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Philippine Administrative

System

Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler

University of the Philippines


OPEN UNIVERSITY
Philippine Administrative System
Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler

Copyright © 1999 by the UP Open University,


and Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler

Apart from any fair use for the purpose of research or private study,
criticism or review, this publication may be reproduced, stored
or transmitted, in any form or by any means
ONLY WITH THE WRITTEN PERMISSION
of the authors and the UP Open University.

Published in the Philippines by the UP Open University


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First printing, 1999


Second printing, 2000
Third printing, 2001

Layout by Cecilia G. Santiago

Printed in the Philippines


TABLE OF CONTENTS

UNIT I: The PAS: Its Historical and Cultural Roots

Module 1 Philippine History and Filipino Identity and Consciousness


Objectives, 5
Spanish Colonial Experience, 6
Struggles Against Colonialism, 7
The Development of the Concept of the Filipino, 7
The 1896 Revolution: Identity and Consciousness United, 8
The American Colonial Period: Process of Defilipinization, 9
Character of Contemporary Consciousness, 10
Filipino Nationalism, 13
Summary, 19
References, 20

Module 2 The 1896 and 1986 “Revolutions”: Linking the Past and the Present
Objectives, 21
The Philippine Revolution of 1896, 22
The 1986 EDSA People Power “Revolution”, 29
The Struggle Against the Dictatorship, 29
Interpreting the 1986 EDSA Phenomenon, 29
The 1896 Revolution and the 1986 EDSA Phenomenon: Similarities
and Differences, 37
Implications for the Philippine Administrative System, 39
Summary, 43
References, 44

Module 3 The History and Development of the Philippine Administrative


System
Objectives, 45
The PAS During the Spanish Colonial Period, 46
The PAS During the American Colonial Period, 48
The Early Republic, 52
The Authoritarian Regime, 54
The Aquino Regime, 57
The Implications of the Evolution of the Philippine Bureaucracy on
Its Institutional Capacity, 59
Summary, 62
References, 62
UNIT II: The Philippine Administrative System and People Power

Module 4 The Philippine Administrative System: Its Components and Power


Base
Objectives, 65
The Philippine Administrative System: A Definition, 65
First Component: Public Organizations, 67
Second Component: Internal Processes and Interactive Efforts, 67
Third Component: “Implementing, Help Formulating and Assessing Public
Policies, 68
Fourth Component: “Individuals, Groups, Organizations and Communities
as Its Public/Clientele, 68
Fifth Component: The Greater Socio-Politico and Economic Environment, 69
Sources of Power of the PAS, 73
PAS as Instrument of the State, 73
PAS as Enforcer and Implementor of Public Policy, 74
PAS as a Service Delivery System, 75
PAS as Participant in the Policy Formulation Process, 75
PAS’s Technical Expertise, 76
Nation-Wide Presence of the PAS, 77
Utilizing PAS Power, 77
Desirable Characteristics of the Philippine Administrative System, 81

Module 5 The PAS and Community Empoerment: An “Enabling”


Framework
Objectives, 87
Components of the PAS as an Enabling Institutions, 87
The People: The Ultimate Source of Power, 88
The Philippine Administrative System (PAS), 88
The Empowerment Process, 90
The Community, 90
The Environment, 90
The Interaction Between and Among Components, 91
The Value of the Framework, 92
The Consequence of Community Empowerment, 92
Summary, 98
Reference, 98

Module 6 Community Empowerment and the “Capability Building Exercise”


Objectives, 100
People Power, 100
Definition, 100
Elements of People Power, 100
Awareness of a Problem, 101
Initial Powerlessness Among Certain Sectors of Society, 101
Number, 101
Concrete Involvement in the Group Activity, 101
Committment to Human and Social Development, 102
Psychological Transformation, 102
Developing People Power, 102
Developing Critical Awareness, 102
Organizing People, 103
Developing Ideology, 103
Community Empowerment, 103
The Capability Building Exercise (CBX), 103
Conceptual Framework, 103
Operational Framework, 104
Features of the Model, 104
Bring the PAS and the Community Together, 109
Summary, 110
References, 111

Module 7 Accountability as a Public Service Value


Objectives, 114
Political and Administrative Accountability, 114
Constitutional Provision on Public Accountability, 115
Code of Ethics for Public Officials, 116
Sikolohiyang Pilipino, 120
The Concept of Kapwa, 126
Kapwa and Public Accountability, 130
Summary, 131
References, 131

UNIT III: The Structure and Processes of the PAS

Module 8 The PAS: Its Structure and Process


Objectives, 135
Executive Order 292, 136
The PAS: Its Structure and Component Organizations, 138
The Departments: Basic Structure, 143
Administrative Relationships, 145
Supervision and Control, 145
Administrative Supervision, 145
Attachment, 146
Changing the PAS Structure Through Government-Wide Reorganizations, 148
Reorganization: A Definition, 149
Goals of Reorganization, 149
The Reorganization Process, 150
The Outcome of the Reorganization, 150
Summary, 154
References, 154
Module 9 The National Planning Process
Objectives, 155
Angat Pinoy, 156
The Vision, 156
Development Strategies, 157
Guiding Principles, 158
The National Planning Process, 159
Development Objectives and Strategies: 1972-1998, 159
Plan Formulation, 159
Local Plans as Inputs to the National Plan, 162
Innovations Introduced in 1999-2004 MTPDP, 163
NEDA’s Role in the Planning Process, 164
The NEDA Board, 165
The NEDA Secretariat, 166
Issues in National Planning, 168
Unrealistic Targets, 168
Technical Requirements vs. Participatory Process, 170
Capability for Planning at the Local Level, 170
Summary, 172
References, 172

Module 10 National-Local Government Relations: An Overview


Objectives, 173
Centralization, Decentralization and Local Autonomy, 174
Centralization, 175
Decentralization, 175
Devolution and Deconcentration, 175
Privatization, 176
Local Autonomy, 177
Constitutional Provision on, and Nature of, Local Government Units, 180
Nature of Local Government Units, 180
The Need for Local Governments, 181
Constitutional Foundations, 181
Levels of Local Governments, 183
Field Offices Distinct from Local Governments, 183
Tiers of Philippine Local Governments, 184
Roles and Functions of Local Governments, 185
The Barangay, 185
The Municipality, 185
The City, 185
The Province, 186
Special Local Government Units, 186
Metro Manila Development Authority, 186
Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao, 187
Creation of Local Government Units, 188
National-Local Government Relations and the DILG, 192
National-Local Government Relations, 192
The Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG), 193
The 1991 Local Government Code: Opportunities and Problems, 197
Summary, 200
References, 200

Module 11 The Philippine Civil Service System


Objectives, 201
The Philippine Civil Service System, 202
Principles Governing Civil Service Employment, 203
Merit and Fitness, 204
Security of Tenure, 205
Political Neutrality, 205
Right to Organization, 206
Public Accountability, 206
Positions in the Civil Service, 209
The Career Service, 209
Non-Career Service, 211
The Civil Service Commission, 214
Constitutional Mandate, 214
Functions of the Civil Service Commission, 214
Organizational Structure of the Commission, 216
Assessing the CSC’s Performance, 216
Summary, 221
References, 222

Module 12 The Budgetary Process: A Component of Public Fiscal


Administration
Objectives, 223
Public Fiscal Administration and Budgeting, 224
Taxation, 225
Budgeting, 225
Debt Management, 225
State Accounting and Auditing, 225
Constitutional Provisions on Budgeting, 226
The National Budget Cycle, 232
National Budget Policy, 232
Budget Preparation, 233
Budget Legislation, 235
Budget Execution, 237
Budget Accountability, 238
The Department of Budget and Management, 242
Mandate and Functions, 242
Organizational Structure, 243
Inter-Agency Linkages, 245
Summary, 246
References, 247
Unit IV People’s Organizations, Nongovernmental Organizations, and the PAS

Module 13 People’s Organizations, Nongovernmental Organizations: Partners


of the the PAS
Objectives, 252
PO vs. NGOs, 252
Nongovernmental Organizations, 253
People’s Organizations, 254
POs and NGOs, 254
State Policies Encouraging NGO/PO Partnership with the PAS, 258
Constitutional Provisions, 258
The Local Government Code, 258
Strategies of the Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan, 1999-2004, 258
History of NGOs in the Philippines, 261
NGO Relations with the Government, 263
NGOs Working with Government for Greater Accountability and Accessibility, 264
Summary, 266
References, 267
Module 1 1

Unit I
The PAS: Its Historical
and Cultural Roots

W elcome to the first unit of this course. This unit presents the histori-
cal and cultural context within which you must situate your un-
derstanding of the current nature and characteristics of the Philippine
Administrative System (PAS). The unit has three modules. The first mod-
ule, which you are about to go through, establishes the importance of the
Philippine Revolution of 1896 in unifying our people to think as one na-
tion. Module 2 links the 1896 revolution with the 1986 phenomenon. These
two significant historical events set the stage for our introduction of the
concept of people empowerment, which is a key component of the em-
powerment framework which we will introduce in Unit II. The third and
last module in this unit traces the history and development of the Philip-
pine Administrative system over time.

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Module 1
Philippine History and Filipino
Identity and Consciousness

W hy do we start a course on the Philippine Administrative System


with a module on Philippine history? This is largely because this
course is organized around two major themes:

1. The state and the bureaucracy or the Philippine Administrative Sys-


tem exists only for, and because of, the Filipino people; and

2. To serve our people well, public officials must make a conscious and
continuous effort to know, understand and empathize with our people.

A good way of really knowing a people is to know and appreciate their


history. A nation’s history represents the shared experiences that make
them unique and distinct from other nations of the world. This is the
reason this course starts with readings on Philippine history and nation-
alism. As students of public administration, we must learn more about
what binds us and makes us one as a nation. This is the appropriate con-
text against which we can best appreciate the new roles that we will later
ask the Philippine Administrative System to perform in our society.

After you complete this module, you will have revisited Philippine history
and reflected on the effects of our history on our collective consciousness
as a society.

The required readings for this module revolve around one theme: how our
colonial experience and our continued struggle for freedom during this period
have shaped our national consciousness as a people. The accounts that you
will be reading may offer new insights and perspectives on Philippine
nationhood and nationalism. If you enjoyed reading Philippine history

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before, I am sure that you will find the insights offered in your readings
even more stimulating. If you are one of those who found your history
classes boring , I am certain that you will be pleasantly surprised by the
provocative and stimulating piece on Philippine history that you will be
reading in this module. I also hope that this module will make you feel a
sense of national pride in the struggles and victory of our people as they
asserted our right to freedom and sought to establish our sovereignty as a
nation.

Required Readings

There are two required readings for this module:

Constantino, Renato. Identity and Consciousness: The Philippine Experience


(1974).
“Philippine Nationalism” in Priscilla S. Manalang (ed.) A Nation for our
Children: Selected Writings of Jose W. Diokno (Claretian Publications, 1987)
pp. 90-102.

These are included in your reader.

Activity 1-1
Personal Reflection

Before you start your readings, it may be useful to reflect on the


following:

1. In 1998, we had a year long centennial celebration. What did


you like most in this celebration? What did you like least? Why?

2. Is there one significant event in our history that makes you par-
ticularly proud of being a Filipino? If yes, what would this
be? Why does this event make you proud of being Filipino?

After you have answered these questions, set them aside for a while.
You will be going back to these questions toward the end of the
module.

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By this time, I am sure that you will have developed


your own learning system as a more or less seasoned Objectives
Open University student. As a tip, let me reiterate
what I said earlier in the course guide. The suggested After completing this first
pattern for PM 208 is: read, reflect on the readings as module, you should be able
you link them to your own ideas and experiences; to:
analyze these ideas critically; do the activities and re-
flections suggested; consciously seek the connections 1. Explain how Spanish
between ideas and events within and between mod- colonization tactics re-
ules; and evaluate these ideas and try to integrate and pressed the formation of
synthesize them into a view that will make them dis- Filipino national con-
tinctly your own. sciousness;
2. Describe the evolution of
You will note that your two readings were written at the term “Filipino”;
different points of Philippine history. The first read- 3. Discuss why the 1896
ing is a classic piece by Renato Constantino, a histo- revolution is considered to
rian and social critic. He presented this paper at the have brought on a unity of
VIII World Sociology Congress held in Toronto, identity and national con-
Canada in August 1974. The second reading is a sciousness among the Fili-
speech delivered by Jose W. Diokno, as a young sena- pinos;
tor, before an American audience in 1968. He gave 4. Explain the process of
this speech before the New York Assembly, First Din- “defilipinization” during
ner Session, Westchester Country Club, New York the American colonial pe-
on March 4, 1968. riod;
5. Discuss Diokno’s account
I am sure that you will find these readings interest- of why he believes there is
ing. It may be helpful if you focus on their central a misunderstanding of the
ideas which we highlight below. causes, content, and
thrusts of Philippine na-
Renato Constantino’s main thesis is that the state of tionalism; and
national consciousness among the Filipinos of today 6. Define the terms “national
may be attributed to three factors: identity,” “national con-
• the extent of economic and social development sciousness,” and “nation-
prior to the Spanish colonial period; alism”.
• the nature of Spanish colonial rule; and
• the effect of American domination.

How would one characterize pre-conquest Philippines? Except for the


Muslim communities in the south Constantino pre-conquest Philippines
as one that:
• was composed largely of small scattered communities grouped along
kinship ties;
• did not have a high degree of civilization and social structure;
• was essentially a subsistence economy, with no economic stratifica-
tion; and
• was yet to be influenced by the cultures of Asia.

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These characteristics of pre-conquest Philippines made these communi-


ties vulnerable to the Spanish colonial designs on the island. There was no
strong unifying bond or a culture to protect them from the incursions of
strong external threats posed by the Spanish. Had the Spaniards not got-
ten to the islands, it is likely that the Philippines would have become part
of Muslim Asia.

Spanish Colonial Experience


Spanish colonial rule, which lasted more than 300 years, left deep im-
prints on the Filipino mind. Constantino traces this to the tactics of colo-
nization used by the Spaniards in the country. Two forms of control were
central to the Spanish colonial strategy: physical and psychological control.
The first type was implemented through the “reduccion” where small,
scattered communities were forced to form larger communities to facili-
tate physical control and proselytization. One sees up to this day the en-
during structure of the town plaza, usually located at the center, with the
following buildings conveniently located around it: the municipal hall,
the church, and the local parish school. This physical structure facilitated
psychological control as the friars could easily attend to chuch activities
even as they also presided over functions at the municipal hall and super-
vised religious education provided in the nearby parish school. These they
did even as they made sure that anyone who would go against the com-
mands of God would be the object not only of physical punishment but
also of retribution from a supernatural power. With God on his side, the
priest could do no wrong. Since Spanish colonization worked more
through religion than through force, the priests were viewed as the key
actor in the whole colonization process. The role of the clergy was aptly
captured in the claim, “ in every friar in the Philippines, the king had a
captain general and a whole army” (Constantino,1974: 6).

While religion bred resignation and passivity among the parishioners, the
haphazard attention to education resulted in a legacy of ignorance that
kept the cultural awareness of the people at a low level and stymied the
development of “the recognition of the changing nature of social forms
and the awareness of the necessity for basic and hence revolutionary
change” (Constantino, 1974: 7). Because they were kept ignorant, or else
where taught little, the people’s consciousness of the need for social change
remained undeveloped.

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Struggles Against Colonialism


But not for long. Spanish repression triggered resistance from the people.
These took several forms. The first form of resistance was described as
“nativism,” manifested in the people’s expression of their dissatisfaction
with their material deprivation and oppression by calling on their old
gods to challenge the God of the friars. They expected their former deities
to protect them from the God of the colonizers and eventually free them
from tribute and forced labor. These isolated religious revolts were local-
ized reactions to specific experiences or repression.

The second form of resistance was linked to the growth of the local clergy
and their demand for equal status within the Church. The unrest among
the local clergy reached its apex when three Filipino priests were falsely
accused of being involved in the Cavite mutiny and executed.

The third form of resistance was an inconsistent pattern of elite participa-


tion in the people’s protest against Spanish oppression. Constantino cited
the case of Maniago, Malong and Almazan as cases where the local elites
led local revolts. He pointed out, however, that these local elites merely
used the people to fulfill their own personal ambitions.

The fourth source of resistance was the economic and intellectual trans-
formation ushered in by the opening of the country to world trade and
liberal ideas. This development enabled the educated elite to articulate
their protest against the social injustice that they saw and their demand
for equality.

The Development of the Concept


of the Filipino
When the Philippines was opened to world trade in the 19th century, the
resulting economic transformation produced another group of economic
elitesthe Chinese mestizos. Together with the British, middlemen from
mainland China brought local products from the provinces for the British
to trade outside the country, and functioned as the conduits for the distri-
bution of British goods to the provinces. However, restrictions on the Chi-
nese kept them from taking full advantage of these business opportuni-
ties. Thus, the Chinese mestizos, who had Chinese fathers and native
mothers, eventually assumed the role played by these Chinese merchants.

The opening of the country to world trade also meant that Filipinos were
also exposed to the liberal ideas in other parts of the world. Families who
could afford to do so started to send their children to Manila and other

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educational centers abroad. The economic transformation, the growing


dissatisfaction with Spanish rule, and the liberal ideas coming through
education somehow led to the clamor for greater attention to the sources
of discontent of certain subgroups within the population, and the rise of a
“Filipino” consciousness.

Constantino presents an interesting analogy between the evolution of the


word “Filipino” and the concept of nationhood. This is discussed fully in
pages 24-25 of the monograph. Originally, the term “Españoles- Filipinos”
was used only to refer to Spaniards born in the Philippines. These original
“Filipinos” were also known as creoles or insulares as distinguished from Span-
iards born in Spain who were called peninsulares, while the natives were
referred to as indios. A distinction was made between Spaniards born in
Spain and those born in the Philippines, as this made possible the preferen-
tial treatment for the peninsulares. The creoles resented this, as they believed
they should have equal, if not more, rights to official positions. This grievance
led the insulares to team up with the ilustrados, who were acceptable to the
former because of their wealth, education and acquisition of Hispanic cul-
ture. On the part of the Filipino clergy, the native priests who were discrimi-
nated against by Spanish friars also made common cause with the creole
clergymen. Ultimately, it was the ilustrados who used the term “Filipino” to
refer to all inhabitants of the island, regardless of racial, economic, and edu-
cational status.

The 1896 Revolution: Identity


and Consciousness United
How did Constantino define national identity and national conscious-
ness?

Constantino makes a distinction between national identity and national


consciousness. He observes that while the Filipinos may have a sense of
national identity, they are not bound by a national consciousness, if by
national consciousness is meant “a sense of oneness which comes from a
community of aspiration, response and action.”

Constantino also defines consciousness as the “manner by which a soci-


ety in its development explains the world and views itself. It is also the
changing nature of social forms and the awareness of the necessity for
basic and revolutionary change. “While national identity may not always
connote a level of politization, national consciousness is always accompa-
nied by politization, which defines goals and leads to action. Counter-
consciousness is a reaction against the prevailing consciousness and be-
comes consciousness when it triumphs. Constantino contends that in the

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Philippines, counter-consciousness became consciousness, and identity and


consciousness were united, for a brief period during the 1896 revolution.

The convergence of all the grievances and the discontent of all sectors of
the population led to the national revolution, which demanded that the
Philippines be rid of Spanish colonialism. Constantino saw the Filipino
masses and the elite being politicized by their interactions with each other
and the actions and decisions of the masses negating the reformist aspira-
tions of the elites. Despite the legacy of ignorance that affected both the
masses and the elite, their past struggles and their growing awareness of
their national identity transformed their limited consciousness into a revo-
lutionary consciousness.

This means that both the masses and the elites saw in their new con-
sciousness the need to eradicate Spanish rule through a struggle that would
involve the whole nation. Thus, identity and consciousness was united as
the Filipino people became one. During this brief moment in our history,
the Filipino masses and the elite shared a common goal and stood as one
nation in their struggle to be free from Spanish colonial repression.

The Philippine Revolution of 1896 marked the birth of the Filipino nation.
However, this unity of national consciousness and identity was short-
lived.

The American Colonial Period: The Process


of Defilipinization
When the Americans came, they were confronted by a people transformed
into a nation forged in revolution. Constantino aptly described post-1896
Filipinos as “united and animated by a strong sense of purpose, their as-
pirations for freedom had been crystallized, their military success against
the Spanish colonizer had given them confidence” (Constantino, 1974:
32).

This counter-consciousness, which prompted the Filipinos to protect their


independence fiercely, was recognized by the Americans as the biggest
obstacle to their establishment of another colonial rule in the Philippines.
Thus, the American colonizers moved to separate identity and conscious-
ness. The American colonial strategy involved recreating the Filipino mind
to make it colonial and submissive to American control. This meant,
“Americanizing” the Filipino consciousness. While the Spaniards used
religion, the Americans relied on the educational process. This was done
through three aspects of an educational policy:

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• the institution of a nationwide public school system;


• the use of English as a medium of instruction; and,
• the distortion of the history of the early American occupation, with the
glorification of the American way of life, its heroes, and institutions.

Education, which the Spaniard withheld from the Filipinos, was to be the
means through which the Americans would remold the Filipino conscious-
ness. The public school system became the convenient venue. The use of
English allowed the easy use of the American public school curriculum
and soon, the Filipinos were learning not only a new language but also a
new culture.

Their control of the educational system also enabled the Americans to


distort or suppress information on the Filipino resistance to American
rule and what the Americans did to crush the resistance. The promise of
democracy and eventual independence was used to portray the Ameri-
cans as friends who would prepare the country for self-government. The
de-Filipinization process continued to supplant the national conscious-
ness and create in the Filipino a willing student who was eager to absorb
what the new teacher offered to advance the cause of democracy.

While there emerged a counter-consciousness during the American pe-


riod, this did not succeed as its proponents failed to expose American
colonialism as the root cause of the oppression. Miseducation and cul-
tural Americanization was so deep that it was difficult to develop a new
counter-consciousness. Moreover, there was the thinking that the suc-
cessful adaptation of American values was a positive development and
improvement for the nation and its people.

Character of Contemporary Consciousness


The Americans succeeded in separating Filipino identity from national
consciousness and in creating a contemporary consciousness that was
supportive of its designs and western values. This did not only make it
easier for America to rule as a colonial power; it also systematically erased
the national consciousness of 1896, which motivated the people to struggle
for independence and self-reliance.

Constantino characterizes the contemporary consciousness as follows:


a. A people trained to accept American values and concepts;
b. A vague loyalty to the motherland and concern over the reactions of
the colonial power;
c. A tendency to corruption in public and private activities due to the
lack of economic opportunities;

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d. The institutionalization of a culture that is alien in language, direc-


tion, and content; and
e. A consumerist attitude brought about by the colonial nature of the
economy.

Let’s take time to review how much you learned from your readings and
the module. Remember your Self Assessment Questions (SAQS) allow you
to do a number of things. They can make your learning process more
exciting because you check how well you mastered the materials in the
module. They can also be your way of evaluating these ideas and relating
them to your own personal experiences.

SAQ 1-1
True or False: Indicate after each statement whether it is True or
False. After each statement that you consider false, explain what
makes it false.

1. Spain’s only approach in colonizing the Philippines was the


use of superior military force.

2. The American’s colonial strategy in the Philippines was essen-


tially through the use of religion.

3. During the Spanish colonial period, the word “Filipino” was


originally used to refer only to the indios.

4. The 1896 Revolution against Spain was a high point in Philip-


pine history because it represented the victory of the ilustrados
against the Spanish colonial regime.

I suggest that you keep a notebook for PM 208 where you may
write your answers to the SAQs. This notebook can also be your
way of writing down questions that you want to raise with your
tutors during your study session. It could be a way of keeping your
notes on the readings for this course.

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ASAQ 1-1
1. False. The Spaniards used physical and psychological control.
They resettled the small, scattered communities for easy ad-
ministration and converted the people to a religion where God
was an ally of the colonial masters who were able to use fear of
supernatural retribution to their advantage.
2. False. While the Spaniards used religion, the American colo-
nial scheme centered on education. To convert the Filipinos to
become submissive again, three specific approaches were
adopted. These were: (a) the institution of a nationwide public
school system; (b) the use of English as a medium of instruc-
tion; and (c) the distortion of the history of the early American
occupation.
3. False. Constantino draws a parallelism between the develop-
ment of the Filipino nation and the use of the word “Filipino”.
Initially, the word “Filipino” was used to refer to Spaniards
born in the Philippines or the insulares, as distinguished from
those born in Spain who were called peninsulares. The natives
were called indios. Then the word “Filipino” included Chinese
mestizos and urbanized natives who, through their money and
education gained access to Hispanic culture. Eventually, “Fili-
pino” was used by the ilustrados, the children of the local elite,
who used the term to include the entire people.
4. False. The victory of the 1896 revolution represented the tri-
umph of both the masses (through the Katipuneros) and the
illustrados. Constantino explained that in the 1896 national revo-
lution, the Filipino masses and the elite were one in their rejec-
tion of reformism and in their support for revolution as the
route to freedom from colonial rule. This unity of identity and
national consciousness marked the birth of a nation in that the
people now had a common a aspiration and action to achieve
their goal of freedom.

How well did you do in the SAQs? If you got 4-5 answers, you did
really well and you should congratulate yourself for this perfor-
mance. If you got 3 answers right, well and good. This still means
that you focused on the reading and you got the essence of the
ideas conveyed. If you got only 2 correct answers, this is still not
too bad. This only means that you were probably distracted while
you were going over your readings, which is understandable as
this first reading may seem heavy to some students. Anyway, this
should only get you to perk up and move on to the second reading
for this module.

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The second reading for this module is a speech delivered by then senator Jose
W. Diokno before an American audience in 1968. It was presented before
the New York Assembly, First Dinner Session, Westchester Country Club,
New York on March 4, 1968. It is exceptional in that after a long time, a
ranking Philippine official mustered the courage to describe what Philippine
nationalism is before a group of Americans who met his speech with deafen-
ing silence. Diokno pointed out that Philippine-American relations was threat-
ened by the Americans’ misunderstanding of the causes, content and the
thrust of Philippine nationalism.

Why was this speech chosen for this module and how does this relate to the
Constantino monograph? The first reading provided you an extensive analysis
of the country’s colonial experience and its effect on our consciousness as a
people. The second reading, in a way, shows certain misconceptions about
Philippine nationalism and how these misconceptions tend to govern US-
Philippine relations. While it describes events in the 1960s, it shows how
American influence continues to prevail in post-independence Philippines.
In this speech, Diokno eloquently conveyed to the Americans how we Filipi-
nos must take charge of the course of our nation. It also asks the Americans
to recognize that they should stop thinking that they can make Filipinos
more like them. Filipinos are now insisting on their own image.

Filipino Nationalism
The Diokno speech asked his American audience to understand these key
messages, even as it cites specific issues then which were salient to Philip-
pine- American relations, as follows:

1. Is “Philippine nationalism anti-American?

“Philippine nationalism is no more inherently anti-American, than Ameri-


can nationalism is inherently anti-Filipino...Philippine nationalism is only
pro-Filipino as American nationalism is pro-American and like your na-
tionalism, ours is inspired, not by any Marxist dogma but by the con-
sciousness that we are one people, bound by common traditions, one
land, one blood and one dream.”

2. What are the components of Philippine nationalism?

“Philippine nationalism is more than patriotism. It is also the belief


that, because the Philippines is our country, it is we who must have
the power to direct its affairs, internal and external, for it is we who
bear the responsibility for its future. This belief combines with faith
and determination: the faith that we can exercise that power as well
as, if not better than, those who are not Filipinos; and the determina-
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tion to use that power so that the blessings of our country will accrue
to all our people, and not primarily to only some, nor to those who are
not Filipinos.”

3. What is the result of the failure to understand Philippine national-


ism?

“This then was the result of the failure to understand our national-
ism: you would make us into your image; we insist upon our own.
Perhaps because of our desire not to displease, we have not articu-
lated our insistence enough. Or perhaps our gratitude for what was
done for our benefit misled you. But in any case, the failure to under-
stand that we have our own identity, that we approach problems in a
manner you never would, has produced much of the tension betweeen
us. Until this is cleared up, more tension will arise.”

4. Who are the advocates of Philippine nationalism?

“For Philippine nationalism is today, as it has always been, the move-


ment of the forces of change: our youth and our middle class. And it
is becoming the articulate creed of our tenant and small farmers. Al-
ready, the point is being made with growing frequency that the peon-
age that characterizes our rural economy stems from the colonial sys-
tem which concentrated our resources in the hands of the few, and
led to the subsisting alliance between vested Filipino interests and for-
eign interests, whose combined economic power is so strong that they
effectively influence your government and mine into maintaining the
status quo.”

5. What is the real nature of American policy toward the Philippines?

“American policy toward the Philippines is being explained in terms


of the iniquitous landlord-tenant relation we call kasamaan unequal
partnership, characterized by paternalism, usury and the dictation of
landlord over tenant. In this analogy, of course, the United States is
the landlord and the Philippines, the tenant; and it gains strength
because it is not an altogether invalid analogy.

“Finally, the point is being made that only by emancipating our na-
tion from this international system of peonage, can our tenant farm-
ers break away from their domestic peonage. If this continues, and
gains ground, I do not care to foretell whether there will remain any
Philippine-American relation to speak about.”

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Module 1 15

6. What is the dream that all Philippine nationalists share?

“It is the dream to be the first former colony in Asia to achieve moder-
nity, as it was the first to attain independence. It is the dream to join
the modern world without sacrificing democracy to dictatorship, as
others are doing; nor at the expense of the poorwho have paid the
price elsewherebut of those who reaped the benefits of colonialism
and therefore can afford the cost of modernization. Philippine nation-
alism is determined to achieve this dream. It knows it must restruc-
ture the Philippine economy and Philippine society to do so. It knows
it will be difficult and painful. All it asks of your people and your
government is your understanding and, if you deem it worthwhile,
your help to make the process faster, less painful, and if you do not
deem it worthwhile, to leave us alone.”

Activity 1-2
1. The Diokno Speech: A Personal Assessment

Make a brief assessment of the speech you just read by an-


swering the following guide questions.

a. What was your first reaction to the speech after reading it?
b. Are there specific ideas in the speech that you agree or dis-
agree with? What are these and why do you agree or disagree
with them?
c. Do you think that there are indeed misconceptions about the
nature, content, and thrusts of Philippine nationalism?
d. Has this speech succeeded in clarifying these misconceptions?
Why do you say so?
e. If you were Senator Diokno, how would you feel about the
deafening silence after your speech?

2. Review of Personal Reflection

After going over this module, what changes, if any would you
make in the personal reflection form that we asked you to fill
out at the beginning of the module? Why?

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SAQ 1-2
Let us see if you can identify the three key concepts introduced in
this module through these illustrations. Match the concept referred
to by the illustrations provided in the left column with the concept
on the right column and give a brief explanation for your choice.

A B

1. The 1896 revolution served to unite the A. De-Filipinization


Filipinos who were earlier engaged in
revolts for limited ends. It provided
the opportunity to harmonize the re-
formist goals of the elite and the efforts
of the masses to overthrow the colo- B. National Conscious-
nial government. ness

2. After two years of exile, in a letter to


his friend Blumentritt, dated August 29,
1894, Rizal described how he had or- C. Nationalism
ganized a consumer’s cooperative in
Dapitan to enable his countrymen to
escape from the clutches of Chinese
traders, and he complained that the
Spanish military governor “though a
good man, nevertheless favored the
Chinese.” Rizal practiced what he
preached. One year later, he wrote his
mother: “I have vowed never to buy
anything from the Chinese; so that
sometimes I find myself in a fix. Now I
have neither plates nor tumblers.”

3. When the Americans came, they were


faced with a nation forged in revolu-
tion. The Americans passed the Sedi-
tion Law of 1901, the Brigande Act
of 1902 and the Flag Law of 1907.
Moreover to erode the Filipino con-
sciousness, the Americans used
public education.

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Module 1 17

ASAQ 1-2
A B

1. a. DeFilipinization

2. b. National Consciousness

3. c. Nationalism

Explanation:
1. Constantino defined national consciousness to mean a “sense
of oneness which comes from a community of aspiration, re-
sponse and action.” Prior to the 1896 revolution, Filipino re-
volts were for limited ends and occured only in certain areas of
the country. With the 1896 revolution, the limited and partial
consciousness of the Filipino masses and elites were transformed
to a national consciousness when they stood for and fought for
a common goal: the abolition of Spanish colonization.

2. Diokno used this example to illustrate that Philippine economic


nationalism exemplified in Rizal’s action, was not, at its in-
ception, anti-American, communist-inspiration or selfishly mo-
tivated. (Diokno, p. 93)

3. When the Americans came, the Filipinos were one fighting


force united by their triumphs in the 1896 revolution. The
people believed passionately in independence. Constantino
described the de-Filipinization process, thus: “The Americans
set in motion the process of gradually negating the revolution-
ary consciousness of the Filipino people, for this evolving con-
sciousness was subversive of colonial rule. The consciousness
born of the Revolution had to be remoulded along lines that
would provide the underpinnings of the new colonialism. The
question of national identity had to be reworked, for the newly
emergent Filipino had to be transformed once more into the
colonial Filipino. Absorbed into the system, the elite were fairly
quickly Americanized through colonial education. They were

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ASAQ 1-2 con’t....


accommodated within the economic hierarchy and thus given a
vested right in the new regime. Their armed resistance destroyed
by the brutal application of force, the people were gradually brought
within the framework of the colonial establishment by the persua-
sive powers and propaganda efforts of the elite and by a combina-
tion of policies of coercion and attraction developed by the new
rulers.”

Activity 1-3
Personal Reflection

After the readings for this module, try to fill out the two columns
below:
A. Three things I can be B. Three things I can not
proud of in my history be proud of in my
as a Filipino history as a Filipino

1.
1.

2.
2 .

3.
3.

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Module 1 19

Summary
What is the main message that we wished to convey in this module? The
Filipinos of today are the product of their past. If the bureaucracy must un-
derstand how their clients or other organizations behave, it must know and
understand the historical context that shaped and defined their ways of look-
ing at things and ultimately how they act. The seeming ambivalance of Filipi-
nos on public issues and their reaction to the authority exercised by the state
is rooted in their history as a people.

Why is this important for a public servant or a student of the Philippine


administrative system to know? The bureaucracy acts for and in behalf of
the state. It exercises that authority when it takes action on anything pre-
sented before it. Once the members of the bureaucracy understand the his-
torical basis of and the significance of nationalism in our people’s life, they
are more likely to adopt a broader and enlightened view of things and hope-
fully, be more accepting of the people’s point of view. This historical perspec-
tive and a grounding on nationalism is also important considering the strong
forces of globalization that impinge on and/or affect national interests.
You have just completed the first module. In the second module, you will
get to link the 1896 revolution we discussed in this module to the more
contemporary event of the 1986 EDSA phenomenon. You will be amazed
at parallelisms that may be drawn between these two events in our his-
tory. What is important though, is that we value these two events which,
mark the assertion of our collective power as a people. You have done
well in the first module. Let us see you do even better in the next one.

Enrichment Materials
If you want to read on, we recommend two materials on the topic which you
may find interesting. These are available in the additional volume of optional
readings for PM208 which are available in the learning centers.

1. The “Epilogue” of Onofre D. Corpuz’s two-volume book on the Roots of the


Filipino Nation, which came out three years after Marcos was deposed, offers
an explanation of why nationalism failed to be the guiding spirit in Philippine
politics. It also discusses how the marked lack of nationalism among the po-
litical leaders has led to the deterioration of the Philippine Civil Service, whose
neutrality was destroyed by the political party system.

2. Another optional reading is Salonga’s article on the historic Philippine Senate


decision to reject the Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Security be-
tween the Philippines and the United States, titled “The Historic Senate Deci-
sion of September 16, 1991 on the RP-US Bases Treaty.” It describes the Sen-

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ate deliberation and argues that the Philippines must deal with the US on the
basis of the principles of independence and sovereignty, mutual respect, jus-
tice and understanding.

References

Constantino, Renato. 1974. Identity and Consciousness: The Philippine Experi-


ence.
Corpuz, OD. 1989. The Roots of the Filipino Nation. Quezon City: Aklahi Foun-
dation, Inc.
Philippine Nationalism. 1987. In A Nation for our Children: Selected Writings of
Jose W. Diokno. Edited by Priscilla S. Manalang. Quezon City: Jose W.
Diokno Foundation, Inc. and Claretian Publications.
Salonga, Jovito R. 1994. The Historic Senate Decision of September 16, 1991
on the RP-US Bases Treaty. In Ethics in Politics: Three Lectures. Quezon
City: UP College of Public Administration.

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Module 2
The 1896 and 1986
“Revolutions:” Linking
the Past and the Present

Objectives
I n the first module, you read the
Constantino monograph which dissected
the effects of colonialism on our national After completing this mod-
consciousness as a people. It also high- ule, you should be able to:
lighted the important role of the 1896 revo-
lution in the definition, and in the birth of 1. Trace the key events that led
the Philippine nation. You also read Sena- to the Philippine Revolution
tor Diokno’s speech where he told Ameri- of 1896 and the establish-
cans about the nature and main thrusts of ment and eventual down-
Philippine nationalism. fall of the first Philippine Re-
public;
In this module, you will get the chance to 2. Discuss the events that led
relate this event to a more recent develop- to the EDSA People Power
ment in Philippine history, the 1986 EDSA phenomenon of February
“People Power” phenomenon. I hope you 1986;
will see that these two significant episodes 3. Compare and contrast the
in our history marked specific instances 1896 and the 1986 “revolu-
when our people’s triumph enabled them tions”; and
to assert their collective will, take action 4. Explain the implications of
and empower themselves. the 1986 People Power phe-
nomenon on the national
This module will also lay the foundation for consciousness, political pro-
the concept of people empowerment which, cesses, public bureaucracy,
we will discuss further in Unit II. and people’s expectations of
government.

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Required Readings

Your readings for this module are:

Lallana, Emmanuel C. “Interpreting the Interpretations of February,”


Philippine Journal of Public Administration (July, 1986), pp. 235-249.
Majul, Cesar Adib. The Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Philippine
Revolution (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1967). Chap-
ter 1, pp.1-20 and Chapter IX, pp. 207-219.

The Philippine Revolution of 1896


Your readings on this topic are the first and last chapters of Cesar Adib
Majul’s book, which was based on his doctoral dissertation at Cornell
University. While most parts of the book dwell on the political and con-
stitutional ideas of the Philippine revolution, the first chapter gives a con-
cise account of the forces and events that led to the Philippine Revolution
and subsequent developments until the end of the first Philippine Repub-
lic.

When you go through the first chapter, I suggest that you direct your
attention to Majul’s discussion of the influence of the following events,
organizations and personages of that era on the revolution.

a. The Propaganda Movement. This movement functioned from 1870s


to 1892. Writers belonging to this group clamored that Filipinos be
given political rights equal to those enjoyed by the Spaniards.

b. The Katipunan. An organization founded by Andres Bonifacio on


July 7, 1892. Its principal goal was to unite Filipinos and to form an
independent nation through a revolution. On August 26, 1896, its
members publicly declared the goals of the revolution and the rebel-
lion quickly spread to eight nearby provinces.

c. The rise of Aguinaldo. The break against the Bonifacio-led Katipunan


became apparent when Aguinaldo advocated the establishment of a
revolutionary government to be organized along republican lines. On
March 22, 1897, during the Tejeros Convention, a revolutionary gov-
ernment was formed to replace the Supreme Council of the Katipunan.
Aguinaldo was elected president and Bonifacio was elected director
of the interior. When Bonifacio rejected the results of the election af-
ter his fitness for the position of the director of the interior was ques-
tioned, he was arrested by order of the new president, charged with
sedition, court-martialed, found guilty, and sentenced to be shot.
Bonifacio was shot on May 10, 1897 under controversial circumstances.
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Module 2 23

d. Pact of Biak-na-Bato. When Cavite fell to the Spaniards, Aguinaldo


transferred his government to Biak-na-Bato, Bulacan. On November
1, 1897, about 50 revolutionary leaders adopted the Biak-na-Bato Con-
stitution, which declared the separation of the Philippines from Spain,
had a bill of rights, and established a government along republican
lines. At the time, Spanish Governor-General Primo de Rivera decided
to use reconciliation rather than force to stop the rebellion against
Spain. With the authority of the Governor General, a Filipino lawyer
named Pedro Paterno negotiated with Aguinaldo and talked about
money and reforms. The Filipino leaders asked for three million Mexi-
can dollars as indemnity for those in arms and for those who suffered
in the war. The reforms were basically those asked by the propagan-
dists. In exchange, the rebels were to leave the country and ensure
that peace would last for three years. The pact of Biak-na-Bato was
ratified on December 16, 1897 and Aguinaldo left for Hongkong on
December 27. The conditions set in the pact were never fulfilled, as
the money was not paid in full and repression continued. The Filipi-
nos did not fulfill their share of the burden either.

e. The Filipino Dictatorship. When Aguinaldo came back from


Hongkong, he had a constitution with him. He was advised to estab-
lish a dictatorial government until the country would be ready for a
constitutional republic. At this point, Apolinario Mabini emerged as
Aguinaldo’s chief adviser. Mabini was Aguinaldo’s private adviser on
June 12, 1898. He was also the prime minister of the first constitu-
tional cabinet of the Philippine Republic from January 1899 to May
1899.

f. The Revolutionary Government. On June 23, 1898 up to January 21,


1899, Aguinaldo was designated as “President of the Revolutionary
Government” and he appointed a cabinet to share executive func-
tions with him.

g. The Malolos Congress. This was convened on September 15, 1898.


Its main purpose was to promulgate a constitution. This Congress
passed the constitution of the Republic of the Philippines, also known
as the Malolos Constitution. On January 21, 1899, Aguinaldo pro-
claimed the Constitution to be in operation, and on the 23rd of the
same month, the Philippine Republic was inaugurated.

h. War with the United States. The Philippine government refused to


capitulate to the US government’s attempt to impose American sover-
eignty on the country. Governors of various provinces supported
Aguinaldo and gave their unconditional allegiance to the Filipino re-
public, declaring that the people were willing to give up their lives
and property in a struggle against the imposition of foreign domina-

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tion. On February 4, 1899, hostilities broke out between American


and Filipino troops. By March 31, 1899, Malolos, the capital of the
Republic had fallen to American hands.

Why are we concerned with these forces, personages and events? Majul’s
first chapter provides us with the context of the revolution. It also estab-
lished the actors involved and the roles of the Church, the State, and the
colonial administrative system. It is along these factors that we will later
compare the 1896 Philippine Revolution and the 1986 EDSA People Power
Phenomenon. For the 1896 national revolution, these salient factors may
be summarized thus:

Political context: The revolution occurred in a colonial setting. The Phil-


ippines was a colony of Spain.

Demands: Inequality, oppression, and injustice during the colonial rule


prompted two demands:

1. the ilustrados were initially for assimilation, insisting that Filipinos must
have the same rights as the Spaniards,

2. the masses, on the other hand, saw that the tyranny of government
would end only once the ties with Spain were completely severed.

Precipitating Event: Execution of Padres Jose Burgos, Mariano Gomez


and Jacinto Zamora.

Key Actors/Leaders: While both the masses and the elites had the same
goalsi.e., social emancipationthey differed in the means through which
they would seek change. The masses, unlike the elite, did not believe that
their demands would be granted within the framework of Spanish rule.
The elite were eventually convinced of the need for revolution and they
assumed leadership positions in the struggle.

Role of the Church: The Catholic Church was the main mechanism for
colonial rule and oppression.

Role of Military: Under a colonial setting, the military had no option but
to support the processes of the colonial government.

Role of the Bureaucracy: Basically, the same as the military, it supported


the colonial government.

Outcome: The revolution led to liberation from colonial power and short-
lived independence as another colonial master assumed control of the
islands.

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If all these are in the first chapter, what is in the last chapter of Majul’s
book? The last chapter presents his conclusions and observations on the
political ideas of the revolution. It distills the essential ideas that empow-
ered and prompted action among the Filipinos when they felt betrayed by
their colonizers. A fundamental idea used by Mabini to justify the revolu-
tion was the need for government. Majul captured the essence of this idea
thus:

Society was primarily a collection of individuals gathered together


for the mutual satisfaction of economic wants. The existence of
individuals in society who appropriated for themselves the prod-
ucts of the labor of others, constituted a violation of the natural
rights to the products of one’s labor and therefore a loss of his
freedom. Thus, the necessity of authority or government. The co-
ercive power of government was derived from the people and ex-
isted primarily to prevent a loss of freedom. As such, government
was conceived as subordinate to the well being of the individual
and constructed for maintaining harmonious relations in society.
Consequently, when the government, once come into power, took
away freedom from men, that is, violated natural law, all political
obligation to it automatically became nullified.

