ceremonies. Once they have taken

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