Majul acknowledged that when Mabini defined revolution as a popular


movement designed to overthrow a government that existed for the ben-
efit of a special class in society, Mabini showed his inclination towards
socialistic principles.

Majul’s last chapter is convincing proof that the actions and aspirations
of our forefathers were governed by well-articulated concepts and prin-
ciples. As a people, we had our own ideas and ideals about how we were
to relate to each other in society and how this society was to serve the
ends and needs of its individual members. These were articulated by our
learned leaders in their works on basic issues such as man and society; the
origin, necessity and function of government; obedience to law; revolu-
tion; and church and state relationship.

Contrary to what we were made to believe by our American colonizers,


we really did not need more education on self-government. As a newborn
nation, we may have been less experienced than other nations, but we
certainly had our own ideas as to how we wanted to govern our own
society. This is why, despite their inferior arms and the lack of a proper
war strategy, guerrilla warfare was so widespread that General Arthur
MacArthur, who succeeded General Otis on May 5, 1900 had to resort to
repressive measures against the people who supported the guerrillas.

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SAQ 2-1
The Philippine Revolution of 1896 was the product of a long pro-
cess involving a number of individuals. Listed below are a number
of these developments. See if you can arrange them in chronologi-
cal order by numbering “1” that which occurred first and so on
until you reach the last event in the sequence.

___ a.
Malolos Congress
___ b.
The Revolutionary Government
___ c.
The Pact of Biak-na-Bato
___ d.
The Propaganda Movement
___ e.
The Execution of Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora
___ f.
The Katipunan
___ g.
The Establishment of the Filipino Dictatorship
___ h.
War between Spain and United States
___ i.
The Rise of Aguinaldo
___ j.
The Resumption of Armed Conflict with Spain under
Aguinaldo
___ k. War with the United States
___ l. Expansion of the Authority of the Philippine Republic

You have a total of 12 items to order chronologically. If you get 10-


12, you deserve a grade of 1.0. For 7-9 point right, you deserve a
1.5. If you got 4-6 points, you get a grade of 2.0. Below four means
you may have to review the first chapter of Majul. You may find it
easier to arrange the events if you can explain to yourself what
caused this particular development to happen.

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ASAQ 2-1
Here is how the series of events and developments linked with the occur-
rence and the end of the Philippine Revolution of 1896 must be ordered
chronologically:

10 a.
Malolos Congress
8 b.
The Revolutionary Government
5 c.
The Pact of Biak-na-Bato
1 d.
The Propaganda Movement
2 e.
The Execution of Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora
3 f.
The Katipunan
7 g.
The Establishment of the Filipino Dictatorship
6 h.
War between Spain and United States
4 i.
The Rise of Aguinaldo
9 j.
The Resumption of Armed Conflict with Spain under
Aguinaldo
12 k. War with the United States
11 l. Expansion of the Authority of the Philippine Republic

I am almost certain that you earned a good grade for this SAQ. I
hope that the task of arranging these events also prompted you to
reflect on their consequences on our society today. We relate all
these to more contemporary events as we now discuss the events
that led to the 1986 EDSA phenomenon. But before the next dis-
cussion, try SAQ 2-2.

SAQ 2-2
How much of our national history do you know by heart? Try to answer
these True and False questions and rate yourself:
1. The death of the three priests3/4Gomez, Burgos and Zamora oc-
curred shortly before the 1896 revolution.
2. The Propaganda Movement sought equal rights for the Filipinos and
rejected the framework of the Spanish monarchy.
3. Under the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, Aguinaldo and his men were to leave
the Philippines, in exchange for a sum of money and the institution of
reforms.
4. After Aguinaldo and his men returned to the Philippines from Hong
Kong, he set up a dictatorial government, until such time that the
country would be ready to be a constitutional republic.
5. The adoption of the Malolos Constitution preceded the inauguration
of the Philippine Republic on January 23, 1899.

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ASAQ 2-2
Answers:
1. False. The death of the three priests occurred in 1872, 14 years
before the 1896 revolution. 2. False. The Propaganda Movement
sought equal rights within the monarchy. 3. True, 4. True, 5. True

If you got all the questions right, then you must have been a his-
tory buff in your younger days. You are probably one of the Filipi-
nos who know their history well and are proud of their heritage as
a people.

If you were not that keen on our national history before, it is never too late
to know more about our country’s struggles against repressive forces. As
established in the previous module, our educational system, especially
during the American period, tended to gloss over portions of our history
where our people triumphed over their colonizers. It is a small wonder
then, that most of us never really learned to love and enjoy our history,
much less take pride in the struggle and the victories of our people. Fili-
pino historians and scholars are now doing research and writing on our
history, relying less on colonial sources and more on populist sources that
are likely to be used by our people to record their struggles. In this mod-
ule, we hope that you will learn not only about the forging of a Filipino
nation but also about the value of events in the process and the political
philosophy that our forefathers sought to bequeath to us through such
documents as the Malolos Constitution.

Activity 2-1
Personal Reflection

Before we proceed to our discussion of the EDSA phenomenon,


why don’t you go back to February 22-25, 1986 and recall the
following:
1. Where were you on February 22-25, 1986?
2. How did you come to know of what was happening at EDSA
then?
3. Can you remember what you did on the last days of the Marcos
regime?
4. How did you feel when the Marcoses finally left Malacañang?
5. Do you recall how the Marcos “loyalists” tried to do their own
version of the “people power” rally in Luneta? What did you
make of this attempt?

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Module 2 29

The 1986 Edsa People Power “Revolution”


From our discussion of the 1896 national revolution, we move to a more
contemporary historical landmark, the 1986 EDSA “People Power” phe-
nomenon. You will note that I qualify my use of the word “revolution”
when I refer to the EDSA experience. This is because, questions have
been raised as to whether it would be accurate to refer to this event as a
“revolution,” considering that the basic socio-political and structure of
Philippine society was kept intact. In effect, the February 1986 event
marked the successful and peaceful ouster of a dictatorship through col-
lective people power.

Your main reading for this portion of the module is an article by Lallana
which analyzes the various views and claims of the participants in the
February 1986 EDSA event. However, before we go to this reading, we
need to describe and understand the events that led to the collapse of the
Marcos regime.

The Struggle Against the Dictatorship


Like the national revolution of 1896, the EDSA February “revolution”
was the outcome of an extended struggle against authoritarianism since
Marcos imposed Martial Law in 1972. After he declared martial law,
Marcos abolished Congress and apprehended some members of Congress
and powerful figures who could mobilize forces against him. He central-
ized power in the presidency and clamped down on the media.

In his analysis of the political collapse of the Marcos dictatorship, Alex


Magno consider the February 7 election as the opportunity for the anti-
dictatorship forces, “ to consolidate rapidly and widely.” He describes
the election as a political exercise that “ brought millions of heretofore
passive citizens in direct confrontation with the dictatorship’s brutality
and moral bankruptcy as they struggled to defend the integrity of the
electoral process. It opened as wide a latitude as possible for the direct
involvement of all social sectors in the democratic struggle aimed at the
core of the autocratic establishment, giving this struggle a populist char-
acter and a popular form” (Magno, 1986: 8).

Moving beyond the elections, however, Magno explains how the assassi-
nation of Benigno Aquino, Jr. in 1983 provided the impetus for the urban
middle and business classes to break from the dictatorship. This was pro-
pelled by the view that the Marcos authoritarian regime, supported largely
by crony capitalism, the military, and the technocrats in bureaucracy, was
protecting its own interests and those of its cronies at the expense of the

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30 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

nation. Magno relates the conditions that brought on the February collapse,
thus:

The dictatorship’s unmitigated thievery compounded and magni-


fied the contraction of the economy from the onset of the eighties.
It became clear to most that the regime abetted rather than allevi-
ated a comprehensive national crisis that was quickly developing.

By the eighties, the regime’s urban bases of support began to evapo-


rate. Businessmen were disillusioned by erratic policies favoring
crony capitalism and by corruption of such scale that it disrupted
the economy. The middle classes saw a tapering off of prosperity
and began to be shocked by widespread injustices. The church
hierarchy was scandalized by the scale of human rights violations.

As incomes fell and unemployment rose, the working classes be-


came more restive. A countryside revolution had blossomed as rural
poverty worsened and local warlords sought to maintain control
by the barrel of a gun. (Magno, 1986:11).

These material conditions, together with the central directions and the
leadership of Cory Aquino established through the electoral process, led
to the organized civil disobedience campaign. This campaign developed
along the themes of people power and massive non-violent struggle, which
allowed the campaign to maintain its populist character and popular
appeal.

Magno discusses how the first object of the civil disobedience campaign
focused on disabling the crony capitalist basis of the dictatorship. The
Catholic bishops’ post election statements condemning the fraudulent elec-
tion and calling on the members of the church not to accept the false
victory of Marcos, gave what Magno says was “the moral blessing to the
act of revolt against illegitimate political power.”

There were now two strong contending forces operating in Philippine


society. On one side was the Marcos dictatorship propped up by crony
capitalism, the military, and the technocratic bureaucracy. On the other
side was the pro-democratic forces supported by the urban middle and
business classes, and the Catholic Church.

The February presidential election provided the opportunity for the anti-
Marcos forces to unite. Under tremendous pressure from national and
international forces, the weaknesses of the dictatorship became more ap-
parent. Magno attributed these weaknesses to its reliance on a military
apparatus for support. Crony capitalism resulted in national plunder. The
technocracy in the public bureaucracy was discredited. In short, the re-

UP Open University
Module 2 31

gime has lost its credibility completely. Thus, when part of the military
broke off and defected, the Marcos dictatorship disintegrated.

What was this phenomenon called “people power” and how does one
explain its inner force? Conrado de Quiros attempts to explain the es-
sence of “people power” and tries to distinguish it from the radical ver-
sion of “people’s power.” We summarize de Quiros’ differentiation be-
tween “people power” and people’s power below.

People Power as it took shape in the EDSA February “Revolution” may


be characterized as follows:

• It is based on non-violence.
• It opens itself to all classes and to all kinds of authority.
• Its participants involved a mix of people including priests and nuns,
business people and professionals, students, workers, military officials
and even sympathetic foreign observers.
• It banks on spontaneity.
• It presents the nature of the struggle in moral terms, i.e., as a struggle
between good and evil. People power proposes that political and so-
cial realities reflect a moral condition. In short, it engages politics with
an essentially moral, rather than ideological, vision.

In contrast, people’s power, the radical perspective, is different in that:

• It depends on armed force in confronting government.


• It looks at relationships between specific economic classes and the struc-
ture of authority associated with these classes.
• Its actors tend to focus on the peasantry, on the one hand versus the
comprador bourgeoisie on the other hand.
• It relies on planned, systematic, and organized action.
• It does not address the internal or spiritual realm but the external world
and it engages politics with an ideological vision.

While this distinction is made, De Quiros and Constantino agree that


people power and people’s power complement rather than oppose each
other. De Quiros describes people power to be the continuous and prin-
cipled exercise of people’s power. He cites the innumerable mass actions
that were staged after August 1983, which led to the “revolutionary con-
juncture” of February 1986.

Similarly, Letizia Constantino, in her analysis of what she refers to as the


“Snap Revolution”, traces the roots and nature of the expression of people
power as it took shape in EDSA. She cites the manifestations of people’s
power in Philippine history in the form of a “nationalist, anti-colonial
force in the many revolts against Spain, in the Philippine Revolution, in the

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32 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

resistance to American conquest, in peasant uprisings, in mass actions by


organized workers and peasants and finally in their armed struggle.” (L.
Constantino, 1986: 22).

How can people power be transformed to people’s power? Letizia


Constantino suggests that, “If people power is to be used meaningfully, its
practitioners must strive for a higher degree of understanding of the issues, a
higher level of politization, so that their intervention can be felt on the level
of policy formulation.” She stresses that people power can not limit its con-
cerns to the restoration and enhancement of democratic rights. Rather, it
must use democratic rights to push for basic changes in economic policy.
This also means that those involved in people power must see the need for
nationalism as anti-imperialism. This may mean clamoring for a people-ori-
ented economic program. “Once people power ushers in these changes, then
it will have allowed the people to man, direct and protect their own inter-
ests as they build a free, democratic society.” (L. Constantino: 1986: 27).

SAQ 2-2
You have just read about the struggle of our people against the Marcos
dictatorship. Let’s check if you can answer the following questions about
these developments:

1. Was the EDSA 1986 phenomenon an instant event that occurred


because of the military mutiny? ___Yes ____No. Why do you say so?

2. What the triggering event propelled the urban, middle class to break
away from the dictator?

3. What brought on the civil disobedience campaign?

4. How would you distinguish “people power” from “people’s power”?

UP Open University
Module 2 33

ASAQ 2-2
1. No, the EDSA 1986 phenomenon did not happen overnight
just because of the military mutiny. It was the culmination of
the people’s struggle against Marcos’ dictatorship and started
as early as the imposition of martial law in 1972.

2. The assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr. in August, 1983.

3. The level of crony capitalism and corruption, the economic cri-


sis of the eighties, widespread injustice and human rights vio-
lations provided the basis for the organized civil disobedience
campaign. This was first directed against Marcos’ business cro-
nies.

4. People power may be distinguished from people’s power, thus:

People Power People’s Power

• non-violent • May use force in con-


fronting government

• Participated in by all • Considers conflicts of eco-


between classes nomic classes

• More spontaneous • Planned, systematic and


organized action

• Views conflict in moral of • Views conflict in ideologi-


good and evil cal terms, i.e., between
forces terms

Interpreting the 1986 edsa phenomenon


The second reading for this module is an article written by Emmanuel C.
Lallana. The piece, entitled “Interpreting the Interpretations of February”,
was published in the Philippine Journal of Public Administration. This ar-
ticle analyses how different sectors explained what happened in EDSA
from their perspectives.

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34 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Lallana discusses four interpretations of the February 1986 historical event.


The first of these interpretations he labels the “Miracle at EDSA” view.
This interpretation represents accounts of “religious” groups such as the
writings of Francisco Tatad of the Christian Social Democratic Party and
Antonio Lambino of the Jesuit Loyola House of Studies. Tatad’s descrip-
tion of EDSA refers to the “combatants” of EDSA as including “...men,
women and children who had more fun than fear during the event, and
who like to think of what they went through as a religious experience.
Their triumph confirms for them not the strength of an army nor a politi-
cal grouping, but the power of prayers. They feel they have been part of a
miracle.” Lambino, on the other hand referred to the EDSA experience as
a “...total phenomenon used by God through people in order that their
actions could accomplish what needed to be accomplished.”

Lallana calls the second view as the “Father of the Revolution” perspec-
tive. This thinking, which presents the military as responsible for handing
power to President Cory Aquino, is elaborated on by Cecilio Arillo in his
book, Breakaway: the Inside Story of the Four-Day Revolution in the Philip-
pines, February 22-25, 1986. Arillo claimed that:

Of all the characters in that drama of EDSA, the roles played by


Enrile and Ramos deserve to be placed in context. Neither man
was a reason for the popular discontent that grew under Marcos;
they were in fact, among the most disenchanted. But when the
time came for them to dramatize their discontent, it was the mili-
tary that turned the tide against Marcos. That role, as skillfully
choreographed by Enrile and Ramos, cannot be overestimated.
Corazon Aquino may have won the elections, but if the military
had not intervened as it did in shifting loyalty from the dictator to
Enrile and Ramos, there is serious doubt if she could have effec-
tively claimed the presidency for herself. Marcos may have been
as bad and as hopelessly unpopular as he had been pictured to be,
and he may have truly robbed Mrs. Aquino of her election, but if
he had retained the loyalty of the military, Mrs. Aquino’s emo-
tional campaign would have stayed in the wings a long long time
before anyone could even think of driving out Marcos (Arillo, 1986:
125-126).

The third interpretation focuses on the role of the Americans in the EDSA
phenomenon. Lallana refers to this view as “The American (Not So) In-
visible Hand.” This view credits the Americans with an active role in the
ouster of Marcos. Lallana cited White House spokesman Larry Speakes
claim that “a carefully orchestrated” US policy was instrumental in the
peaceful ouster of Marcos. Moreover, US Defense Secretary Weinberger
claimed that the US provided logistical support to the rebel helicopters,
which could have deterred a bloody encounter between the contending

UP Open University
Module 2 35

forces within the military then. Also, the Reagan administration wanted
to take credit for the February event and Christopher Madison explains
why when he said: “It was not only the Administration’s first significant
foreign policy achievement; it was probably the first time since Vietnam
war that the United States managed to look competent in using its power
and influence in the Third World.” Moreover, it is common knowledge
that Senator Paul Laxalt called President Marcos to advise him to “cut,
and cut cleanly” from the Presidency.

The fourth and last view is that of the Communist Party of the Philippines
(CPP). The CCP had decided to boycott the February election. They con-
tended that the overthrow of Marcos widened the democratic space but
did not “alter the nature or abate the intensity of the fundamental contra-
diction in Philippine society, that is, between US imperialism and the lo-
cal reactionary classes, on the one hand, and the broad masses of the
Filipino people, on the other.”

Lallana argues against all four views or interpretations of the February


event. He acknowledges that religious symbols proliferated in EDSA.
However, he finds it arrogant to claim that they were the predominant
ones. He points out that a militant and organized citizenry is the only
hope for realizing the possibilities opened by the EDSA event. The church’s
explanation deprives the Filipino people of credit for their decisive role in
their own history.

Lallana also disagrees with Arillo’s account that the mobilization of people
power and the military defection was “skillfully choreographed” by Enrile
and Ramos, who were told of the military mutiny at the last minute. He
reasserts the view that the February revolution was not a mutiny nor a
coup d’etat. While acknowledging that the military did play an important
role in the February revolution, he agrees with Nemenzo that the people’s
popular support for the military officers who openly went against Marcos
was the decisive and crucial factor in the EDSA revolution. Neither the
military nor Enrile and Ramos could validly lay claim to being “father” of
the revolution.

The American version understandably puts the credit to American for-


eign policy even if this is not really true. Lallana again points out that
Marcos’ and the Americans’ explanations simply deprive the Filipino
people of their rightful place in the revolution. Yet, this may not be due
solely to the American desire to view this event from their perspective. It
may also be partly due to the colonial mentality of the Filipinos that glori-
fies America and can not believe in their own capacity to make this his-
torical event happen.

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36 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Lallana counters the CCP claims that February was not a revolution even as they
acknowledged that it succeeded in the “overthrow of a fascist dictatorship and
the installation of a bourgeois-liberal government through active popular action.”
This claim, according to Lallana, suggests that the CCP is the only group capable
of solving the Philippines’ fundamental problems.

For Lallana, the February event was a revolution and the Filipino masses must be
acknowledged as the principal protagonists in this historical undertaking. He
also underscores the transformations achieved by the February revolution: the
change from a dictatorship to a bourgeois liberal government did bring about
significant changes in Philippine life. Any interpretation of the February revolu-
tion that displaces and takes the credit away from the Filipino masses must be
rejected and exposed as being anti-people interpretations, he concludes.

Having gone over the events preceding the EDSA February people power phe-
nomenon and the various interpretations of the event, we are now in the position
to plot this historical happening using the format that we used earlier to describe
the 1896 revolution.

Political Context: The Philippines in 1986 was an independent republic under


authoritarian rule and with neo-colonial ties with the United States on whom the
country was still dependent economically.

Demands: The main demand was for the democratization of power. Putting a
stop to plunder and corruption, violations of human rights and military abuses
were also important demands.

Precipitating Event: The assasination of Benigno Aquino, Jr in August 1983.

Actors/leaders: The urban middle and business classes took the lead; there was
popular support in Manila and adjoining provinces

Role of Church: Church declared election result illegal; Church called on its mem-
bers to support anti-Marcos faction of the military

Role of Military: Divided between those who were pro-people and those who
were pro-Marcos; Break away group’s declaration against the regime triggered
people’s action against Marcos.

Role of the Bureaucracy: The bureaucracy was used by Marcos to prop up his
regime. However, by election time, some members were ambivalent about their
support for the regime especially after 1983. After the EDSA phenomenon, the
bureaucracy was initially supportive of the Aquino administration.

Outcome: Deposed the dictator; installed a democratic government.

UP Open University
Module 2 37

The 1896 Revolution and the 1986 Edsa


Phenomenon: Similarities and Differences
After our discussion of the context, causes, demands, the precipitating
events, main actors, and roles of the church, the military and the bureau-
cracy in the 1898 Revolution and the 1986 EDSA phenomenon, we can
now compare these two events along these dimensions. First, we look at
the similarities. These two historic happenings are both successful asser-
tions of our people’s collective will. We succeeded against the Spaniards
and we were able to put a stop to a dictatorship. In both events, the ex-
ecution of important/popular figures galvanized the people to act on
their discontent. There was the execution of the three priests for the 1896
revolution and the assassination of Ninoy Aquino in 1983.

Even as these two events occurred in completely different political


settingsi.e., a colonial government and a republic government in a neo-
colonial setting, they were both struggles against oppressive factors that
curtailed the people’s rights and freedom. In both events, a crucial and
decisive factor was popular support from both the masses and the elite. In
the 1896 revolution, the masses took the initiative to resort to a revolution
which the educated elite eventually joined and led. In the 1986 revolu-
tion, the masses had long staged their struggle in the countryside, while
the urban middle class galvanized forces against the dictator at the cen-
ter, especially after the Aquino assassination in 1983. Popular support for
the military forces that had decided to go against the Marcoses pulled off
the bloodless ouster of a dictator.

The dissimilarities between two events flow principally from the political
context within which they emerged. In the colonial government, it was
inevitable that the church, the military, and the bureaucracy would sup-
port the state. In the 1986 phenomenon, the Church took a pro-people
stance, even as both the military and the bureaucracy were torn between
their loyalty to the state and to the people that they are to serve. Directed
against different political structures, the two events also had different
outcomes: the 1896 revolution led to liberation from a colonial power while
the 1986 revolution ousted a dictatorship and installed a democratic gov-
ernment.

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38 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Table 1. Comparison of 1896 and 1986 revolutions

ELEMENTS 1896 PHILIPPINE 1986 EDSA


REVOLUTION PHENOMENON

Context Colonial Government Independent republic;

Philippines was a colony of Spain Authoritarian rule;

Neo-colonial ties with the U.S.;

Demands Illustrados: Democratization of power


Assimilation;
End to rampant corruption,
Filipinos to have same rights violation of human rights,
enjoyed by abuses of military
Spaniards

Masses: Cut ties with Spain

Precipitating Execution of Gomez, Burgos and Assassination of Ninoy Aquino


Factors Zamora

Actors/ Masses initiated Revolution; Urban middle and business


Leaders classes took initial lead role in
Elite eventually assumed leadership Metro Manila;

Popular support in Metro Manila


and adjoining provinces

Role of the Church Mechanism of colonial rule Church called on its members to
oppression support anti-Marcos faction of
the military;

Declared February election


result illegal

Role of the military Supported colonial government Divided between those who
were pro-people and those who
were pro-Marcos;

Break away group’s declaration


triggered people’s action against
Marcos

Role of the bureau- Supported colonial government Was used by Marcos to prop up
cracy regime;

Some bureaucrats were


ambivalent about supporting
Marcos

Initial thrusts of the Liberation from colonial power; Bureaucracy supported Aquino
bureaucracy after the EDSA revolt
Short-lived independence

Outcome Deposed the authoritarian


regime;

New Constitution formulated

UP Open University
Module 2 39

Implications for the Philippine


Administrative System
What are the implications of 1986 EDSA People Power phenomenon for
the Philippine Administrative System? Anything that affects the people’s
sense of national consciousness, the political processes and the people’s
expectations of government has implications for the bureaucracy or the
Philippine Administrative System. The 1986 EDSA phenomenon, for ex-
ample, bolstered our people’s sense of unity and sense of nation.

As it ushered in political change, it transformed the political landscape


within which the Philippine Administrative System must operate. As all
sectors of the society saw more democratic space, they sought to exert
their influence on the state to protect their interests. The adoption of the
1987 constitution institutionalized the involvement of nongovernmental
and people’s organizations, even as it also gave the Philippine bureau-
cracy the right to organize and protect their rights. As more democrati-
zation set in, people’s expectations of government and its agencies also
rose. There is a growing demand for more, better, and efficient service
from the Philippine Administrative System. There is also a call for more
accountability and transparency. The bureaucracy must provide for all these,
even as it actively supports and implements programs of the executive and re-
sponds to the various needs and queries of the Legislature.

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40 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

SAQ 2-3
1. Arrange the following items chronologically. You may do this
by the marking earliest event as no. 1 and the most recent as
no. 7. You may write the number in the space provided before
the item.

_______ Presidential Election of 1986


_______ Declaration of Martial Law
_______ Abuse of military power, widespread injustice and
human rights violation, crony capitalism
_______ Key military officials withdrew support from Marcos
government
_______ EDSA 1986 People Power phenomenon
_______ Assassination of Ninoy Aquino
_______ Civil disobedience campaign against firms associated
with the Marcoses

2. Listed below are four (4) characteristics of People Power and


People’s Power as discussed in this module. Form two columns,
one for People Power and another for People’s Power. Under
each column, write the features associated with each of these
concepts.

• Views conflict in ideological terms


• Spontaneous
• Planned, systematic and organized action
• May use force in opposing existing government in power
• Participated in by all economic classes
• Stresses conflict between economic classes
• Non-violent
• Views conflict in terms of good and evil

UP Open University
Module 2 41

ASAQ 2-3
1. Chronological sequence of event

4 Presidential Election of 1986


1 Declaration of Martial Law
2 Abuse of military power, widespread injustice and hu-
man rights violation, crony capitalism
6 Key military officials withdrew support from Marcos gov-
ernment
7 EDSA 1986 People Power phenomenon
3 Assassination of Ninoy Aquino
5 Civil disobedience campaign against firms associated with
the Marcoses

Reflection: The EDSA 1986 phenomenon did not happen over-


night. It was triggered by the assassination of Ninoy Aquino in
1983. It was also the culmination of the people’s struggle against
Marcos dictatorship and started as early as the imposition of Mar-
tial Law in 1972.

2. People Power People’s Power

• Non-violent • Views conflict in ideologi-


• Participated in by all cal terms
economic classes • Planned, systematic and
• Spontaneous organized action
• Views conflict in • May use force in opposing
terms of battle be- existing government in
tween good and evil power
• Stresses conflict between
economic classes

UP Open University
42 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Activity 2-1
Implications on the Philippine Administrative System

Having described the implications of the 1986 EDSA phenom-


enon for the Philippine Administrative System, we now ask you if
you have observed or experienced concrete manifestations of any
of the following in the course of your work if you are with govern-
ment, or as a client or partner of government if you are with other
sectors of society. I’ll start with one example and you can give
other knowledge of these initiatives or programs.

1. A sense of pride in our nation:


} positive response to the wearing of Filipiniana outfits in offices
} better knowledge of history brought on by the Centennial
celebrations

2. Awareness of the need to respond to public’s call for services:


} adoption of programs like the “Mamamayan Muna, Hindi
Mamaya Na”

3. Call for greater accountability and transparency:


} posting of information about infrastructure projects on how
much they cost and when they are to be completed

4. Support of the Bureaucracy for Legislators:


} institution of legislative liaison offices in executive depart-
ments

5. Empowerment of the bureaucracy:


} formation of employees associations in government agencies

UP Open University
Module 2 43

Summary
In this module, we sought to link the processes and the significance of the
1896 Revolution to the 1986 EDSA Phenomenon, a more contemporary
historical event. We showed through your readings how both events in
our national history are linked, not only because they were manifesta-
tions of the Filipino’s victory over their colonial masters and a repressive
dictatorship, but more importantly, because they were expressions of unity
and collective will of our people.

The parallelisms and differences between these two events show that while
they occurred in different political settings, there were similarities in their
demands, in the level of popular support and in the involvement of the
masses and the economic elite, and in their precipitating factors. Since
they occurred in two completely different political contexts, the roles of
the Church, the military, and the bureaucracy in these political upheav-
als in our history also differed. It is also interesting to note that for the
1896 revolution the struggle ended in freedom from colonial rule, while in
the 1986 revolution resulted in the ousting of a dictator and the installa-
tion of a democratic government.

Your readings have shown how historical events like these may be inter-
preted differently by those who participated in these events. The Lallana
reading warns us of how these interpretations may deprive our people of
credit for their role in staging and winning these revolutions. He prods his
readers to be vigilant in their appreciation of these accounts of the revolu-
tion and never to forget that all these happened because of the Filipino
masses and they deserve the full credit for these victories.

Our history as a people show that we can take action collectively to assert
our will and when we are united, we can take action against any force
that may thwart the expression and our efforts to protect our national
sovereignty.

In the next module, we look at the evolution of the Philippine Adminis-


trative System over the various phases of our history. We will see how our
colonial experience affected the character and practices of the public bu-
reaucracy. We will also describe and discuss how this bureaucracy fared
during the martial law regime and the transition to democracy after the
1986 EDSA people power event. I hope you found going over this module
stimulating. Remember, we will refer to the concepts of people power
that we discussed here when we get to Unit II.

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44 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

If you are interested in reading on, you may refer to the enrichment mate-
rials on the EDSA revolution listed below. These materials are not in your
reader but are available in your learning centers. These are chapters in a
two volume book produced on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of
the EDSA revolution in 1996.

References

Constantino, Letizia R. 1986. The Snap Revolution: a Post Mortem. Quezon


City: Karrel Inc.
Lallana, Emmanuel C. 1986. Interpreting the Interpretations of February.
In Philippine Journal of Public Administration July: 235-249.
Magno, Alex, De Quiros, Conrado and Ofreneo, Rene. 1986. The February
Revolution: Three Views. Quezon City: Karrel Inc.
Majul, Cesar Adib. 1967. The Political and Constitutional Ideas of the Philip-
pine Revolution. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.

Supplementary Readings

Aquino, Belinda A. 1995. EDSA as a Vision and Liberation. In EDSA 1996:


Looking Back, Looking Forward. Foundation for Worldwide People
Power, Inc.
Forum: If EDSA was an unfinished revolution, who will finish it and how?.
1995. In EDSA 1996: Looking Back, Looking Forward. Foundation for
Worldwide People Power, Inc.

UP Open University
Module 3 45

Module 3
The History and Development of
the Philippine Administrative
System

H ave you had too much of our history as a


nation? I hope not. I hope that instead you
learned new things and developed more per-
Objectives
sonal insights after the first two modules. In this After completing this mod-
last module of the unit, we center our attention ule, you should be able to:
on the evolution and development of the Phil-
ippine Administrative System or the public bu- 1. Trace the evolution of the
reaucracy. We will study how the political con- Philippine bureaucracy
text and the development of the Filipino nation through the different pe-
has influenced the character and the operations riods of Philippine history;
of the Philippine bureaucracy. For those of you 2. Discuss the implications
who have been in the government service for of the historical develop-
some time, this may be a chance to reflect on ment of the Philippine bu-
why certain practices endure not only in our reaucracy on its institu-
offices but also in other agencies under the ju- tional capacity to respond
risdiction of the Philippine civil service system. to the changing and in-
creasingly complex de-
mands of national devel-
Readings opment.

Corpuz, O.D. Bureaucracy in the Philippines. (U.P.


Institute of Public Administration, 1957). Chapter XI, pp.235-249.
Endriga, Jose N. “Stability and Change: The Civil Service in the Philippines,”
Philippine Journal of Public Administration (April, 1985), pp. 132-154.

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46 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

In this module, we will not discuss the two readings separately as we did
in the two preceding modules. Instead, we shall discuss the five phases in
the history and development of the Philippine Administrative System as
presented in the readings. The first reading is the last chapter in O.D.
Corpuz’s classic piece, The Bureaucracy in the Philippines. This was Corpuz’s
doctoral dissertation at Harvard University, which was published by the
College of Public Administration in 1957. This book traces the history of
the Philippine Administrative System from the Spanish colonial period
up to the mid-1950’s. Prof. Jose N. Endriga’s article, which was published
in the Philippine Journal of Public Administration, is part of his award-win-
ning work, A History of the Civil Service in the Philippines, which won the
first prize in the national history writing contest sponsored by the Civil
Service Commission in connection with its 83rd anniversary on Septem-
ber 19, 1983. The period covered in this article extends to the martial law
period. For our discussion of the bureaucracy’s characteristics during the
Aquino administration, we refer to the supplementary reading for this
module, Chapter 6 of Ledivina V. Carino’s Bureaucracy for Democracy,
which describes and analyzes executive-bureaucracy interaction during
governmental transitions.

The two required readings provide interesting accounts of the history and
development of the Philippine public bureaucracy over these five phases of
our history: a) the Spanish colonial system, b) the American period, c) the
early republic, d) the authoritarian regime, and e) the Aquino administra-
tion.

The PAS During the Spanish Colonial Period


Corpuz contends that any description or assessment of the Philippine
Administrative System during the Spanish period must be seen in the
context of Spain’s colonial objectives, the administrative regulations and
methods utilized then, the dissensions in the early colonial community,
the political conditions in Spain, the role of the Church, the legal impo-
tence of the natives, and the 19th century changes in the intellectual, so-
cial and economic conditions in the colony (Corpuz, 1957: 128). These
conditions were also discussed in the Constantino article in Module 1.

The Spanish colonial government introduced the bureaucracy as a social


institution. Consisting mainly of Spaniards, this bureaucracy was distinct
from the masses of the people by their race, their special calling, and their
class. Although it was instituted principally to administer the colony and
to achieve the colonial objectives of the Spanish government, this colonial
bureaucracy had a fatal flaw: the private and personal interests of the mem-
bers led them to subvert the declared colonial administration. The moral
corruption of its members was the fundamental weakness of the colonial
UP Open University
Module 3 47

bureaucracy (Corpuz, 1957: 129). According to Corpuz the colonial admin-


istration was “bankrupt in constructive policy, as the bureaucrats were cor-
rupt in their motivations and either incompetent or oppressive in their ac-
tions.”

Endriga discussed and attributed the flaws in the colonial bureaucracy to:

• Spain’s colonial objectives which left much room for the bureaucrats to
exercise discretion on how they would interpret or implement policies enun-
ciated in Spain;
• the philosophy regarding public office of the Spanish regime;
• the dependence of the colonial office in Manila on Spain;
• its highly centralized organization; and
• the negativism of the regime against the Filipinos

Endriga characterized the colonial bureaucracy as an institution that:

1. Implemented contradictory colonial objectives in terms of what was ex-


pedient to the bureaucracy.

2. Was guided by a philosophy of public office which gave the king the right
to dispose of public office as he would his personal property, i.e. through
any means he desired. This thinking led to the practice of disposing public
office through appointment or by purchase. Endriga concluded that “the
whole philosophy underlying public office, as well as the practices de-
signed to implement such a philosophy, made corruption not only a natu-
ral consequence but also raised the level of tolerance for it” (Endriga, 1985:
134).

3. Was dependent on Spain. The distance between Manila and Spain gave
the colonial officials ample powers and discretion. Moreover, it could
prompt ideas of separation or secession. The need to counteract this pos-
sibility led to practices such as: conferring colonial positions only on indi-
viduals with approved ancestry, religion and connections; the use of the
Church as a way of checking on the government; constant transfers of
officials after short terms in office, and encouraging bureaucrats to write
to the king about the private lives and official conduct of their colleagues.

4. Had a highly centralized character. The Spanish colonial bureaucracy


was centralized on the formal institutional level as well as in the physical
sense. Centralism at the formal institutional level was represented in the
powerful position of the Governor General. In the physical sense, the con-
centration of the Spanish population in Manila made it easier for them to
use this as the center of the colonial government.

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5. Was characterized by a negativism of Spaniards toward Filipinos that


sprung from their view that the Indios were morally and politically
inferior. For this reason, the Indios could not be given any responsible
position in the bureaucracy. If at all, they can occupy only at the low-
est levels of bureaucracy, the town and the village.

The description and assessment of the Spanish colonial bureaucracy only


proves that colonial masters can only share with their colonies what they
know, based on their own experience.

The PAS During the American


Colonial Period
American expansion was described to be one undertaken “in the absence
of a constant purpose” or a specific colonial objective. There were explicit
interests as indicated by business, church groups, and even military strat-
egists. Yet there was no consensus on how the colonial venture was to be
undertaken.

In this context, Chapter VIII of Corpuz’s book characterized the Ameri-


can colonial bureaucracy as follows:

1. No individual person’s will or influence was dominant, unlike in the


Spanish colonial period where the governor-general, the archbishops,
and the parish priests occupied powerful positions. This was because
administration was regulated by laws and not by any personal deci-
sions and actions of specific officials.

2. The new civil service was to develop independent of clerical interven-


tion.

3. In its early years, the civil government inherited civilians and discharged
soldiers who were employed by the previous American military gov-
ernment. When caught doing petty corruption, they were subjected to
prompt disciplinary proceedings and penalties were imposed on every
case. This was to convey to the Filipinos that there was a big difference
between the American and the Spanish colonial administration.

4. Political interference and the spoils system were excluded from the new
civil service during the American colonial period. This was manifested
in the procedures for the appointments and removals from office as
well as in bureaucratic conduct.

UP Open University
Module 3 49

5. Government officials and employees were prohibited from engaging in


private business unless permission was obtained by the governor-gen-
eral. In 1913, Governor Harrison discovered that permission for bu-
reaucrats to invest in private enterprises was given freely. He issued an
executive order that virtually denied future permission for the dura-
tion of his administration. He argued that “the practice of bureaucrats
in private business tends to detract from administrative efficiency, and
sometimes leads to maladministration and often to the suppression of
facts as to the true state of public affairs.”

6. The relationship between the Civil Service bureau, which introduced


reforms in the colonial bureaucracy and other bureaus, particularly
the heads of executive bureaus and offices, was somehow strained.
This was due to the Civil Service bureau’s strong push for civil service
reforms, which were not immediately acceptable. (Corpuz, 1957: 169-
172.)

For the first time, the principle that public office was a public trust was actu-
ally used to govern the transactions between the public officials and the pub-
lic. Civil servants were made accountable to the public. Endriga emphasized
that one of the first pieces of legislation was the Civil Service Act, which
provided for the “establishment and maintenance of an efficient and honest
civil service in all the executive branches of the Philippine Islands, central,
departmental and provincial and of the city of Manila, by appointments and
promotions according to merit and by competitive examinations where the
same are practicable” (Endriga, 1985:140). This law was enacted on Septem-
ber 19, 1900.

The civil service during the American colonial period was a non-political
organization. It had a broader coverage, as it applied to all positions in
the civil administration, insular and provincial, as well as the municipal
government of Manila. It was centralized in organization. The Civil Ser-
vice Board, which exercised administrative control of the system, was an
independent office under the immediate supervision of the Governor Gen-
eral. The Civil Service Board had substantial powers. On the whole, civil
servants enjoyed security of tenure, attractive hours of work, generous
leave privileges, and a prestige (Endriga, 1985:140-141).

Filipino participation in the civil service was undertaken systematically. This


was largely due to the policy of Filipinization of the Democratic administra-
tion. Rapid Filipinization was done through: forced resignations, reduction
in pay of the higher positions, and the abolition of certain positions. By 1919,
Americans constituted only six percent of the total bureaucratic force of 803.

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50 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

SAQ 3-1
A. List down at least three characteristics each of the Spanish co-
lonial bureaucracy and the bureaucracy of the American colo-
nial period?

1. Characteristics of the Spanish Colonial Bureaucracy

2. Characteristics of the American Colonial Bureaucracy

B. While there where significant changes that distinguished the


public bureaucracy during the Spanish and American colonial
periods, one feature which characterized the bureaucracy’s
structure did not change. Can you identify this feature and
explain why it endured?

Are you now confident about your capacity to describe and ana-
lyze the historical roots of the Philippine bureaucracy? I think you
did well in this SAQ. Check your answers with the ASAQ pro-
vided somewhere within this module.

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Module 3 51

Activity 3-1
Personal Reflection

Have you heard your grandparents or parents and other older


persons talk about the government during the Spanish or the
American Period? If you have not, try to talk to a knowledgeable
older person who can share with you their recollection of the bu-
reaucracy at that time. These are some of the questions which you
may ask of them:

1. Did they have any direct experience with the government dur
ing any of these periods?
2. What was their impression of people who were working with
government then?
3. How were the government people then different from what they
actually see now?
4. Was there any member of the family who served with govern
ment during this period? In what position, and where?
5. What do they recall of this person’s work and conduct?

ASAQ 3-1
A. 1. The characteristics of the Spanish Colonial Bureaucracy in-
clude:

• Philosophy of public office did not distinguish between pri-


vate and public interests.
• Highly centralized character
• Morally corrupt
• Had too much discretion on how they would implement
colonial policies
• Viewed Filipinos negatively and did not allow them to par-
ticipate
• Implemented policies which were convenient for them or
those which favored their interests.

2. The characteristics of the American colonial bureaucracy

• No one individual person’s will dominated


• Civil service to evolve freely of church or clerical interven-
tion

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52 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

ASAQ 3-1 cont’d...


• Immediate action, penalties on cases of graft and corrup-
tion
• Exclusion of politics and spoils system
• Government officials cannot engage in private business un-
less given permission to do so by the Governor-General
• Strained relationships between the Civil Service Bureau
and heads of other bureaus

B. It will be noted that despite the major changes in the adminis-


tration of the bureaucracy, its highly centralized character per-
sisted over these two colonial periods. This was largely because
a centralized bureaucracy suited the needs of a colonial gov-
ernment as it was easier to manage and direct such a structure
from Manila, the center of power and authority, where the
Governor-General also held office.

The Early Republic


From the American colonial period, we move on to the experiences of the
early republic after the United States granted the Philippines its indepen-
dence in 1946. The country had just gone through the Second World War
which caused severe physical destruction and economic decline. While
these factors would pose demanding challenges to the public bureaucracy,
it was the emergence of the two-party system soon after independence
that would significantly affect the character and nature of the civil ser-
vice.

Referring to the bureaucracy as it existed in 1955, Corpuz summarized its


characteristics as follows:

1. It was vulnerable to nepotism. Despite an order that prohibited the


appointment of relatives, this was unenforceable during this period.
This was attributed to the closeness of Filipino families and the expec-
tations that successful members of the family are under obligation to
extend aid to less successful relatives.
2. The spoils system in the civil service was another serious defect. With
the constitutional provisions that the civil service shall embrace “all
branches and subdivisions of the government,” it was expected that
the merit system would prevail in most of the public bureaucracy. The
civil service law was enacted. However, it divided positions in the

UP Open University
Module 3 53

service into two: classified and unclassified service. Laborers, whether


emergency, seasonal, or permanent, regardless of their salaries, were
considered part of the unclassified service. These unclassified and tem-
porary positions therefore were the stronghold of nepotism and pa-
tronage in the bureaucracy in 1955. Corpuz noted that nepotism and
the spoils system tended to reinforce each other.

3. The bureaucracy seemed to have entered a period of “normalcy” in


that public charges of corruption committed by government officials
seemed to be part of the regular fare of newspapers. The public ap-
peared to have accepted the accusations of corruption raised against
bureaucrats as being part of the “normal” scheme of things.

4. An element of the environment that affected all government officials


(whether elective or appointed) was the role of the media in the peace-
ful correction of governmental defects in general. The American colo-
nial administration brought with it the rule and practice that the con-
duct of government employees and officers could be the legitimate
subject of public inquiry and comment. Thus, freedom of the press
and the availability of other means for organized and peaceful self-
expression and civic action gave to the political system as a whole a
much-needed organic flexibility as these are means for self-criticism
and self-correction within the political system.

5. Two features of the bureaucracy in 1955 Corpuz attributed to Span-


ish influence: its centralized organization and the administration of
laws which were based on the civil law system enforced by the Span-
ish bureaucracy.

6. The strong influence of the American colonial system was also very
apparent in the Philippine bureaucracy of the mid-1950’s. For one
thing, most of the laws of the bureaucracy then were still those laid
down during the American colonial period. Also, Filipinos were still
looking to the American civil service system for new ideas on innova-
tions and changes that they can adopt to improve or modernize their
civil service system. The bureaucracy during the American period also
provided the Filipinos the training in new techniques, methods and
institutions of government.

7. During this period, the bureaucracy served as an instrument of social


change and innovations when it was placed under Filipino control. It
was charged with the implementation of national economic and com-
munity development programs, which would establish its role as the
nation’s instrument of controlled and deliberate social change.

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8. Unlike the Spanish bureaucracy, the Philippine bureaucracy did not


constitute a distinct social class or have class attributes. Corpuz pro-
vides one explanation:

The merit basis of entry into the bureaucracy, administered


through a system of open competitive examination, militated
against the organization of the civil service on a class basis.
The competitive examination system was based on the educa-
tional system, which did not cater to a specific segment of the
population and which was actually serving all elements of the
population. The rules governing entry therefore precluded
membership in the bureaucracy as the exclusive prerogative of
certain persons or of distinct groups or persons or families. The
extensive coverage of the service, in fact made the bureaucracy
a motley aggregate of individuals representing diverse fami-
lies, interests, ambitions and occupation groups. In other words,
instead of constituting a specific and restricted social class, the
bureaucracy more or less represented the various social and
economic elements in the population as a whole.

9. Although the bureaucracy in 1955 was important, it was not an inde-


pendent power in Filipino politics. Instead, it was highly vulnerable to
attacks from politicians from the executive and legislative branches of
government who meddled with the merit system.

In all these, we see the bureaucracy as being essentially a creation of its


times, shaped by its history and the legacies it inherited from our colonial
era. As it responded to the demands of nation-building after our indepen-
dence in 1946, it had to rely on the systems and the principles that it
worked with during the American colonial period. However, the political
party system and its operations adversely affected the enforcement of the
merit system.

The Authoritarian Regime


On September 21, 1972, Ferdinand Marcos, invoking powers vested in him
by the Constitution, declared and placed the entire nation under martial
law. He abolished Congress and apprehended political leaders who opposed
or were potential oppositionists to his political plans for the country. He pro-
claimed his strategy to create a “New Society” through a revolution from the
center, with his government leading this revolution.

What changes in the Philippine bureaucracy were introduced during the


martial law regime?

UP Open University
Module 3 55

The first Presidential Decree issued right after he declared martial law was
PD 1, which mandated the most extensive reorganization of the executive
branch of the Philippine government. Among the major structural changes
implemented were:

1. It decentralized national government functions to the extent necessary


for improved administration by reducing the agencies under the office
of the President and creating 11 uniform administrative regions.
2. It standardized the organization and common operational activities of
departments. Four staff services were formed in each department for
planning, finance and management, administration and technical ser-
vices.
3. It facilitated the preparation and execution of national development plans
by creating the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA).
4. It converted the single-headed Civil Service Commission into a three-
person Commission.
5. It decentralized personnel functions to line departments, bureaus and
regional offices.
6. It created the Career Executive Service as the highest level of govern-
ment service.

These structural changes were accompanied by the summary dismissal of a


large number of personnel at least twice: in 1973 and in 1975. The basis for
this purge was not clearly established and the term “notoriously undesir-
able” struck fear in the hearts of many civil servants. Instead of promoting
excellence and productivity, the purges caused employee behavior to dete-
riorate (Cariño, 1992:83).

A more significant change was the politicization of what was otherwise a


neutral civil service. Civil servants were forced to “volunteer”to become
members of the Kilusan Bagong Lipunan Marcos’ political party which was
to be his main instrument for the creation of his new society. Cariño pointed
out that civil service neutrality was a casualty of the martial law regime
(Cariño, 1992: 83).

Aside from being politicized, the bureaucracy served as a major instrument


of Marcos’ authoritarian regime and continued to be a highly centralized
structure despite efforts to decentralize. While Marcos deconcentrated ad-
ministrative power, he centralized political control in his office.

On the other hand, American concepts of development and development


administration which sought to bring about economic growth, became
the vision and ideology of the bureaucracy, which was taught modern
techniques of planning, implementation and the evaluation of develop-
ment programs. Thus, the public bureaucracy under Marcos’ martial law
regime was fraught with ambivalence. It was authoritarian, yet it was

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supposed to be doing this in the name of democracy. It was committed to


the vision of development but it was also politicized as it identified itself
with the leadership of the government of the day.

When the Marcos government fell, the bureaucracy was described as:
(a) interventionist in that government competed with the private sec-
tor; (b) a bloated bureaucracy; (c) corrupt and committed to serve only
the interest of one family; (d) highly centralized; and (e) inefficient.

SAQ 3-2
Let us see how much of the characteristics of the bureaucracy during the
early days of the republic you retained. Indicate whether these questions
are true of false. If you say it is false, explain what makes it false.

1. The Philippine bureaucracy in the mid-1950s was vulnerable to nepo-


tism and to the spoils system.

2. Nepotism was acceptable in the bureaucracy as successful Filipinos


are expected to help their relatives in need.

3. The media was an accepted mode of criticizing and correcting the ills
of the bureaucracy during the early republic.

4. The public was used to reading charges of corruption against public


officials during the early 1950s.

5. The bureaucracy was no longer highly centralized in the 1950s.

6. Compared to the Americans, the Spaniards exerted greater influ-


ence on the Philippine bureaucracy of today as the Spaniards stayed
longer as a colonial power.

7. The Philippine bureaucracy constituted a distinct social class in itself.

8. The bureaucracy was a strong force in Philippine politics.

UP Open University
Module 3 57

ASAQ 3-2
1. True
2. False. Nepotism was prohibited by law.
3. True
4. True
5. False. It was still highly centralized.
6. False. The American influence was stronger as it laid down the
legal basis for the current bureaucracy.
7. False. The bureaucracy does not form a distinct social class.
8. False. It is not a strong force in Philippine politics, either.

The Aquino Regime


Corazon C. Aquino was sworn into office as the President of the Republic of
the Philippines after Marcos left the country as a result of the EDSA Revolu-
tion in 1986. With redemocratization as her main agenda, her administra-
tion proceeded to reform political institutions, including the civil service. She
created a Presidential Commission on Government Reorganization, which
saw the need to “de-Marcosify” the bureaucracy. This was to be achieved
through 1) the promotion of private initiative; 2) decentralization; 3) account-
ability; 4) efficiency of front-line services; and 5) cost-effectiveness of opera-
tions. In short, the bureaucracy was to be an instrument for democratic ends.

What happened to the bureaucracy during the Aquino administration? Cariño


observed that the “Aquino government has had to contend with a bureau-
cracy that has become militant about guarding its own interests and is slowly
venturing out to make the executive more responsible. Its more articulate
and critical elements have rallied against unequal treatment, the lack of po-
litical neutrality and irresponsible performance.” (Cariño, 1992:135).

Aquino controlled the civil service through personnel and organizational


changes as well as the policies affecting employee conduct and behavior.
Using the revolutionary character of her initial days in power, Aquino fol-
lowed the Marcos model of summary dismissals. This was accompanied by a
general reorganization that was more tumultuous than any other under-
taken before (Cariño, 1992:128). The Aquino government’s initiative to trans-
form the bureaucracy was seen as ambivalent. While the government pledged
to uphold due process and transparency, it carried out summary dismissals,
questionable reorganizations and showed weaknesses in enforcing ethical
and performance norms. This brought about conflict between the executive
and the civil service.

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Cariño saw the bureaucracy under the Aquino government as one that was
dominated and controlled by the Executive, like its predecessors. She ex-
plained the persistence of this domination of the bureaucracy by the Execu-
tive since the colonial period up to this time, thus:

1. Executive control of the bureaucracy is fostered by the authoritarian cul-


ture which is reinforced by the hierarchical nature of the bureaucratic
organization. Civil servants are accepting of the orders of power-holders
and they tend not to question these orders.

2. The civil service is divided. Member organizations tend to fend for


themselves rather than act in a united manner when dealing with poli-
cies such as the salary standardization law or those affecting the reorga-
nization of their offices. There is the thinking that offices are more likely
to succeed in their request to be exempted from certain restrictive policies
if they make such a request only for their office and not for the entire
bureaucracy.

3. The slow economy and the accompanying scarcity of work opportuni-


ties exacerbate the factors listed above. Not wanting to antagonize their
heads for fear of losing their jobs, civil servants tend to be less critical and
more acquiescent to their leaders.

4. The struggle of the civil service against executive domination occurs within
the context of an economic and social structure where the political and
economic elite still wields significant influence. Civil servants are socially
mobile individuals and they are unlikely to work against the interests of
the class to which they aspire to belong.

5. The trappings of executive power also favor the executive in its struggle
with the civil service. Philippine presidents were given ample powers by
the constitution. Although the nation’s experience with the dictatorship
led to the clipping of presidential powers in the 1987 constitution, Aquino
enjoyed popular support. This enabled her to insist on her decisions even
if they were not popular with the bureaucracy.

6. The bureaucracy is further weakened by its inefficiency and its reputa-


tion for being corrupt. Its lack of attention to improving its performance
and productivity kept it from gaining allies from other social forces. The
latter’s support was forthcoming only when the Executive branch ap-
peared to have treated the bureaucracy unjustly. (Cariño, 1992:135-
138).

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Module 3 59

The Implications of the Evolution of the


Philippine Bureaucracy on Its Capacity
Understanding the history of the public bureaucracy gives us a glimpse of
what transpired in this institution in the past and how these experiences
contributed to or diminished the institutional capability of the bureaucracy.
In short, what the bureaucracy is today is a product of how it has been
regarded and actually utilized by the government in power. Like most public
institutions, how it functions is determined largely by:

• the goals they are set to achieve;


• the processes which society expect them to utilize;
• the amount of power and resources that they are vested with;
• the level of accountability that they exercise; and
• the outputs and the outcomes they are expected to deliver.

Our readings and discussion so far have shown that while the bureau-
cracy is judged in terms of how it is able to respond efficiently and effec-
tively to the challenges that society poses, it must be understood in terms
of how it functions within a political context. The dynamics of its rela-
tionship with the Executive and the Legislative branches of government,
and with other stakeholders, such as its clients and other vested interests
in society, shape its role in the tasks of nation-building. To a large extent,
the bureaucracy’s share of power and authority, resources and informa-
tion, is decided by the President and members of Congress, who deter-
mine the direction, content, and distribution of public resources.

How would we characterize the bureaucracy at this time?

• First, ours as an executive dominated bureaucracy that is highly cen-


tralized.

• While recruitment and appointment to this bureaucracy is expected to


be based on merit, interventions of politicians have prompted doubts
about these claims.

• On the whole, however, there is a career service, entry to which has


been regulated and guarded by the Civil Service Commission.

• There is security of tenure but government service may not be as presti-


gious as it was during the American colonial period.

• The bureaucracy has to improve its image in terms of its accountability


and integrity, efficiency, productivity and innovativeness in dealing with
complex social problems.

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We conclude with a quotation from O. D. Corpuz: “The bureaucracy will


be as big as the tasks of society; it will be as complex and fascinating as the
nation itself; it will be afflicted with the Filipinos’ weaknesses, but it will
benefit from their virtues (Corpuz, 1957: 248).”

SAQ 3-3
Before we end this module, let us check how much we know of
the bureaucracy’s characteristics during the martial law regime
and the Aquino administration.

1. What major Presidential Decree did Marcos introduce which


led to the adoption of reforms in the Philippine Civil Service
System?

2. List at least three specific structural changes implemented in the


bureaucracy as a result of this decree.

3. What were the directions for reforms which guided the reorga-
nization efforts of the Aquino administration?

4. What explains the executive’s continued domination of the bureau-


cracy during the Aquino administration?

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Module 3 61

ASAQ 3-3
1. The first Presidential Decree which, Marcos signed right after he de-
clared martial law was PD 1. This decree implemented the proposed
reorganization of the government. This law is the outcome of a two-
year effort to reorganize the executive branch based on extensive
studies. Congress, however, could not arrive at a consensus on the
bill and was unable to formally approve it as a law.
2. Among the major changes introduced through this PD were: (a) de-
centralization of the national government through the creation of
eleven uniform administrative regions; (b) standardization of the com-
mon support functions in departments by creating four staff services
for planning, finance and management, administration, and techni-
cal services; (c) decentralization of personnel functions to line depart-
ments, bureaus and regional offices; (d) conversion of the Civil Ser-
vice Commission into a three-person Commission; (e) creation of the
Career Executive Service as the highest level of positions in the civil
service system.
3. Reforms introduced during the Aquino administration were premised
on the following principles: (a) the promotion of private initiative; (b)
decentralization; (c) accountability; (d) efficiency of front-line services;
and (e) cost-effectiveness of operations.
4. Cariño attributed executive domination of the bureaucracy to the fol-
lowing factors:
a. Executive control of the bureaucracy is fostered by the authoritar-
ian culture, which is reinforced by the hierarchical nature of the
bureaucratic organization.
b. The civil service is divided.
c. The slow economy and the accompanying scarcity of work op-
portunities even exacerbate the factors listed above.
d. The struggle of the civil service against executive domination oc-
curs within the context of an economic and social structure where
the political and economic elite still wields significant influence.
e. The trappings of executive power also favor the executive in its
struggle with the civil service. Philippine presidents were given
ample powers by the constitution. Although the nation’s experi-
ence with the dictatorship led to the clipping of presidential pow-
ers in the 1987 constitution, Aquino enjoyed popular support.
This enabled her to insist on her decisions even if they were not
popular with the bureaucracy.
f. The bureaucracy is further weakened by its inefficiency and its
reputation for being corrupt.

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Summary
In this module, we have attempted to see how the Philippine bureaucracy
developed through various phases of Philippine history. We saw how its
current features have been shaped by the role and the processes that it
utilized in the past. We have also seen that while some of its features
changed, there are enduring characteristics, which persist for some rea-
son.

As students of public management, it is crucial that we know and under-


stand how the Philippine Administrative System got to be what it is to-
day. We know that the public bureaucracy is the product of the bigger
system of which it is a part. How it was involved in the government’s
previous programs, how its technical knowledge and its power and au-
thority are utilized, how the bigger society appreciates its value and its
services, and how its political leaders view its role in the process of gover-
nance are determinants of the capacity of the bureaucracy to respond to
new challenges efficiently, effectively and with full accountability.

References

Cariño, Ledivina V. 1992. Bureaucracy for a Democracy: The Dynamics of


Executive-Bureaucracy Interaction During Governmental Transitions. Col-
lege of Public Administration, UP International Center for Economic
Growth, and the Philippine Institute for Development Studies.
Corpuz, O.D. 1957. Bureaucracy in the Philippines. UP Institute of Public
Administration.
Endriga, Jose N. 1985. Stability and Change: The Civil Service in the Phil-
ippines. In Philippine Journal of Public Administration (April): 132-154.

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Unit II
The PAS and People Power

I n Unit I, you read and reflected on the history of our nation and of the
Philippine Administrative System. With your knowledge and insights
on the historical and political context within which the operations of the
PAS must be understood, you are ready to move on to Unit II.

This unit consists of four modules:

Module 4 - The Philippine Administrative System: Its Components and


Power Base
Module 5 - Community Empowerment: An “Enabling” Framework
Module 6 – People Power, Community Empowerment and the “Capa-
bility-Building Model”
Module 7 - Accountability as a Public Service Value

This is a crucial unit for this course. I think of this unit as the heart of the
course. It provides you with a framework through which you can define
and describe the elements and processes of the PAS, its sources of power
and how it can utilize this power to in turn empower communities. It also
presents an intervention through which government agencies can help
communities develop their capabilities for self-sustaining and self-reliant
development.

The modules of this unit reiterate and elaborate on the following key mes-
sages of this course:
1. The state and the public bureaucracy or the PAS, exist only for and
because of the people.
2. To serve the people well, there must be a conscious and continuous
effort by members of the bureaucracy to know, understand, respect
and empathize with the public; and

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3. The bureaucracy, in executing laws and implementing programs, can


work with and learn from the public, and in doing so empower the
communities.

Module Four defines how the term “Philippine Administrative System”


is used in the course. It also describes the elements constituting the sys-
tem. It identifies the different sources of power of the PAS and how this
power can be used by the PAS to empower communities. Desirable at-
tributes of the PAS are inferred from the nature of the processes that it
would utilize in empowering communities.
The fifth module focuses on the concepts of people power and commu-
nity empowerment. It explains the “community-building model” which
is based on an effort to bring government officials and communities to-
gether in an attempt to enable the people to “organize themselves around
common needs and to work toward common ends (Hernando, 1985:12).”

The sixth module presents a theoretical scheme which attempts to bring


together a) the elements and power base of the PAS as described in Mod-
ule 4 and b) the intervention needed to achieve the outcomes of the “ca-
pability building exercise” discussed in Module 5. The framework veers
away from the traditional notion that the PAS is essentialy a mechanism
for service delivery or the implementor or public policies. While it recog-
nizes these and other roles of the PAS, it views the PAS as an empower-
ing institution with the capability to enable communities to be self-reliant
and to develop their sense of efficacy to deal with their problems.

The seventh module discusses the efforts of Sikolohiyang Pilipino to use


the national language in identifying indigenous concepts in Filipino social
psychology. It examines the core value of “kapwa” and looks at the pos-
sibilities of using this concept in an anti-corruption program and in im-
buing members of the PAS with a strong sense of service towards their
“Kapwa Filipino.” It also discusses other emerging indigenous views on
governance and accountability and relevant provisions of R.A. 6713, the
Code of Ethics for Public Officials.

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Module 4
The Philippine Administrative
System: Its Components
and Power Base

M odule 4 answers the following ques-


tions: What is the Philippine Adminis-
trative System? What are its sources of
Objectives
power? What attributes must it have to en- By the end of this module, you
sure that this power is used to likewise em- should be able to:
power its public and communities? This first
module introduces the PAS and its various 1. Define the Philippine Ad-
components. It is important that you are clear ministrative System and
on the elements of the PAS as we will be identify its parts;
building up on this concept as we move on 2. Explain the sources of
to the rest of the unit. power of the PAS and how
it uses this power to serve
There are no required readings for this mod- the public and empower
ule. communities; and
3. Enumerate the desirable
characteristics, which the
The Philippine PAS must acquire to be-
come an empowering in-
Administrative System: stitution.
A Definition
What comes to mind when you hear of the Philippine Administrative
System? What words would you associate with this term?

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If you answered “huge,” “complex” and “bureaucracy” to the question,


then you captured some characteristics of the PAS! If the immediate pic-
ture that comes to mind when you hear the term is that of an office where
there is a long queue of people waiting for their papers to be processed by
civil servants, you may be actually expressing an image of the bureau-
cracy shared by a number of people. If you say “red tape,” “delay,” or
“fixers.” I won’t be suprised.

But in this course, we shall describe the PAS in a more neutral and objec-
tive fashion. We shall do this by identifying the components of the PAS
and their relationships, and the functions they perform. This is captured
in the definition that we present below.

The Philippine Administrative System refers to a network of pub-


lic organizations with specific goals, policies, structures, resources
and programs. It includes the internal processes of, and the inter-
action between and among, public organizations which are con-
stituted to implement, help formulate, monitor, or assess public
policies. This system covers the PAS’s relationship with its imme-
diate public-in-contact as well as the PAS’s reactions to, or how it
is affected by, the greater socio-politico and economic environment
within which it operates. For purposes of this course, we will limit
the scope of the PAS to the executive branch, all offices and instru-
mentalities thereof, local government units, government-owned
and controlled corporations, and chartered institutions such as
state colleges and universities.

Breaking up this definition into its components gives us the following:

• a network of public organizations with specific goals, policies, struc-


tures, resources, and programs;
• processes of and interaction between and among these public organi-
zations;
• organizations constituted to implement, help formulate, monitor, or
assess public policies.
• these organizations’ relationship with their immediate public-in-con-
tact as well as their reaction to or how the greater socio-politico and
economic environment within which they operate affect them; and
• the greater socio-politico and economic environment.

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First Component: Public Organizations


Let us dissect this definition by looking at its parts one by one. First you
have the public organizations, which are the basic blocks of this system.
Each of these organizations have their respective goals, policies, struc-
tures, resources and processes. These organizations are usually created
by law, which defines their purpose, their core structure, the functions
that they are to undertake and how their operations are to be funded by
public funds. Given their legal mandates, their major functions, and the
structures through which they implement their major programs and
projects, each of these component units of the PAS are organizations which
are self-contained sub-systems in themselves.

Traditionally, the PAS refers to the executive branch, all offices and in-
strumentalities thereof, local government units, government owned and
controlled corporations, and chartered institutions such as state colleges
and universities.

Second Component: Internal Processes


and Interactive Efforts
What is meant by “processes of and interactions between and among
public organizations?” This simply means that each of these organiza-
tions perform their public functions through defined rules and procedures.
These procedures are internal to the organization. They are designed and
established as the best way of providing the service the organizations must
deliver or of carrying out the function that they must fulfill. Aside from
these internal operating procedures, these organizations have policies,
rules and procedures that govern their working relationships with other
government offices.

In most instances, work in the PAS will require that an organization coor-
dinate with other organizations within the system. Some government of-
fices, like the Department of Budget and Management, have for their “pub-
lic” other government agencies that must deal with them in the course of
preparing their annual budget. For other government agencies, the pub-
lic-in-contact may be individuals, groups, villages or communities, local
government units, or even nongovernmental or people’s organizations.
For example, if an official of the Department of Environment and Natural
Resources (DENR) needs to do an environmental impact assessment study,
he will have to coordinate with the local officials concerned like the
Barangay Captain or the Municipal Mayor. Moreover, depending on the
nature of the project being considered, he will also have to consult with
the agriculture officer, local health officials, representatives of the De-

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partment of Interior and Local Government, and probably the Depart-


ment of Agrarian Reform, if the area under study is within the jurisdic-
tion of the later. This kind of individual or institutional coordination or
sharing of information and other resources in the provision of services is a
concrete example of what is referred to as “processes of and interactions
between and among public organizations.”

Third Component: “Implementing, Help


Formulating, and Assessing Public Policies”
The PAS is primarily responsible for implementing public policies formu-
lated jointly by the Legislative and the executive branches. However, it is
important to note that its responsibility is not confined solely to imple-
mentation. Even the most well formulated public laws cannot fully antici-
pate all the conditions or situations to which they must be applied. The
experience of public organizations in enforcing these laws and the in-
sights that they gain as they implement these laws are valuable. It is in the
course of day to day operations that the soundness of some policies or
laws is actually tested. Some unanticipated problems that emerge when
policies are carried out are helpful in the revision of these laws or in the
formulation of new ones. For this reason, the PAS inevitably participates
or assists in policy formulation. In fact, its technical know how is a main
resource of the Executive branch when it proposes new laws to initiate
important new programs.

Aside from implementing and helping formulate policies, the PAS also
monitors or assess public policies. As a matter of procedure, every gov-
ernment office is required to submit an annual report on its activities. In
these reports, as well as in other special monitoring and evaluation ef-
forts, they or evaluators, hired for this purpose describe the outcomes of
programs or projects that they undertake. These evaluation reports may
also identify clients who benefited from these projects, relate benefits to
cost, and discuss problems and possible solutions.

Fourth Component: “Individuals, Groups,


Organizations, and Communities as Its
Public/Clientele”
A significant element of the PAS that is not included in some definitions is
the public, which the PAS serves. The PAS must be conscious of the dif-
ferent kinds of publics or clientele that it deals with. Depending on its
character, a public organization may be dealing with individuals, groups,
private or other public organizations, communities or even other coun-

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tries as its “public-in-contact.” For example, oversight agencies like the


Commission on Audit have public agencies as their “public-in-contact,”
while offices like the Department of Health, provide services to individu-
als, groups, business organizations, and communities. On the other hand,
the Board of Investment, by virtue of its mandate, services foreign inves-
tors.

The public exerts different kinds of demands and pressures on the PAS.
There are times when the PAS’s view of things and its notion of how
services may be delivered efficiently may not agree with the public’s needs
and preferences. There may be times when these views may appear to be
contradictory and irreconcilable, as when the PAS must enforce the law
and ask people who are occupying other people’s land to leave. Regard-
less of the nature of the interaction between the PAS and its many pub-
lics, it is important that each organization within the system sees its pub-
lic-in-contact as a crucial part of the system.

Fifth Component: The Greater Socio-Politico


and Economic Environment
The fifth and final component is the socio-politico and economic environ-
ment within which the PAS operates. What do we refer to when we say
“socio-politico and economic environment?” The Philippine administra-
tive system is part of a bigger social system where there are competing
claims to limited resources and institutions play a role in determining how
these resources will be utilized. This environment consists of interests and
pressure groups with their respective claims on the state, and social and
cultural values and practices which establish norms and articulate needs
and other demands of other stakeholders within the greater social sys-
tem. This environment is the source of demands and pressures on the
state for services, information or enforcement of existing laws. It could
also be a source of support for certain policies that are viewed as being
generally beneficial to the general public. The bureaucracy or the PAS
can generate support or opposition from this environment.

We just went through the five elements constituting the Philippine ad-
ministrative system.

Do you now have a clear picture of the expanse and the scope of the PAS
in your mind? Perhaps we can liken the PAS to a spider web, with every
organization constituting a connecting point. Each organization has its
own reason for being in the system. This very reason may provide a con-
necting point to the other units within the system.

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However, while the spider web example may capture the connections
and the inter-relatedness of the organizations, it may not be comparable
to the PAS in certain instances. In what ways would it be different? Well,
for one, while the spider web is quite fragile and the destruction of one of
its parts may result in the destruction of the whole web, the PAS is a more
enduring network of systems where the abolition of one public organiza-
tion will not necessarily lead to the total destruction of the whole system.

SAQ 4-1
1. From the 10 items in this list, select the five elements constitut-
ing the Philippine administrative system

a. The market where there is free exchange of goods and ser-


vices
b. The family as a social institution
c. Public organizations with their own goals, policies, struc-
tures, resources and programs
d. A particular clientele group who is in need of an
organization’s services
e. Public institutions, with their own internal processes, that
also relate to and interact with, other public organizations
f. The Catholic Church
g. Association of business organization like the Makati Busi-
ness Club
h. Organization created to implement, help formulate and
monitor and assess public policies
i. International organizations such as agencies of the United
Nations like UNDP, WHO and UNICEF
j. A socio-political and economic environment that influences
the demand for the services of public organizations and
the support and resources that they receive.

2. Please indicate whether these statements are True or False. If


a statement is false, explain what makes it false.

a. The Philippines administrative system refers only to offices


of the national government.
b. The PAS’ internal processes determine the demands that
its clientele are likely to make it on it and the support and
resources that it will get.

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ASAQ 4-1
1. The five elements constituting the Philippine Administrative
system are:

a. Public organizations with their own goals, policies, struc-


tures, resources and programs

b. Public institutions, with their own internal processes, that


also relate to, and interact with, other public organizations

c. Organization created to implement, help formulate and


monitor and assess public policies

d. A particular clientele group who are in need of an


organization’s services

e. A socio-political and economic environment that influences


the demand for the services of public organizations and the
support and resources that they receive.

2. True or False

a. False. The PAS as used in this course, refers to the execu-


tive branch, including all offices and instrumentalities, lo-
cal government units, government owned and controlled
corporations, and chartered institution such as state col-
leges and universities.

b. False. The PAS operates within a socio-political and eco-


nomic environment that determines the demands it gets
from its clientele and the resources it generates as the PAS
competes for the broader system’s support and limited re-
sources.

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Activity 4-1
Converting the Definition to a Specific Example

Let us now apply this definition to your office or to another public organi-
zation that you are familiar with.

Try to list down each component of the system and give a concrete ex-
ample of this component using your office as reference. For instance,
under the first component, you can write the name of your office. Then
for the second component, you can describe a procedure that you utilize
in the office in dealing with the public that you serve regularly, and so on
until you reach the fifth and final component. What do you see as the
thing that connects this office to the Philippine Administrative system?
Component Example

1. Public Organization ____________________


2. Internal and External Processes ____________________
3. Contribution to Public Policies ____________________
4. Public-in Contact/Clientele ____________________
5. Greater Environment ____________________

Comments on Activity 4-1


Good work! You just applied our definition of the PAS to an organization
that you are most familiar with. Remember that this definition is a generic
one that can be used to dissect the component parts of any public organi-
zation. I hope that through this activity, the notion of what the PAS is, the
organizations composing the system, and the elements that constitute a
public organization, cease to be just an abstraction.

It is important that you are familiar with this definition and fairly com-
fortable with the terms and concepts at this stage. You will find out that
as we move on in the course, we will be introducing new concepts which
you will be linking to the ones that you just learned. Remember that this
should not be difficult at all, especially if you make it a point to refer either
to your work situation in a public office, or to your dealings with or busi-
ness transaction with government agencies, if you are not working in one
yet. You are now half-way through this module. We will be moving to
the second half which looks at the power base of the PAS.

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Sources of Power of the PAS


Each one of us has dealt with the various organizations within the PAS in
different ways. For some this simply involves getting a social security num-
ber for employment or getting a clearance from the National Bureau of
Investigation or the local police office. Others have to tangle with the PAS
for services under life threatening situationsfor example, going to a public
hospital in cases of accidents or other kinds of emergencies. Every Filipino
is bound to transact business with the public bureaucracy, whether for
the issuance of a birth certificate which you need for a number of things,
a driver’s license, or even a death certificate which is required prior to a
burial.

Since the PAS provides services, information, and programs which people
can not get from any other source, it is actually a form of monopoly. Within
certain limits, and given the conditions prevailing in most government
offices, the PAS has a lot of discretion as to how, when, to whom, and in
what order it prefers to serve its public-in-contact. It wields considerable
administrative power over citizens who are in need of these services and
information. By administrative power here is meant the extent to which
the PAS controls or influences the time, manner, and the quality of ser-
vices it provides individuals, groups or communities. Through this power,
the PAS can make things happen or keep things from happening by sim-
ply not doing what it should be doing. Beyond these, the power of the
PAS to control or influence the outcome of activities flows from a number
of sources which we will enumerate below.

The power of the PAS stems largely from: (1) its being an arm of the gov-
ernment; (2) its being an enforcer and implementor of public policy; (3) its
operation as a service delivery system; (4) its role as a participant in the
policy formulation process; (5) its technical expertise; and (6) its extensive
and nationwide presence at all levels of government. We shall discuss
each of these bases of power.

The PAS as Instrument of the State


The public bureaucracy derives its administrative power from its being an
arm of the state. The PAS is in effect the machinery through which the
functions of government are exercised legitimately throughout the coun-
try. It is fully supported by enabling state policies which confer authority
on its action. It is through the public bureaucracy that the President as
head of the Executive branch, for instance, can exercise its power of emi-
nent domain.

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What is the power of eminent domain and why is it a good example of the
extent of the power of the PAS? The power of eminent domain is reposed,
by law, on the President as head of the PAS. Through this power, the
President can, in behalf of the national government, and when public
interest so requires, expropriate private land for public use, provided gov-
ernment observes the requirements of due process. Government must of
course pay for the property if the owner agrees to sell. However, in some
instances, if due process has been observed, government may expropriate
the land without having to pay for it at all.

The PAS as Enforcer and Implementor


of Public Policy
The PAS enforces the laws and implements other public policies set by the
executive and the legislative branches of government. Most laws stipulate
how they are to be enforced, specify sanctions, and even establish behav-
ioral norms that must be observed by enforcers. In instances where new
programs are authorized, the source and amount of funds, as well as
other logistics for program activities are also provided.

As the law enforcement arm and policy implementor of the government,


the PAS has discretion as to how it carries out policies and enforces the
law. This is another source of the PAS’s power. The legislature cannot
fully anticipate all the conditions under which certain laws are to be en-
forced or implemented. Thus, the PAS may exercise its discretion as to
how it interprets the law as it enforces or implements the same. Varia-
tions in implementation or enforcement may occur in terms of who, what,
when and where the service may be provided. In exercising its discretion,
the PAS may unduly favor those who are able to wield influence over it,
(i.e., those with more resources, status or prestige in the community or the
society) while putting to a disadvantage those who have less and are also
relatively less able to deal with the ways of the bureaucracy.

The power of the PAS as an enforcer and implementor thus flows mainly
from the range of discretion which it can use to enforce or implement the
law. This power is enhanced considerably by a reality that prevails in
developing countries: the demand for public services is always greater
than the capacity of the government to provide for these services. Under
this condition, the bureaucracy’s power as supplier or provider increases
tremendously, particularly for services which only the government can
provide.

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The PAS as a Service Delivery System


The PAS is also a major service delivery system. As such, it utilizes its
authority, structure, and resources to produce specific services that it ex-
tends to a clientele group.

The public school system is a delivery system that provides educational


services, while the public health system, with its health centers and hos-
pitals, delivers health services. The post office provides postal services.
Through its network of public organizations operating in various areas
and levels of government, the PAS provides a wide array of services. In
most instances, the services that government provides may also be avail-
able in the market for a higher cost. However, since not all Filipinos can
afford to send their children to private school or to pay for a private
hospital bed when they get sick, for example, public provision of these
services is crucial. Without public schools, public health facilities, and the
postal system, most Filipinos would not have access to these basic ser-
vices.

Again, the PAS exercises discretion as it determines the quantity, quality,


adequacy, and timeliness of the service it provides. To the extent that the
public depends on the PAS for basic services as they cannot afford the
high costs of these services elsewhere, then the PAS wields power over
this kind of clientele. When the demand for these services may be more
than the supply, the power of the PAS increases as it performs a gatekeeper
position that may ultimately determine who gets what kind of service
and when.

The PAS as Participant in the Policy Formulation


Process
The participation of the PAS in the policy formulation process stems largely
from its role as enforcer and implementor and its technical expertise on
certain topics. As was pointed out earlier, it is the bureaucracy that actu-
ally enforces and implements the law. In the process, it gets to know of
the law’s weaknesses and inadequacies. As it applies the law, it gets to
know of actual situations where practical problems may arise partly be-
cause of the lack of clarity of legal provisions, unanticipated conditions,
and in some instances, changes in the social environment which may
make some policies obsolete or inapplicable.

The PAS’s responsibility to monitor and assess the effectiveness of new


programs authorized by law gives it official mandate to report on how
the implementation of these laws will have fulfilled the objectives they

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sought to achieve. The knowledge that it has directly acquired as


implementor and its expertise in highly technical areas are the primary
reasons why the PAS’s advice is usually sought in legislation and other
forms of policymaking. While it may not directly make the decision itself,
the PAS exerts influence on the policy making process by providing sig-
nificant inputs which policy makers must consider when they make their
own decisions.

Technical Expertise of the PAS


Another source of power of the PAS is the accumulated technical exper-
tise that it has amassed over time as it deals with the myriad and complex
issues that government must address. Most civil servants in the Philip-
pine bureaucracy were hired for their professional training in their re-
spective areas of competence. They must deal with highly technical ques-
tions linked to policy issues like the operations of a nuclear power plant,
environmental impact assessment for a new shopping mall, adoption of a
Filipino child by foreigners, establishing the patent for a new product
and even evaluating the financial and technical soundness of a build-
operate-transfer scheme for the construction of a new light railway tran-
sit system in Metro Manila. These are just some of the many questions
that Filipino bureaucrats must deal with. Most of the time, they are pre-
pared to tackle these questions because they have the appropriate profes-
sional preparation. Beyond their personal know-how, however, they are
backed up by a systematic process of documenting institutional decisions,
practices, and related information that are passed on as organizational
insights to members of the PAS. Through these institutional documenta-
tion, the PAS has a built -in process of creating and enriching its reservoir
of technical knowledge from which it draws whenever necessary. A sig-
nificant part of this reservoir of technical information is understanding of
the complicated rules and procedures of government.

Its capacity to generate, use, and control technical information which are
inputs in the provision of services or in the production of more informa-
tion, is another source of power of the PAS. This power is increased if the
public has no ready access to this information and is made dependent on
the PAS for every information they need to transact business with gov-
ernment agencies.

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Nationwide Presence of the PAS


Finally, the PAS’s vast network reaching almost all villages nationwide is
another source of its power. The public bureaucracy has an expansive
reach through which it can mobilize support for its programs from all
over the country. This network also provides the PAS with a wide base
for its operations that can be utilized for any inter-agency effort. Having
offices, human resources, and other logistics that it can easily mobilize is
another source of the power of the PAS.

Utilizing PAS Power


We have just described and elaborated on the sources of power of the
PAS. The next question that one is likely to ask is: How is the PAS ex-
pected to use this power? Whose interest must this power protect?

Article II, Section 1 of the 1987 Constitution declares that: “The Philip-
pines is a democratic and republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people
and all government authority emanates from them.” Under this provision of
our constitution, the people reposes power and authority in the state to
act on their behalf. The bureaucracy or the PAS, as an arm of the state,
likewise derives its power from the people. It is for and in behalf of the
people that this power should be used, because it is actually their power
that they collectively repose in trust in the hands of elected and appointed
public officials to enhance their welfare. While elected officials determine
their administration’s priority programs in keeping with their political
platforms, the PAS, which is expected to maintain political neutrality,
carries out this program of action. In effect, the PAS must answer to the
political leaders (elected officials) and directly to the people in its use of
their power as part of the state machinery.

There can be misuse, abuse or non-use of governmental power. The au-


thoritarian regime when the country was under martial law was a con-
crete example of how elected officials can abuse state power and do it in
the name of the people. As a preventive measure, the 1987 constitution
introduced controls to minimize potential abuse of powers vested in the
Executive and strengthened the people’s hand by providing for recall of
elected officials and direct legislation under certain conditions. There are
also mechanisms and clear limits too on the bureaucracy’s use of its pow-
ers and institutions. One of these is the Office of the Ombudsman.

Indeed, it is crucial that the PAS consciously acknowledge the people as


the ultimate source of its power. In a developing country like the Philip-
pines, where a significant portion of the population falls below the pov-

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erty line and where the average number of years of schooling among the
rural population is dropping, the bureaucracy can easily use its power to
favor its own interest, the partisan political interest of the government in
power, or the interest of the influential and the rich who will be using
their resources to ensure that they continue to wield influence on the po-
litical and administrative decisionmakers. This implies that the general
public, particularly those who are more disadvantaged, will rely on the
bureaucracy for its responsible use of its powers.

How is the bureaucracy expected to use this power such that it further
empowers people and communities by giving them greater control over
their lives?

As enforcers of the law and implementors of public policy, the bureau-


cracy must use its power with fairness and justice. This means that it is
consistent in enforcing the law, regardless of who is involved. Sanctions
are never imposed arbitrarily. The implementation of public policies must
be dealt with in a similar fashion. If no one is unduly advantaged or dis-
advantaged because of the PAS’s exercise of administrative power, then
we can say that there is fairness and justice in the enforcement of the law.

As a service delivery system, the PAS can use its power to make these
services accessible and responsive to the clientele’s needs. There is quick
and quality response for everyone, without exception.

The PAS can also use its power to enhance its efficiency as an organiza-
tion. By efficiency here we mean producing more outputs with the same
or at less cost. Being efficient in its use of resources will enable the PAS to
reach more people and provide more services for the amount of money
that it gets from the government.

As an institution that has technical knowledge and is consulted in the


formulation of public policies, the PAS can make sure that it is a conduit
for people’s ideas on how government can serve the people’s needs better
over time. Technical knowledge may be valuable but the bureaucracy must
know how to balance its use of this knowledge. It must be aware that the
bureaucracy has no monopoly of knowledge. In certain instances, the
people or the community, who know their areas better, may know best
how their needs can be efficiently met given the local conditions prevail-
ing in their communities. Thus, the bureaucracy shares its power with the
people when it consults and listens to the wisdom of the people, and works
and gets the people involved in its programs for them. In doing this, the
bureaucracy promotes consultative and participatory methods.

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The PAS can use its powers more effectively if it decentralizes its decision-
making process and make sure that decisions are made at the levels clos-
est to those who will be directly affected by these decisions. For a long
time, bureaucratic power has been centralized in Manila, the seat of the
national government. More recent developments have given decentrali-
zation a much stronger push. The bureaucracy can facilitate decentrali-
zation of its powers to field offices and to local government units who are
in more direct contact with the people in the communities.

The PAS will also be using its power more responsibly if it recognizes that
the use of a foreign language may affect the capacity of the people, both
in rural and urban areas, to understand and communicate with
government’s front-line staff who may not be sensitive to this issue. Using
the local language in signs and public notices and keeping procedures for
over-the counter transactions with the public as simple as possible, are
ways of making the bureaucracy more accessible to the public.

SAQ 4-2
1. List the six sources of power of the PAS.

2. Choose two of these sources of power and cite an experience in


your office which you think best illustrates these sources of
power.

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ASAQ 4-2
1. The six sources of power of the PAS are:

a. The PAS as instrument of the State


b. PAS as enforcer and implementor of public policy
c. PAS as a service delivery system
d. PAS as participant in the policy formulation process
e. The technical expertise of the PAS
f. The extensive nationwide presence of the PAS

2.

Sources of Power How It is to be Utilized

1. PAS as instrument of the PAS to consciously acknowl-


state edge the people as the source
and end of state power; use
power with accountability;
Must be pro-equity.

2. PAS as Enforcer and PAS must Enforce the Law


Implementor of Public Fairly and Justly; must imple-
Policy ment public policies efficiently.

3. PAS as a Service Deliv- PAS must institutionalize ac-


ery System cess to its service delivery sys-
tem; it must be efficient and
service oriented.

4. PAS as Participant in the PAS must be consultative and


Policy Formulation Pro- participatory.
cess

5. PAS Technical Expertise PAS uses local language and


keeps administrative proce-
dures as simple as possible.

6. PAS Extensive and Na- PAS must be decentralized and


tion-wide Services transparent in its operations.

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Desirable Characteristics of the


Philippine Administrative System
We have explained how the PAS may tap its tremendous power base to
“empower” the public and its clientele. Let us summarize these ideas and
state them as specific characteristics which the PAS may develop when it
exercises its power in the manner described above.

1. The PAS is a just and fair law enforcement body if it treats everyone in
the same way, regardless of profession, position, income, and status.

2. The PAS is participatory and consultative when, as far as practicable,


it listens to and works with the people in the local language and keeps
its procedures simple.

3. The PAS is accessible if it identifies and minimizes access problems


that stem from physical distance, administrative requirements, and
financial costs that the clients or the public must bear in getting to or in
availing themselves of services.

4. The PAS favors decentralization if it recognizes the value of decisions


made at levels closest to those who are affected by the decision.

5. The PAS is efficient if it provides more and quality service for the same
or less cost to the people.

6. The PAS is accountable for the use of all its power if it explains and
makes regular reports to the public and political leaders as to how it
has used the authority, resources, and information placed at its dis-
posal to carry out public policies.

7. Finally, the PAS promotes the cause of equity if it recognizes the needs
of the disadvantaged in Philippine society and looks into how its pro-
grams can provide them with alternatives when private services are
beyond their means.

We have just looked at how the PAS is expected to use its power respon-
sibly. We summarized the desired norms for the use of its power in the
form of characteristics that we expect the PAS to develop so that it can in
turn enable communities to relate to government and acquire access to
resources and services that they need to resolve their problems and needs.
In the last portion of the module, we provide you with an empowerment
checklist, consisting of specific questions through which we may deter-
mine whether these characteristics are manifested in concrete ways.

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SAQ 4-3
Cite one example each of how the seven desirable characteristics
of the PAS can be manifested.

ASAQ 4-3
Desirable Characteristics Suggested Assessment Criteria

1. Just and Fair Enforcement of Support for violators who may not have ac-
Law cess to lawyers; Enough information to clients
of their rights and responsibilities

2. Participatory and Consultative Uses local language and keeps procedures


simple.

3. Accessible Provisions of shuttle/ferry services

4. Decentralized Administrative decisions made at the levels clos-


est to those affected by the decisions

5. Efficient and Service-Oriented Provides more and quality service for same or
less cost to clients; reaches out to meet clients’
needs and not expect clients to adjust to orga-
nization

6. Accountable Publication of quarterly reports

7. Pro-Equity Ensures that poorer clients are not unduly dis-


advantage by procedures; favors programs
which allow cross-subsidy from those who
have more to support those who have less.

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PAS Empowerment Checklist


I. Just and Fair Enforcement of the Law

A. Are the PAS law enforcers clear on what the law provides and
how this is to be enforced?
B. Are they aware of special provisions that are intended for par-
ticular types of offenders (e.g., minors, cultural communities)
C. Are sanctions on violators as mandated by law or administra
tive rules enforced the same way regardless of the violators’
position, income, status or influence in the community?
D. Are there instances of politicians interfering in the enforcement
of laws or rules which tend to favor influential parties?
E. Is there enough support for violators who may not have the
resources to hire the services of a lawyer?
F. Is there enough information given to clients so that they are
fully aware of the rules and regulations and their rights and are
not disadvantaged by the organization’s control over informa-
tion?

II. Participatory and Consultative

A. In the identification of the problem, was there a particular tar-


get clientele in mind?
B. If there was such a group of clients, was there client analysis
done to have information about the group in terms of how ho-
mogenous they are and what interest groups exist among them?
C. Was there a deliberate effort on the part of the administrators
to get clients involved in the formulation or identification of the
problem?
D. To support client involvement in the definition of the problem,
were clients’ representatives given time, resources, and facili-
ties to use?
E. Did the organization provide ways through which clients can
participate in the determination of the strategy to be adopted
for dealing with the problem?

III. Accessible

A. Are the services made available to clients at a time convenient


to them rather than to the public officials?
B. Are more resources spent on client services rather than on ad-
ministrative infrastructure (i.e., office furnishing).
C. Are office staff deployed in such a way that frontline offices
have more staff during peak hours?

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D. Is there a conscious effort to put better qualified personnel in


frontline service areas where there are more over the counter transac-
tions with clients?
E. Is there continuous effort on the part of the organization to make its
frontline staff really service oriented?
F. Are the procedures simple enough for the clients to compre-
hend or comply with?

IV. Decentralized

A. Are administrative decisions and actions, as much as feasible, at


the level closest to the public?
B. Are the functions of the different departments decentralized in
order to reduce red tape, free central officials from administra-
tive details concerning field operations, and relieve them from
unnecessary involvement in routine and local matters?
C. Are officials in field offices given the authority and responsiblity
to use their discretion to accommodate clients where necessary?

V. Efficient and Service-Oriented

A. Are offices grouped primarily on the basis of functions to achieve


simplicity, economy and efficiency in government operations and
minimize duplication and overlapping of functions?
B. Is the organizational structure flexible enough to accommodate
the needs of clients and not simply the efficiency consideration
of the organization?
C. To what extent has the decision where to locate the department’s
field offices been guided by the need to reduce physical distance
between the organization’s frontline offices and the clientele it
must serve?

VI. Accountable

A. Is there a mechanism through which the PAS reports to its cli-


entele regularly on the status of services it provides, how re-
sources are used and what its future plans are?
B. Is there a way for citizens or clientele to ask the PAS for infor-
mation on the problems which they are trying to resolve?
C. Is there too much stress on statistics and other reports such that
attention is deflected from the service needs of the clients?
D. Do the procedures provide for ways of checking possible abuse,
misuse, or non-use of administrative power or for a grievance
mechanism through which clients can seek redress?

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VII. Pro-Equity

A. Are there requirements that make unnecessary demands and result in


the exclusion of poorer clients (e.g., request forms in English not being
understandable to applicants who may not have gone beyond six years
of schooling, or a minimum user fee which a needy applicant may not
be able to pay).
B. In dealing with the problem or providing a service, are there other
costs to clients (travel time, loss of income, lack of access to someone
who can take care of kids/other tasks that need to be done) that are
not considered?
C. Are the procedures of the institution in any way biased against those
who are without formal education or a level of income or resources?
D. Does the program provide for ways through which fees paid by clients
who can afford to pay, can subsidize the cost of service of those who
are less able to pay for the service?

Activity 4-2
1. Cite a program of your office where it tried to make its services
more accessible to clients.

2. Using the six sources of power provided in this module, iden-


tify how the program utilized these sources of power in the
space provided opposite each source. You don’t have to fill out
all the boxes for all the sources of power if some of these are
not evident in the program which you cited.

Sources of Power How Utilized in Program

PAS as Instrument of the State

PAS as Enforcer and Implementor


of Public Policy

PAS as a Service Delivery System

PAS as a Participant in the Policy


Formulation Process

Technical Expertise of the PAS

Extensive and Nationwide Services


of the PAS

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Activity 4-2 cont’d....


3. Using the same program, can you also examine the organiza-
tion and its processes and determine whether this organiza-
tion manifests some of the desired characteristics that we enu-
merated earlier. You can do this by indicating in the space op-
posite each characteristic how this was manifested in the or-
ganization.

Desired Characteristic How Manifested in Program

Just and Fair Enforcement of the


Law

Participatory and Consultative

Accessible

Decentralized

Efficient and Service -Oriented

Accountable

Pro-Equity

Congratulations! You have successfully completed the fourth module for


this course. More importantly, you have shown that the concepts and
ideas we discussed in this module are observable features of public orga-
nizations. You described how the program you cited actually utilized the
sources of power listed above. Similarly, you established that through the
program, the organization has attained some of the desirable characteris-
tics of the PAS as proposed in this module.

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Module 5
The PAS and Community
Empowerment: An
“Enabling” Framework

T his module presents a framework,


which depicts the PAS as an en-
abling or empowering institution. This
Objectives

framework departs from the tradi- After completing this module,


tional view of the public bureaucracy you should be able to:
mainly as a service delivery mecha-
nism. Instead, it views the PAS as a 1. Explain the different com-
network of organizations with a tre- ponents of the framework
mendous power base. This framework and how they are interre-
will help us describe the PAS system- lated.
atically, define its relationships with 2. Discuss how the use of
its clientele or the communities that it this framework is ex-
serves, and give us a basis for assess- pected to promote and
ing its efforts in getting the commu- sensitize the PAS to the
nity to understand the work with gov- concept of community
ernment. empowerment and to the
use of the capability build-
ing model.
3. Describe the expected out-
Components of an come of the part of com-
Enabling PAS munities, which may be
empowered through the
Figure 5-1 represents the Philippine implementation of this
Administrative System as an “En- framework.
abling Institution.” Let us analyze the
figure by going through its five main components: (1) the people, the main

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source of power; (2) the PAS; (3) the empowerment process; (4) the com-
munities; and (5) the external environment.

The People: The Ultimate Source of Power


The framework starts with the people as it is premised on the assumption
that whatever power the PAS has is that which is reposed in it by the
Filipino people. This is why the PAS must be accountable at all times to
the people in its use of this power. This framework is premised on the
need for the PAS to be conscious of its accountability and to ensure that it
utilizes this power in a responsible way. In fact, the responsible use of this
power should result in the PAS enhancing the people’s power to direct
the operations of the PAS such that it is responsive to the needs of its
clientele.

The Philippine Administrative System (PAS)


The PAS has been described in Module 4 as being composed of public
organizations with their own goals, structures, policies, resources, and
programs. Beyond this, however, are the sources of power of the PAS. As
we explained in that module, the PAS derives its tremendous power from
its nature and the functions that it must fulfill. It is authorized to act for
and in behalf of the state; it enforces laws and implements public policies;
it has an extensive structure as a service delivery system. Moreover, it
participates in the policy formulation process and is in command of tech-
nical knowledge, which it has accumulated over time.

As it employs this power to carry out its mandate, the PAS must: (a)
acknowledge the people as the ultimate source and end of state power;
(b) enforce the law fairly and justly; (c) implement public policy efficiently;
(d) institutionalize access to its services; (e) decentralize and make its op-
erations transparent; (f) listen to and work with the people; and (g) use
local language and keep procedures simple.

When the PAS functions and operates in the manner describe above, it is
expected that it would develop desirable attributes as an organization as
it becomes: (a) a just and fair enforcer of the law; (b) participatory and
consultative; (c) accessible; (d) decentralized; (e) efficient and service-ori-
ented; (f) accountable; and (g) pro-equity. Note that we discussed these
attributes quite extensively in Module 4 where we also provided an em-
powerment checklist, which detailed some specific measures for each of
these attributes.

UP Open University
Figure 5-1. The Philippine Administrative System as an Enabling Institution

THE PAS EMPOWERMENT PROCESS COMMUNITIES

CAPABILITY BUILDING
A. ELEMENTS APPROACH
A. CHARACTERISTICS
• goals
• structures
• resources • organized
• policies • critically aware
• programs • has vision of what they want

B. POWER BASE D. UTILIZING PAS POWER TO B. CAPABILITY BUILDING


ENHANCE PEOPLE POWER PROCESS
P • instrument of state
• enforcer of law • acknowledges people as ultimate • problem identification
E • implementor of public policy • source and end of state power • objective setting
• extensive structure • enforces the law fairly and justly • program planning
O • implements public policy efficiently • structure building
• service delivery system
P • participant in policy • institutionalizes access to PAS’
formulation process services
L • decentralizes and makes C. OUTCOME
• technical knowledge
E operations transparent
• listens to and works with the • effective self-sustaining
C. DESIRABLE ATTRIBUTES people community organizations
• uses local language/keeps • community problems-solving
• just and fair enforcement of procedures simple capability
the law • community sense of efficacy
• participatory and consultative and power
• accessible • partnership/linkage with
• decentralized outside structures
• efficient and service-oriented • community self-management
• accountable process installed
• pro-equity

E N V I R O N M E N T

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In effect, the framework spells out how the PAS is expected to use its
power and the desirable characteristics that it would develop once it be-
comes conscious of its power base and the difference that it can make in
our people’s lives.

The Empowerment Process


The third component of the framework is described as the empowerment
process. The empowerment process as provided for in the framework
operates at two levels. It operates the PAS level when the system complies
with the desired processes provided for in the framework. The empower-
ment process is triggered at the community level when the PAS utilizes
the CBX approach to help communities organize and institute ways of
managing their responses to their local problems. (This will be discussed
in detail in Module 6.)

The Community
It is important to stress that the framework is functional only if the com-
munities that the PAS will partner with are prepared for their roles. This
means that these communities must be organized, be critically aware of
what is going on around them, and have a vision of the community that
they would want to be. Using the CBX approach, the PAS may then be
instrumental in improving the capability of the community to identify its
problems, set realistic change targets, plan and implement their programs,
and set up structures and systems to ensure continuity of its problem solv-
ing process.

What will all this lead to? We hope to achieve more communities that can
actively participate in government development programs and are vigi-
lant in monitoring the performance of government in their respective ar-
eas. It is hoped that these communities, will have self-sustaining commu-
nity organizations. They are able to identify and solve community prob-
lems and therefore have a sense of efficacy and power. They are able to
partner or link with outside structures through which they may be able to
mobilize support for their needs. Finally, they are successful in installing a
community self-management process through which they sustain their
problem-solving capacity.

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The Environment
The interaction between the PAS and the community must be understood
in the context of the broader socio-politico and economic environment
within which they are located. As we discussed earlier, the environment
consists of interests and pressure groups that are likely to ask the state for
services, information, or the enforcement of existing laws. The environ-
ment also includes the social and cultural values and practices that estab-
lish norms and articulate needs and demands of other stakeholders within
the greater social system.

The Interaction Between


and Among Components
We now zero in on the arrows in Figure 1. It will be noted that all the
arrows point towards the right, except for the arrow from the commu-
nity, which goes back to the PAS. This is the feedback arrow. This arrow
represents the information, requests, and reactions of the communities or
individuals or groups within the community to the empowerment pro-
cesses initiated or fully undertaken by the PAS. The feedback may range
from positive to negative reactions. In some instances, it may lead to new
demands for additional services from the communities. This arrow is di-
rected toward the PAS as these reactions are considered inputs into sub-
sequent processes of the PAS.

All the arrows point toward the right side of the framework, i.e., from the
people to the PAS to the empowerment process down to the communi-
ties. These represent the direction and flow of power. As the people en-
trust authority and power to the PAS to work for and in their behalf, the
PAS uses this power to enable its clients to benefit from and to be empow-
ered in dealing with the state and other sectors of the society. The PAS
empowers not only through its ways of enforcing laws, implementing
public policies, providing access to its services, and promoting decentrali-
zation, client-orientedness, and simplicity in its procedures. It can do all
these and still reach out to communities to develop their capabilities for
self-management such that they will not always have to rely completely
on the government for basic services.
Some of you may notice that the framework that we presented above is
really an application of the systems framework. The systems framework
as described by Sharkansky (Sharkansky, 1978: 14) has the following parts
and processes: (1) an environment within which the unit under study
operates and which influences and is influenced by the unit, and (2) units

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to the (3) outputs from the unit that are connected to each other by the (4)
conversion process and by (5) feedback mechanisms. The “enabling” frame-
work that we developed for this course utilizes the systems concept. The
power and authority from the people is part of the inputs which the PAS
mobilizes aside from its other resources and its sources of power, plus its
attributes. It harnesses or converts all these as inputs for the empower-
ment process that it undertakes, either through its conscious efforts to be
fair, efficient, accessible, transparent, decentralized, accountable, and pro-
equity, or through the use of the community-building model in the design
of its programs.

The Value of the Framework


We must point out that the adoption of the systems framework in describ-
ing and analyzing the PAS is meant to guide us in selecting and organiz-
ing information about the PAS. It also directs us to information and units
of analysis that we can identify as parts of the empowerment process and
what serve as inputs, outputs and the feedback mechanism. This being a
guide, we should feel free to explore other ideas about the PAS, even if
they do not fall within the categories provided for in the figure provided
for this purpose.

Since the framework allows us to systematically put in components of a


greater whole in a logical and coherent way it becomes a tool for analysis
and for assessing the PAS. However, every analytical tool may have its
inherent bias. The framework we proposed is biased for empowerment as
it asks the PAS to enhance the power of clientele and communities as it
exercises its own power.

The Consequence of Community


Empowerment
It must be stressed that the emphasis on the inherent powers of the PAS
and the need for it to share this power and in the process also empower
its clientele and the communities that it deals with, has one major goal;
that Filipino communities will eventually be self-reliant and be active part-
ners of the state in furthering democracy in our country. Thus, we reiter-
ate our description of these self-reliant and empowered communities as:

• Having effective self-sustaining community organizations;


• Communities with developed problem-solving capability;

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• Communities with a strong sense of efficacy and power;


• Communities that can partner or link with outside organizations; and
• Communities that have instituted and sustained self-management processes.

Empowered communities are most likely to have empowered citizens.


The opportunity for our people to be actively involved in governance will
surely enhance their knowledge and skills as vigilant citizens. Empow-
ered citizens can better push for a responsible and responsive PAS.

SAQ 5-1
Frameworks are merely guides to help us put our ideas in a logical
and coherent manner. We must be clear about the frameworks
that we use and we must critically scrutinize the assumptions that
underlie these frameworks. Let us review what we discussed in
this module to allow you to examine this framework more closely.

1. What do you see as the premises or the assumptions underly-


ing this framework?

2. What are the component parts of the framework?

3. How are these component parts interrelated?

4. What is the value of this framework for a course like PM 208?

5. Do you agree with the premises or assumptions of this frame-


work? Why?

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SAQ 5-1cont’d....

6. Below are two hypothetical situations depicting how the PAS


may respond to different social problems. What are likely ef-
fects of these PAS responses on the community in terms of spe-
cific moves toward greater community self-reliance? Explain
your answers.

a. A barangay noted an alarming increase in cases of den


gue. The rural health physician decided to deal directly with
the families of sick residents without coordinating or con-
sulting with the barangay officials and other local residents.
He explained that because of the urgency of the situation,
he had no time to organize the barangay for any collective
action. What effect will this move have on the barangay’s
effort to be self-reliant?

b. A barangay had a problem with solid waste management.


The barangay captain consulted the people on how to solve
their garbage problem. The residents and the officials came
up with a scheme which grouped residents into clusters of
5-6 households each. Each cluster was to take charge of its
respective member households. Through this scheme, solid
waste disposal in the barangay was solved through orga-
nized barangay action. What effects will the moves have on
the barangay’s effort to be self-reliant?

ASAQ 5-1
1. This framework starts with the following premises:

• The people has reposed power on the PAS as its trustee;


• The PAS is expected to make good use of this power and to
use this solely for the welfare and benefit of the Filipino people;
• The judicious use of this power will enable the PAS to en-
hance the power of its clientele or the community that the
PAS works with;
• Communities that are organized and are critically aware of
the conditions around it can be empowered through the use
of the CBX in its programs.

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ASAQ 5-1 cont’d...

2. The components of the enabling framework are:

• the people, the source of power,


• the PAS, its elements, its power base and its desirable at-
tributes,
• the empowerment process which consists of the use of the
capability building approach and the judicious use of its
power bases,
• the communities which the PAS work with as the PAS imple-
ments development programs,
• the environment within which all these occur and
• the relationship between and among these component parts
of the system.

3. The direction of the arrows in the framework indicates the in-


terrelations between and among the components of the frame-
work. The people entrusts power and authority on the PAS.
The PAS uses this power and other inputs as well as its own
power base and its attributes to empower the communities that
it works with. The communities react to the processes of the
PAS and the program that it implements in the community
through the feedback loop which moves from the community
to the PAS.

4. A framework like this allows students of the PAS to systemati-


cally put in components of a complex whole in a logical and
coherent way. A framework like this guides the students in se-
lecting and organizing information about the PAS. It directs us
to concepts that are stressed in the framework such as empow-
erment and the responsible use of power. It also tells us that the
PAS functions within a broader environment which influences
what transpires, on the one handwithin the PAS and on the
other, between the PAS and the communities or its other cli-
ents. It sensitizes the users of this framework to the value of
feedback from the clients that the PAS to improve its perfor-
mance. Feedback specifies which procedures the PAS should
review and how it can improve on this.

6. a. In this situation, the PAS failed to utilize the principle of em-


powerment. The people were not given the opportunity to
participate in formulating options and in implementing ac-

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ASAQ 5-1 cont’d...


tions in response to an issue, which concerns them. The com-
munity was not encourage to organize to deal with causes of
dengue as a collective or community effort.

b. This is an example of a PAS empowering the community. In


this scenario, the people were given the opportunity to par-
ticipate in looking for solutions to their common problem and
in carrying out their agreed plan. The community already
showed signs of their capacity to organize to deal with a com-
mon problem.

Activity 5-1
Here is a blank version of Figure 5-1 (next page). Let us see how
much of what we have discussed you can apply to the national
government agency which you are most familiar with. Use this
framework in analyzing one program of that agency which pro-
vides services at the community level (this can be a rural or an
urban community).

You are to do two things: (a) select components in the framework


which you can operationalize; and (b) translate this to concrete
examples using the experience of this agency. For instance, if you
want to show how the office is decentralized, then you can briefly
describe the procedures that it adopted to carry this out.

Make sure that you specify which component or sub-component


within the framework you are operationalizing, e.g., if you chose
the box on capability building approach, you can briefly describe
how this was done in the program.

You don’t have to fill all the blanks in the figure if you think that
they do not apply to the agency’s program that you chose for this
exercise. The output of this SAQ should be a filled out Figure 5-1
as applied to an analysis of one program carried out in a commu-
nity by a government agency. You may indicate the name of the
agency in your chart. This is why we left the title space blank.

UP Open University
As An Enabling Institution

_____________________ _____________________________ ________________________


__

P
E
O
P
L
E

E N V I R O N M E N T

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Comments on Activity 5-1


Good work! You just analyzed and applied the framework which
you will be using for the rest of the course. Familiarity with this
model will be valuable as you will be raising questions from the
framework when we assess certain elements of the PAS as we
proceed in this course. I hope you found this exercise meaningful
as you dissected the operations of an agency program at the com-
munity level.

Summary
This module has put together in one logical framework the capacities of
the PAS to empower, the process through which it may empower, and
the characteristics and conditions under which communities that work
with the PAS can in turn be empowered. Each of these components was
discussed in the preceding modules in detail. You have dissected this
framework’s component parts and also tried to apply this to a commu-
nity program of a national agency that you are most familiar with so you
can appreciate what the framework can or cannot do.

Reference
Sharkansky, Ira. 1978. Public Administration: Policy-Making in Government
Agencies. Rand McNally College Publishing Company.

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Module 6
Community Empowerment
and the “Capability
Building Exercise”

F rom our discussion of the nature of the PAS, its sources of power, and
its desirable characteristics, we move on to the concept of community
empowerment and the “community capability-building exercise.” This
module explains the second half of the framework that we presented in
Module 6.

Required Readings

Read the required readings for this module in this order:


Hernando, Soledad A. Tuklas Yaman: Building Communities with People
(DAP: 1985), Chapter 1, pp.7-21.
Licuanan, Patricia B. “ People Power: A Social-Psychological Analysis”
in Understanding People Power by Emanuel V. Soriano, Patricia B.
Licuanan and Ledivina V. Carino (DAP, 1987), pp. 17-29.

Two supplementary readings on this topic are also included in your course
reader. These are:
Alfiler, Ma. Concepcion P. “Factors that Promote or Deter Popular Par-
ticipation in Development: the Philippine Experience,” Philippine Jour-
nal of Public Administration (January, 1983), pp.23-27 and 34-41.
Carino, Ledivina V. “People Power and Government: Towards the Long-
Term Efficacy of a Revolutionary Tool” in Understanding People Power
by Emanuel V. Soriano, Patricia B. Licuanan and Ledivina V. Carino
(DAP, 1987), pp. 31-42.

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In the first unit, we focused on the 1896 Revolution


Objectives and the 1986 EDSA People Power phenomenon to
highlight significant historical events when our
people asserted their collective will, took control of
After completing this mod-
events and asserted their power. In that unit, we
ule, you should be able to:
mentioned that we would link this concept of people
power to the framework that will be developed in
1. Define “people power” as
the second unit. We shall do this by examining the
it was used in a socio-psy-
concept of people power from two perspectives: as
chological analysis of the
manifested in the collective mass action that hap-
1986 EDSA Revolution,
pened in EDSA in 1986 and as it is developed and
and as it applies to com-
exercised in community settings.
munities, where it could
lead to community em-
powerment;
2. Explain what the “capabil- People Power
ity-building model” is in
terms of its underlying con- Your first reading is one of three essays written for a
ceptual framework, its op- symposium on people power shortly after the 1986
erational framework, its EDSA people power revolution. This symposium
features, and its compo- brought together academicians who shared their
nents; and analysis of the EDSA people power phenomenon. Dr.
3. Discuss how this model Patricia Licuanan, a psychologist, was one of the par-
can bring the PAS and the ticipants in this symposium. Her paper gives us a so-
community together to cial psychological analysis of the events that transpired
build people-based struc- during those crucial four days of February 1986. Aside
tures, which enable com- from defining the term, she also identified the elements
munities to organize them- which characterize this phenomenon.
selves around common
needs and to move toward Definition
common ends.
People Power is “the involvement of a significant
number of persons in situations or actions that enhance their well-being,
e.g., their income, security or self-esteem.” (Licuanan, 1987: 18-21).

Elements of People Power


What propels people to get involved in a collective mass action such as
what transpired at EDSA? How does this result in a sense of enhanced
well-being? Licuanan lists five characteristics of people power that should
help us understand how it unfolds and why it leads to a sense of empow-
erment.

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Awareness of a problem

It is not enough, however, that there is objective knowledge of the prob-


lem. People must feel that there is a real threat to them, such as when one
faces the threat of being evicted from one’s home or when a relative or a
close friend becomes a victim of injustice or of military abuses. While Fili-
pinos had long been suffering under martial law, it was the assassination
of Ninoy Aquino that brought home to them the extent of the repression.

Initial powerlessness among certain sectors of society

The assertion of people power implies that it does not start with groups
who are already in power, i.e., the economic, political and social elite.
Rather, it is associated with marginalized or powerless groups such as
farmers, the urban poor, and factory workers. These groups deal with
their initial powerlessness by banding together to achieve power as a group.

Number

Licuanan contends that powerless individuals band together and achieve


their strength in numbers and in groups. Numbers can correct the imbal-
ance between the weak and the strong and put them on an equal footing.
When you are part of a bigger group, numbers assure you of objective
strength and give you a subjective assurance of being protected, of being
safe. While the necessary numbers may vary, it provides both for an ob-
jective and subjective feeling of strength. As part of a large group, you are
somehow comforted by the idea that whatever the consequences are, there
is a group that will share the consequences with you.

Concrete involvement in the group activity

People power entails the involvement of individuals in concrete physical


activities at the micro level. Joining rallies, marches, and boycotts help
people move from a passive to an active position. Through concrete ac-
tivities and small victories, people develop a sense of efficacy and are pre-
pared for the big fight that may come. Licuanan points out that the cam-
paign, the elections, post election vigils and protests, and boycotts, pre-
pared the people for the “battle” of EDSA.

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Committment to human and social development

People power is rooted in the interests of the common good. Those who
participated in rallies, marches and boycotts were there not because it would
benefit them directly, but because they believed in a greater goodthe res-
toration of democracy. There is the belief that genuine people power can-
not be used to serve the interests of a few or to maintain unjust structures.

Psychological transformation

An outcome of this process is the psychological transformation of indi-


viduals in the group. Licuanan points out that “a sense of power brings
with it an enhanced self-concept, self-confidence, self-reliance and a sense
of dignity.

Linking the sense of helplessness to the tactics of martial law, Licuanan


cites psychological theory that states that learned helplessness is the con-
sequence of a situation where a person has little control over his life. If a
person realizes that what he/she does matters little in his/her life, then
this person becomes passive, fearful and depressed. To offset this, people
power helps a person see that his actions have outcomes and that he has
control. Personal transformation opens new horizons. Freedom is irre-
versible. Once a person or a people has experienced freedom, there is no
stopping it. ( Licuanan, 1987:21-22).

After defining elements of people power, Licuanan raises the question as


to how people power may be developed and nurtured if it is to be an
instrument for building a new society.

Developing People Power


Licuanan makes three suggestions on how people power can eventually
complete the revolution it started in EDSA. She directs attention to (1)
building critical awareness; (2) organizing people; and (3) developing ide-
ologies or a vision of the society Filipinos want. (Licuanan, 1987:27)

Developing critical awareness

Societal change has to begin with a critical assessment of one’s situation.


People power begins with knowledge. Analyses and discussion of Philip-
pine reality must be encouraged and done in the spirit of genuine self-knowl-
edge, emphasizing both positive and negative aspects of the situation.

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Organizing people

The product of critical awareness should be articulated and this is best


achieved if people are organized. People need to be organized both to
become a political force and to be protected against repressive measures
of those who oppose change.

Developing ideology

Organizing and acting at the micro level must not result in inconsistency,
shortsightedness or destructiveness. It must be guided by a clear vision of
the kind of society desired. Actions at the micro level must be linked to a
view of society from which these actions get their meaning and validity.

From Licuanan’s discussion of the elements of people power and the con-
ditions which must prevail if people power must serve as an instrument
for social change, we move to people power as the “empowerment of
communities.” The book, Tuklas Yaman: Building Communities with People
by Soledad Hernando is a documentation of a training methodology
adapted by the Development Academy of the Philippines in the late 1970’s.
This book describes in detail the CBX or Capability-Building Exercise,
through which it hopes a “single change agent could lead an entire com-
munity to learn problem solving skills in the most efficient and effective
way possible.” (Hernando, 1985:9)

Community Empowerment
Hernando cited Racelis’ definition of participatory development. At the
community level, empowerment through participatory development is
viewed as a process whereby:

• People through organization, self diagnosis, and community discus-


sion become consciously aware of their problems and are motivated to
address the key issues.

• They prioritize action to be taken, decide what to do, how to imple-


ment, who implements, how to work as a group and share in this kind
of self reliant development.

• They also learn how to draw on or demand the services of those who
control the resources, specifically those in government bureaucracies.
They learn how to deal with these officials to extract goods, services,
resources, and decisions from government which will make for conti-
nuity and effectiveness of services” (Hernando, 1987:2).
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The Capability Building Exercise (CBX)


In your readings, the conceptual framework for this exercise is provided
in Figure 2 on page 11 of chapter 1 of the Hernando material. It is impor-
tant that you are clear about the premises that underlie this framework.
The model seeks to break the vicious cycle where the people blame gov-
ernment for not seeking them out and therefore not responding to their
needs. For its part, government claims that the people are not in the posi-
tion to know what they want.

Conceptual Framework
What does the model seek to achieve? It hopes to transform “lethargic,
slow-moving, apathetic communities into organized, politicized and pro-
ductive communities. “This figure shows how the various community pro-
cesses such as mobilizing of resources, setting up of linkages, communica-
tion building and negotiating can occur only if the community has the
needed problem-solving capacity. It is assumed that this problem solving
capacity cannot be achieved overnight and that it will have to be learned
within the context of existing community problems and opportunities over
a certain period of time so that the community can come up with the
following: development needs, development goals, development programs,
and support system and procedures. (Hernando, 1985:9).
The assumption is rooted in the idea that “man should be the object and
the subject of development: that no real development can occur unless
the people become totally involved in the determination of the ends and
means to be used to achieve it. It also supports the time-tested belief that
change, in order to be lasting, must be recognized as beneficial by the
subject of change himself and by the entire system to which he belongs.”
(Hernando, 1985:12)

Hernando stresses that “Only a movement geared toward the evolution


of structures or institutions through which the people’s legitimate needs
and problems can be stated and responded to, can bring about a gradual
change in the manner by which resources are generated and the benefits
equitably enjoyed.”

She elaborates on the concept of capability-building when she says: “ It is


this building of people-based structures and institutions which is the real
essence of the concept of capability-building. Capability building means
enabling the people to organize themselves around common needs and to
work together toward common ends” (Hernando, 1985:12).

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Operational Framework
To achieve its objectives, the model breaks down the capability-building
process into operational learning blocks. This is done to make what seem
formidable and overwhelming more manageable and easier to transmit.
The four learning blocks are depicted in Figure 3 (Interdependence of the
Four Learning Blocks) in page 14 of this reading. The four learning blocks
are:

1. Problem Identification - capability to identify, define, analyze and


rank community problems and needs

2. Objective Setting - capability to set realistic change targets as far as


the ranked problems are concerned

3. Program Planning - capability to plan, implement and evaluate com-


munity programs and projects

4. Structure Building - capability to set up structures and systems to


ensure the continuity of the problem-solving process

The operational framework of the model allows communities to handle


real problems and produce concrete results even while still engaged in
learning the needed skills.

Features of the Model

• It is addressed to policy makers, to the program implementor, and to


the program beneficiary of development programs. The model can serve
as a common frame of reference among those engaged in development
work, reduce the gaps between planner and implementor, and hasten
the pace of change.

• The model is an educational one. The change agent’s primary role is


that of a trainor or a non-formal educator whose main task is to equip
his learners with basic tools in change-management so that they can
readily adapt to changing needs.

• The model cannot work unless the larger system to which the client
community belongs fully endorses and supports its implementation.
Since the model is essentially a learning-by-doing exercise, the prin-
ciple of reinforcement must be reckoned with.

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• The model can fit into any program scheme. Regardless of the com-
plexity, the budget, the duration, or the nature of the services deliv-
ered by the program, the CBX assures program continuity, as the ben-
eficiaries learn how to manage benefits generated by the program.

SAQ 6-1
We shall describe below five hypothetical situations which show
how a government agency may provide service to a community.
We shall ask you to evaluate these situations and rate the agency
on whether the procedure they adopted or their strategies pro-
mote the values/processes suggested by the CBX. You may mark
the appropriate spaces provided below.

Agency Promotes values/ Does not promote values/


processes of CBX processes of CBX

1. DOH

2. DENR

3. DA

4. PCUP

5. BFAR

Situation 1. Department of Health (DOH)


Midwives wanted to implement a DOH project on the immuniza-
tion of the children of a certain barangay. The mothers were busy
with work in the household and in the farm. They had no time to
bring their children to the poblacion. The midwives then coordi-
nated with the RHN which in turn helped the mothers organize a
mothers’ club. A strategy was devised where the immunization
would be conducted in the barangay to which the mothers had
easy access and along a schedule which was set by the mothers’
organization. The scheme devised by the RHN, the midwifes and
the mothers’ organization proved to be effective and is now used
regularly for immunization projects.

Situation 2. Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR)


The DENR had already identified an area to be reforested and the
manner in which said reforestation would be conducted. The DENR
then coordinated with the local government unit in the area and

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SAQ 16-1 cont’d....


left the decision on how the reforestation project would be carried
out with the LGUs. The LGUs in turn implemented the reforesta-
tion program on their own terms and with minimal consultation
with the people.

Situation 3. Department of Agriculture (DA)


The DA wanted farmers to pilot test a new variety of rice. The DA
consulted the farmers who said they would refer it to their organi-
zation. The farmers’ organization discussed with their members
the process of testing this new rice. The farmers’ organization sug-
gested a particular method which they presented to the DA. The
DA decided to adopt the farmer organization’s suggested method.
The DA also informed the organization that they would provide
assistance to individual farmers through the farmers’ organiza-
tion. The DA and the farmers’ organization agreed to help each
other in implementing the method of testing the new rice.

Situation 4. Presidential Committee for the Urban Poor (PCUP)


A certain community had a problem with urban housing. It sought
the assistance of PCUP which helped them organize the families
who wanted to have access to land for their housing needs. They
set up an Urban Poor Housing Association. Through this associa-
tion, they were able to seek the help of the NHA and the HLURB
to get financial assistance to acquire land through the CMP (Com-
munity Mortgage Program).

Situation 5. Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR)


Fishermen in Brgy. Marino could not get a good price for their
catch because they had a problem keeping it fresh. They usually
caught fish at night and were able to deliver it to the market only
by the following morning. What they needed was an ice plant or a
storage facility. So they approached the DA who asked fishermen
if they had a community or people’s organization with capacity to
build and operate said ice plant or storage facility. The fishermen
explained that they were not organized nor were they members of
cooperatives. The DA then asked interested business establishments
if they were willing to invest in an ice plant. A wealthy owner of a
big fishing vessel who lived in the area decided to put up an ice
plant to respond to the DA’s call for investments in this facility.

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ASAQ 6-1
Agency Promotes values/ Does not promote values/
processes of CBX processes of CBX

1. DOH X

2. DENR X

3. DA X

4. PCUP X

5. BFAR X

Activity 6-1
1. Do you know of government programs that undertake CBX
types of programs for communities? List at lest 2.

2. Who are their immediate clients?

3. Is there a built in component for a “learning-by-doing” meth-


odology as suggested in this module?

4. How long has this program existed?

5. If this is more sustained than other programs, how do you ex-


plain this? How long has it existed?

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Comments on Activity 6-1


By this time, you will have listed a number of government agen-
cies which have undertaken programs with an intervention simi-
lar to that of the CBX described above. You will realize that there
were initiatives similar to the CBX in the past. However, these
projects did not last long. There may be a number of reasons. If the
projects were successful, it is likely that the beneficiaries were in-
cluded and that the community was able to institutionalize its own
ways of managing the project. Can you think of projects like these
which were implemented in your office ? Would you know what
eventually happened to these projects ? Did your office use any
new approaches in the implementation of these projects?

We have just described the Capability Building Exercise which we pro-


pose is a critical intervention mechanism which government must under-
stand and utilize as part of its programs.

Bringing the PAS and the Community Together

The CBX successfully bring the community and the PAS to work together
as it:

• Recognizes the need for communities and beneficiaries to have an ac-


tive role in programs for them;

• Presents a step-by step approach to building the capacity and confi-


dence of communities to identify its problems and to set up structures
and mechanisms to sustain the acquired problem-solving skills;

• Provides a system for teaching the people problem-solving skills in a


learning-by-doing fashion, within the context of their everyday lives;
and

• Envisions that government development programs can prepare client


groups not only to take part in the program but to eventually assume
full responsibility for its success or failure.

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Summary
In this module, we have just shown how the term “people power” can be
used to refer to the people’s exercise of their collective will to make politi-
cal and administrative officials accountable to them. We have shown that
this power can be exercised through collective mass action and through
community organizations and activities. The first type is best exemplified
by the collective mass action as manifested in the large gathering of people
at the 1986 EDSA people power phenomenon. The second type is repre-
sented by the community’s participation in government programs and
projects where the community, through appropriate community or
people’s organizations, identifies their problems, sets realistic objectives,
plans programs and sets up mechanisms for institutionalizing the man-
agement of these decision-making processes.

In the first part of the module, we discussed Licuanan’s definition of


people power using the social-psychological approach, the components
of people power and under what conditions, the exercise of “people
power” may continue to be an instrument for social change. In the sec-
ond half of the module, we read Hernando’s account of the Capability
Building Exercise, where she discussed the concept underlying this prac-
tice, the operational component of the intervention and features of the
model which would facilitate its use or adoption in any government pro-
gram or project.

In Module 4, we established the power bases of the PAS and the ways
through which it can use this power to empower its public-cum clientele.
In Module 5, we presented a framework for making the PAS an empow-
ering institution. In this module, we discussed how people power may be
exercised either through collective mass action or through interventions
like the capability building exercise through which the communities get
to act on their problems and create structures which would enable them
to be more self-reliant in the context of the PAS as an empowering insti-
tution.

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References

Hernando, Soledad A. 1985. Tuklas Yaman: Building Communities with


People. Development Academy of the Philippines.
Licuanan, Patricia B. 1987. People Power: A Social-Psychological Analy-
sis. In Understanding People Power by Emanuel V. Soriano, Patricia B.
Licuanan and Ledivina V. Cariño. Development Academy of the Phil-
ippines.

Supplementary Readings

There are two more readings on this topic which you have in your reader.

Alfiler, Ma. Concepcion P. 1983. Factors that Promote or Deter Popular


Participation in Development: the Philippine Experience. In Philippine
Journal of Public Administration (January): 23-27, 34-41.

In this article, the authors identifies and describes factors or char-


acteristics of individuals, communities and their community orga-
nizations, as well as the nature of government programs , that
tend to promote or deter people’s participation in government spon-
sored projects or activities.

Cariño, Ledivina V. 1987. People Power and Government: Towards the


Long-Term Efficacy of a Revolutionary Tool. In Understanding People
Power by Emanuel V. Soriano, Patricia B. Licuanan and Ledivina V.
Cariño. Development Academy of the Philippines.

This is one of the papers presented in the symposium on the people


power. In this piece, Dr. Cariño addresses questions like: (a) What
government may do to encourage people power; and (b) What
other institutions may do to enhance people power.

UP Open University
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UP Open University
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Module 7
Accountability
as a Public Service Value

A fter discussing the framework through which we hope to be better


able to describe and assess the performance of the Philippine Ad-
ministrative System, particularly in terms of its capacity to empower
people, we focus on accountability as a crucial public service value. We
shall look at the relationship between political and administrative account-
ability.

In this module we shall relate “Sikolohiyang Pilipino” and its analysis of a


Filipino core value, kapwa to an attempt to link indigenous values to ac-
countability in public service. We do this because accountability is often
explained in abstract terms rather than in terms that are closer to home.
Worse, it is sometimes thought that corruption is endemic to Philippine
bureaucracy and accountability is foreign to the psyche of the Filipino
bureaucrat.

Required Readings

Alfiler, Ma. Concepcion P. “The Political-Administrative Accountability


Continuum in Philippine Public Service,” in Ledivina V. Carino (ed.)
Conquering Politico Administrative Frontiers: Essays in Honor of Dr. Raul
P. De Guzman (U.P. College of Public Administration, 1995), pp. 398-
410.
Enriquez, Virgilio G. “Kapwa: Core Concept in Filipino Social Psychol-
ogy,” Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review (January-Decem-
ber, 1978); also in Allen Aganon and Ma. Assumpta David (eds.)
“Sikolohiyang Pilipino: Isyu, Pananaw at Kaalaman (National Bookstore,
1985), pp.259-270.

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Enriquez, Virgilio G. “Kapwa and the Struggle


Objectives for Justice, Freedom and Dignity,” in From Colo-
nial to Liberation Psychology: The Philippine Expe-
rience (Quezon City: U.P. Press, 1992), pp.39-
After completing this mod-
77.
ule, you should be able to:

1. Discuss the constitutional


basis for public account- Political and Administrative
ability, the concept of po- Accountability
litical and administrative
accountability, and the
The first reading for this module is an article I
different levels of public
wrote for a volume published by UP College of
accountability.
Public Administration to honor Dr. Raul P. De
2. Enumerate the norms that
Guzman on the occasion of his retirement from
govern the behavior of
the University of the Philippines. This article
public officials as defined
brings together some of my work on the prob-
in Republic Act 6713
lem of bureaucratic corruption and accountabil-
(Code of Ethics for Public
ity.
Officials).
3. Explain how Sikolohiyang
In your reading, accountability is defined as:
Pilipino can serve as the
basis for norms of conduct
• A condition in which individuals who exer-
for public service.
cise power are constrained by external means
4. Explain how kapwa, a core
and by internal norms; or
concept in Filipino social
psychology, can be used
• The institution of a system of checks and bal-
as a value for promoting
ances in an organization through which an
accountability among
administrator accounts for his stewardship
public officials.
of resources or authority.

What is meant by a political-administrative continuum? This simply means


that elected officials are politically accountable to the electorate or their
constituencies who voted them to their positions. These elected officials
are held responsible through regular elections and other means such as
recall and referendum. Appointed public officials answer to the people
through the elected officials who appointed them and directly to the pub-
lic whom they serve. The relationship between political and administra-
tive accountability is depicted in Diagram 1, p.403 of your reading. This
diagram shows that political and administrative accountability flows into
each other even as they are manifested in different ways for elected and
appointed officials. Regardless of how they get to serve in public office,
public officials are accountable to the Filipino people for the power en-
trusted to them.

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What are the different levels of accountability? The article explains that
public officials may be held accountable at four levels.

1. Individual accountability - public employees are answerable for the


responsible, efficient, and effective performance of their official tasks.

2. Accountability of administrators - administrators are accountable for


their stewardship of the administrative authority, resources and infor-
mation placed at their disposal as leaders of public organizations.

3. Political accountability - accountability of institutions that must an-


swer for their organizational mandates and functions, particularly as
they form part of the incumbent government’s strategy for national
development.

4. Accountability of national leaders - national leadership, specifically


elected national officials, must answer for their performance in pursu-
ing their avowed program of government and their use of national
resources, given the authority, power and resources vested in them by
their constituency.

What example can we give to make these levels of accountability more


concrete? Well, as a public employee, you are accountable to do your best
in your position. Your supervisor or the head of your office is accountable
for the stewardship of resources. At the organizational level, departments
or agencies must answer to the people as to how they carried out their
mandates. Finally elected officials like President Estrada or Mayor Mathay,
must account to the people who elected them to office whether they were
able to make good on the promises they made when they campaigned for
their current positions.

Constitutional Provision
on Public Accountability
The 1987 Constitution is explicit on the accountability of every public
official. Article XI on Accountability of Public Officers, particularly Sec-
tion 1 provides that:

Public Office is a public trust. Public officers and employees must


at all times be accountable to the people, serve them with utmost
responsibility, integrity, loyalty and efficiency, act with patriotism
and justice and lead modest lives.

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What does the first line in this article really mean? Public office is a public
trust since public officials must be conscious at their appointment to pub-
lic office implies that they have been found worthy of the people’s trust.
For this reason, the Filipino people have reposed on our government and
its officials the right to use the power of the state for and in behalf of the
people. Public officials are trustees of the people’s power. These officials
have the responsibility to use this power, not for their personal benefit,
but to promote and protect the national interest. Because this power is
merely held in trust and for as long as they are considered worthy of this
trust, public officials are expected to account to the people on how they
used this power to promote the Filipino people’s collective interests. There
are also check-and-balance mechanisms in place to ensure that public
officials use the power entrusted to them only for this purpose.

Code of Ethics for Public Officials


One of the laws which sets the norms of behavior for public officials is Republic
Act 6713, otherwise known as the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for
Public Officials and Employees. Approved in February, 1989, the formal title of
this law is “An Act Establishing a Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for
Public Officials and Employees, to Uphold the Time-Honored Principle of Public
Office being a Public Trust, Granting Incentives and Rewards for Exemplary
Service, Enumerating Prohibited Acts and Transactions and Providing Penalties
for Violations Thereof and for Other Purposes.”

Aside from defining the norms of conduct for public officials, this law also speci-
fies a system of incentives and rewards for deserving public officials; enumerates
acts and transactions prohibited for public officials; and describes the require-
ment for the disclosures of assets and liabilities and the guidelines on what public
officials must do when a conflict of interest arises.

What is meant by “conflict of interest”?


“Conflict of interest” arises when a public official or employee is a member of
a board, an officer, or a substantial stockholder of a private corporation,
owner, or one who has a substantial interest in a business, and the interest of
such corporation or business may be opposed to or affected by the faithful
performance of official duty. (Sec. 3 [i] R.A. 6713).

We describe below the norms of conduct of public officials and employees as


provided by this law. Take note how each norm is described as we will ask
you to give specific examples of how you can implement some of these norms
in your office.

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Every public official and employee shall observe the following as standards
of personal conduct in the discharge and execution of official duties:

a. Commitment to public interest - public officials and employees shall always


uphold the public interest over and above personal interest. All govern-
ment resources and powers of their respective offices must be employed
and used efficiently, effectively, honestly and economically, particularly
to avoid wastage in public funds and revenues.

b. Professionalism - public officials and employees shall perform and discharge


their duties with the highest degree of excellence, professionalism, intelli-
gence and skill. They shall enter public service with utmost devotion and
dedication to duty.

c. Justness and sincerity - public officials and employees shall remain true to
the people at all times. They must act with justness and sincerity and shall
not discriminate against anyone, especially the poor and the underprivi-
leged.

d. Political neutrality - public officials and employees shall provide service to


everyone without unfair discrimination and regardless of party affiliation
or preference.

e. Responsiveness to the public - public officials and employees shall extend


prompt, courteous, and adequate service to the public.

f. Nationalism and patriotism - public officials and employees shall at all times
be loyal to the Republic and to the Filipino people, promote the use of
locally-produced goods, resources and technology, and encourage appre-
ciation and pride of country and people. They shall endeavor to maintain
and defend Philippine sovereignty against foreign intrusion.

g. Commitment to democracy - public officials and employees shall commit


themselves to the democratic way of life and values, maintain the prin-
ciple of public accountability, and manifest by deeds the supremacy of
civilian authority over the military. They shall at all times uphold the
Constitution and put loyalty to country above loyalty to persons or party.

h. Simple living - public officials and employees and their families shall lead
modest lives appropriate to their positions and income. They shall not
indulge in extravagant or ostentatious display of wealth in any form. (Sec.4
R.A. 6713)

UP Open University
118 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

SAQ 7-1
1. Determine who among these officers are expected to demon-
strate political accountability and those who must exercise ad-
ministrative accountability. Place those who are to be politi-
cally accountable in one column and those who must be ad-
ministratively accountable in another column.
1. The President of the Philippines
2. DENR Regional Director
3. Senator
4. Municipal Health Officer
5. Mayors
6. Vice Governor
7. City Budget Officer
8. Provincial Agriculturist
9. Member, Provincial Board
10. Division Chief, Department of Budget and Management

2. Match the examples with the corresponding levels of account-


ability

Illustration Level of
Accountability
1. As head of the Bureau, Mr. Cruz
makes sure that he makes good a. individual
use of the funds, authority and accountability
information over which he has
control.
2. As researcher, Nida does her
work effectively, consciously b. administrative
conserves resources and complies accountability
with office norms.
3. The University of the Philippines
must prove to Congress that it c. institutional
produces qualified graduates, accountability
quality research outputs that it
designs and implements respon-
sive extension programs.
4. President Gloria Macapagal Ar-
royo makes sure that her govern- d. accountability
ment delivers the promises she of national
made in her State of the Na- leaders
tion Address.

UP Open University
Module 7 119

ASAQ 7-1
1. Political Accountability Administrative
Accountability

The President of the Philippines DENR Regional Director


Senator Municipal Health Officer
Mayors City Budget Officer
Vice Governor Provincial Agriculturist
Member, Provincial Board Division Chief, Depart-
ment of Budget and Man-
agement

Elected Officers are politically accountable to the electorate or their


constituencies who elected them to office. Public officials who are
appointed to office are accountable both to the elected officials as
well as to the public whom they also serve.

2. Illustration Concept

a. As head of the Bureau, Mr. 1. Individual


Cruz makes sure that he accountability
makes good use of the funds,
authority and information over
which he has control
b. As researcher, Nida does her 2. Administrative
work effectively, consciously accountability
conserves resources and com-
plies with office norms.
c. The University of the Philip-
pines must prove to Congress 3. Institutional
that it produces qualified accountability
graduates, quality research
outputs and that it designs and
implements responsive exten-
sion programs
d. President Gloria Macapagal 4. Accountability
Arroyo makes sure that her of national
government delivers the prom- leaders
ises she made in her State of the
Nation Address.

UP Open University
120 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Activity 7-1
Recall the eight norms of conduct for public officials and employ-
ees as provided for in R.A. 6713. Give examples of specific cases
showing how four of these norms may be practiced in real life. For
instance, under simple living, public officials are not encourage to
wear expensive jewelry especially those which attract attention
because of their size or sparkle.

The importance of accountability as a public service value cannot be over-


emphasized, especially in the light of many instances of abuse of author-
ity and graft and corruption on the part of our public officials. How can
such instances be avoided? Perhaps it is necessary to tap into Filipino
psychology and Filipino core values to make accountability second na-
ture to public officials.

Sikolohiyang Pilipino
Sikolohiyang Pilipino (SP), as it has developed since the early 1970s, is an
important starting point in any search for indigenous concepts in Philip-
pine social science today. It evolved as a reaction against the tendency of
academic departments of psychology in the Philippines to ignore indig-
enous psychological thought and practice and instead adopt Western theo-
ries, methods and practices (Enriquez, 1992:2).

UP Open University
Module 7 121

Virgilio G. Enriquez, who may be considered the founding father of


Sikolohiyang Pilipino, wrote extensively on the history of the teaching of
psychology courses in the Philippines and the factors that influenced the
development of the discipline. He situated the emergence of Sikolohiyang
Pilipino in the colonial background of Philippine psychology and referred
to it as a movement in psychology which emphasizes:

(1) identity and national consciousness, specifically looking at the


social sciences as the study of man and diwa (consciousness and
meaning), or the indigenous conception and definition of the
psyche, as a focus of social psychological research; (2) social aware-
ness and involvement as dictated by an objective analysis of social
issues and problems ; 3) national and ethnic cultures and languages,
including the study of early or traditional psychology called
kinagisnang sikolohiya by Salazar (1983); and (4) bases and appli-
cation of indigenous psychology in health practices, agriculture,
art, mass media, religion, etc., but also including the psychology of
behavior and human abilities as demonstrated in Western psy-
chology and found applicable to the Philippine setting. (Enriquez,
1992:24).

Enrique elaborates further on how Sikolohiyang Pilipino puts premium on


Filipino experience. He explains that it is “the embodiment of the system-
atic and scientific study, appreciation and application of indigenous knowl-
edge for, of and by the Filipinos of their own psychological make-up, soci-
ety and culture, rooted in their historical past, ethnic diversity and the
dynamic interaction of Filipinos with forces within and outside their so-
cial and physical boundaries.” ( Enriquez, 1992:26)

Sikolohiyang Pilipino also wages its protest against a psychology that fos-
ters colonialism. First, as a sikolohiyang malaya (liberated psychology), it is
against a psychology which perpetuates the colonial status of the Filipino
mind. Instead, it proposes the psychology of “pagbabagong-isip”
(reawakening) which is a move toward the decolonization of the Filipino
psyche, and crucial to the development of national consciousness. Sec-
ond, it argues against the imposition in a third world country like the
Philippines, of psychology, developed in and considered appropriate only
in industrialized countries. Thus, it believes that “sikolohiyang pang-
industriya” (industrial psychology) must be reconceptualized as an as-
pect of “sikolohiyang pangkabuhayan” (livelihood/economic psychology).
This change in focus allows the application of psychology to serve the
needs of the underserved. This also means a shift of the psychologist’s
concern from the urban centers to the rural villages. Thirdly, Sikolohiyang
Pilipino as a “sikolohiyang mapagpalaya” (liberating psychology) rejects
an elite-oriented psychology which may be used for the exploitation of
the masses (Enriquez, 1992: 24-27).

UP Open University
122 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

It asserts that the use of a foreign language alienates the Filipinos from
their own indigenous culture. To rectify this, Sikolohiyang Pilipino has
turned to “the use of the local language as a tool for the identification and
rediscovery of indigenous concepts and as an appropriate medium for
the delineation and articulation of Philippine realities together with the
development of a scientific literature which embodies the psychology of
the Filipino people.” (Enriquez, 1992:28). The local language became the
window to indigenous concepts, which Sikolohiyang Pilipino used exten-
sively. Beyond serving as the source of these concepts, Sikolohiyang Pilipino
also stressed the need for social scientists using local terms to be familiar
with the language’s system of affixation which is considered an impor-
tant aspect of the Filipino language (Enriquez, 1992:65). One must know
that while these words may have the same root word “hiya”, “nahiya”
has a different meaning from “nakakahiya,” “napahiya” or “ikinahihiya.”
(Enriquez, 1992:66).

With its trail blazing reexamination of Filipino indigenous values through


the use of local language, Sikolohiyang Pilipino opened new possibilities
for the use of key Filipino terms as means of understanding the Filipino’s
worldview. Supporters of Sikolohiyang Pilipino were critical of the prac-
tice of American trained social scientists who analyzed data using Ameri-
can categories and standards that were irrelevant to Philippine culture.
This practice resulted in distorted and erroneous appraisal of Filipino val-
ues or concepts as these values were lifted out of the cultural milieu and
examined according to inappropriate alien categories. Enriquez laments
how studies on Filipino “national character” and values fail to analyze
these values in terms of the Filipino world view, their experiences and the
greater socio-cultural Filipino context. As a consequence, the organiza-
tion and logic of the value from the indigenous perspective is ignored.
(Enriquez, 1992: 58-59). This practice is exacerbated when English-ori-
ented researchers, without fully understanding the structure and nuances
of the language, affix a convenient label to a supposed value. The result-
ing labeling may be incorrect. The search for the English equivalence of
an indigenous term leads to labels being “fitted, squeezed and pushed
into the mind-set concomitant to the foreign equivalent.” A more unfor-
tunate outcome may result if the researcher, who lifts an indigenous term
out of its cultural context, feels free to simply attach his/her sense of what
is significant to this indigenous term.(Enriquez, 1992:59).

To illustrate how the use of language and the local culture can lead to a
culturally validated and deeper understanding of a Filipino value, we
examine Enrique’s work on kapwa as a core value and his proposed ana-
lytic framework that links Philippine value structure and correlated be-
havior pattern at the surface, core and societal levels (Enriquez, 1992: 74).

UP Open University
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SAQ 7-2
I. There are two main schools of thought in the study of Filipino Psy-
chology: a) views of social scientists associated with the Institute of
Philippine Culture of the Ateneo de Manila University and b) ideas
of psychologists identified with the Sikolohiyang Pilipino group of the
Psychology Dept. of the University of the Philippines in Diliman.

Categorize the following statements as either reflecting the views of


Institute of Philippine Culture (IPC) social scientists or Sikolohiyang
Pilipino (SP) advocates. You may do this by writing “IPC” or “SP” in
the space provided before each item.

____ 1. In the Philippine value system, kapwa is at the very founda-


tion of human values. This core value then determines not
only the person’s personality, but more so his personhood
or pagkatao
____ 2. Utang na loob is defined as the reciprocal relationship that
results when a transfer of goods or services takes place be-
tween individuals belonging to two different groups. It com-
pels this recipient to show his gratitude properly by return-
ing the favor with interest, to be sure that he does not re-
main in the other’s debt.
____ 3. Smooth Interpersonal Relations (SIR) is the “facility at get-
ting along with others in such a way as to avoid outward
signs of conflict … It means being agreeable even under
difficult circumstances and keeping quiet.
____ 4. Utang na loob is a value which moves to recognize, respect,
promote and at times defend the basic dignity of each per-
son.

II. True or False. Indicate after each statement whether it is True or


False. After each statement that you consider false, explain what
makes it false.

1. Kapwa as a core value is a unity of “self” and “others” and recog-


nizes an inner self shared with others
2. Kapwa is distinct and separate from the concept of dangal
3. Pakikipagkapwa, not pakikisama is what the Filipinos value the most.
4. Pakikiramdam is an active process involving great care and
deliberation manifested in hesitation to react, attention to
subtle cues and non-verbal behavior in mental role playing
5. The concept of kapwa cannot be utilized to promote greater
sense of accountability in the public service.

UP Open University
124 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

SAQ 7-2 cont’d...


III. Using Enriquez’s framework, arrange the following catego-
ries of Philippine values along a three tiered structure. You
should come out with a table where you describe what is in
the top tier, the middle tier and the bottom tier. Complete the
table by writing which value belongs to what tier.

Levels Categories Values

Top tier Foundation Kapwa


Core Pakiramdam
Middle Tier Pivot Hiya
Bottom Tier Surface Value Karangalan

ASAQ 7-2
I. The views may be categorized as follows:

SP 1. In the Philippine value system, kapwa is at the very


foundation of human values. This core value then de-
termines not only the person’s personality, but more
so his personhood or pagkatao.

IPC 2. Utang na loob is defined as the reciprocal relationship


that results when a transfer of goods or services takes
place between individuals belonging to two different
groups. It compels this recipient to show his gratitude
properly by returning the favor with interest, to be
sure that he does not remain in the other’s debt.

IPC 3. Smooth Interpersonal Relations (SIR) is the “facility


at getting along with others in such a way as to avoid
outward signs of conflict … It means being agreeable
even under difficult circumstances and keeping quiet.

SP 4. Utang na loob is a value which moves to recognize,


respect, promote and at times defend the basic dig-
nity of each person.

UP Open University
Module 7 125

ASAQ 7-2 cont’d...


II. True or False
1. True
2. False. (The concept of shared inner self (SIS) is rooted in the
deeper concept of kapwa and dangal)
3. True
4. True
5. False. Public officials are expected to provide every Filipino with
quality service. The concept of kapwa can be a core value for an
anti-corruption strategy and pro-service strategy.

The interpersonal bond associated with kapwa which may hold


for person-to-person relationships may extend to formal trans-
actions between any individual employee of an agency of gov-
ernment and the agency’s clients. If each and every govern-
ment employee feels responsible enough for the kapwa they
serve. If they believe that when they do their official tasks ef-
fectively and efficiently, they do so for their kapwa-Filipino, as
well as for themselves. If they desist from taking bribes and in
being part of any corrupt act because they are aware that
anything they do against their kapwa may affect them too.

In short, if government officials discharge their duties with con-


cern for their kapwa, then a whole strategy for the responsible
use of power, an anti-corruption value, and a solid basis for
providing every Filipino with quality and accountable public
service can also be rooted in this indigenous core value.

III.

TOP TIER SURFACE VALUES HIYA

MIDDLE PIVOT PAKIRAMDAM


TIER CORE KAPWA

BOTTOM FOUNDATION KARANGALAN


TIER

UP Open University
126 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

ASAQ 7-2 cont’d...


Explanation:
Reacting against the tendency of some social scientists to analyze
Filipino values outside the appropriate cultural context, within which
these values must be situated, Enriquez came out with his own ana-
lytic framework. The framework is a multi-tiered structure consist-
ing of
a. the top tier for surface values that may either be accommodating
or confrontative.
b. the middle tier, that has two sub-tiers for the pivot and core val-
ues of pakiramdam and kapwa, respectively and
c. the bottom tier, that provides for the socio-political elements and
foundation values of kalayaan (freedom) karangalan (dignity) and
katarungan (justice).

There are other sub-components of this table as presented in Enriquez’s


book (Enriquez, 1992, p.75)

The Concept of Kapwa


The first two readings for this module are two articles of Enriquez on “kapwa.”
The first article, “Kapwa: Core Concept in Filipino Social Psychology,” is one
of his earliest works on the topic. This was first published in 1978 and subse-
quently reproduced in an anthology in 1985. The second reading is a chap-
ter in his book From Colonial to Liberation Psychology: The Philippine Experi-
ence, which was published in 1992. These two articles show how much work
has gone into the analysis of kapwa as a core value and how it can be system-
atically linked to other values and behavioral patterns.

What is kapwa? In defining and explaining the concept of kapwa, Enriquez


starts with how the Filipino language makes a distinction in levels and modes
of interaction. There are two general categories: the “outsider” or ibang-tao
and the hindi-ibang tao or “one-of-us” category. Within each category, there
are different modes through which Filipinos relate to others, depending on
their level of familiarity with the other person, as indicated below:

A. Ibang-tao or “Outsider” category


1. pakikitungo (level of amenities/civility )
2. pakikisalamuha (level of “mixing”)
3. pakikilahok (joining/participating )
4. pakikibagay (level of conforming)
5. pakikisama (level of adjusting)

UP Open University
Module 7 127

B. Hindi Ibang Tao or “One-of-us” Category


1. pakikipagpalagayang-loob ( level of mutual trust/rapport)
2. pakikisangkot (level of getting involved)
3. pakikiisa (level of fusion, oneness and full trust)

Regardless of whether one is considered an outsider or “one of us,” any


person is accepted as a kapwa since it is the only concept which embraces
both categories.

The word kapwa refers to the unity of “self” and “others.” It is recogni-
tion of shared identity, an inner self shared with others. The concept of
shared inner self (SIS) “stems from collective values shared with the whole
of humanity and the deep respect for the dignity and inherent worth of a
fellow human being.” (Enriquez, 1992:43). Also referred to as “human-
ness at its highest level,” (Santiago, 1976), kapwa unites the ako (ego) and
the iba sa akin (others) as captured in the Filipino sentence: Hindi ako iba sa
aking kapwa. (I am no different from my fellow human being.)

Kapwa implies that a Filipino accepts and deals with another person as an
equal. It implies that one regards fellow human beings regardless of their
position in society or in an organization, with respect for their dignity
and humanity. A manager, a clerk, or a lowly messenger are equal as
kapwa-tao because of their shared humanity. (Enriquez, 1992:45).

Kapwa also has a reflexive quality. It recognizes that what one considers
beneficial or harmful for one’s self is likely to be also beneficial or harmful
to others. If we accept every human being as an extension of ourselves,
because of our shared inner self or humanity, then we would uphold the
dignity and being of every person and not do anything that would ad-
versely affect that person (Enriquez, 1992: 53). Kapwa does not only ac-
cept a fellow human being as an equal. It also prompts one to do good
and not to do anything detrimental to a kapwa-tao. Thus, pakikipagkapwa
also means that one will not use power to take advantage or exploit oth-
ers.

In your second reading, Enriquez links kapwa to the struggle for justice
(katarungan), freedom (kalayaan) and dignity (karangalan), as social val-
ues, through kagandahang-loob, as the connecting socio-personal value
which links these foundation values to the core value. (Table 7-1)

UP Open University
128 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Table 7-1. Behavior Patterns and Value Structure Surface,


Core and Societal
Colonial/ hiya utang na loob pakikisama
Accomodative (propriety/dignity) (gratitude/ (companionship/
Surface Value solidarity) esteem)

Associated biro lambing tampo


Behavior Pattern (joke) (sweetness) (affective disap-
pointment)

Confrontative bahala na sama/lakas ng pakikibaka


Surface Value (determination) loob (resistance)
(resentment/guts)

Pivotal Inter- Pakiramdam {pakikipagkapwa-tao}


personal value (shared inner perception)

CORE VALUE KAPWA {Pagkatao}


(shared identity)

Linking Socio-per- Kagandahang-loob {Pagkamakatao}


sonal Value (shared humanity)

Associated Karangalan Katarungan Kalayaan


Societal Values (dignity) (justice) (freedom)

Reductionalist/ “social acceptance” “social equity” “social mobility”


Functional

Source: Virgilio G. Enriquez, From Colonial To Liberation Psychology: The Philippine Experience,
(Quezon City : University of the Philippines Press, 1992) : 75.

In what could be the first systematic attempt to analyze how kapwa, as a


core value may be viewed in the context of: a) surface values; 2) a pivot; 3)
core; and 4) a foundation of human values, Enriquez presented this hier-
archy of values in Table 7-1. In this three tiered table, the first tier repre-
sents the surface values of which there are two kinds: the colonial/ac-
commodative surface values of hiya, utang na loob and pakikisama and the
confrontative values of bahala na, sama/lakas ng loob and pakikibaka. These
two sets of surface values indicate that contrary to the colonial view that
the Filipino tends to be submissive and accommodating of whatever is
imposed on him, he is also capable of confronting and dealing with ad-
versities. Pakiramdam, the pivotal interpersonal is explained and ana-
lyzed in terms of its centrality in specific behavior patterns of “biro,”
“lambing” and “tampo” as depicted in the middle level of the first tier of
the table. The middle tier is devoted to the core value (kapwa) and the two
linking values through which it is linked to the surface and the societal
values. Thus, kapwa as a core value is manifested in surface values through

UP Open University
Module 7 129

the operation of pakiramdam, the pivotal interpersonal value. Perform-


ing a parallel function is kagandahang-loob which links kapwa to the bot-
tom tier of kalayaan (freedom), karangalan (dignity) and katarungan (jus-
tice), which Enriquez presents as “the socio-political elements and foun-
dation of the Philippine value system” (Enriquez, 1992:77).

This analysis of indigenous values using the local language is offered as


an alternative to another school of thought which explains Filipino values
in terms of smooth interpersonal relations or SIR. Lynch et al. claim that a
goal of Philippine values is social acceptance and this is gained through
smooth interpersonal relations. SIR is defined as “facility at getting along
with others in such a way as to avoid outward signs of conflict...It means
being agreeable even under difficult circumstances and keeping quiet.”
SIR is acquired and preserved through: pakikisama, euphemism and the
use of a go-between. In this context, pakikisama is taken to mean “yielding
to the will of the leader or majority so as to make the group decision
unanimous.” (Lynch, 1964: 9). The loss of SIR is guarded by hiya or shame
and amor propio or self-esteem. Utang na loob, on the other hand, is de-
fined as a reciprocal relationship that results when a transfer of goods or
services takes place between individuals belonging to two different groups.
It compels the recipient to show his gratitude properly by returning the
favor with interest to be sure that he does not remain in the other’s debt.
The type of debt is called utang na loob (literally a debt inside oneself) or
sense of gratitude (Hollnsteiner in Lynch, 1964:28). Hiya is the sanction
which ensures payment. Hollnsteiner wrote of how utang na loob and hiya
are linked:

Hiya is thus distinguishable from utang na loob, the latter being an


operating principle in Philippine society and the former the uni-
versal sanction reinforcing the desirability of feeling and honoring
utang na loob. Hiya is not necessarily accompanied by utang na
loob, but utang na loob is always reinforced by hiya. (Hollnsteiner
in Lynch, 1964:43).

Enriquez is critical of this analysis of Philippine values as taking local


terms out of context. He also points out that the use of the English lan-
guage in studying Filipino values somehow puts the Filipino in an unfa-
vorable light as this tends to use Western behavior patterns as models,
however inappropriate, for Filipinos. (Enriquez, 1992:57) Moreover, these
works look at values such as hiya, utang na loob and pakikisama as separate
values and in isolation from all others.

UP Open University
130 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Kapwa and Public Accountability


How can the notion of kapwa be linked to public accountability? As pre-
sented above, the core value of kapwa has three dimensions: 1) it accepts
fellow human beings, regardless of status or income, as equals; 2) it views
the self as linked or an extension of a “kapwa-tao” such that any good or
detrimental action against others may affect one as well; and 3)
pakikipagkapwa is inconsistent with exploitative human transactions. Given
the philosophical and normative elements of this indigenous value, the
concept of kapwa can set the norms for the use of power in public office.
With its emphasis on basic respect for the dignity of human beings, this
philosophy underlying kapwa as a core value is a commitment that every
government official and employee must adhere to. It should serve to pro-
pel government to use this indigenous core value to motivate each and
every public servant to see in their individual client a kapwa-tao, a person
whom they must show respect, serve with utmost courtesy, and provide
quality service to. Once government as an institution gets to imbibe this
value, then it will also be able to connect the concept of kapwa to the
responsible use of power, as an anti-corruption value and a force for greater
public accountability and transparency.

How can this happen? The interpersonal bond associated with kapwa,
which may hold for person-to-person relationship, may extend to formal
transactions between any individual employee of an agency of govern-
ment and the agency’s clients. If each and every government employee
feels responsible enough for the kapwa they serve. If they believe that when
they do their official tasks effectively and efficiently, they do so for their
kapwa Pilipino, as well as for themselves. If they desist from taking bribes
and from being part of any corrupt act because they are aware that any-
thing they do against their kapwa may affect them, too. In short, if gov-
ernment officials discharge their duties with concern for their kapwa,
then a whole strategy for the responsible use of power, an anti-corrup-
tion value and a solid basis for providing every Filipino with quality and
accountable public service can also be rooted in this indigenous core value.

UP Open University
Module 7 131

Summary
In this module, you learned about the constitutional provisions on the
accountability of public officers, the relationship between political and
administrative accountability, the different levels of accountability and
the norms of conduct for Philippine public officials as provided in R.A.
6713 (Code of Ethics for Public Officials).

We also saw how this is very different from the attempts of western trained
social scientists who discussed the meaning of pakikisama, hiya and utang
na loob as labels for Philippine values as they understood them. We also
presented how the core value of kapwa as explained by Sikolohiyang
Pilipino, can serve as a foundation value for an anti-corruption and pro-
service strategy that can lead to greater accountability in the Philippine
public service.

References

Alfiler, Ma. Concepcion P. 1995. The Political-Administrative Account-


ability Continuum in Philippine Public Service. In Ledivina V. Carino
(ed.) Conquering Politico Administrative Frontiers: Essays in Honor of
Dr. Raul P. De Guzman. UP College of Public Administration.
Enriquez, Virgilio G. 1990. Indigenous Personal Theory. In Indigenous Psy-
chology: A Book of Readings. Akademya ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino.
Enriquez, Virgilio G. 1978. Kapwa: Core Concept in Filipino Social Psy-
chology. In Philippine Social Sciences and Humanities Review (January-
December. Also in Allen Aganon and Ma. Assumpta David (eds.).
1985. Sikolohiyang Pilipino: Isyu, Pananaw at Kaalaman. National Book-
store.
Enriquez, Virgilio G. 1992. Kapwa and the Struggle for Justice, Freedom
and Dignity. In From Colonial to Liberation Psychology: The Philippine
Experience. Quezon City: UP Press.
Lynch, Frank (compiler). 1964. Four Readings in Philippine Values, 2nd
Edition. QC: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Republic Act 6713 (Code of Ethics for Public Officials).

UP Open University
132 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Supplementary Readings

If you want to do more readings on this topic, you will find more discussion of the
linkages between kapwa and the other surface, pivot and societal values in Enriquez
framework as discussed further in his work, “Indigenous Personality Theory,”
in Indigenous Psychology: A Book of Readings (Akademya ng Sikolohiyang
Pilipino, 1990), pp. 285-308.

“Readings on Pamathalaan” (Compilation as of August 19, 1996) present


new ideas on another indigenous theory of governance which links the
terms Bathala and Pamahalaan to arrive at Pamathalaan. It also offers its
own set of indigenous concepts on leadership, government and the Fili-
pino level of consciousness.

UP Open University
Module 8 133

Unit III
The Structure and Process
of the PAS

C ongratulations, you have successfully completed the first half of this


course. You are now about to embark on Unit III that presents the
structure and processes of the Philippine administrative system. While
Units I and II provided you with the historical context and the evaluative
framework, which you may use to describe the system and to assess its
performance, this unit describes the structure and basic processes of the
system. If Unit II gave you the normative or the “what ought to be” por-
tion of the course, Unit III provides you with the descriptive or the “ what
is” component of the course. Do take note that as you learn about the
structure and the processes of the PAS in this unit, you will be assessing
each of the components of the PAS using the framework that was pre-
sented in Unit II. Moreover, you will be doing this assessment in the con-
text of a specific community’s effort to deal with a local problem which
you will be documenting and analyzing in your third assignment.

This unit’s five modules are:

Module 8 - The Philippine Administrative System: Its Structure and


Reorganization Experiences
Module 9 - The National Planning Process
Module 10 - National-Local Government Relations: An Overview
Module 11 - The Philippine Civil Service System

Module 12 - The Budgetary Process as a Component of Public Fiscal Ad-


ministration

Module 8 presents the organizational structure of the executive branch,


which is synonymous with the Philippine administrative system, as we
defined it for this course. It describes the main categories of institutions

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within the Philippine administrative system and the types of administra-


tive relationships that may exist between and among these offices. It dis-
cusses how structures may change through the process of reorganization
and reviews the outcome of reorganization efforts in the past.

The national planning process is the central concern of Module 9. The


Philippine administrative system is expected to move together in a syn-
chronized fashion as it implements a medium term plan which each ad-
ministration formulates to ensure the fulfillment of its vision. How is this
plan formulated? How does the planning process ensure that the plans
respond to local needs? What is the role of the National Economic and
Development Authority (NEDA) and local government units in the plan-
ning process? This module will address these questions.

Module 10 presents an overview of national-local government relations.


It explains the constitutional basis for local governments as political sub-
divisions of the state. It discusses the history of decentralization in the
Philippines and the features of the Local Government Code that was
passed in 1991 in consonance with a constitutional provision which man-
dated the enactment of such a code.

Module 11 is on the Philippine Civil Service System. It starts with an ex-


planation of the principles underlying public service employment as em-
bodied in the Philippine Constitution. It describes the scope and coverage
of the Philippine Civil Service system, distinguishing between the career
and the non-career systems, and the classes of positions in the career ser-
vice. It explains the structure and function of the Civil Service Commis-
sion as the central personnel agency of the government. It also presents a
self-assessment of the Civil Service Commission after the EDSA people
power phenomenon.

Module 12 discusses the budgetary process as a key component of public


fiscal administration. It cites and explains the constitutional basis for
government’s taxation, budgeting and accounting and auditing processes.
It explains how budgeting together with taxation, governmental account-
ing and auditing and debt management constitutes the country’s public
fiscal administration system. It shows how the key steps in the budgetary
process, i.e., budget preparation, budget legislation, budget implementa-
tion and budget accountability, is one way of capturing the political dy-
namics between the executive and the legislative branches of government.

In relation to the three other units of this course, Unit III is the “heaviest”
in that it has the most number of modules. Thus, while we said that Unit
II serves as the heart of this course, Unit III, in effect, is the “body” in that
it is in this unit, where you get to know how the PAS is structured and
how it functions.

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Module 8
The PAS: Its Structure
and Process

I n this module, we will be concerned with


the organizational structure of the Execu-
tive branch, the different types of public
Objectives
agencies within this branch of government, By the end of this module, you
and the administrative relationship be- should be able to:
tween and among these public organiza-
tions. We will also try to understand how 1. Describe the structure of
the structureS of these institutions are de- the Philippine Adminis-
liberately altered through government-wide trative System and iden-
reorganizations initiated by the President tify the various types of
in various phases of the country’s history. public organizations con-
stituting the system.
2. Explain the basic struc-
Required Readings ture of a department and
the types of administrative
Cola, Raoul M. “Reorganizing the Admin- relationship that may pre-
istrative System: Ground-working, Plan vail between and among
ning and Legislation” in Victoria A. agencies within a depart-
Bautista, et. al (editor) Introduction to ment.
Public Administration in the Philippines: 3. Define “reorganization”
a Reader (Quezon City: College of Pub- and determine its goals,
lic Administration, 1995), pp.382-425. processes, and expected
outcomes based on our
Executive Order 292 (Administrative Code government-wide reorga-
of 1987), Book IV Chapters 1-11. nization experiences.

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Enrichment Material

De Vera, III, Prospero J.E. “Reorganizing the Agricultural Bureaucracy


for the 21st Century: Trends, Issues and Policy Questions” Philippine
Journal of Public Administration (January-October, 1997), pp.33-60.

Reference Organization

Starting with this module, you should be ready to describe the structure
and practices of a national government office or to refer to it for the illus-
trations that will be asked of you later in the module.

Executive Order 292


The first reading, Executive Order No. 292, is also the Administrative Code
of 1987. This is the only official revision of our Administrative Code that
was first issued in 1917. Although there was an attempt to come out with
a 1978 Administrative Code, this was never published and was eventu-
ally repealed. The Administrative Code of 1987 is thus the latest material
which “incorporates in a unified document the major structural, func-
tional and procedural principles and rules of governance.”

The Code lays down the fundamental structures and functions of the
departments in the Executive Branch, the Constitutional Commissions,
and other major government offices. However, the government must pass
new laws and promulgate rules and regulations as it responds to emerg-
ing challenges. In effect, these laws, rules and regulations complement
and update the provisions of the Code. For this unit, you will note that we
will be referring to other appropriate portions of the Code in other mod-
ules on the civil service system and on budgeting.

In understanding the structure and functions of the Philippine Adminis-


trative System, the following definitions provided by the Administrative
Code will be useful:

• National Government - refers to the entire machinery of the central govern-


ment, as distinguished from the different forms of local governments.

• Local Government - refers to the political subdivisions established by or in


accordance with the Constitution.

• National Agency - refers to a unit of the National Government.

• Local Agency - refers to a local government or a distinct unit therein.

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• Department - refers to an executive department created by law. For


purposes of Book IV, this shall include any instrumentality, as herein
defined, having or assigned the rank of a department, regardless of its
name or designation.

• Bureau - refers to any principal subdivision or unit of any department.


For purposes of Book IV, this shall include any principal subdivision or
unit of any instrumentality given or assigned the rank of a bureau,
regardless of actual name or designation as in the case of department-
wide regional offices.

• Regulatory agency - refers to any agency expressly vested with jurisdic-


tion to regulate, administer, or adjudicate matters affecting substantial
rights and interest of private persons, the principal powers of which are
exercised by a collective body such as a commission, board or council.

• Chartered institution - refers to any agency organized or operating


under a special charter, and vested by law with functions relating to
specific constitutional policies or objectives. This term includes the state
universities and colleges, and the monetary authority of the State.

• Government owned or controlled corporation - refers to any agency


organized as a stock or non-stock corporation, vested with functions
relating to public needs whether governmental or proprietary in na-
ture, and owned by the Government directly or through its instrumen-
talities either wholly, or, where applicable as the case or stock corpora-
tions, to the extent of at least 51% of its capital stock: Provided, that
government-owned or controlled corporations may be further catego-
rized by the Department of Budget, the Civil Service Commission, and
the Commission on Audit for purposes of the exercise and discharge of
their respective powers, functions, and responsibilities with respect to
such corporations.

• Instrumentality - refers to any agency of the National Government not


integrated within the department framework, vested with special func-
tions or jurisdiction by law, endowed with some if not all corporate
powers, administering special funds and enjoying operational au-
tonomy, usually through a charter. This term includes regulatory agen-
cies, chartered institutions and government owned or controlled cor-
porations. (E.O. 292, pp. 2-3).

An example of an instrumentality that does not fall within the depart-


ment framework is the National Centennial Commission, which was cre-
ated for a specific purpose and was provided funds for the fulfillment of
its organizational mandate.

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The PAS: Its Structure and Component


Organizations
What are the types of institutions within the PAS?

Constitutional Bodies - institutions whose existence are specifically pro-


vided for in the 1987 Constitution. The three constitutional commissions
are the Civil Service Commission, Commission on Audit, Commission on
Elections. The Commission on Human Rights and the Office of the Om-
budsman are considered as constitutionally-mandated special bodies.

Executive Departments - created by law to fulfill certain functions. There


are currently 19 departments. These are clustered by sector as follows:

1. General Government Sector - Department of Foreign Affairs, Depart-


ment of Finance, Department of Budget and Management, National Eco-
nomic and Development Authority and Office of the Press Secretary

2. Agriculture, Agrarian Reform and Environment Sector - Department of


Agrarian Reform, Department of Agriculture, and Department of Environ-
ment and Natural Resources

3. Trade and Industry Sector - Department of Trade and Industry and De-
partment of Tourism

4. Energy and Infrastructure Sector - Department of Energy, Department of


Public Works and Highways, and Department of Transportation and Com-
munications

5. Education, Culture and Manpower Development Sector - Department of


Education, Culture and Sports, Department of Labor and Employment, and
State Universities and Colleges

6. Health and Social Welfare Sector - Department of Health and Depart-


ment of Social Welfare and Development.

7. Defense Sector - Department of National Defense

8. Science and Technology Sector - Department of Science and Technology

9. Public Order and Safety Sector - Department of Justice

10. Local Government Sector - Department of Interior and Local Government

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Government Owned and Controlled Corporations (GOCC) - agencies


organized as stock or non-stock corporations vested with functions relat-
ing to public needs whether governmental or proprietary in nature, and
owned by the government directly or through its instrumentalities, either
wholly or where applicable, as in the case of stock corporations, to the
extent of at least fifty-one (51) per cent of the capital stock. Financial insti-
tutions like the Development Bank of the Philippines or the Land Bank of
the Philippines are examples of government owned corporations. How-
ever, not all GOCCs are financial institutions.

Chartered Institution - any agency organized or operating under a spe-


cial charter and vested by law with functions relating to special constitu-
tional policies or objectives. This includes state universities and colleges
and the monetary authority of the state. The University of the Philippines
and the Monetary Board are chartered institutions.

Local government units - territorial and political subdivisions of the State,


such as a region (ARMM), province, city, municipality, and barangay.

The attached chart of the Philippine national government (Chart 8-1) shows
the various departments and the local government units over which the
President exercises general supervision. We are also presenting the latest
organizational chart of the Department of Agriculture to allow us to use
a specific line department to illustrate the different types of agencies con-
stituting the PAS. (Chart 8-2) This chart reflects the changes in the de-
partment as a result of the passage of the Agriculture and Fisheries Mod-
ernization Act (AFMA). In the enrichment article for this module, De
Vera describes the structure of the Department of Agriculture before the
approval of the Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act.

On the basis of the organizational chart for the entire executive branch,
you will note that government agencies may be classified either as na-
tional or local government units. National government agencies may func-
tion as: (a) constitutional bodies; (b) regular line departments; (c) govern-
ment owned or controlled corporations; (d) chartered institutions; or (e)
instrumentalities.

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Chart 8.1 Three-Tier Government Structure

LEGISLATIVE BRANCH EXECUTIVE BRANCH JUDICIAL BRANCH

CONGRESS OF THE PHILIPPINES PRESIDENT SUPREME COURT

and LOWER COURTS

OTHER
CONSTITUTIONAL
EXECUTIVE
BODIES
OFFICES

GENERAL GOVERNMENT SECTOR

DEPARTMENT OF DEPARTMENT OF OFFICE OF THE


FOREIGN AFFAIRS FINANCE PRESS SECRETARY

DEPARTMENT OF
NATIONAL ECONOMIC
BUDGET AND
AND DEVELOPMENT
MANAGEMENT
AUTHORITY

AGRICULTURE, AGRARIAN REFORM AND ENVIRONMENT SECTOR TRADE AND INDUSTRY SECTOR

DEPARTMENT DEPARTMENT OF
DEPARTMENT DEPARTMENT OF
ENVIRONMENT DEPARTMENT OF
OF AGRARIAN OF TRADE AND
AND NATURAL TOURISM
REFORM AGRICULTURE INDUSTRY
RESOURCES

EDUCATION, CULTURE AND MANPOWER


ENERGY AND INFRASTRUCTURE SECTOR
DEVELOPMENT SECTOR

DEPARTMENT OF
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION,
PUBLIC WORKS COLLEGES AND
ENERGY CULTURE AND
AND HIGHWAYS UNIVERSITIES
SPORTS

DEPARTMENT OF
TRANSPORTATION AND DEPARTMENT OF
COMMUNICATIONS LABOR AND
EMPLOYMENT

HEALTH AND WELFARE SECTOR DEFENSE SECTOR SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY SECTOR

DEPARTMENT OF DEPARTMENT OF
DEPARTMENT OF DEPARTMENT OF
SOCIAL WELFARE AND SCIENCE AND
HEALTH NATIONAL DEFENSE
DEVELOPMENT TECHNOLOGY

PUBLIC ORDER AND SAFETY SECTOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT SECTOR

DEPARTMENT OF
DEPARTMENT OF
INTERIOR AND LOCAL
JUSTICE
GOVERNMENT

CORDILLERA
AUTONOMOUS REGION
ADMINISTRATIVE
OF MUSLIM MINDANAO
REGION

LOCAL
GOVERNMENT
UNITS

UP Open University
Chart 8.2 New Organizational Structure Department of Agriculture
(as of July 10, 1998)
CERDAF SECRETARY

Head Exec.
NIA
Assist. NAFC

SRA
ITCAF
AFIS (NIN)

PCA

BAS
Legal Service

NDA

Planters Products
Foundation, Inc.
NFA

U/S for Operations U/S for Policy, Planning, U/S for Fisheries &
and Research Admin. & Finance Legislative Relations

A/S for Financial Mgt. &


A/S for Policy and Planning**
ATI BAR Administrative Services

BFAR
A/S for Regional Financial
A/S for Regulatory & Planning Service
Mgt.Service
Consumer Services Operations
NFRDI

Admin. Service Project Devt. Service


FDA BSWM FOS PFDA

FIDA BPI
Policy Secretariat,
AnalysisService Legislative Relations
BAFPS AMAS LDC
PCC BAI

ACPC SEAFDEC
Quedan
NNC
BPRE NSF NMIC Cor

Regional Field
Module 8

NTA CODA
Units

Philrice * Per RA 8435 (AFMA) & Fishery Code


141

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142 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

ACPC - Agricultural Credit Policy Council (DA)


AMAS - Agribusiness and Marketing Assistance Service (DA)
A/S - Assistant Secretary
ATI - Agricultural Training Institute (ATI)
BAFPS - Bureau of Agricultural and Fisheries Product Standards
(DA)
BAI - Bureau of Animal Industry
BAR - Bureau of Agricultural Research (DA)
BAS - Bureau of Agricultural Statistics (DA)
BFAR - Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (DA)
BPI - Bureau of Plant Industry
BPRE - Bureau of Post Harvest Research and Extension
BSWM - Bureau of Agricultural and Fisheries Product Standards
(DA)
CERDAF - Council for Extension, Research and Development in
Agriculture and Fisheries
CODA - Cotton Development Authority (merger of Phil. Cotton
Corp. and Cotton Research Inst.)
FIDA - Fiber Industry Development Administration
FOS - Field Operations Service (DA)
FPA - Fertilizer and Pesticide Authority
ITCAF NIN) - Information Technology Center for Agriculture and
Fisheries ( National AFIS - Agriculture and Fisheries
Information Service (DA)
LDC - Livestock Development Council (DA)
NAFC - National Agriculture and Fisheries Council Information
Network)
NDA - National Dairy Administration
NFA - National Food Authority (DA)
NFRDI - National Fisheries Research and Development Institute
NIA - National Irrigation Administration (DA)
NMIC - National Meat Inspection Commission
NNC - National Nutrition Council (DA)
NSF - National Stud Farm
NTA - National Tobacco Authority
PCA - Philippine Coconut Authority (DA)
PCC - Philippine Carabao Center (DA)
PFDA - Philippine Fisheries Development Authority (DA)
SEAFDEC - Southeast Asian Fisheries Development Council
SRA - Sugar Regulatory Administration (DA)
U/S - Under Secretary

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The Departments: Basic Structure


Book IV of the Administrative Code is on the Executive Branch. It defines
the purpose of an executive department, lists principles that govern its
organization and operations, and describes how an executive department
is organized through its department services, bureaus, and field offices. It
also lays down the authority, responsibility, powers, and functions of the
Department Secretary and the jurisdiction of departments over bureaus,
offices, regulatory agencies, and government corporations. Line depart-
ments, which devolved responsibility for service delivery in health, agri-
culture, social welfare to local government units, will have introduced
revisions in their structures and functions.

As students of the Philippine Administrative System, you must take note


of the following general features of a department:

a. It is mandated to perform a specific function for the executive branch,


i.e., health, foreign affairs, labor and employment, etc.
b. It is headed by a Department Secretary, who is to be assisted by
Undersecretaries and Assistant Secretaries.
c. It may have the following organizational units: support services, (i.e.,
planning service, financial and management services, administrative
service, technical service and legal service) bureaus (staff or line), and
field offices. Staff bureaus perform policy, program development, and
advisory functions. Line bureaus directly implement programs in ac-
cordance with department policies and plans.
d. A line department may also have jurisdiction over regulatory agen-
cies and government owned or controlled corporations.

Let us look at the organizational chart of the Department of Agriculture.


It has government owned and controlled corporations attached to it like
the Philippine Coconut Authority. It also has a regulatory body such as
the National Meat Inspection Commission. The Bureau of Agricultural
Research (BAR) performs staff functions. With the devolution of a num-
ber of agricultural services, bureaus of the department, like the Bureau of
Animal Industry and the Bureau of Plant Industry no longer provide di-
rect services to the farmers. Instead, they assist the Agricultural Training
Institute in training the staff of the Provincial Agriculturist who provide
extension services to the farmers. Among the government corporations
that are attached to the Department of Agriculture for policy coordina-
tion purposes are the Philippine Coconut Authority (PCA), the National
Tobacco Authority (NTA), the Sugar Regulatory Administration (SRA),
and the National Dairy Administration (NDA). The department’s field
offices are the regional field units which are under the supervision of the
Assistant Secretary for Regional Operations.

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SAQ 8-1
Let us check whether you got these basic facts about the structure
of the Philippine Administrative System. Can you identify which
of the following agencies belong to the following categories of in-
stitutions under the PAS? You may use the following codes for
these categories: Constitutional Body - CB, Department - D, Staff
Bureau - SB, Line Bureau - LB, Regulatory Agency - RA, Char-
tered Institution - CI, Government Owned and Controlled Corpo-
ration - GOCC and Local Government Unit - LGU.

1. Department of Interior and Local Government


2. Fertilizer and Pesticide Authority
3. Bureau of the Treasury
4. National Parks and Development Corporation
5. Commission on Election
6. Videogram Regulatory Board
7. University of Northern Philippines
8. City of Manila
9. Ninoy Aquino International Airport
10. Philippine Amusement and Gaming Corporation

ASAQ 8-1
1. D
2. GOCC
3. LB
4. GOCC
5. CB
6. RA
7. CI
8. LGU
9. GOCC
10. GOCC

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Administrative Relationships
What is the nature of the administrative relationships among these agen-
cies? The Administrative Code spells out at least three levels of relation-
ships among these agencies. A government office may be under: a) the
supervision and control, and b) administrative supervision of a higher
office, or c) it may be an agency “attached” to a department.

Supervision and Control


When an office is under the “supervision and control” of another unit, it
means that the higher level office:

• has the authority to act directly, whenever the specific function is en-
trusted by law or regulation to a subordinate;
• directs the performance of duty;
• restrains the commission of acts;
• reviews, approves, reverse or modifies acts or decisions of subordinate
officials or units;
• determines priorities in the execution of plans and programs; and
• prescribes standards, guidelines plans and programs.

Unless a different meaning is explicitly provided in the specific law gov-


erning the relationship of particular agencies, the word “control” shall
encompass supervision and control as defined in this paragraph. This
type of a relationship is typical in a department with bureaus and offices
as the Department Secretary exercises supervision and control over the
entire department. Bureaus within a department may be considered staff
or line bureaus. Staff bureaus perform policy, program development and
advisory functions. Line bureaus, on the other hand, directly implement
programs adopted pursuant to department policies and plans. Depart-
ments may also have field offices, which are also called regional offices,
to serve a specific area or region of the country. These regional offices are
located in the duly designated administrative regions of the country.

Administrative Supervision
This type of an administrative relationship usually exists between a de-
partment or its equivalent and regulatory agencies or other agencies as
may be provided by law. It is limited to the authority of the department
or its equivalent to generally.

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• oversee the operations of such agencies and to insure that they are
managed effectively, efficiently and economically but without inter-
ference with day to day activities;

• require the submission of reports and cause the conduct of manage-


ment audit, performance evaluation, and inspection to determine com-
pliance with policies, standards, and guidelines of the department;

• take action as may be necessary for the proper performance of official


functions, including rectification of violations, abuses and other forms
of administration; and

• review and pass upon budget proposal of such agencies but may not
increase or add to them (Administrative Code, p.46).

An agency exercising administrative supervision over a regulatory agency


does not have authority to review decisions related to appointments and
other personal actions, and contracts entered into by the agency in pur-
suit of its objectives. It can neither review, reverse, revise, or modify the
decisions of regulatory agencies in the exercise of their regulatory or quasi-
judicial functions.

The Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTFRB) is a


regulatory body that is part of the Department of Transportation and
Communication (DOTC). The LTFRB exercises quasi-judicial power and
functions with regards to land transportation. This body is under the ad-
ministrative supervision of the DOTC.

Attachment
Attachment refers to a lateral relationship between the department or its
equivalent and the attached agency or corporation for purposes of policy
and program coordination. The coordination may be accomplished by:

• having the department represented in the governing board of the at-


tached agency or corporation either as chairman or as a member, with
or without voting rights, if permitted by the charter;
• having the attached corporation or agency comply with a system of
period reporting which shall reflect the progress of programs and
projects; and
• having the department or its equivalent provide general policies through
its representative in the board, which shall serve as the framework for
the internal policies of the attached corporation or agency.

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The Department of Agriculture, as our sample department for this mod-


ule, has a number of attached corporations. Among these are the: Fertil-
izer and Pesticide Authority, the National Dairy Administration, the Sugar
Regulatory Administration, the Fiber Industry Development Administra-
tion and the National Irrigation Administration.

The relationships of government-owned or controlled corporations and


regulatory agencies with their respective departments are discussed fur-
ther in Chapter 9 of the Administrative Code. GOCCs are attached to the
appropriate departments with which they have allied functions, or as
provided by executive order, for policy or program coordination and for
general supervision. In order to protect the interest of the government in
GOCCs, at least 1/3 of the members of the Board of such corporations
should be the Department Secretary, Undersecretary or Assistant Secre-
tary. Regulatory agencies are placed under the administrative supervi-
sion of the department under which they are placed. The Administrative
Code provides that heads of regulatory agencies shall submit annually,
for the approval of the Secretary concerned, their budgets and work plans
which shall be the basis of their day-to-day operations. These regulatory
agencies may avail themselves of the common auxiliary and management
services of the department as may be convenient and economical for their
operations (Administrative Code, p.50).

SAQ 8-2
Identify the type of relationship which allows a unit to do each
item. Use SC for Supervision and Control, AS for Administrative
Supervision, and A for Attachment.

1. Review, approve, reverse, modify acts and decisions of subor-


dinate officials or units and determine priorities in the execu-
tion of plans and programs; and prescribe standards, guide-
lines, plans and programs.

2. To review the budget proposals of such agencies, but may not


increase or add to them.

3. Coordinate policies and programs.

4. Prescribe standards, guidelines, plans and programs.

5. Require submission of reports.

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ASAQ 8-2
1. SC
2. AS
3. A
4. SC
5. AS

Activity 8-1
Given the department that you have chosen to study for this course,
give an example of how supervision and control is exercised by a
higher level unit over a subordinate unit. Similarly, give another
example which will illustrate how “administrative supervision” is
carried out by another unit over another. Finally, give an example
of how the concept of “attachment” is implemented in this sample
agency which you have chosen as your “reference” department
for purposes of this course.

Changing the PAS Structure through


Government-Wide Reorganizations
The second reading is an article by Raoul M. Cola, “ Reorganizing the
Administrative System: Groundworking, Planning and Legislation” in
Introduction to Public Administration in the Philippines: A Reader. This work
presents the processes adopted in all the post-independence government-
wide reorganization and the outcome of each of these efforts. It gives you
a detailed description of how the government planned, authorized, orga-
nized, and financed five government-wide reorganization processes from
1946 to 1986 and what their consequences were on the structure and the
size of the bureaucracy. This reading should give you a good idea of the
complexities, problems, and principles that underlie government-wide
reorganizations as a mode of changing structures and aligning functions
of public organizations.

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Reorganization: A Definition
Changes in the structure of the PAS occur incrementally or are introduced in a
more systematic manner through government-wide reorganizations.

Government reorganizations are planned deliberate efforts to systematically alter


the existing organizational structure usually for the purpose of achieving govern-
ment objectives with more economy, efficiency and effectiveness. It is usually
undertaken once a new government assumes power. This is usually done to
signal the new directions that the new administration would wants to take.

The Philippine experience in planning, getting legislative approval for reorgani-


zation plans, and implementing these plans once approved is well documented.
Your reading for this topic will show you how these efforts tend to be consistent
or to differ slightly in terms of: a) who takes the initiative for the reorganization; b)
what is the legal basis for the reorganization; c) the goals of the reorganization
project; d) who has the power to reorganize and what parts of the national
government structure would be covered; and e) the role of the legislative branch
in the approval or adoption of the reorganization plan.

A reorganization plan could be the object of continuing debate between


the legislative and the executive branches of government. Since the imple-
mentation of a plan usually involves cutting down the size of the bureau-
cracy, it is predictably an unpopular move among government employees
who are bound to get supporters from Congress. This is why in 1972,
after years of unsuccessful deliberation on a reorganization plan that had
the benefit of extensive consultation, research and discussion but could
not get Congressional approval, Marcos declared P.D. No.1 (the Reorga-
nization Decree) as his first presidential decree right after he abolished
the Congress soon after he declared martial law. In the Cola article, take
note of how the reorganization process during the martial law period
became almost a continuing one with the Presidential Reorganization Com-
mission becoming almost a regular organization under the Office of the
President.

Goals of Reorganization
Table 2 of the Cola article summarizes two types of goals which govern-
ment-wide reorganizations sought to accomplish. The most common goals
are those of achieving economy, efficiency, simplicity, and effectiveness
in government operations. These goals may be complemented by such
concerns as: 1) making the bureaucracy responsive to accelerated social
and economic development; 2) improving transaction of public business;
and 3) meeting the exigencies of the service.

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The Reorganization Process


The complex process of reorganizing the bureaucracy is described in de-
tail in your reading. Three major phases of this process are: laying the
groundwork for reorganization; preparing the reorganization proposals;
and legislating or passing the law formalizing the reorganization.
Each phase may be broken down further into sub-processes. Thus, pre-
planning activities focus on: a) how the reorganization is initiated; b) who
is vested with the authority to reorganize the administrative system and
how this authority is given; c) setting the goals and tasks of the reorgani-
zation; d) defining the powers to reorganize and the scope of the reorga-
nization; and e) setting the resources for the process.

The preparation of the reorganization proposals will require the following:


a. constituting the reorganization body;
b. preparing the reorganization proposals;
c. recruiting the support staff; and
d. creating the information base for the preparation of these proposals.

The final stage is the passage of a law that grants the authority to imple-
ment the reorganization plans. This specific phase of the process may
turn out to be the most problematic as the Executive and the Legislative
branch may not agree on the content and the changes that will be intro-
duced through the reorganization law.

The Outcome of the Reorganization


Has reorganization resulted in a simpler, more efficient, economical, and
effective public bureaucracy? This question is not an easy one to answer
since we must understand that beyond reorganization, a number of fac-
tors do influence the size, character, and processes of the Philippine Ad-
ministrative System. Cola examined the outcome of the reorganization
processes through the number of departments in the executive branch
and the positions in the bureaucracy after the 1986 reorganization. He
noted that while the number of departments was reduced to 17, seven
departments less than what existed in 1980, the total staff complement of
the entire bureaucracy increased by 20%. The details of this increase is
presented in Table 13 of the article. This table indicates that while there
was minimal reduction of positions in some sectors or offices, the signifi-
cantly higher increase in the number of positions in other sectors virtually
negated the decrease in other sectors.

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Cola was quick to qualify that the number of departments and the size of
the bureaucracy must be linked with the growing population of the coun-
try and the increasing complexity of the tasks of the state. He concluded
with the observation that “the persistent expansion of its [the govern-
ment] manpower and financial requirement suggested that the past five
post-independence reorganizations failed to pare down the expense and
expanse of the administrative system (Cola, 1993:414).

While the Cola article describes a government-wide reorganization, de


Vera’s article gives an account of how one department in the executive
branch changes over time. You will see how different forces or reasons
may result in changes in the structure of the entire PAS or of certain agen-
cies constituting the PAS.

SAQ 8-3
On the next page is a news account on the reaction of a member of
Congress to the size of the bureaucracy. This news item also men-
tions eight bills, including one certified by President Estrda, seek-
ing to streamline or reorganize the bureaucracy.

a. What do you think are the chances Congress will pass the bill
authorizing the streamlining (or reorganization) of the bureau-
cracy?

b. How would sponsors of this bill justify the passage of this law?

c. What issues are likely to be brought out by public servants dur-


ing the public hearings on this bill?

d. What information would you need before you take a position


on this bill?

e. Given some information, what position are you likely to take


on this bill? Why?

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WORKERS IN GOVERNMENT GO UP BY 13,711


by K. Baylosis
(Today, August 9, 1999, p. 1)

Despite an earlier promise to streamline the government bureaucracy,


the Estrada administration is asking Congress for more funds to pay govern-
ment personnel.

A total of P235.9 billion of the P561-billion “millennium” budget for year


2000 is allocated for the salaries of government workers, a congressman
disclosed yesterday.

The payroll fund represents 36 percent of the total proposed budget for
the year 2000 and is 7.3 percent higher than the P219.9 billion allocation this
year.

LAMP Rep. Roan Libarios of Agusan del Norte said the P235.9-billion
payroll covers the salaries and other compensation of 1,063,986 existing
filled positions, 34,216 nonpermanent positions and 13,711 new positions in
the bureaucracy.

He said that the increase in the expenditure for personnel services should
prompt Congress to speed up the passage of a bill streamlining the bureau-
cracy.

“The increasing payroll expense has underscored the need for Congress
and Malacanang to push for the speedy approval of the proposed Civil Ser-
vice Reorganization Act which seeks the streamlining of the bureaucracy,”
Libarios said

“We need more aggressive measures - both administrative and legisla-


tive - to reengineer the bureaucracy in order to make it simpler and more
efficient,” he added.

Libarios noted that there are at least eight bills seeking to streamline the
bureaucracy, including one certified by President Estrada as priority legisla-
tion, which are still pending at the committee level.

He noted that a lot of government employees - especially at the middle


levels - have very little to do. Many positions in government offices are redun-
dant, yet are carried in the plantilla, he added.

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Activity 8-2
It may be helpful if you go back to your “reference organization”
and do the following:

1. Draw an organizational chart of this department or office. In


this organizational chart, you may specify the services, the bu-
reaus, the regional or field offices and the attached agency.

2. Then inquire when this office underwent a major reorganiza-


tion and determine what changes were introduced in this of-
fice as a result of this reorganization.

3. It will be interesting to find out how the reorganization was


done. You may also ask how employees of this office reacted to
the changes introduced through this last reorganization.

Comments on Activity 8-2


After this activity, I am sure you have seen that the structure of an
office within the Philippine Administrative System changes for
different reasons. However, reorganization comes out as one ma-
jor mode of introducing these changes. Reorganization draws varied
reactions from different stakeholders. Top management who may
see the value of reorganization is likely to have a different view.
Employees who may be dislocated or those who may have to do
some retooling, are bound to take these changes negatively. Stu-
dents of public administration do realize that the structure of an
organization defines who has power and control over resources
and information. For this reason, officials and employees of orga-
nization may be wary of reorganizations as this threatens stability
and authority relations in the office.

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Summary
In this module, we described and analyzed the structure of the Philippine
Administrative System, focusing on the Executive branch. We established
that agencies may be: (a) constitutional bodies; (b) executive departments;
(c) government owned or controlled corporations; (d) chartered institu-
tions; or (e) local government units. You read about the basic structure of
a department, which may have line or staff bureaus, services, regional
field offices, government owned or controlled corporations which may be
attached to them, or regulatory bodies. We elaborated on what is meant
by “supervision and control,” “administrative supervision” and an at-
tached agency.

We also went into the nature of government-wide reorganizations, in-


cluding their goals, processes, and outcomes, as this was defined and as-
sessed based on five reorganization efforts of the national government
from 1946 to 1986. On the whole, it was noted that while these reorgani-
zations always sought to achieve simplicity, efficiency, and economy in
government operations, the bureaucracy has consistently increased in size.
This has been attributed to the growing population that it must serve and
the increasing complexity and scope of government responsibilities.

References

Administrative Order No. 6 of the Department of Agriculture (1998) Imple-


menting Rules and Regulations of RA 8435.
Baylosis, K. 1999. Workers In Government Go Up By 13,711. In Today, 9
August: 1.
Cola, Raoul M. 1995. Reorganizing the Administrative System:
Groundworking, Planning and Legislation. In Victoria A. Bautista,
etal. (eds.). Introduction to Public Administration in the Philippines: A
Reader. Quezon City: College of Public Administration.
De Vera, Prospero JE III. 1997. Reorganizing the Agricultural Bureaucracy for
the 21st Century: Trends, Issues and Policy Questions. In Philippine Journal
of Public Administration, January-October: 33-60.
Executive Order 292 (Administrative Code of 1987), Book IV Chapters 1-11.

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Module 9
The National
Planning Process

Objectives
A s you learned in the previous mod-
ule, the Philippine Administrative Sys-
tem is a huge and complex institution com- After completing this mod-
posed of various types of public organiza- ule, you should be able to:
tions. With this elaborate and complicated
structure, it takes some doing to ensure that 1. Explain the development
the Executive branch of the Government of goals and strategy of the
the Republic of the Philippines move to- Medium Term Philippine
gether as one and towards the same direc- Development Plan for
tion. 1999-2004.
2. Discuss how the Philip-
The development efforts of the government pine national develop-
are guided by a national development plan ment plan is prepared
that every administration prepares. This through the national cum
plan specifies the national goal which the local level planning pro-
administration seeks to accomplish and the cess.
corresponding strategy that it will imple- 3. Describe the role of the
ment to ensure the fulfillment of these goals. National Economic and
In this module, we will focus on the na- Development Authority
tional planning process which produced the (NEDA) in this process.
Medium Term Development Plan for 1999- 4. Raise issues or questions
2004, otherwise known as “Angat Pinoy on how the national cum
2004.” local level planning pro-
cess described in the mod-
ule makes the PAS more
participatory, accessible
and service-oriented.

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Required Readings

In your reader, you have three materials for this module. I suggest that
you read them in this order:

Alburo, Florian A., Rejante, Cesarina R. and Arriola, Charito D. “ Devel-


opment Planning in the Philippines, “ in Sixty Years of Development
Planning in the Philippines: A Commemorative Brochure (Manila: Devel-
opment Information Staff, National Economic and Development Au-
thority, 1995), pp.10-17.
Cuaresma, Jocelyn C. “ Reform in Local Planning,” Philippine Journal of
Public Administration ( January, 1993), pp.1-20.
Habito, Cielito F. “ The Philippine Development Plan: Part Science, Part
Faith, But Mostly Work” in Sixty Years of Development Planning in the
Philippines: A Commemorative Brochure (Manila: Development Infor-
mation Staff, National Economic and Development Authority, 1995),
pp.44-47.

Before we proceed to these readings, we will provide you with the vision
and the principal strategy of this administration as articulated in Angat
Pinoy 2004/Medium Term Philippine Development Plan, 1999-2004.

Angat Pinoy 2004


The national planning process of the Philippines now coincides with the
six-year term of the President. Thus, as a new administration comes to
power, it has the responsibility of preparing a national development plan
through which it articulates its vision for the country, the goals it expects
to accomplish, and the strategies that it would utilize and implement to
ensure the fulfillment of these goals.

The Estrada administration came out with Angat Pinoy 2004, the popu-
lar name for the Medium Term Philippine Development Plan for 1999-
2004. This document embodies the Estrada government’s view of the
country’s basic socioeconomic problems and how it proposed to deal with
them over Estrada’s six-year term.

The Vision
What is the vision for our society as described in this plan? Confronted
with the same problems of poverty and inequity, the vision of the MTPDP
for 1999-2004 is to achieve sustainable development based on growth with
social equity. The plan explicitly provides that the achievement of this

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vision will be measured in terms of how poverty, especially in the rural


areas, will be reduced and the extent to which better income redistribu-
tion will be attained. More specifically, the plan seeks to reduce the num-
ber of poor families and the incidence of poverty 32% in 1997 to 25-28%
by 2004 (MTPDP, 1999-2004:1-3).

Development Strategies
Six priority areas will be given special attention to ensure the attainment
of this vision. These are:

a. Acceleration of Rural Development - This will be done largely through


the comprehensive modernization program for the agriculture sec-
tor, whose development is expected to “foster an internationally com-
petitive agricultural sector that will increase the earnings of farmers
from both domestic and export markets and ensure food security while
meeting the objectives of ecological balance and environmental pres-
ervation. (MTDPD 1999-2004:1-4)”

b. Delivery of Basic Social Development Services - The plan puts high


priority on the use of government resources for the delivery of basic
services in health and nutrition, education and training, housing and
social welfare, for the benefit of the most vulnerable and disadvan-
taged sector of Philippine society.

c. Strengthening Competitiveness - To help transform domestic markets


into more competitive structures, the government will continue to pro-
mote privatization, deregulation, and liberalization to enable the pri-
vate sector to flourish and bring about better access of Filipino con-
sumers to less expensive and more quality goods and services.

d. Sustained Development of Infrastructure - In this priority area, gov-


ernment will “support the private sector in improving basic infrastruc-
ture services like power, water, transportation (including rail-based
systems) and telecommunications.

e. Ensuring Macroeconomic Stability - The government shall seek to bring


the economy to a positive growth path in 1999 and to full recovery
and sustained growth thereafter. It will also make sure that fiscal,
monetary, and financial policies are coordinated to achieve growth
targets and stabilize prices.

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f. Reforming Governance - For the efficient and effective implementa-


tion of this plan, government will actively encourage partnership among
national and local governments, the business community, and civil
society organizations. The government will continue its efforts to
reengineer the bureaucracy so that it will be reduced to its optimum
size and its functions, responsibilities, and resources will be shared
equitably between national government agencies and local government
units. (MTPDP:1-4-1-6).

Guiding Principles
In its pursuit of these strategies, all government institutions must abide by
the following principles:

a) Equity - Every developmental policy, program and project must result


in an improved quality of life for every Filipino, especially the poor
and the disadvantaged. An equitable distribution of income, wealth
and opportunities must result from the implementation of these strat-
egies.

b) Effectiveness - Rather than attempt to do so much, government will


do only do what it does best. This way, it can be effective and cost
efficient as it tries to “deliver intended results with the least unin-
tended consequences.”

c) Efficiency - Through market competition and continuing integration


with the global economy, efficiency will be achieved as services are
delivered by those who have the comparative advantage and the ca-
pacity to provide the services at the least cost.

d) Environmental and Ecological Sustainability - Development strategies


shall put premium on the optimal use of the country’s natural resources
and consider the carrying capacity of the environment.

e) Empowerment and Gender Equity in Development - Economic em-


powerment of the most vulnerable sectors will be pursued by expand-
ing their capabilities and opportunities to create sustainable sources
of income, generating greater awareness for collective action, and in-
creasing their participation in decisionmaking.
f) Accountability and Transparency - Government will hold itself ac-
countable to the people and its decisionmaking shall be subject to full
disclosure at every stage. ( MTPDP, 1-6 to1-7).

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The National Planning Process


How is the country’s development plan prepared? To what extent does
the planning process ensure that the national plan reflects and responds
to the needs of various areas of the country? How are national concerns
reconciled with local requirements for area development? Is the planning
process linked in any way with the implementation of these plans?

The first two readings for this module were written for a commemorative
brochure that was published to celebrate 60 years of development plan-
ning in the country. I suggest that you read the article of Alburo, Rejante
and Arriola first as this presents a historical context against which you
can better appreciate the current process for the preparation of the Me-
dium Term Philippine Development Plan (MTPDP). Moreover, it provides
you with an overview of how national policies on development planning
evolved since 1972.

Development Objectives
and Strategies: 1972-1998
From 1972 to 1998, the country had six development plans. While these
plans were formulated under different political and economic contexts,
they were similar in their objectives, their definition of the role of the pri-
vate sector in the country’s development efforts, and their strategies for
certain sectors.

The plans’ objectives tended to converge on sustainable growth, equity,


justice and social development, and employment generation. All the plans
also relied on market mechanisms to propel the country’s economic ac-
tivities and gave the business sector the main responsibility for initiating
and running the wheels of development.

The common strategies adopted by these plans were: a) focus on agricul-


ture as the main area for development interventions; b) use of labor inten-
sive methods of production; c) infrastructure development; d) agrarian
reform; and e) exporting along lines of comparative advantage.

Plan Formulation
The process utilized in the formulation of these plans since 1972 is basi-
cally the same with minimal variations. The essential steps of this process
are the following:

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1. The President issues a directive mandating the formulation of a na-


tional medium term plan. This directive usually indicates the roles of
the NEDA and other agencies, the components of the plan, and the
need to involve national and local government units and other sectors
in its preparation.

2. On this basis, the Planning Steering Committee, which is headed by


the NEDA Director General, is convened.

3. The Plan Steering Committee then issues the planning guidelines that
indicate the vision and the broad framework for the plan and the
organization of the planning committees (one committee for each chap-
ter of the plan). These planning committees are composed of repre-
sentatives from the different national agencies and government cor-
porations, the Legislature, and the private sector.

4. These guidelines are then issued to national agencies and from the
national agencies down to the regional level, where they are trans-
lated to priority sector activities.

5. With inputs from the various national agencies represented in the plan-
ning committees and the regional development councils, the Planning
Committees, with the assistance of the NEDA Secretariat, prepares
their respective chapters of the Medium Term Plan. Readers of the
1999-2004 MTPDP will note that each chapter of the plan includes:
a. an assessment of the performance of the sector,
b. the development issues and challenges it must contend with,
c. the development goals and objectives it seeks to accomplish,
d. specific targets to be met,
e. a list of priority sector activities that must be undertaken to reach
these targets, and
f. priority legislative agenda that must be pursued to support the
sectors proposed programs and projects.

6. Upon completion of the draft of the plan, the Steering Committee re-
views it and brings it to the various Regional Development Councils
all over the country, where consultations on the draft plan are held.
The NEDA Secretariat coordinates with the Regional Development
Councils in the conduct of these consultation meetings on the plan.

7. The draft plan is then modified to accommodate the results of the


consultation. After this is done, the final draft of the plan is presented
to the President and the NEDA Board for approval.

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Development Plan Formulation


(A simplified flowchart)

PRESIDENT

DIRECTIVE APPROVED
NATIONAL PLAN

NEDA BOARD
SECRETARIAT

PLANNING
NATIONAL PLAN
GUIDELINES

REGIONAL
DEVELOPMENT
COUNCIL WITH NEDA
TECHNICAL SUPPORT

REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE
PLANNING REGIONAL PLAN
AGENCY GUIDELINES
REGIONAL
OFFICE

REGIONAL

AGENCY
REGIONAL PLAN
LOCAL PLANNING
DEVELOPMENT
COUNCILS

CONFERENCE LOCAL
DEVELOPMENT
PLAN

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Local Plans as Inputs to the National Plan


The third required reading for this module examines reforms in local plan-
ning as a consequence of the passage of the Local Government Code in
1991. Cuaresma’s article discusses the revised membership in the Local
Development Council, the council’s functions, and its power. It also ex-
plains how national guidelines form part of the formulation of local de-
velopment plans that are approved by the local legislative bodies before
these plans are forwarded to the next higher level of local government or
to the Regional Development Council.

Please pay particular attention to Figure 1 of this article. This figure gives
you a graphic rendition of the top-down and bottom up character of na-
tional cum local planning. It describes how local development councils
prepare the plan, that is then submitted to the Local Sanggunian that
approves it before it can be forwarded and integrated in the plan for the
next higher level of local government and eventually to the Regional De-
velopment Council.

Cuaresma raises the issues of capability for planning at the local level and
the linkage between planning and budgeting at the end of this article.
These are important points to remember when you get to the activity por-
tion of this module.

What are distinct characteristics of the national planning process as de-


scribed above? Students of the Philippine Administrative System, who
study this process, will most likely enumerate five features of this process.
First, it still utilizes its top-down and bottom-up approach as exemplified
in the issuance of national guidelines which assist all levels of government
in their preparation of their respective plans. These guidelines are trans-
lated into real plans with concrete programs and projects at various levels
of national and local governments. Second, the process considers lower
level plans as inputs into the formulation of plans at the next higher level
of the national government or of a local government unit. Third, the pro-
cess is consultative as it subjects the draft plans to scrutiny by the various
sectors in consultations held at the regions. Fourth, as one of your read-
ings clearly stated, a significant feature of the planning process is that
interagency bodies make all major decisions. Finally, the process does not
only involves not only participants from the Executive branch but also
representatives of the Legislature, the private sector, and civil society or-
ganizations.

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Innovations Introduced in 1999-2004 MTPDP


In your first reading, you learned how more recent MTPDPs were differ-
ent from previous plans. Though it basically followed the same process,
the 1999-2004 MTPDP is different from the prior plans in that it has only
six chapters; earlier plans had as many as 13 chapters.

A more significant innovation introduced in this plan is the stronger link-


age between planning and budgeting through the preparation of four
separate but closely related documents which comprise the Medium
Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF). These documents are:

1. The Medium Term Macroeconomic Framework (MTMF), which is a


three-year projection of macroeconomic parameters against which the
fiscal plan shall be drawn.

2. The Medium Term Fiscal Plan (MTFP), which is also a three-year pro-
jection of revenues and expenditures based on the macroeconomic
framework. It reflects the desired sectoral and expenditure allocation
of the budget.

3. The Medium Term Public Investment Plan (MTPIP) consists of the three-
year program of ongoing and new priority investment projects in the
public sector, including their annual funding requirements.

4. The Medium Term Expenditure Plan (MTEP) presents a three-year pro-


jection of expenditure requirements of approved programs and projects
rolled annually. (MTPDP, 1999-2004: 6-16)

The use three-year period for its fiscal, investment, and expenditure plans,
synchronizes planning and budgeting.

The MTEF is expected to:

1. Ensure that new spending and savings decisions in any given year’s
budget are consistent with medium term fiscal policy targets;

2. Provide a more predictable planning environment for program agen-


cies which will encourage a more forward-looking and strategic plan-
ning;

3. Allow pre-agreement on the use of the forward estimates for on-going


programs at the basis of each annual budget which will enable the
agency heads to focus on new program proposals and savings options
to attain present targets and objectives; and

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4. Provide political leaders with a better handle on the status and progress
of budget programs and facilitates Congressional review of the perfor-
mance of national government agencies. (MTPDP:6-15-6-16)

This new system for managing public expenditure is designed to establish


a better working relationship between the Executive and the Legislative
branches of government. Through these documents, the President and
Members of Congress can agree on how program and projects in various
congressional districts of the country will be prioritized and funded. These
rolling three year list of projects to be implemented will be part of the
documents that will support the Budget Accord, a working agreement
between the Estrada administration and Congress on how public funds
will be used to finance specific activities listed in various portions of the
plan.

The reorganization of the components of the MTPDP into six chapters is


another move to make the plan more aligned with the sectoral grouping
of agency budgets as this is used in the General Appropriations Act.

The Role of the National Economic


and Development Authority (NEDA)
in the Planning Process
Some students of public administration tend to associate the MTPDP with
the National Economic and Development Authority. This association has
led some to conclude that the MTPDP is a NEDA plan. I was therefore
very pleased when one of my graduate students took the trouble to pa-
tiently explain why this is a misconception. She informed the class that
the NEDA facilitates and supports the preparation of the plan. However,
it is wrong to say that it is NEDA’s plan since it is really the plan for the
whole country formulated by an inter-agency and inter-sectoral body with
representatives from Congress, the private sector and civil society organi-
zations. NEDA simply provides the technical support for the plan formu-
lation process.

The rationale for the creation of NEDA is explicitly stated in Subtitle C,


chapter 1, Section 1 of Executive Order 292. It provides that: “The State
shall ensure that all socio-economic programs and activities of the gov-
ernment shall be programmed within the context of a well-formulated
and consistent long, medium and short term development plans and poli-
cies to promote both the growth of the economy and the equitable distri-

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bution of the benefits of such growth to the members of society. To this


end, it is recognized that the formulation of the required socio-economic
development policies and plans is a vital process that calls for the partici-
pation of the various government agencies and private sector institutions
and individuals concerned, both on national, regional and local levels.
This process of policy and plan formulation, however, needs to be coordi-
nated closely by a central government agency to ensure consistency of
these plans and optimal use of the nation’s scarce resources.” (E.O 292:399)

The creation of the National Economic and Development Authority in


1972 marked the consolidation of a number of planning agencies into
one central economic and social development planning body.

The NEDA Board


The NEDA consists of the NEDA Board and the NEDA Secretariat. The
NEDA Board is the country’s highest social and economic planning and
policy coordinating body. The Board is composed of the President as chair-
man, the Director General of the NEDA Secretariat as vice-chairman and
the following as members: the Executive Secretary and the Secretaries of
Finance, Trade and Industry, Agriculture, Environment and Natural Re-
sources, Public Works and Highways, Budget and Management, Labor
and Employment, Interior and Local Government, Health, Foreign Af-
fairs, Agrarian Reform, Science and Technology, Transportation and Com-
munications, the Governor of the Central Bank and the Chairman of the
Coordinating Council on the Philippine Assistance Program.

The NEDA Board Executive Committee is authorized to resolve policy


issues without the having to convene the entire NEDA Board. It facili-
tates the decisionmaking process at the NEDA Board to ensure that
projects or issues requiring NEDA Board discussion and decision are im-
mediately acted upon.

Alburo, et.al. explains the underlying rationale for the composition of


the NEDA Board thus: “The Chairmanship by the President rests on the
premise that national development is essentially also a political responsi-
bility and can best be achieved through the active involvement of the
country’s top political leadership. The membership of selected Cabinet
officials in the Board, on the other hand, is in line with the need to
strengthen the linkage between plan formulation and implementation,
as they are the ones most involved in program implementation.” (Alburo:
11-12).

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To ensure consistency and coherence in economic policy making, the


Board is assisted by five interagency committees:

1. The Development Budget Coordination Committee - determines the


level of expenditures and the ceiling of government spending for eco-
nomic and social development, national defense and government debt
service; and allocates funds for development projects.
2. The Infrastructure Committee - advises the President and the NEDA
Board on matters concerning infrastructure development; coordinates
activities of government agencies involved in infrastructure develop-
ment; and recommends policies, programs, and projects on infrastruc-
ture development.
3. Investment Coordination Committee - evaluates the fiscal, monetary,
and balance of payments, implications of major national projects, and
recommends to the President the timetable of their implementation on
a regular basis.
4. The Social Development Committee - provides advice on social devel-
opment concerns, including education, manpower, health and nutri-
tion, population and family planning, housing, and the delivery of
other social services.
5. Committee on Tariff and Related Matters - advises the Board on tariff
and related matters and on the effects on the country of various inter-
national developments; coordinates agency positions and recommen-
dations for international economic negotiations; and recommends a
continuous rationalization program for the country’s tariff structure.

The NEDA Secretariat


The NEDA Secretariat is the research and technical support arm of the
NEDA Board. It also provides technical staff support and assistance, in-
cluding the conduct of studies and formulation of policy measures and
other recommendations on the various aspects of development planning
and policy formulation and coordination, evaluation and monitoring of
plan implementation.

The NEDA Director General, who is also the Secretary of Socio-Economic


Planning, heads the Secretariat. The Director General exercises general
supervision and control over technical and administrative personnel of
the Secretariat.

The NEDA Director-General is assisted by three deputy director generals,


each of whom is responsible, respectively, for the three major office of
NEDA, the National Development Office, the Regional Development Of-
fice and Central Support Office. (Please refer to Chart 9-1 for the NEDA
Organizational Chart).

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Chart 9.1

The NEDA Organization

ATTACHED NEDA BOARD


NEDA BOARD
AGENCIES INTER-AGENCY COMMITTEES
NEDA BOARD
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
 Development Budget Coordination Board
 Inrastructure Committee
 Tariff Commission*
 Investment Coordination Committee
 Philippine National Volunteer Service Coordinating Agency*
 Social Development Committee
 Philippine Institute for Development Studies**
 Committee on Tariff and Related Matters
 Population Commission*
 NSCB Technical Staff*
 National Statistics Office*
 Statistical Research and Training Center*

DIRECTOR-GENERAL

NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OFFICE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT OFFICE CENTRAL SUPPORT OFFICE

*Agencies under the administrative supervision of NEDA


** Agencies attached to NEDA for policy and program integration or coordination

THE NEDA SECRETARIAT


ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE

DIRECTOR-GENERAL

LEGISLATIVE LIASON OFFICE LEDAC SECRETARIAT

NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OFFICE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT OFFICE CENTRAL SUPPORT OFFICE

SPECIAL COMMITTEE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT MONITORING


ON SCHOLARSHIP COORDINATION STAFF STAFF
ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF
NATIONAL PLANNING NEDA-CORDILLERA
NEDA-CENTRAL VISAYAS
AND POLICY STAFF ADMINISTRATIVE REGION
REGION (NRO 7)
(NRO-CAR)

AGRICULTURE STAFF NEDA-ILOCOS REGION NEDA-EASTERN VISAYAS DEVELOPMENT INFORMATION


(NRO 1) REGION (NRO 8) STAFF

TRADE, INDUSTRY AND NEDA-CAGAYAN VALLEY NEDA-WESTERN


UTILITIES STAFF REGION (NRO 2) MINDANAO EGION (NRO 9)
LEGAL STAFF
NEDA-CENTRAL LUZON NEDA-NORTHERN MINDANAO
INFRASTRUCTURE STAFF REGION (NRO 3) REGION (NRO 10)

NEDA-SOUTHERN TAGALOG NEDA-SOUTHERN MINDANAO MANAGEMENT STAFF


SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT
STAFF REGION (NRO 4) REGION (NRO 11)

NEDA-BECIOL REGION NEDA-CENTRAL MINDANAO


PUBLIC INVESTMENT (NRO 5) REGION (NRO 12) MANAGEMENT INFORMATION
STAFF SYSTEM STAFF

SCHOLARSHIP AFFAIRS NEDA-WESTERN VISAYAS NEDA-CARAGAREGION *As an internal arrangement the PMS presently reports to the Deputy
SECRETARIAT REGION (NRO 6) (NRO 13) Director-General, National Development Office (NDO)

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For purposes of formulating and drafting the development plan, the Di-
rector General is empowered to create temporary inter-agency technical
committees. Usually one such committee is convened to draft one chapter
of the development plan. As mentioned in one of your readings, the com-
mittees normally disband upon publication and dissemination of the Plan,
although they may be reconvened at any time to monitor performance
and to update the Plan annually. (Alburo, et.al: 12).

In the preparation of the 1999-2004 Plan, six planning committees were


organized. These planning committees may form sub-committees and tech-
nical working groups and tap the services of agencies of government,
government corporations and their regional offices, as necessary. Chart
9.2 shows Steering Committee, a Technical Coordinating Committee, and
six Planning Committees constituted for the preparation of the 1999-2014
Plan.

It is apparent from the foregoing discussion that NEDA plays a major role
in development planning in the country. In carrying out its mandate, it
performs policy analysis, formulation and coordination, public investment
programming, and monitoring and evaluation. The composition of the
NEDA Board and Secretariat and the processes involved in the formula-
tion of the development plans and structure do not only ensure close co-
ordination between planning and implementation of development projects;
they also provide a direct link between planning and budgeting. More-
over, development planning deliberations bring Congress and the Execu-
tive branch together in a dialogue that can result in faster decision mak-
ing on priority uses of limited resources.

Issues Related to National Planning


Unrealistic Targets
Having described the development goals and strategies of the Estrada adminis-
tration, the national cum local planning process, and the role of NEDA in all
these, let us turn to the issues and concerns that have been raised in connection
with the planning process.

Secretary Habito, in his article, asks: Do NEDA planners simply crank out figures
to suit the ambitious targets set by political leaders? He responded to this himself
when he said: “The working groups of the MTPDP set targets and calibrate them
on the basis of currently available information and on their best forecast of future
events in some sectors like power generation. As new information becomes avail-
able, the working group then discusses whether or not the original targets should
be revised.” (Habito: 1995:45)

UP Open University
Chart 9.2 Organizational Structure for the Drafting of the Medium-Term
Philippine Development Plan, 1999-2004

Plan Steering Committee


Chair : NEDA Director-General
3 Co-Chairs : Senate/House/Private Sector
Members : Planning Committee Chairs
Legislative/Private Sector Representatives

Technical Coordinating
Committee
(Undersecretary Level)

PC on Social PC on PC on PC on PC on PC on
Reform & Agriculture, Industry & Infrastructure Governance Macroeconomic
Development Natural Services Development & Framework &
Resources & Institutions Development
Agrarian Reform Development Financing
Module 9
173

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Technical Requirements
vs. Participatory Process
While every effort is exerted to ensure that the plan formulation process
will be participatory and consultative, there are questions raised on how
the ordinary citizens can really participate in these planning delibera-
tions, even in local areas. Even local government units that are closest to
communities may simply comply with the technical planning guidelines
issued. In doing this, they may forego or place less importance on the
consultation with the community, which may take more time and may
not be that easy to integrate with the other requirements of the planning
guidelines.

A related issue is on how the planning process really ensures that the
plans are directly responsive to the needs of the local communities. More-
over, after the plans are formulated, what assurances can the people get
that the projects they need in their areas will be implemented? What
technical and political considerations are brought to bear on decision
making on which programs to prioritize?

Capability for Planning at the Local Level


Cuaresma’s article raised the issue of lack of technical capability and the
non-activitation of the local development council in some local units. She
pointed out that this may be more true in provinces, cities, and munici-
palities than in cities. The lack of competent professional staff whocan
attend to this task is one reason why some local government units have
not complied with the prescribed process for the preparation of local de-
velopment plans. This is particularly true of low income LGUs who have
yet develop their capabilities for long term planning, including revenue
forecasting, expenditure monitoring, and performance evaluation. The
assistance of the national government in upgrading the institutional ca-
pacity of LGUs for this function is badly needed (Cuaresma, 1993:14-15).

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Activity 9-1
This module introduced you to the national planning process of
government. You now have an idea of how the MTPDP is formu-
lated through the assistance of a host of government agencies, gov-
ernment corporations and local government units.

As you have done in the previous module, I now request you to go


back to your “reference organization” and inquire about their role
in the formulation of the MTPDP. You may ask the following ques-
tions:

1. Was anyone in the agency involved in any way in the formula-


tion of the MTPDP?

2. If yes, who was involved?

3. Did the agency receive guidelines from NEDA on the prepara-


tion of the plan?

4. Has this process affected the agency’s own internal planning


process?

5. If yes, how was it affected. If no, why not?

Comments on Activity 9-1


With your readings and activities for this module, you have learned
about the national cum local level planning process which the coun-
try utilizes in the preparation of the national development plan.
Your interview with your “reference organization” should give
you an opportunity to verify how much of the planning process is
reflected at the agency level. You will also learn from your refer-
ence agency the extent of participation and involvement of some
agencies of government at either national or regional levels. This
will better prepare you to reflect on how this process can make the
PAS a more empowering institution.

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Summary
Module 9 has just presented you with a description of the process which
lead to the formulation of the Philippine development plan. You have
also read on the development goals, strategies and principles which guide
the Medium Term Philippine Development Plan for 1999-2004. We dis-
cussed the structure and role of the NEDA in this process, as well as the
specific organization for the formulation of the latest development plan.
We closed this module with the identification of some of the issues that
have been raised on the national planning process.

References

Alburo, Florian A. et al. 1995. Development Planning in the Philippines.


In Sixty Years of Development Planning in the Philippines: A Commemo-
rative Brochure. Manila: Development Information Staff, National Eco-
nomic and Development Authority.
Angat Pinoy 2004/Medium Term Philippine Development Plan, 1999-
2004.
Cuaresma, Jocelyn C. 1993. Reform in Local Planning. In Philippine Jour-
nal of Public Administration, January:1-20.
Executive Order No. 292. Administrative Code of 1987. Manila: National
Printing Office, 1989.
Habito, Cielito F. 1995. The Philippine Development Plan: Part Science,
Part Faith, But Mostly Work. In Sixty Years of Development Planning in
the Philippines: A Commemorative Brochure. Manila: Development In-
formation Staff, National Economic and Development Authority.
National Economic Development Authority Brochure.

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Module 10
National-Local Government
Relations: An Overview

Objectives
F rom the national planning process, we
move on to this module which gives you
an overview of national-local government After completing this mod-
relations. In Module 8, we identified five ule, you should be able to:
categories of public institutions that form
part of the Philippine Administrative Sys- 1. Discuss the concepts of
tem. As one of the categories of institutions centralization, decentrali-
within the PAS, local government units zation and local auto-
(LGUs), as territorial and political subdivi- nomy.
sions of the state, comprise the single big- 2. Explain the conceptual
gest group of organizations within the sys- and constitutional bases for
tem. Their nature and functions and their and the nature of, local
working relationship with the national gov- government units.
ernment will be the central concern of this 3. Identify the five levels of
module. local governments in the
country and the basic
functions and roles of each
Required Readings level.
4. Explain the role of the De-
New materials on Philippine local govern- partment of Interior and
ment are being published by the Center for Local Government (DILG)
Local and Regional Governance (CLRG) of in national-local govern-
the U.P. National College of Public Admin- ment relations.
istration and Governance. I enjoin you to in- 5. Discuss the main features
quire about the latest publications of this of- of the 1991 Local Govern-
fice. In your reader, you are provided the ment Code and issues and
following readings: problems in its implemen-
tation.

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Brillantes, Alex Bello Jr. “Decentralization in the Philippines: An Over-


view,” Philippine Journal of Public Administration, (April, 1987), pp. 131-
148.
Domingo-Tapales, Proserpina. “Devolution and Empowerment: The 1991
Local Government Code,” Philippine Journal of Public Administration,
(April, 1992), pp.101-114.
The 1987 Constitution, Sections 1,9 and 25 of Article II, and Secs.1-21 of
Article X.

Enrichment Materials

For those who are interested in reading further, we recommend three


more materials:

Domingo-Tapales, Proserpina. “The Nature and State of Local Govern-


ment” in Introduction to Public Administration in the Philippines: a Reader,
edited by Victoria A. Bautista, Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler, Danilo R.
Reyes and Proserpina D. Tapales (Quezon City: College of Public
Administration, University of the Philippines, 1993), pp. 355-367.
Panganiban, Elena M. “Democratic Decentralization in Contemporary
Times: The New Local Government Code,” Philippine Journal of Public
Administration (April, 1995), pp.121-138.
Ocampo, Romeo B. “Decentralization and Local Autonomy: A Frame-
work for Assessing Progress” in Perfecto L. Padilla (editor), Strength-
ening Local Government Administration and Accelerating Local Develop-
ment (U.P.Local Government Center, 1992), pp. 143-147.

Centralization, Decentralization
and Local Autonomy
Three central concepts are fundamental to an understanding of national-
local government relations: centralization, decentralization, and local
autonomy. In our previous modules, particularly Module 3, we discussed
how and why centralism has been a predominant feature of the Philip-
pine Administrative System. However, as you will read in your readings
for this module, there were efforts to delegate more political and adminis-
trative power to different tiers of the government structure at various
points of our history. The redemocratization process ushered in by the
EDSA people power phenomenon led to the formulation of the 1987 Con-
stitution. Article X of this Constitution provides that local governments
shall enjoy local autonomy. It also mandated the enactment of a local
government code, which was eventually passed in 1991.

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Centralization
What is centralization? Prof. Ocampo defined centralization, thus:

...Centralization means that the authority, responsibility, and ability


to perform the basic functions of an organization are concentrated
in a central governing unit.” These functions include representing
the organization, determining its goals, making decisions and tak-
ing actions in its behalf; generating, allocating, and using resources
to implement its choices; evaluating the organization’s perfor-
mance; and appropriating its benefits and results. Operationally,
these elements are sufficiently concentrated in, say, the central
government so that it can command and control the behavior of
its field units and local governments, by setting limits on, or dictat-
ing their goals, directing or otherwise guiding their decisions and
actions, substituting its own judgment for theirs through prior or
post hoc approval or by its own direct action, monitoring and evalu-
ating their performance, instituting corrective measures, and im-
posing sanctions for local deviation from central guidelines.
(Ocampo,1992: 145)

Reactions against this concentration of power, authority, responsibility,


and capability in central and higher levels of government prompted the
call for decentralization.

Decentralization
In your first reading, Brillantes broadly defines decentralization as a state
of or condition in a governmental system where there is dispersal of power
or authority from the center (Brillantes, 1987: 131). De Guzman and Padilla
give us a more specific definition of the decentralization as “the dispersal
of authority and responsibility and the allocation of powers and func-
tions from the center or top level of government to the lower levels, from
the central government to regional bodies or special purpose authorities
or from the national to the sub-national levels of government.” (De
Guzman and Padilla, 1992:158-169)

Devolution and Deconcentration


Decentralization can take several forms. Brillantes discusses two main
modes of decentralization: devolution and deconcentration. Devolution
refers to the transfer of power for the performance of certain functions
from the national or central authorities to the lower levels of governments.
Deconcentration, on the other hand, is the process of delegating func-
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tions from the central government to lower levels or regional or field units.
While devolution is also known as political decentralization, deconcen-
tration is referred to as administrative decentralization. (Brillantes, 1987:
369). Devolution transfers power to political subdivisions of the state, while
deconcentration entails the delegation of authority from a national agency
to their field or regional offices.

Brillantes traced how the national government shared political power with
the local governments at various points of Philippine history. He exam-
ined constitutional provisions that set the tone of national-local govern-
ment relations. He showed how local governments lost or acquired politi-
cal powers as the pendulum swung from centralization, during the colo-
nial period and the martial law era, to decentralization during the Aquino
administration. He likewise discussed how, despite political centralism
during the martial law era, Marcos managed to delegate more adminis-
trative authority through administrative decentralization which was
implemented through the creation of some 11 (now 15, as shown in Table
10.1) administrative regions with their respective regional centers, where
regional offices of national government agencies were located. The role of
the regional development councils in decentralizing the planning process
and the use of area-based planning using the river basin, island, and prov-
ince as a planning unit were analyzed as forms of administrative deconcen-
tration. (Brillantes, 1987: 134-146).

I enjoin you to read this article for a more detailed discussion of the his-
tory of political and administrative decentralization in the Philippines.

Privatization
Aside from delegating power and authority to lower political subdivi-
sions and field offices of national agencies, the national government may
transfer the responsibility for some of its functions to: a) the private sec-
tor; or b) non- governmental or people’s organizations which are also
referred to civil society organizations. This process is known as
privatization. Through privatization, private corporations may be con-
tracted by the government to undertake complex infrastructure projects
instead of government doing it all by itself. The government may also
contract a private firm to manage a public hospital; or enter into an agree-
ment with a private hospital to provide out-patient services which the
government may pay for. The state may also authorize or contract non-
governmental or duly recognized and accredited people’s organizations
to provide certain services to specific communities. For example, an orga-
nization of residents in an upland community may enter into an agree-
ment to undertake a reforestation program in partnership with the DENR.
Or a non-governmental organization may be contracted by a national

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government agency to help organize a cluster of contiguous fishing vil-


lages in preparation for the implementation of a major government pro-
gram in the area.

To summarize, decentralization, which is the dispersal of authority and


responsibility and the allocation of powers and functions, may occur
through:

a. political devolution - which is the transfer of authority and political


power for the performance of certain government functions from the
national government to lower political subdivisions of the state;
b. administrative decentralization or deconcentration - which entails the
transfer of authority within the administrative jurisdiction of national
government agencies that may delegate this authority to their field
offices; and
c. privatization - where the responsibility for the delivery of certain gov-
ernmental functions may be delegated to a non-state institution such
as business corporations and non-government or people’s organiza-
tions.

Local Autonomy
In his article, Brillantes referred to local autonomy as the ability of the
different tiers of local governments for self-government. He believes that
at least four requirements must be in place before local government units
may enjoy autonomy. These are:

1. A set of locally elected officials, at least at the legislative level, through


which the local government unit can make its decisions and promul-
gate laws relevant to the needs of the community;
2. A well-defined area of responsibility, i.e., they must know what ex-
actly is expected of them, if they are to take charge of delivering basic
services;
3. A clear delineation of the nature of national-local government rela-
tions specifying the decision making power of local government units
and defining what will have to be reviewed by higher authorities; and
4. The ability to generate local resources that it can utilize to finance pro-
grams which it will undertake on its own. (Brillantes, 1987: 133-134).

Decentralization, as a process, may lead to local autonomy. Ocampo points


out that traditionally, local autonomy is “given or granted” by the central
government, although some local government units may seek autonomy
more aggressively than others. Regardless of the source of initiatives for
local autonomy, there is a need to provide specific measures of autonomy

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as exemplified in the attributes and behavior of local government units.


Ocampo lists five such measures of autonomy: (Ocampo, 1992: 150).

1. Self-determining in terms of goals and functions;


2. Inclined to exercise initiative, leadership, and discretion in decision
making and action;
3. Self-reliant in resources and strategies;
4. Open to local participants; and
5. Responsive and accountable to local constituents

SAQ 10-1
(1) Match the three illustrations of the modes of decentralization
with the concept on the right and explain the concept in your
own words.

ILLUSTRATION CONCEPT

1. Instead of hiring their own A. Political devolution


staff, Makati City hired a
private manpower corpo-
ration to provide janitorial
and messengerial services
for the city government.
B. A d m i n i s t r a t i v e
2. The national government deconcentration
gave local government
units the power to regulate
and license businesses op-
erating within their juris-
dictions. C. Privatization

3. The Secretary of the De-


partment of Health del-
egated to his Regional Di-
rector the authority to ap-
point employees to position
at certain levels.

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ASAQ 10-1
Illustration Concept

(1) (A) Political devolution

(2) (B) Administrative


deconcentration

(3) (C) Privatization

Explanation:

The three modes of decentralization are:

1. Political devolution – is the transfer of authority and political


power for the performance of certain government functions
from the national government to lower political subdivisions
of the state;
2. Administrative decentralization or deconcentration- entails the
transfer of authority within the administrative jurisdiction of
national government agencies that may delegate this author-
ity to their field offices;
3. Privatization – when the responsibility for the delivery of cer-
tain governmental functions may be contracted out to a non-
state institution such as business corporations and non-gov-
ernment or people’s organizations.

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Constitutional Provisions on, and Nature of,


Local Government Units
What are local government units? Why must we have local governments?
What constitutional provisions govern national-local government relations
in the Philippines?

Nature of Local Government Units


Ocampo and Panganiban captured the essence of local government units
and the power of central governments over them when they said: “Le-
gally speaking, local governments are corporate bodies, political subdivi-
sions and general purpose governments, with definite territories, constitu-
encies and governing bodies of their own. But the national government
defines or delimits the criteria and manner of their creation, their roles, pow-
ers and organizational structure, the rules for selecting their leaders and modes
of participation in local governance.” (Ocampo and Panganiban, 1985: 10)

In her work on the nature and state of local government, Domingo-Tapales


elaborated on what is meant by local government units as: a) territorial and
political subdivisions of a sovereign nation; b) legal authorities; c) general
purpose authorities; and d) municipal corporations. (Domingo-Tapales, 1993:
363-359)

a. As territorial and political subdivisions, local governments are subordi-


nate levels under a higher authority and they operate within a defined
geographic area. In a unitary system, local governments are directly un-
der the national government. This is different in a federal system where
local governments function under states or provinces as a second layer of
government, and not immediately under the federal government.
b. As legal authorities, local governments are created by law and they are
imbued with legal authority to perform their powers and functions as
defined in their enabling laws to regulate their internal affairs.
c. As general purpose authorities, local governments may be distinguished
from special purpose authorities who may perform limited functions. In
contrast, local governments usually perform multiple functions.
d. As municipal corporations, local governments may undertake govern-
mental or public functions, such as law-making or the provision of basic
social services, and private or proprietary functions such as entering into
contracts. The essential elements of a municipal corporation are: 1) legal
creation or incorporation; 2) corporate name; 3) inhabitants; 4) place or
territory; 5) charter; and 6) legislative power.

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The Need for Local Governments


The fundamental reason for having local governments in any nation is sim-
ply to be able to divide functions, powers and services by area. Citing Maass
and Ylvisaker, Domingo-Tapales amplifies on the other needs met by the
creation of local governments. First, local governments promote liberty when
they provide additional and more readily available points of access, pressure
and control over governmental functions and services. Second, they serve to
promote equality as they ensure greater and wide-scale participation in gov-
ernmental processes. Third, local governments meet welfare needs, as they
become more responsive to local demands. (Domingo-Tapales, 1992: 359-
362)
Constitutional Foundations
Enshrined in the 1986 Constitution are the fundamental state policies that govern
national-local government relations. These constitutional provisions on local gov-
ernment form the bases for subsequent laws like the Local Government Code and
the Organic Act for the creation of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao
(ARMM).

The commitment of the Philippine government to local autonomy is provided for


in Section 25 of State Policies, which says: “The State shall ensure the autonomy
of local governments.”

Article X on Local Government is composed of general provisions and provisions


on autonomous regions. The first four sections of Article X are salient to this mod-
ule in that they constitute the legal context within which we must understand
national-local government relations. For this reason, we shall cite them below.

Sec. 1. The territorial and political subdivisions of the Republic of the


Philippines are the provinces, cities, municipalities, and barangays. There
shall be autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras as
hereinafter provided.
Sec. 2. The territorial and political subdivisions shall enjoy local au-
tonomy.
Sec. 3. The Congress shall enact a local government code which shall
provide for a more responsive and accountable local government struc-
ture instituted through a system of decentralization with effective mecha-
nisms of recall, initiative and referendum, allocate among the different
local government units their powers, responsibilities, and resources, and
provide for the qualifications, election, appointment and removals, term,
salaries, powers and functions and duties of local officials, and all other
matters relating to the organization and operation of the local units.

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Sec. 4. The President of the Philippines shall exercise general supervi-


sion over local governments. Provinces with respect to component cities
and municipalities with respect to component barangays shall ensure
that the acts of their component units are within the scope of their pre-
scribed powers and functions.

Section 1 enumerates the levels of local government, including the autonomous


regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras, the creation of which are au-
thorized in other sections of the same article. Section 2 makes more explicit an
earlier provision on local autonomy. Sec. 3 calls for the passage of a local govern-
ment code which would provide for a system of decentralization and democratic
processes such as recall, initiative and referendum. Section 4 defines the President’s
supervisory powers over local governments as well as the power of higher
levels of local government units over lower levels of local government within
their areas.

SAQ 10-2
Now that you have read about the nature and character of local
government units, can you explain how the following character of
LGUs apply to the city or municipality where you live? To give
you an idea as to how you may deal with this question, I will
answer the first question for you.

1. As a territorial and political subdivision? (If you live in Quezon


City, then, you will answer that Quezon City has as basic area
of ______ sq. kilometers and that it is part of Metro Manila
Development Authority. It is a highly urbanized city and it is
composed of _____ barangays)

2. As legal authorities?

3. As a general purpose authority?

4. As a corporation?

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ASAQ 10-2
1. (Sample answer provided right after the question)

2. As a legal authority, your municipality or city has its own char-


ter or enabling law, creating the municipality and defining its
powers and functions

3. As a general purpose authority, your city or municipality per-


forms a number of public functions such as the construction
and maintenance of municipal roads and bridges, public parks,
playgrounds, health centers; attending to solid waste disposal,
establishment of public markets and cemetery and the imple-
mentation of community-based forestry projects.

4. As a corporation, your city or municipality can enter into spe-


cific contracts with organizations from the business sector or
even with non-governmental organizations contracting the
latter to provide specific services in behalf of the local govern-
ment unit.

Levels of Local Governments


Field Offices Distinct from Local Governments
A fundamental question that every public administration student of pub-
lic administration must answer is how regional or field units of line de-
partments, some of which are operating at the provincial or municipal
levels, are distinct from local government units. Regional or field units
form part of their respective national agencies or departments. These re-
gional, provincial or municipal field offices cannot be classified as local
governments since they do not have semi-corporate and political powers.
Moreover, the delegation of administrative authority to these field offices
does not require legislation. A department secretary may issue directives
to field offices to change assigned functions and responsibilities as part of
his administrative power or authority as department secretary. Local gov-
ernment units must pass ordinances through its legislative body. (Padilla,
1992:160-163) Moreover, field offices perform specific governmental func-
tions in the area while local governments must perform a number of ser-
vices.

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Tiers of Philippine Local Governments


Chart 10.1 depicts the current tiers of Philippine local government units
as defined in the Constitution and by RA 7160, also known as the Local
Government Code of 1991. In this chart, the province emerges as the in-
termediate unit that supervises the component cities and municipalities
within its geographic boundaries. The province also performs services for
the national government. Cities and municipalities are the basic units of
local government; they perform services for people who live together in a
community. The barangay, a sub-municipal unit, is the venue for direct,
face-to-face interaction of members of a community. (Domingo-Tapales,
1993: 364)

Chart 10.1 Tiers of Philippine Local Government Units

National

Highly Province
Urbanized City

Municipality Component City

Barangay Barangay Barangay

Source: Perfecto L. Padilla, Strengthening Local Government Administration and Accelerat-


ing Local Development (UP CPA: Local Government Center and the Asia Foundation,
1992): 72.

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Roles and Functions of Local Governments


The Barangay
The 1991 Local Government Code views the barangay as the basic politi-
cal unit. It is to serve as the primary planning and implementing unit of
government policies, plans, programs, projects and activities in the com-
munity and as a forum where the collective views of the people may be
expressed, crystallized and considered and where disputes may be ami-
cably settled. These functions encompass the political and administrative
character of the barangay as a local government unit.

The Municipality
Consisting of a group of barangays, the municipality coordinates and
delivers basic regular and direct services within its jurisdiction. As a unit
designed largely for service delivery, it is expected to coordinate the deliv-
ery of basic governmental services such as garbage collection, public mar-
ket administration, and some aspects of health care.

The City
The city consists of more urbanized and developed barangays. The pri-
mary difference between a city and a municipality is that a municipality
provides only certain basic services while a city must provide all basic
services to its constituents. This is because a city is able to operate and
develop the area on its own resources.

The 1991 Local Government Code classifies cities as component or highly


urbanized. Independent component cities are those whose charters pro-
hibit their voters from voting for provincial elective officials. Independent
component cities are not under the supervision of the province where
they are located. Examples of independent component cities are: Santiago
in Isabela, Naga City, Ormoc City, and Cotabato City.

Highly urbanized cities are those with minimum population of 200,000


and an annual income of at least 50 million pesos as certified by the city
treasurer. Cities that do not meet these requirements are considered com-
ponent cities of the province in which they are geographically located.
Component cities are under the supervision of the province.

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The Province
The province, composed of a cluster of municipalities, or municipalities
and component cities, and as a political and corporate unit of govern-
ment, serves as a dynamic mechanism for developmental processes and
effective governance of local government units within its territorial juris-
diction.

The province is composed of a much larger area and is not as close to its
citizens. But it can be an effective level for the performance of specialized
functions which can be better done at a bigger scale. An example of this is
the construction and maintenance of infrastructure.

Table 10.1 (next page) gives us a count of the number of local government
units as of March 31, 1999. It gives us a regional breakdown of the total
number of local government units in the country, which has 14 adminis-
trative regions, 2 political regions, 78 provinces, 83 cities, 1,525 munici-
palities and 41,940 barangays.

Special Local Government Units


Aside from the regular tiers of local government units mentioned above,
there are two regions that are considered political subdivisions: the Met-
ropolitan Manila Development Authority (MMDA) and the Autonomous
Region for Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

Metro Manila Development Authority

The MMDA was created by Congress in 1994. It is composed of nine


contiguous cities and eight municipalities within the National Capital
Region. It is considered a political subdivision as it has been created by
law, has a distinct system of governance, exercises political powers and
performs technical and administrative functions. The MMDA is a special
development and administrative authority under the supervision of the
President. It is basically a planning, supervising, and coordinating body
for basic services that cuts across the political boundaries of local govern-
ments within its jurisdiction. It has regulatory powers over land use, physi-
cal development, and delivery of basic metro-wide services.

UP Open University
Module 10 191

Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao

Created by virtue of RA 6734, the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao is


composed of four provinces: Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi.
This autonomous region has a government structure that is similar to that of the
national government in that it has three branches: legislative, executive, and
judiciary. Its legislative powers are exercised by the Regional Assembly, with
members elected by congressional districts. The Executive Branch is headed by
the Regional Governor and it has its own judicial system in its Shari’ah courts.
Considered as a sub-national local government level, the ARMM exercises super-
vision over its four member provinces. It was created as a way of recognizing the
distinct cultural identity of our Muslim brothers in the south.

Table 10.1. National Summary


Number of Provinces, Cities, Municipalities and Barangays by Region
As of March 31, 1999

REGION PROVINCES CITIES MUNICIPALITIES BARANGAYS

I
Ilocos Region 4 5 120 3,265
I
Cagayan Valley 5 1 92 2,311
III
6 6 116 2,948
Central Luzon
IV
11 10 213 5,614
Southern Tagalog
V 3,471
6 3 112
Bicol
VI
6 13 120 4,048
Western Visayas
VII
4 9 123 3,003
Central Visayas
VIII
6 3 140 4,390
Eastern Visayas
IX 3 4 74 2,113
Western Mindanao
X
Northern Mindanao 4 6 64 1,514

XI
Southern Mindanao 6 4 63 1,522
XII
3 4 51 1,430
Central Mindanao
XIII 2 71 1,307
4
Caraga
NCR 12 5 1,694
CAR 6 1 76 1,172
ARMM 4 85 2,138
TOTAL 78 83 1,525 41,940
Source : Local Government Academy

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Creation of Local Government Units


The process for creating, dividing, merging, abolishing or substantially altering
the boundary of a local government unit, is fairly uniform.The Local Government
Code provides that a local government unit may be “created, divided, merged,
abolished or its boundary substantially altered only by an Act of Congress and
subject to the approval by a majority of the votes cast in a plebiscite to be con-
ducted by the Comelec in the local government unit or units directly affected.
Except as otherwise to be provided in the said Act, the plebiscite shall be held
within one hundred twenty (120) days from the date of its effectivity.” This pro-
vision of the code applies to all local government units. A barangay, however,
may also be created through an ordinance of the sangguniang panlalawigan or a
sanggunian panlungsod.

The Code also set the minimum requirements that must be met before any local
government unit may be created. The population, area, and income require-
ments for the creation of local government units are summarized in Table 10.2.

Table 10-2. Criteria and Manner of Creating Lgus

LGU Income Population Land Area Manner of Creation

Barangays 2,000 By Act of


Congress or thru
an ordinance from
the Sangguniang
Panlalawigan/
Panlungsod

5,000 (for Metro Subject to


Manila plebiscite
and other
Metropolitan
Political Subdivision

Municipality 2.5 M 25,000 50 sq. km. Only by Act of


Congress
Subject to
plebiscite

City 20.0 M. 150,000 100 sq. km. Only by Act of


Component Congress
Independent Subject to a
Component plebiscite
Highly 50.0 M 200,000
Urbanized City

2,000 sq. Only by Act of


Congress
Subject to a
plebiscite

Source: Local Government Code (R.A. 7160)

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SAQ 10-3
Read the news item below and then answer the questions.

LAS PIÑAS CITYHOOD BILL SIGNED


Philippine Star, February 13, 1997, p. 11

President Ramos signed into law yesterday the Congress-ap-


proved charter converting Metro Manila southern corridors’ premier
municipality into the country’s newest highly urbanized city in aus-
tere rites at Malacanang’s Maharlika Hall. Approved was the charter
converting Metro Manila southern corridors’ premier municipality into
the country’s newest city in rites at Malacanang’s Maharlika hall. With
the final approval from the President, the Las Piñas cityhood law will
be submitted to local residents in a popular plebiscite within 60 days.
The Las Piñas city charterprincipally authored by House of Repre-
sentatives entrepreneurship committee chair Rep. Manny Villar, Jr.
has earned landmark status as “the fastest passed” cityhood mea-
sure in Congress. President Ramos hailed the fast-track city char-
tering as he pointed out that Las Piñas inspired leadership was ca-
pable of steering the new city into the forefront of the country’s
progress and development.

1. In the news clipping above, President Ramos signed into law


the bill proposing to create the City of Las Pinas. But this was
not enough because it still had to be submitted to the people of
Las Piñas for ratification. Why is this so?

2. Aside from a plebiscite, what other requirements must a local


government unit accomplish or possess in order to become a
city?

3. In creating other local government unitsbarangays, munici-


palities and provinceswhat minimum legal requisites must be
taken into consideration. Discuss.

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ASAQ 10-3
1. Even if the President already signed into law the bill proposing
the creation of a city, it is still subject to the approval of the
majority of the votes cast in a plebiscite conducted among the
citizens of the locality for that purpose. This plebiscite is an
absolute legal requirement.

2. The requirements in order to validly create a city are the fol-


lowing: an Act of Congress creating a city; a land area of 100
sq. km.; a population of 150,000 for component cities and popu-
lation of 200,000 for independent and highly urbanized cities;
and a plebiscite.

3. In creating barangays the following are necessary: a population


of 5,000 for Metro Manila and other Metropolitan political sub-
divisions and 2,000 for other places; an act of Congress or
through an ordinance from the Sangguniang Panlalawigan/
Panlungsod; and a plebiscite.

In creating municipalities, the following are necessary: an in-


come of 2.5M; a population of 25,000, a land area of 50 sq.
km., an act of Congress; and a plebiscite.

In creating provinces, the following are the requirements: an


income of 20M, a population of 250,000, a land area of 2,000
sq. km., an act of Congress and a plebiscite.

UP Open University
Module 10 195

Activity 10-1
Let us see how much of the barangays, municipalities, and cities,
provinces in your region you really know.

Prepare a list of the a) barangays, b) municipalities, c) cities, d)


provinces in the area where you live. If you are in the Metro Ma-
nila Area, you may list the barangays in the city where you live
and then enumerate the nine cities and eight municipalities com-
posing the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority.

Comments on Activity 10-1


After you have listed the various local government units in your
area of residence, you will have realized the number and the tiers
of local government which may pass legislation that may affect
you as a resident and citizen. If you are not yet too knowledgeable
as who your barangay officials are and what they have been do-
ing in your area, may be now is the time to get to know them and
their projects. As we said earlier, local governments provide the
citizens a greater opportunity to be heard on their needs and to be
involved in local policy making processes. As a student of public
administration, you should at least be aware of the activities of
your barangays or your city or municipal council. As an enlight-
ened citizen you may be in the best position to assess local pro-
grams or propose the initiation of new programs for your area.

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National-Local Government Relations


and the Department of Interior
and Local Government (DILG)
The passage of the 1991 Local Government Code (RA 7160) marked a
new era in the history of decentralization in the Philippines. Passed after
the EDSA people power experience when redemocratization efforts were
at its peak in its, the Code is a manifestation of the realization and will-
ingness of the national government to share its powers with local govern-
ment units. To enable local government units to enjoy genuine and au-
thentic local autonomy, the Code was adopted as a sign of the Philippine
government’s commitment to “provide for a more responsive and account-
able local government structure instituted through a system of decentrali-
zation whereby local government units shall be given more powers, au-
thority, responsibilities and resources. The process of decentralization shall
proceed from the National Government to the local government units.”
(Section 2, R.A. 7160)

National-Local Government Relations


The power of the national government to exercise general supervision
over local governments is affirmed by the Code. This is explicitly granted
to the President who must make sure that the actions of local govern-
ments are well within their prescribed powers and functions. Thus, the
President is to exercise supervisory authority directly over provinces, highly
urbanized cities, and independent component cities; through the prov-
ince, with respect to component cities and municipalities, and through
the city and municipality, with respect to barangays.

Basically, the national government’s responsibilities to local governments


would be to:

a) provide policies and set standards and guidelines,


b) provide funding support,
c) augment basic services which are to be provided by local government
units,
d) extend technical and other forms of assistance to, and coordinate with
local government units in the discharge of national government
agency’s functions,
e) ensure the participation of local governments in planning and imple-
mentation of national projects, and
f) conduct mandatory consultation with local governments.

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Module 10 197

The Department of Interior


and Local Government (DILG)
The Department of Interior and Local Government assists the President
in his general supervision over local government units and oversee and
monitors the implementation of the 1991 Local Government Code. It en-
hance the capabilities of the LGUs for self-governance and implement
plans and programs on local autonomy.

It is interesting to note that in the Local Government Code (BP337) passed


in 1973, the then Ministry of Local Government, the predecessor of the
DILG, was given the authority to “exercise its supervisory authority over
municipalities through the provinces, and barangays through municipali-
ties and cities.” There is no such similar provision in the 1991 Local Gov-
ernment Code. This may be taken to mean that as far as local government
units are concerned, the DILG’s main role is not only to assist the Presi-
dent in exercising general supervision over local government units, but
more importantly, to help prepare local governments for greater autonomy.

The DILG has two main areas of responsibility: local government and
peace and order and public safety. The department’s peace and order
and public safety functions were integrated with its responsibilities for
local government development when R.A. 6975 was signed into law in
1990. By virtue of this law, the Philippine National Police, Bureau of Fire
Protection, Bureau of Jail Management and Penology, and Philippine Public
Safety College became part of the DILG. The organizational structure of
the DILG (Chart 10.2) shows that each of these key functions of the de-
partment are attended to by an Undersecretary.

For its local government concerns, the DILG has the following bureaus: a)
Bureau of Local Government Development, b) Bureau of Local Govern-
ment Supervision, c) National Barangay Operations Office, d) Office of
Project Development Service, and e) Local Government Academy. The
kind of support that the DILG can extend to local government units may
be gleaned from the basic functions of four of these offices as presented in
the latest (1999) DILG brochure.

The Bureau of Local Government Development determines and prescribes


plans, policies, programs and standards and provides technical assistance
to strengthen the administrative, fiscal and technical capabilities of local
government offices and personnel.

UP Open University
Chart 10.2 Department of the Interior and Local Government Organizational Structure
198

SECRETARY

BOARD OF Office of Public BOARD OF


Affairs NAPOLCOM
TRUSTEES TRUSTEES

USEC FOR LOCAL USEC FOR PEACE

UP Open University
GOVERNMENT AND ORDER

Local ASEC for


ASEC for Plans ASEC for Finance
Government Administration and
and Programs and Comptrollership PPSC
Academny HRD

Elec. Data Financial


Planning Admin. Legal
Processing Management
Service Service Service
Service Service

BLGS BLGD NBOO OPDS BFP BJMP PNP

REGIONAL NAPOLCOM R.O.


OFFICES PNP RECOMM
PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

ORD OARD OARD

PROV’L
PROV’L DISTRICT
DISTRICT
Provincial Highly Urbanized FIRE OFFICES
OFFICES
Offices City Offices
CITY/MUN. CITY/MUN. CITY/MUN.
Component FIRE JAIL POLICE
.
City/Mun. STATIONS STATIONS STATIONS
Offices
Source : DILG Primer 1999
BLGS- Bureau of Local Government Supervision
BLGD- Bureau of Local Government Development BFP- Bureau of Fire Protection
NBOO- National Barangay Operations Office BJMP- Bureau of Jail Management and Penology
OPDS- Office of Project Development Service PPSC- Philippine Public Safety College
ORD- Office of the Regional Director
OARD- Office of the Assistant Regional Director
Module 10 199

The Bureau of Local Government Supervision advises and assists the Sec-
retary in the exercise of the power of general supervision of the President
over local governments, particularly in the formulation and implementa-
tion of national laws, policies and standards concerning local govern-
ment operations and their personnel.

The National Barangay Operations Office formulates policies, plans and


programs that will promote community and citizen participation as well
as initiate projects on barangay development strategies and approaches.

The Local Government Academy is responsible for the human resource


development and training of local government officials, and officials and
personnel of the Department, including its regional and field offices.

The DILG, through these offices, will be principally responsible for seeing
to it that the President’s supervisory functions over local governments
will be effectively carried out. Moreover, it must ensure that the provi-
sions of the Code on the national government’s commitment to a genuine
and authentic autonomy for local government units are fully implemented.

SAQ 10-4
Read the news item below and answers the questions that follow.

DILG CHECKS PASAY CITY MAYOR’S HEALTH


The Manila Times, May 11,1999, p. 2
By Macon R. Araneta

The San Juan De Dios Hospital has been instructed by the De-
partment of Interior and Local Governments to submit by 2 p.m.
today a comprehensive report on the health of Pasay City Mayor
Jovito Claudio.
Dr. Mirla Severino, the hospital’s director, was not immediately
available for comment as of press time yesterday. Severino person-
ally received the order from DILG’s Legal Department between 12:30
and 1 p.m. yesterday.
Claudio has been confined at San Juan De Dios since April 22
after suffering a hypertensive attack. He underwent cranial surgery
in the same hospital two days later.
His doctors had advised him to stay in the hospital for a month.
The DILG did not say what action it could take against the hospi-
tal should it refuse to submit the report. The report is important in
determining whether Claudio should be officially placed on leave.

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SAQ 10-4 con’d...


Vice Mayor Greg Alcera has been acting mayor since last week
when the city council signed a resolution designating him acting mayor
based on the automatic succession provisions of the Local Govern-
ment Code.
To be on the safe side and avert any lawsuits that could throw the
city hall in disarray, the DILG wants to have a report that Claudio
could not discharge his functions tall.
Mayor Claudio was confined at the hospital’s intensive care unit
for about 15 days. Last May 7, a press statement from Claudio’s
camp announced that the mayor had been transferred to a private
room, Room 309.
But city hall officials were barred by the family from seeing the
mayor.
“It is not enough to say that the mayor is recuperating,” said a city
hall official who refused to be named. “The public has the right to
know,” added the official, who has vested interests in the ongoing
squabble for succession in the absence of the mayor.
Besides refusing to come up with the mayor’s medical bul-
letin, the Claudio camp also refused to submit to DILG his leave of
absence.

1. Does the DILG have the authority to inquire into the state of
health of Mayor Claudio?

2. What type of relationship between the national government


and the local government is illustrated by the above case?

UP Open University
Module 10 201

ASAQ 10-4
1. The DILG, in this case, is assisting the President in carrying out
the latter’s supervision over LGUs. The Constitution provides
that the President has the power to supervise local elective of-
ficials. This power, however, need not be personally exercised
by him at all times. It may be delegated to the appropriate
executive department, which is the DILG in the case above.

2. The DILG, acting for the President, is merely carrying out the
function of checking on an elected official’s capacity for carry-
ing out the duties of his office.

The 1991 Local Government Code:


Opportunities and Problems
As mentioned earlier, the 1991 Local Government Code introduced ma-
jor changes in the country’s local government system. In your second re-
quired readings for this module, Prof. Domingo-Tapales analyzes the pas-
sage of the Code in the context of previous attempts at decentralization.
She probes into how the Code sought to achieve autonomy through: 1)
the devolution of five basic services from the national government’s re-
gional offices to the local government units, 2) strengthening of people’s
participation through local governmental mechanisms; 3) increase in rev-
enues for local units by the provision of increased shares in nationally
imposed taxes and in effect, 4) strengthening the powers of local execu-
tive officials and councils. (Domingo-Tapales, 1992: 104)

The basic services in agriculture, health, social services, maintenance of


public works and highways and environmental protection were devolved.
As they received the responsibility for these basic services, local govern-
ment units also became the appointing authority for civil service person-
nel who performed these services. Moreover, the Code provided more
funds for local government operations by increasing their share from sev-
eral taxes.

The basic services and facilities that were transferred to local government
units by the following national government agencies include:

1. From the Department of Agriculture: agricultural extension and on-


site research
2. From the DENR: community-based forestry projects

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3. From the Dept. of Health: field health and hospital and other tertiary
health services
4. From the DPWH: public works and infrastructure projects funded out
of local funds,
5. From the DECS: school-building program
6. From the DSWD: social welfare services
7. From the Department of Tourism: tourism facilities and tourism pro-
motion and development
8. From the DOTC: telecommunication services for provinces and cities

Aside from these services, the following regulatory powers were given to
local government units:

1. Reclassification of agricultural lands


2. Enforcement of environmental laws
3. Inspection of food products and quarantine
4. Enforcement of the National Building Code
5. Processing and approval of subdivision plans, and
6. Establishment of cockpits and holding of cockfights

With their increasing responsibilities, changes in organizational structures,


and higher revenue share from the national government, LGUs must con-
tend with new challenges, some of which may be too much to absorb in
such a short period of time. Domingo-Tapales has identified potential prob-
lem areas which may need immediate attention to make sure that the
implementation of the Code will go smoothly.

One potential problem is the financial resources for LGUs. Domingo-Tapales


pointed out that while their share in revenues may be increased, the Code
has not provided increased taxing powers for LGUs. This problem may be
further aggravated by the inability of the LGUs to foot the much higher
wage bill for the devolved personnel since the national government’s fi-
nancial assistance for this is a one-shot deal.

Indeed, the problem of inadequate financing continues to haunt local gov-


ernment units. In the field of public health, some provinces complain that
they are not able to fully support the cost of maintaining their provincial
hospitals. A related issue in health is the capability of the local govern-
ment units to pay for the increased salaries and benefits of health workers
as provided for in the Magna Carta for Health Workers. Indeed, while the
Code has created opportunities for the sharing of power and resources, it
has also spawned problems in the course of its implementation.

UP Open University
Module 10 203

Activity 10-2
We now relate the content of this module to the operations of the
national government agency which you have chosen as your “ref-
erence organization” for this course. I suggest that you go to your
reference organization and ask them about the following:

1. What specific functions were devolved in this agency?

2. How many of their staff were devolved?

3. What problems were met in the implementation of the devolu-


tion of these functions and of their staff?

4. How were these problems resolved?

5. In their opinion, has the devolution resulted in the improve-


ment of the service? Explain.

Comments on Activity 10-2


After undertaking this activity, you will have a good sense of the
experience of your “reference” national government agency in the
devolution of specific services and the attendant problems associ-
ated with these moves. It is possible that you may also get positive
accounts. As with most major policy and institutional changes,
however, both national government agencies and local govern-
ment units had to deal with a lot of transition and continuing prob-
lems which are yet to be resolved. Some of these issues will per-
haps be resolved only after the Code undergoes its first revision.

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Summary
In this module, we have discussed the concepts of centralization, decen-
tralization, and local autonomy as foundations for understanding national-
local government relations. We have also examined the reasons for, na-
ture of, and constitutional provisions on local governments. Adistinction
between field offices and local governments as territorial and political
subdivisions of the state has been made.

You have gone over the various levels of local government units of the
country and read about their roles and functions and how they may be
created, divided, merged, or abolished. We looked at how the passage of
the 1991 Local Government Code has redefined national-local govern-
ment relations. We also examined the role and functions of the Depart-
ment of Interior and Local Government in the new scheme of things and
in the implementation of the Code. Finally, we looked at certain features
of the Code and some problems and issues that have arisen in the course
of its implementation.

References

De Guzman, Raul P. and Padilla, Perfecto L. “Decentralization: Concept


and as a Local Development Strategy” in Perfecto L. Padilla (editor)
Strengthening Local Government Administration and Accelerating Local
Development (U.P. Local Government Center, 1992), pp. 158-169.
Ocampo, Romeo B. “Decentralization and Local Autonomy: A Frame-
work for Assessing Progress” in Perfecto L. Padilla (editor) Strength-
ening Local Government Administration and Accelerating Local Develop-
ment (Local Government Center and Asia Foundation: 1992), pp 143-
157.
Ocampo, Romeo B. and Panganiban, Elena M. The Philippine Local Gov-
ernment System: History, Politics and Finance (U.P. Local Government
Center, 1985).

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Module 11 205

Module11
The Philippine
Civil Service System

Introduction Objectives

Like any organization, the Philippine Adminis- After completing this mod-
trative System’s human resource is its most valu- ule, you should be able to:
able asset. The Philippine government is one of
the biggest, if not the biggest employer in the 1. Define the Civil Service
country. In this module, we will focus on the System.
nature of, and the principles underlying employ- 2. Explain the concepts and
ment in the Philippine Civil Service System, and principles underlying pub-
the scope and the nature of positions it covers. lic service employment as
We will also examine the structure and func- embodied in the Philippine
tions of the Civil Service Commission, the con- Constitution.
stitutional body mandated to serve as the cen- 3. Describe the scope and
tral personnel agency of the government. coverage of the Philippine
Civil Service System.
4. Explain the structure and
function of the Civil Ser-
Required Readings
vice Commission.
For this module, you have the following
materials in your reader:

Article IX, Section B of the Philippine Constitution.


Book V, Executive Order No. 292 (Administrative Code of 1987).
Patricia A. Sto. Tomas, “ The Civil Service Commission: A Self-Assessment,” in
Jose V. Abueva and Emerlinda R. Roman (eds.) The Post EDSA Constitutional
Commissions: Self Assessments and External Views and Assessment (Quezon City:
University of the Philippines, 1998), pp. 5-22.
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The Philippine Civil Service


The Philippine Civil Service refers to workers employed by government in
all its branches, subdivisions, instrumentalities and agencies, including
government-owned or controlled corporations with original charters, and
state colleges and universities.

What is the size of the Philippine Civil Service? The Philippine Medium
Term Development Plan, 1999-2004 described the civil service, thus:

As of 1998, the Philippine civil service had 1.4 million public offic-
ers or 1.98 per cent of the total population of the country. This
compares favorably with other developing countries in Asia whose
civil services are over 2 percent of their respective populations.
Statistics show that the country employs one civil servant to at-
tend to the needs of 51 Filipinos or a ratio of 19:1,000. This propor-
tion is much lower than Singapore’s 23:1,000, Europe’s 70:1,000
and Brunei’s 73:1,000. These countries maintain a higher propor-
tion of civil servants in relation to population despite their advanced
technology and computerized bureaucratic processes and proce-
dures.

Despite the low public servants to total population ratio, the bu-
reaucracy is perceived to be bloated because of the maldeployment
or maldistribution of government personnel across the regions and
across occupational groups. Moreover, the quality of service the
public gets from frontline service units deemed inadequate rela-
tive to the number of people in government service. (Medium Term
Philippine Development Plan, 1999-2004:6-1).

The Civil Service Commission’s 1997 Government Personnel/Positions In-


ventory for 1997 presents a profile of the bureaucracy in terms of their
distribution by major subdivisions of government, (i.e., national agencies,
government-owned and controlled corporations and local government
units) and by branch of service (executive, legislative and judiciary and
constitutional offices). The figures in Table 11.1 next page indicate that as
of 1997, some 66.29% of the Civil Service served in national agencies,
while 7.05% were in government corporations, and the remaining 26.66%
were deployed in local government units. By branch of service, the execu-
tive branch accounted for 94.54%, with the legislative personnel compris-
ing only .59%, the judiciary, 2.72% and constitutional bodies another 2.15%.
The Attrition Law which was in operation from May 8, 1992 to May 7,
1997, restricted the filling up of vacant positions in most national govern-
ment agencies without the approval of the Civil Service Commission.

UP Open University
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Table 11.1 Profile of the Bureaucracy

MAJOR SUBDIVISION GOVERNMENT PERSONNEL (1997)

Total 1,378,644 100%

National Agencies 913,951 66.29


Non-Teaching/
Non-Uniformed (360,538) (39.45)
Teaching (432,172) (47.29)
Uniformed (121,241) (13.26)

GOCCs 97,142 7.05

LGUs 367,551 26.66

BRANCH OF SERVICE GOVERNMENT PERSONNEL (1997)

Total 913,951 100%

Executive 864,054 94.54

National Agencies
Non-Teaching/
Non-Uniformed (310,641) (35.95)
Teaching (432,172) (50.05)
Uniformed (121,241) (14.00)

Legislative 5,381 0.59

Judiciary 24,897 2.72

Constitutional Offices 19,619 2.15

Source: Office for Planning and Management

Principles Governing Civil Service


Employment
The 1987 Constitution laid down the principles governing employment in
the Philippine Civil Service. These are provided for in the following para-
graphs of Section 2, Article IX, (B):

(2) Appointments in the civil service shall be made only according to


merit and fitness to be determined, as far as practicable, and ex-
cept to positions which are policy-determining, primarily confi-
dential, or highly technical, by competitive examination.

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(3) No officer or employee of the civil service shall be removed or


suspended except for cause provided by law.
(4) No officer or employee of the civil service shall engage, directly or
indirectly, in any electioneering or partisan political campaign.
(5) The right to self-organization shall not be denied to government
employees.
(6) Temporary employees of the government shall be given such pro-
tection as may be provided by law.

Merit and Fitness


As the basis for recruitment and employment in the Philippine civil ser-
vice, the principle of merit and fitness affirms the need for competent
professionals in government, even as it protects the public bureaucracy
from partisan political influence. Officials and employees of the bureau-
cracy, are appointed to their positions not because they are backed by
influential politicians but mainly because they have proven that they are
qualified and physically and mentally fit to assume the responsibilities of
their positions. They prove their personal capacity for employment in the
public sector by competing and passing the appropriate civil service ex-
amination and qualifying as a civil service eligible.

This principle is implemented through the following corollary tenets:

a) Equality of opportunity to join the service. Any citizen of the Philip-


pine may join the service regardless of religious belief, sex, region of
origin or political affiliation.

b) Open competition for positions. Any qualified citizen may apply for,
and take any competitive examination administered by the Civil Ser-
vice Commission to demonstrate his/her level of competence for the
position he/she is applying for.

c) Standardized Compensation. As provided for in the 1987 Constitu-


tion, Congress is to provide for the standardization of compensation
of government officials and employees, including those in government-
owned and controlled corporations with original charters, taking into
account the nature of the responsibilities pertaining to and the qualifi-
cations required for their positions.

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d) Career Advancement. Any one who enters the public service and per-
forms well can look forward to a lifetime career. Movement in the
career ladder is based on merit as indicated by work performance,
education and training, experience and outstanding accomplishments,
attitude and potentials.

Security of Tenure
No officer or employee of the civil service shall be removed or suspended
except for cause provided by law and after due process. If any adminis-
trative complaint is filed against a civil servant, the complaint must be in
writing and under oath, otherwise, it will not be given due course. CSC
rules provide that if a prima facie case exists, the disciplining authority
shall notify the respondent of the charges against him/her.

The respondent must be given the disciplining authority not less than 72
hours or 3 days to submit his/her answer to the charges, which answer
must be in writing and under oath. The respondent may submit sworn
statements and documents. If the answer is found satisfactory, the disci-
plining authority shall dismiss the case.

Political Neutrality
No officer or employee in the civil service shall engage, directly or indi-
rectly, in any electioneering or partisan political campaign. Public ser-
vants are to serve any government elected to power by the people . Thus,
they must not use their public office to unduly favor any political party
that they are supporting. Likewise, they are not to deny service to any
person or group belonging to a political party running against the party
of their choice. While they may cast their votes, public servants may not
campaign for any candidate for an elected post.

It is in this spirit that the constitution disqualifies candidates who lost in


any election from being appointed to any government office within one
year after such election. It also prohibits any elective official from being
appointed to any public office during his tenure or to hold any other of-
fice or employment in any office of government, unless this is allowed by
law or by the primary functions of his position.

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Right to Organization
The 1987 Constitution extended to public officials the right to organize. A
new constitutional provision made this possible. Executive Order 292 stipu-
lates that “all government employees, including those in government-
owned or controlled corporations with original charters can form, join or
assist employee organizations of their own choosing for the furtherance
and protection of their interests. They can also form, in conjunction with
appropriate government authorities, labor-management committees, work
councils and other forms of workers’ participation schemes to achieve the
same objectives. (E.O. 292, Chapter 6, Sec. 38) The Code further provides
that “government employees shall not be discriminated against in respect
of their employment by reason of their membership in employees organi-
zations or participation in the normal activities of their organizations.
Their employment shall not be subject to the condition that they shall not
join or shall relinquish their membership in the employees’ organizations.
(E.O. 292 Chapter 6 Sec. 40).

Public Accountability
Public office is public trust and public officers and employees must at all
times be accountable. A public official or employee has reason to be proud
that he/she is a member of the Philippine Civil Service. This is because,
being in this service implies that a public servant is one on whom the
Filipino people reposes their collective power to enable government per-
sonnel to act and make decisions in their behalf. This also means that
public servants discern that the power and authority they hold and uti-
lize are not to be used for personal aggrandizement nor for the benefit of
a few but always for the interest of the greater majority.

This is why the use of power and authority must be constrained by exter-
nal means. Offices such as the Commission on Audit is authorized to
check on whether other public organizations or individuals have utilized
their powers within proper bounds.

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SAQ 11-1
1. In your office, someone asked you, “What does Philippine Civil
Service mean?”, How would you answer this question?

2. Indicate which principles of civil service employment in the


Philippines is involved in the following situations:
a) Dismissal of an employee without a definite cause
b) Appointment of a relative to a career position
c) A public servant denying service to a supporter of an op-
posing political party
d) A public servant denied access to a scholarship grant abroad
because he was president of the employees’ association
e) A group of public officials protesting the promotion of their
colleagues who received unsatisfactory rating
f) A public official going beyond the bounds of his authority
g) A salary scale that reflects variations in the responsibilities
and qualifications of the positions covered by the scale
h) Competitive examination scheduled for qualified applicants
for positions in the Civil Service
i) Government employees getting together to express their
grievance against an abusive officer.

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ASAQ 11-1
1. You would answer by saying that: “The Philippine Civil Ser-
vice refers to workers employed by government in all its
branches, subdivisions, instrumentalities and agencies, includ-
ing government-owned or controlled corporations with origi-
nal charters, and state colleges and universities.”

2. These situations reflect the following principles:


a) security of tenure f) public accountability
b) merit and fitness g) merit and fitness
c) political neutrality h) merit and fitness
d) right to organize i) right to organize
e) merit and fitness

Activity 11-1
Do you remember how you got your first appointment in the pub-
lic service? Try to recall and briefly describe what you went through
in terms of:

a) How you filed your application

b) What exams you took

c) How many interviews you went through

d) How you were finally informed that you are qualified and that
you will be hired for the job

e) How you were oriented to your first job

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Comments on Activity 11-1


In this activity you documented your entry into the public service,
where you are likely to have gone through the various processes
that organizations design to determine that the personnel they hire
are those who are qualified and physically and mentally fit for the
job. Did your personal experience confirm the principles of merit
and fitness in the Philippine Civil Service? I hope that it did.

Positions in the Civil Service


Your second reading is on Book V, Title 1 Subtitle A of the Administrative
Code of 1987. This portion of the Code translates the constitutional provi-
sions into concrete guidelines. It details the coverage of the Civil Service,
the organization and function of the Civil Service Commission, and how
it is supposed to relate to other government agencies. Other chapters of
this book cover personnel policies and standards, right to self-organiza-
tion, discipline, prohibitions and leaves of absence. We shall now go into
the categories, classes, and classification of positions in the Philippine Civil
Service.

There are two main types of positions in the Civil Service: a) the career
service and b) the non-career service.

The Career Service


The distinct features of the career service are as follows:

• Entrance to this service is based on merit and fitness, to be determined


as far as practicable by competitive examination or based on highly
technical qualifications.

• There is opportunity for advancement to higher career positions.

• Members of this service enjoy security of tenure.

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Within the career service are the sub-categories of positions. These are the
following:

(1) Open Career positions for appointment to which prior qualification


in an appropriate examination is required.
(2) Closed Career positions which are scientific, or highly technical in
nature. These include the faculty and academic staff of state colleges
and universities and scientific and technical positions in scientific or
research institutions which shall establish and maintain their own
merit system. (An example of this would be the University of the Phil-
ippines, which maintains its own system for recruiting and promot-
ing its faculty members.)
(3) Positions in the Career Executive Service, namely, Undersecretary,
Assistant Secretary, Bureau Director, Assistant Bureau Director, Re-
gional Director, Assistant Regional Director, Chief of Department Ser-
vice, and other officers of equivalent rank as may be identified by the
Career Executive Service Board;
(4) Career officers other than those in the Career Executive Service who
are appointed by the President, such as the Foreign Service Officers in
the Department of Foreign Affairs;
(5) Commissioned officers and enlisted men of the Armed Forces which
shall maintain a separate merit system;
(6) Personnel of government-owned or controlled corporations, whether
performing governmental or proprietary functions, who do not fall
under the non-career service;
(7) Permanent laborers, whether skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled.

There are three classes of positions in the Career Service, appointment to


which require examination. These are:

(1) The first level, which includes clerical, trades, crafts and custodial
service positions which involve non-professional or sub-professional
work in a non-supervisory or supervisory capacity requiring less than
four years of collegiate studies.
(2) The second level, which include professional, technical, and scien-
tific positions which involve professional, technical, scientific work in
a non-supervisory or supervisory capacity requiring at least four years
of college work up to Division Chief level.
(3) The third level, which cover positions in the Career Executive Service.

Executive Order No. 292 provides that: “Except as herein otherwise pro-
vided, entrance to the first two levels shall be open to those inside and
outside the service who meet minimum qualification requirements. En-
trance to a higher level does not require previous qualification in the lower
level. Entrance to the third level shall be prescribed by the Career Execu-
tive Service Board.”

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For positions within the same level, the Administrative Code no longer
requires a civil service examination for promotion to a higher position in
one or more related occupational groups. It is understood, however, that
a candidate for promotion should have previously passed the entrance
examination for that level.

Non-Career Service
This service is characterized by:

1) Entrance on bases other than those of the usual tests of merit and
fitness utilized for the career service; and

2) Tenure which is limited to a period specified by law, or which is cotermi-


nous with that of the appointing authority or subject to his pleasure, or
which is limited to the duration of a particular project, for which pur-
pose employment was made.

The positions included in the Non-Career Service are:

(1) Elective officials and their personal or confidential staff;

(2) Secretaries and other officials of Cabinet rank who hold their posi-
tions at the pleasure of the President and their personal or confiden-
tial staff;

(3) Chairman and members of commissions and boards with fixed terms
of office and their personal or confidential staff;

(4) Contractual personnel or those whose employment in the govern-


ment is in accordance with a special contract to undertake a specific
work or job, requiring special or technical skills not available in the
employing agency, to be accomplished within a specific period, which
in no case shall exceed one year, under its own responsibility with a
minimum direction and supervision from the hiring agency; and

(5) Emergency and seasonal personnel. (Chapter 2, Secs. 6-9 of E.O. 292)

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SAQ 11-2
There was a vacancy in Department X. Ato, a Supply Officer III,
went on absence without leave (AWOL). The Department Secretary
then appointed Benny to take his position. Carlo contested Benny’s
appointment, alleging that he was more entitled to the position be-
cause he had been a Supply Officer II in the department for ten years.
Moreover, Benny did not come from the same office but was merely
a loyal political party-mate and supporter of the Secretary. In re-
sponse, the Secretary explained that the appointment was an exer-
cise of discretion on his part and that he was empowered to choose
whom he deemed best fitted for the position. Also, while Benny may
not come from the same office, he possessed the minimum qualifica-
tions required by the position, i.e., a Bachelor’s degree, 2 years rel-
evant experience, and 8 hours relevant training.

To appease Carlo, the Secretary offered to give him a scholarship


grant to the MPA program of the NCPAG of UP, plus other training
privileges. In the meantime, while all this was going on, Ato came
back from his long vacation and wanted to have his old position
back. The Mayor refused and summarily removed him from office
alleging that he has already forfeited his position by his long and
unofficial absence.

Questions:

1. Is the position being contested career or non-career service?

2. The position of Supply Officer III is of what level?

3. Was the appointment of Benny by the Secretary valid? Explain?

4. Does Carlo have a right to claim the position? Why or why


not?

5. Was the offer of scholarship to Carlo by the Secretary proper?


Explain your answer.

6. Was the summary dismissal of Ato by the Secretary valid? State


your reasons.

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ASAQ 11-2
(a) The position being contested is career service, which is de-
fined by EO 292 as a position appointment to which required
prior qualification in an appropriate examination.
(b) The position being contested is of the second level. Since the
position of Supply Officer III requires a Bachelor’s degree, 2
years relevant experience, and 8 hours relevant training, it
clearly falls under the second level.
(c) The appointment of Benny by the Secretary was legal and valid
but not optimum or ideal.
Indeed, the appointing officer has the discretion to appoint
whom he deems fit for the position provided that the appoin-
tee possesses the minimum requirements of the position.
However, Rule IV of EO 292 encourages that: whenever a po-
sition in the first level becomes vacant, the employees in the
department or agency who occupy positions deemed to be next-
in-rank to the vacancy, shall be considered for promotion...(Sec.
2).
Also, it was improper for the Secretary to appoint a person
over another who is from the same department and who is
next in rank for reasons of political loyalty and ties. An ap-
pointing officer must observe political neutrality and uphold
the requirements of merit and fitness at all times.
(d) Carlo may appeal Benny’s appointment to the regional, pro-
vincial, or field civil service office or to the Office for Legal
Affairs (OLA) of the CSC as provided for in Sec. 13 Rule VII of
EO 292. He has a right to appeal because he is the person in
next-in-rank and is preferred by the law to be appointed to the
position vacated.
(e) The offer of scholarship to Carlo, although it may be for the
wrong reasons, is valid. EO 292 mandates agencies and de-
partments to undertake programs that will ensure career and
personnel development. They are enjoined to create an envi-
ronment that is conducive to the development of personnel
skills, talents, and values for better public service.
(f) The summary dismissal of Ato by the Secretary was not valid.
Even though there may be valid grounds for his removal from
office, Ato is still entitled to due process, i.e., he is entitled to be
given opportunity to explain his side and to be heard and con-
sidered.

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The Civil Service Commission


Constitutional mandate
One of the constitutional bodies, whose independence is ensured by the
1987 Constitution, the Civil Service Commission (CSC) serves as the cen-
tral personal agency of the government. It is mandated to “establish a
career service and adopt measures to promote morale, efficiency, integ-
rity, responsiveness, progressiveness, and courtesy in the civil service. It
shall strengthen the merit and rewards system, integrate all human re-
sources development programs for all levels and ranks and institutional-
ize a management climate conducive to public accountability. It shall sub-
mit to the President and Congress an annual report on its personnel pro-
grams.” (Article I, B, Sec. 3 of 1987 Constitution)

Functions of the civil service commission


The Civil Service Commission’s functions include a broad range of hu-
man resource development concerns. Basically, these functions cover the
tasks of planning for, acquiring, developing, and imposing sanctions on
human resources for the public service. (Klinger and Nalbandian, 1998:3)

Section 3 of Chapter 12 of the Administrative Code, which is included in


your readings, presents a long list of the powers and functions of the Civil
Service Commission. We categorized these lists of functions into:

a) formulating policies on standards and rules and regulations on all forms


of personnel action in government offices;

b) overseeing the enforcement of these policies and rules by all govern-


ment offices in all forms of personnel action from recruitment to retire-
ment;

c) administering Civil Service Commission organized examinations;

d) carrying out its legal and quasi-judicial functions to hear and decide
administrative cases; and

e) managing the internal and other institutional concerns of the Com-


mission in relation to other national and international agencies.

We suggest that you go over this major categories of functions and check
later how you would classify all the items in that list along the five catego-
ries provided above.

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To some Filipinos of an older generation, the Civil Service Commission is


basically an office where all the appointment, promotion, transfer, or what-
ever form of personnel action affecting any government personnel is pro-
cessed and approved. Happily, the CSC is no longer the big paper-push-
ing organization that it was known for in the past. The Civil Service Com-
mission recognized that line departments are directly responsible for pro-
ducing results. Thus, it is only right that they should have control over
decisions regarding the hiring, firing and disciplinary action that they
make for their personnel. To enable departments and other government
agencies to take the appropriate personnel action as soon as possible, the
CSC has delegated the following personnel functions to other govern-
ment agencies:

1) Enforcement of rules and regulations for carrying into effect the pro-
vision of the Civil Service Law and other pertinent laws

2) Implementation of policies, standards and guidelines in their offices


and adoption of plans and programs to promote economical, effi-
cient and effective personnel administration in the government

3) Autonomy in the establishment of an agency Performance Evalua-


tion System

4) Establishment of agency Employee Suggestions and Incentive Awards


System

5) Streamlining and deregulating HRD functions

6) Establishment of an agency Educational Support Program

7) Establishment of an agency Merit Promotion Plan and System of Rank-


ing Position

8) Establishment of a Personnel Development Committee

9) Setting of criteria for qualification requirements of positions unique


to the agency

10) Authority to take final action on their appointments under the CSC
Accreditation Program, if found qualified, and to discipline its em-
ployees in accordance with law and exercise control and supervision
over their office

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Aside from delegating these functions to the government agencies, the


CSC Central office has also delegated almost all of its functions to its Re-
gional Offices. Thus, personnel issues and questions of government of-
fices located in the regional centers need not be forwarded to Manila for
action.

Organizational Structure of the Commission


The Administrative Code passed in 1987 prescribes the offices that the
Civil Service Commission must have. It also authorizes the CSC, as an
independent constitutional body, to effect changes in its organization as
the need arises.

Chart 11.1 is the organizational chart of the Civil Service Commission as


of August 23, 1999. This new structure shows that the Commission has
grouped its major concerns along what it calls the three pillars of the Civil
Service: a) Meritocracy, b) Capability-Building and c) Legal and Quasi-
Judicial functions. It has also provided for a fourth group, which brought
together Internal Concerns, Legislative Liaison and other Special Con-
cerns under one Assistant Commissioner.

What functions would fall under the new “pillars” of the civil service?
Concerns dealing with recruitment, examination, placement, qualifica-
tion standards and performance evaluation system and the formulation
of the merit promotion plan are considered part of “meritocracy.” “Ca-
pability-building” will cover career systems, incentives and awards, train-
ing, personnel relations, and gender and development, as well as interna-
tional concerns. “Legal and quasi-judicial” matters include all decisions
on personnel actions and other legal concerns, including secretariat ser-
vices for the Public Sector Labor Management Council (PSLMC).

As the chart shows, the CSC has 16 Civil Service Regional Offices which
supervise some 105 field offices in national and local government offices.
As of April 1999, the Civil Service Commission has a total of 1,529 plantilla
items, 512 of which are in the Central Office, while the remaining 1,017
are items for its regional and field offices.

Assessing the CSC’s Performance


We included former CSC Chairperson Sto. Tomas’ self-assessment in your
reader as it represents an attempt to evaluate the organizational perfor-
mance of the Civil Service Commission. Accompanying this piece are the
comments of Dr. Jaime Veneracion and Dr. Amelia Varela who were the
discussants of Sto. Tomas’ papers.
UP Open University
Chart 11.1 Organizational Structure of the Civil Service Commission
(As of August 23, 1999)

COMMISSION

OPM COMSEC PIS

ASCOM 2 ASCOM 3
ASCOM 1 ASCOM 4
Capability Legal and Quasi-
Meritocracy ICLLSS
Building Judicial

RSPS RSPS RSPS RSPS

OREP MITSO HRDO TCIRCO 16 CSROs OLA OPDS OFAMS

Legend : 105 FOs


________ Line of Authority
Line of Coordination

OPM - Office for Planning and Management MITSO - Management Information Technology & Systems Office
COMSEC - Commission Secretariat HRDO - Human Resource Management Office
PIS - Public Information Service TCIRCO - Technical Cooperation and International Relations Coordination Office
ASCOM - Assistant Commissioner OLA - Office for Legal Affairs
Module 11

ICLLSS - Internal Concerns, Legislative Liaison and Special Services OPDS - Office for Personnel Development Services
RSPS - Research and Special Project Staff OFAMS - Office for Financial and Assets Management Services
OREP - Office for Recruitment, Examination and Placement CSROs - Civil Service Regional Offices
FOs - Field Offices

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Sto. Tomas stressed in her article that “[t]he wholesale replacement of


elective and non-elective officials right after EDSA was actually the start
of the most sweeping and unsettling government reorganization, which
soon engulfed even the lowest echelons of the Philippine bureaucracy.
The extraordinary powers of the revolutionary government then virtually
put on hold the concept of a professional career service.” (Sto. Tomas,
1998:6) Sto. Tomas pointed out that the manner in which the reorganiza-
tion soon after 1986 violated all the rules of the civil service, with the
revolutionary government declaring that security of tenure was practi-
cally non-existent.

Confronted with this situation, the CSC’s first task was to achieve some
form of stabilization in the civil service amidst the instability spawned by
the reorganization going on in the entire Executive branch. With the pas-
sage of the Rasul Law (R.A. 6656), the rights of government employees
during reorganization were defined and the law spelled out what can be
done while an office is undergoing reorganization.

After some form of stabilization was achieved in 1988, the CSC stressed
performance in 1989. CSC sent out the message that security of tenure is
not a right. Tenure is based on performance. Through a number of inter-
ventions, the CSC directed more attention to performance. This was done
by: a) encouraging agencies to develop their own performance appraisal
systems consistent with broad guidelines issued by the CSC; b) tightening
the ground rules on promotion and dismissals; c) the upgrading of the
schedule of penalties; and d) the raising of the passing mark for all CSC-
administered examination to 80 instead of 70%.

In 1990 the CSC went full blast in its deregulation and decentralization
efforts. It set up more provincial and field offices all over the country.
Processing of the appointments in the country was delegated to these
field offices. The CSC also allowed offices with good track records to pro-
cess their own appointments, provided that these agencies would be sub-
jected to inspection and audit of their personnel transactions.

The CSC’s theme for 1991 was employee empowerment. With the right to
organize given to public employees by the 1987 Constitution, public em-
ployees can draw strength from their number and their right to speak out
as one. While there were only 79 employee unions in 1988, this number
grew to 242 by the end of 1991. The CSC played a major role in promot-
ing and assisting government employees on the mechanics of forming
and running a union. In 1991, Sto. Tomas reported a big breakthrough
with the signing of the memorandum of agreement between government-
employee representatives and government management. This covenant
made possible the release of a package of benefits to government employ-
ees which included the Personnel Emergency Relief Allowance, the mon-

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etization of leave credits and the release of 10 million pesos from the Presi-
dential Social Fund for use as seed money in establishing a nationwide
government employees cooperative. For their part, the employees pledged
to adhere to legal means of redressing grievances and avoid work stop-
pages that would prejudice delivery of services and to improve govern-
ment productivity by setting standards of performance and behavioral
norms. (Sto. Tomas, 1998:11-12).

On the whole, Sto. Tomas credited the Aquino administration for the fol-
lowing: a) the grant of the right to self-organization in the Constitution;
b) the quick revival of the Career Executive Service; c) the passage of the
Salary Standardization Law; and d) the adoption of the Local Govern-
ment Code. However, she lamented the continuing increase in the size of
the bureaucracy and the fact that under the Aquino Administration the
bureaucracy became top heavy.

What still needs to be done? Sto. Tomas pointed out the need to focus
more attention on managers in the public service, particularly how their
performance will be monitored. She suggests that the practice of having
performance contracts with executives be sustained. Three questions
should be central in these contracts: 1) How will the public manager im-
prove a current maintenance function of his/her agency?; 2) What stand-
ing problem does he/she intend to solve? and 3) What innovations will
he/she introduce?

Sto. Tomas also hopes that even after her term, work on the passage of
the Civil Service Code in Congress will progress so that some of the fol-
lowing proposals offered in the Code may be implemented: 1) lowering of
the retirement age from 65 to 60 for mandatory requirement and from 60
to 55 for optional retirement; 2) portability of social security benefits be-
tween public and private sector employment and vice versa; and 3) a
single retirement fund for all government employees.

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SAQ 11-3
Classify the 19 functions listed in pp. 302-303 of the Administra-
tive Code according to these five categories:

a) Formulating policies on, standards and rules and regulations


on all forms of personnel action in government offices,
b) Overseeing the enforcement of these policies and rules by all
government offices in all forms of personnel action from re-
cruitment to retirement,
c) Administering Civil Service Commission organized examina-
tions,
d) Carrying out its legal and quasi-judicial functions to hear and
decide administrative cases, and
e) Managing the internal and other institutional concerns of the
Commission in relation to other national and international
agencies.

Activity 11-2
At this point, you can go again to your reference organization to
ask them about the following questions:

1. What personnel functions have been delegated to them by the


CSC?

2. Has this delegation of personnel functions resulted in a more


efficient organization?

3. Have their staff taken advantage of the right to organize?

4. Have employee associations achieved anything substantial?

5. Is the organization happy with the service of the CSC’s field


office in the area?

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ASAQ 11-3
The 19 functions of the Civil Service Commission may be classified
along these four categories as follows:

a) Function Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 10


b) Functions No. 1, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19
c) Functions No. 7 and 8
d) Functions No 5, 11, and 12
e) Functions No. 6 and 13.

Comments on Activity 11-2


Through this activity, you have checked to what extent the cur-
rent Civil Service System has really been transformed to a central
personnel agency that empowers agencies and employees to make
decisions on their own. You will have also verified for yourself
whether the improvements that the CSC claims have been intro-
duced are really working for a better Philippine Administrative
system.

Summary
In this module, you learned what constitutes the Philippine civil service
system and how the concepts of merit and fitness, security of tenure, po-
litical neutrality and public accountability underlie public service
employment.You have also distinguished career from non-career posi-
tions. Within the career system, you identified the categories and the dif-
ferent levels of positions.

We also discussed the functions and structure of the Civil Service Com-
mission and saw how the commission fared in the Post-EDSA era.

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References

Article IX, Section B of the Philippine Constitution.


Book V, Executive Order No. 292 (Administrative Code of 1987).
Klinger, Donald E. and Nalbandian, John. Public Personnel Management:
Contexts and Strategies ( New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1998: 3).
Medium Term Philippine Development Plan, 1999-2004.
Patricia A. Sto. Tomas, “The Civil Service Commission: A Self-Assess-
ment,” in Jose V. Abueva and Emerlinda R. Roman (eds.) The Post
EDSA Constitutional Commissions: Self Assessments and External Views
and Assessment (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1998), pp.
5-22.

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Module 12
The Budgetary Process:
A Component of Public
Fiscal Administration

Introduction Objectives
From the processes of hiring, motivating and
retiring public servants, we move on to how After completing this module,
the Philippine Administrative System plans you should be able to:
for and actually obtains the financial re-
sources it needs to get the whole System 1. Define public fiscal admin-
moving. The central concern of this mod- istration and its elements,
ule is budget preparation, authorization, namely, taxation, budget-
implementation and accountability as spe- ing, governmental account-
cific components of public fiscal adminis- ing and auditing, and debt
tration. Since it is at the heart of the mecha- management.
nism for allocating scarce government re- 2. Explain the constitutional
sources, the budgetary process reflects an basis for government’s
interplay of political, administrative and taxation, and budgetary
economic forces that tend to influence the policies and practices.
decisions on who will get what and how 3. Discuss and explain the
much, once the budget becomes an appro- four stages of the national
priation act. budget cycle.
4. Describe the role of the De-
partment of Budget and
Management (DBM) in four
phases of the budgetary pro-
cess.

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Required Readings

For this module, your readings include:

Article VI (Legislative Department) Sections 24, 25, 27 (2), 28 and 29 of


the 1987 Constitution.
Book VI (National Government Budgeting) of the Administrative Code of
1987.
Primer on Government Budgeting (Manila: Department of Budget and
Management), pp.1-27.

Enrichment Materials

Aside from these materials, I also strongly recommend:

“The Budget Process and Significant Budgetary Innovations” (Chapter


13) of Leonor M. Briones, Philippine Public Fiscal Administration (Vol.1)
(Fiscal Administration Foundation, Inc., 1996), pp.336-363, and

Emilia T. Boncodin, “Budget and Management” The Ramos Presidency and


Administration: Record and Legacy (1992-1998) edited by Jose V.
Abueva, Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler, Ma. Oliva Z. Domingo and Eleanor
E. Nicolas. (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1998), pp.99-
131.

Public Fiscal Administration and Budgeting


Students of public administration know only too well that the lack of
funds for government programs is a perennial problem of developing coun-
tries like the Philippines. Yet, they also know that access to public funds is
not an easy matter because of the complex issues involved in governmen-
tal processes related to the state’s efforts to raise and use public funds in
an accountable manner.

How government spends money must be understood in the context of a


number of other processes. As a major actor in the country’s economy,
the size of the public budget, together with the taxes that the state im-
poses and public borrowing necessary to cover gaps between revenues
and estimated expenditures, has economic implications. This is why, we
must situate our discussion of the budgetary process in the context of the
broader field of public fiscal administration.

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What is public fiscal administration and how is it linked to budgeting?


Briones defines public fiscal administration as “the formulation, imple-
mentation and evaluation of policies and decisions on taxation and rev-
enue administration; resource allocation, budgeting and public expendi-
ture; public borrowing and debt management; and accounting and au-
diting. Fiscal policy refers to the mix of policies on taxation, expenditures
and borrowings for the achievement of government objectives.”(Briones,
1996:2) Since government is a major spender, it has effects on the economy.
Its taxation policies would also have an indirect way of redistributing
resources from those who have more to those who have less.

Taxation
A tax is a compulsory contribution from a person to the government to
defray the expenses incurred in the common interest of all without refer-
ence to special benefits conferred upon the taxpayer. Taxation is an im-
portant tool which the government employs to keep overall money ex-
penditure for goods and services from increasing or falling too rapidly.
(Briones, 1996:108).

Budgeting
The budget is defined as the financial plan of the government. It is de-
signed to accomplish the political, economic, and social objectives of the
government as well as to carry out its administrative policies. As a finan-
cial plan it proposes the allocation of the scarce financial resources among
the many competing demands of the government. It specifies the pro-
grams, projects, services and activities for which specific amounts of the
public funds are proposed and allocated. The budget also indicates the
manner in which government intends to raise funds with which to sup-
port the estimated expenditures recommended in the budget. The budget
translates the program of government into monetary terms. (Briones,
1996:80)

Debt Management
Debt management is another component of public fiscal administration.
Yoingco, as cited by Briones, captured the essence of public debt manage-
ment when he said that there are four stages in the life of public debt:
borrowing funds, spending the funds, raising revenues for repayment and
actual debt repayment. He also pointed out that each of these stages af-
fects the structure of taxes and the levels of expenditures for consumption

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and investment. Thus the sources of borrowed funds, whether local or


foreign, the type of debt instrument, the purpose of borrowing, and even
the maturity date of a major public loan are all carefully considered in
terms of the specific impacts they are expected to have
on the economy. (Briones Vol.II, 1996: 4).

State Accounting and Auditing


State accounting is defined as that branch of accounting that encompasses
the process of analyzing, recording, classifying, summarizing, and com-
municating all transactions involving government funds and property,
and interpreting the results thereof. It performs several important func-
tions. It records, measures and analyzes the financial and operational
performance of government agencies and instrumentalities. It also attests
to the integrity of transactions through verification and evaluation. More-
over, it also communicates to the agency management information vital
to decision-making, control and supervision. (Briones, (Vol. II), 1996:71)

The Government Auditing Code of the Philippines (Presidential Decree


No. 1445) defines state audit as “the analytical and systematic examina-
tion and verification of financial transactions, operations, accounts and
reports of any government agency for the purpose of determining their
accuracy, integrity and authenticity, and satisfying the requirements of
law, rules and regulations.”(Briones Vol. II, 1996:117).

We can see that budgeting is one of the elements of public fiscal adminis-
tration that one must understand as part of the government’s set of inter-
related financial processes which have direct effects on the country’s
economy.

Constitutional Provisions on Budgeting


Your readings include provisions of the 1987 Constitution that lay down
policies and specific limitations on the duties and responsibilities of the
Executive and the Legislative in the task of formulating the budget. These
provisions include:

a. Tasks and Powers of the Executive

Article VII, Section 22 states that: “The President shall submit to the
Congress within thirty days from the opening of every regular ses-
sion, as the basis of the general appropriation bill, a budget of expen-
ditures and sources of financing including receipts from existing and
proposed revenue measures.”
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Article VI, Sec.28 (2) “The President shall have the power to veto
any particular item or items in an appropriation, revenue or tariff
bill but the veto shall not affect the item or items to which he does
not object.”

b. Tasks of congress

Article VI, Sec. 24 provides that “ All appropriation, revenue or


tariff bills authorizing increase of the public debt, bills of local ap-
plication and private bills shall originate exclusively in the House
of Representatives but the Senate may propose or concur with
amendments.

Sec.25 (1) delimits what Congress can do with the budget as it


provides: “The Congress may not increase the appropriations rec-
ommended by the President for the operation of the Government
as specified in the budget. The form, content and manner of prepa-
ration of the budget shall be prescribed by law.”

c. Procedures for passing the appropriations bill

The following provisions dwell on the passage of the appropriations bill:

Sec.25 (2). “No provision or enactment shall be embraced in the


general appropriations bill unless it relates specifically to some
particular appropriation therein. Any such provision or enactment
shall be limited in its operation to the appropriation to which it
relates.

(3) The procedure in approving appropriations for the Congress


shall strictly follow the procedure for approving appropriations
for other departments and agencies.

(4) A special appropriations bill shall specify the purpose for which
it is intended, and shall be supported by funds actually available
as certified by the National Treasurer, or to be raised by a corre-
sponding revenue proposal therein.

(5) No law shall be passed authorizing any transfer of appropria-


tions; however, the President, the President of the Senate, the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court, and the heads of Constitutional Commissions may,
by law, be authorized to augment any item in the general appro-
priations law for their respective offices from savings in other items
of their respective appropriations.

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(6) Discretionary funds appropriated for particular officials shall


be disbursed only for public purposes to be supported by appro-
priate vouchers and subject to such guidelines as may be prescribed
by law.

(7) If, by the end of any fiscal year, the Congress shall have failed
to pass the general appropriations bill for the ensuing fiscal year,
the general appropriations law for the preceding fiscal year shall
be deemed reenacted and shall remain in force and effect until the
general appropriations bill is passed by the Congress.

d. Use of public funds

Beyond prescribing the procedures for the adoption of the appropriations


bill, the Constitution also defines how public funds will be utilized in Sec-
tion 29 of Article VI as follows:

Sec. 29 (1) No money shall be paid out of the Treasury except in


pursuance of an appropriation made by law.

(2) No public money or property shall be appropriated, applied or


paid, or employed, directly or indirectly, for the use, benefit, or
support of any sect, church, denomination, sectarian institution
or system of religion, or of any priest, preacher, minister or other
religious teacher or dignitary as such, except when such priest,
preacher, minister or dignitary is assigned to the armed forces or
to any penal institution or government orphanage or leprosarium.

(3) All money collected on any tax levied for a special purpose
shall be treated as a special fund and paid out for such purpose
only. If the purpose for which a special fund was created has
been fulfilled or abandoned, the balance if any, shall be transferred
to the general funds of the Government.

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SAQ 12-1
We have just gone over the meaning of and the elements constitut-
ing public fiscal administration as well as the relevant provisions
of the Constitution on the formulation of the budget. Let us check
how much of these you can recall.

1. What broader field of public administration should provide


the context against which you should understand public bud-
geting?

2. In what ways are taxation, budgeting and borrowing related?

3. What specific powers does the Constitution give to the Execu-


tive and the Legislative on the passage of the appropriations
bill?

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ASAQ 12-1
1. Budgeting is one of the elements of public fiscal administra-
tion. Public fiscal administration includes the formulation and
implementation of policies and decisions on taxation and rev-
enue administration, budgeting and public expenditure; pub-
lic borrowing and debt management; and accounting and au-
diting.

2. It is important that we should understand that the govern-


ment may intervene in the economy through its fiscal policy
which is the mix of policies on taxation, expenditures and bor-
rowings for the achievement of government goals.

3. The Constitution empowers the President to submit the bud-


get, which would serve as the basis of the appropriations bill.
The President is also given the power to veto a particular item
in the appropriation bill.

The Constitution expressly mandates that no money shall be


paid out of the Treasury except as authorized by an appro-
priation made by law. It also mandates that appropriations
bill shall originate exclusively from the House of Representa-
tives. The Constitution also provides that Congress may not
increase the appropriations recommended by the President as
specified in the budget.

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SAQ 12-2
Write T if the statement is true and F if the statement is false in
the blank provided.

_____ 1. The procedure for approving appropriations for the


Congress shall strictly follow the procedure for approv-
ing appropriations for other departments and agencies.

_____ 2. A special appropriations bill shall specify the purpose


for which it is intended, and shall be supported by funds
actually available as certified by the National Treasurer.

_____ 3. No law shall be passed authorizing any transfer of ap-


propriations.

_____ 4. The President, the President of the Senate, the Speaker


of the House of Representatives, the Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court, and the heads of Constitutional
Commissions are not authorized to augment any item
in the general appropriations law for their respective
offices from savings in other items of their respective
appropriations.

_____ 5. Discretionary funds appropriated for particular offi-


cials shall be disbursed for any purpose.

_____ 6. If, by the end of any fiscal year, the Congress shall have
failed to pass the general appropriations bill for the
ensuing fiscal, the general appropriations law for the
preceding fiscal year shall be deemed reenacted and
shall remain in force and effect until the general ap-
propriations bill is passed by the Congress.

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ASAQ 12-2
1. T
2. T
3. T
4. F
5. F
6. T

The National Budget Cycle


A regular recurring activity of every office of the Philippine Administra-
tive System is its active participation in the national budget cycle which
moves through the four phases of budget preparation, budget authoriza-
tion, budget execution, and budget accountability. Any student of public
budgeting will tell you that within any part of the calendar year, you are
likely to be observing at least two parts of this process, i.e., while the bud-
get for 1999 is through its budget execution stage, the 2000 budget may be
undergoing budget legislation. Thus, agency budget officers will tell you
that by the first week of January, the DBM issues the budget call, which
would trigger a series of activities that will end with the President’s sub-
mission of the budget proposal to Congress. We shall describe below the
key activities of the four stages of the budget cycle.

National Budget Policy


Book VI of the Administrative Code of 1987 defines the country’s budget
policy as follows: “ It is hereby declared the policy of the State to formu-
late and implement a National Budget that is an instrument of national
development, reflective of national objectives, strategies and plans. The
budget shall be supportive of and consistent with the socio-economic de-
velopment plan and shall be oriented towards the achievement of explicit
objectives and expected results, to ensure that funds are utilized and op-
erations are conducted effectively, economically and efficiently. The na-
tional budget shall be formulated within the context of a regionalized
government structure and of the totality of revenues and other receipts,
expenditures and borrowings of all levels of government and of govern-
ment-owned or controlled corporations. The budget shall likewise be pre-
pared within the context of the national long-term plan and of a long-
term budget program. (E.O.292,1987:411).

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Budget preparation
Determining Budgetary Parameters. This first stage of the budget process
is the determination of basic budgetary parameters by the Development
Budget Coordinating Committee, which if you will remember, we first
mentioned in the module on the national planning process. Five key
agencies are represented in this committee: the National Economic and
Development Authority, the Department of Budget and Management,
the Department of Finance, the Central Bank and the Executive Secre-
tary representing the Office of the President. This committee recommends
for Presidential approval the: a) level of annual government expenditure
program and the ceiling of government spending for economic and social
development, national defense, general government and debt service; b)
the proper allocation of expenditures for each development activity be-
tween current operating expenditures and capital outlay and c) the amount
set to be allocated for capital outlay under each development activity for
the various capital or infrastructure projects. The DBCC sets the budget
ceiling consistent with the macroeconomic targets as presented in the
latest medium term development plan. Aside from the budget ceiling, the
DBCC also determines the tolerable budget deficit and the priorities, based
on the projected revenues. The inputs of the member agencies of the
DBCC are presented in Chart 12.1 below.

Chart 12.1

Development Budget Coordination Committee

DBM DOF NEDA BSP OP

resource resource overall monetary Presidential


allocation generation economic measures oversight
and and debt poicy and
management management policies

DBM - Department of Budget and Management BSP - Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas


DOF - Department of Finance OP - Office of the President
NEDA - National Economic Development Authority

Source: Budget Dialogue State Dining Room, Malacanang Palace, February 18, 1999
(DBM)

Budget Call. Once the crucial budget parameters are approved, the DBM
then issues the budget call which defines the budget framework, the
administration’s thrusts and guidelines, broad policy guidelines, budget
preparation schedule and the specific procedures to be observed. The call
is usually issued in the form of a National Budget Circular.

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Budget Hearings. Upon their receipt of the budget call, government agen-
cies then issue their own internal office guidelines for their respective
bureaus and regional offices to prepare their budgetary estimates along
the broad framework established by the policy guideline. These estimates
are submitted to the DBM which reviews these estimates and conducts
budget hearings with the agencies. In these hearings, the agencies are
given the opportunity to justify their proposals and present their prob-
lems with their budgets.

Budget Review and Consolidation. After the agency hearings, modifi-


cations and revisions of the agency budget proposals may be made. The
DBM then consolidates the results of these changes and clears with the
President, through the DBCC, the policy issues arising from these hear-
ings. After these issues are resolved, the President may then authorize the
DBM to estimate total expenditures and reconcile these with revenue es-
timates.

Budget Validation and Confirmation. After the consolidation of the agen-


cies’ budget proposals into the total national budget, this is subjected fur-
ther to evaluation and validation within the DBM, which undertakes a
comprehensive policy review of all agency and special purpose fund bud-
gets. The results of this review are then sent to the DBCC for examina-
tion.

Approval by President and Cabinet. After the budget validation and


confirmation by the DBCC, the budget proposals are then submitted to
the President and the Cabinet for deliberation and approval.

Submission of the President’s Budget to Congress. Using the approved


budget as his basis, the President then submits the national government
budget to Congress. Aside from the President’s Budget Message, other
documents submitted to Congress include the Budget of Expenditures
and Sources of Financing (BESF), the National Expenditure Program and
the Regional Expenditure Program. (Briones, 1996:343). The submission
of the budget to Congress marks the end of the budget preparation stage
and ushers in the budget legislation process.

The flow of activities for this stage is depicted in Chart 12.2 next page.

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Chart 12.2 Budget Preparation

DBCC*
approves budget Budget Call Budget Hearings
parameters

Budget Review Budget Approval by


and validation/ President and
Consolidation confirmation Cabinet

Submission of the
President’s Budget
to Congress

*DBCC - Development Budget Coordination Committee


Source: Budget Dialogue, State Dining Room, Malacanang Palace, February 18,1999 (DBM)

Budget Legislation
The second phase of the budget process entails the conversion of the
President’s budget proposal into law. The approved law is then referred
to as the General Appropriations Act (GAA).

Once submitted to Congress, the budget goes through the legislative mill
much like other bills, except that Congress must observe the Constitu-
tional procedures cited earlier in this module.

House Hearings and Debate. Upon receipt of the President’s budget pro-
posal, the House assigns this to the Committee on Appropriations, which
will subject the proposal to a careful examination at the Committee level.
The Committee then schedules hearings where the agencies are to de-
fend their budget before the House of Representatives. During the Second
Reading, the bill is read in full, discussed in detail, subjected to delibera-
tion and individual amendments, and debated on and voted upon.

House Approval and Submission to Senate. After the bill is passed on


Third Reading, it is transmitted to the Senate for concurrence.

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Senate Hearings and Debate. At the Senate, the bill is referred to the
Finance Committee, where it undergoes basically the same process as those
followed in the Lower House.

Senate Approval. The Senate approves the bill after three readings. If the
Senate recommendation is different from those of the House of Represen-
tatives, the bill is then referred to the Conference Committee for further
review and deliberation.

Conference Committee. The Conference Committee, composed of equal


numbers of Senators and Representatives, allows both houses of Con-
gress to undertake joint deliberation on the appropriation bill. This is where
they iron out their differences on their versions of the bill and agree on a
compromise version.

President Approves the General Appropriations Act. After the Con-


ference Committee comes to an agreement, the bill approved by both
houses of Congress is then sent to the President for his approval. The
President may also exercise his line item veto which is allowed only in the
case of the appropriations bill.

Chart 12.3 Budget Legislation

House Approval
House Hearings/ Budget Hearings
and Submission
Debate
to Senate

Senate Conference President signs


Approval Committee the GAA*

* GAA - General Appropriations Act


Source: Budget Dialogue, State Dining Room, Malacanang Palace, February 18,1999 (DBM)

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Budget Execution
As depicted in Chart 12.4 (next page), this stage of the process may be
broken down into five sub-phases.

Formulation of Allotment and Cash Release Program. Based on the


approved Appropriations Act, the government prepares its allotment and
cash release program and calls for the agencies to submit their agency
budget matrix.

Agency Budget Matrix (ABM) Preparation. The agencies’ budget ma-


trix spells out their financial requirement in relation to their program of
activities.

Agency Budget Matrix Validation and Confirmation. The DBM reviews


the agencies’ budget matrix with their agency’s annual budget and the
requirements of their programs and projects.

SARO/NCA Releases. Using the ABMs submitted by the various agen-


cies as their basis, the DBM then issues the Special Allotment Release Or-
der (SARO) and the corresponding Notice of Cash Allocation (NCA) to
the agencies. The NCAs are released based on: a) the financial require-
ments indicated in the ABM, b) the amount indicated in the SARO, c) a
summary list of checks issued and cancelled, and d) the cash available at
the Bureau of the Treasury.

The Department of Finance, through the Bureau of the Treasury and the
DBM must coordinate so that cash releases of the DBM will match the
revenue collected by the DOF.

Program/Project Implementation. Upon receipt of the funds, the agen-


cies then use these to carry out their regular programs and projects. Briones
pointed out that a major concern during the budget execution is cash
management. This involves monitoring and control of the level of cash
disbursement and balances to prevent undesirable levels of cash floats.
This is because the budget execution phase includes the carrying out of
other activities that have implications on the efficiency of resource alloca-
tion and utilization such as continuing assessment of the government’s
organization and staffing systems as well as compensation plans.(Briones
Vol. 1,1996:352.)

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The flow of the budget execution process is presented in Chart 12.4

Chart 12.4 Budget Execution

Formulation of ABM
Allotment and ABM* Validation/
Cash Release Preparation Confirmation
Program

SARO**/NCA*** Program/Project/
Releases Activity Implementation

* ABM - Agency Budget Matrix


** SARO - Special Allotment Release Order
*** NCA - Notice of Cash Allocation
Source: Budget Dialogue, State Dining Room, Malacanang Palace, February 18,1999 (DBM)

Budget Accountability
The final phase of the budget process is designed to establish accountabil-
ity of the government agencies that have received public funds. This is
done largely through a system of monitoring the agencies’ performance
and evaluating this vis-à-vis initially-set and approved work targets. Agen-
cies are required to submit financial and physical reports on their opera-
tions which provide information on their actual accomplishments in rela-
tion to the expenses they incurred. Moreover, the DBM and the Commis-
sion on Audit also conduct performance reviews and audit of the agen-
cies’ financial records.

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SAQ 12-3
Read the news item below and answer the questions that follow:

QUARREL OVER PORK MARS BUDGET DEBATE


By Rocky Nazareno
(excerpts from Philippine Daily Inquirer,
11 October 1999, pp. 1 & 18)

Congressmen yesterday initiated proceedings against Nueva


Ecija Rep. Julita Villareal for unethical behavior,as well as top offi-
cials of the Commission on Higher Education (CHEd) for bribery.
The House constituted itself into a committee of the whole
after Rep. Romeo Candazo of Marikina City presented copies of
CHEd resolutions showing that the agency had allocated P10 mil-
lion worth of scholarships to Villareal and only P400,000 to each of
the other congressmen.
Candazo’s accusation that Villareal might have intimidated
CHEd officials nearly derailed the House plan to approve the pro-
posed national budget by Sunday.
Pressed by Candazo to explain the unequal fund allocation,
CHEd Chair Ester Garcia said the P10 million was “a commitment
to Representative Villareal.”
Garcia, however, refused to elaborate on the circum-
stances regarding the CHEd’s commitment.
Candazo said that he was told that CHEd officials gave in
to the request of Villareal because they were intimidated by
the threat of congressional investigation.
“If a link can be established between the congressional
resolution and the release of the funds, we’ll have a clear
case of blackmail here,” he said.
Candazo’s disclosure prompted groans on the House floor.
“While we, ordinary congressmen, got only a
P400,000 allocation for 80 scholars in each of our districts,
Villareal got P10 million supposedly for 2,000 scholars,” said
Malabon-Navotas Rep. Federico Sandoval II.
Iloilo Rep. Rolex Suplico said Candazo’s allegations bol-
stered widespread suspicions in the House regarding “the
unequal distribution of funds” for congressional districts.

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SAQ 12-3 con’d...


[In a related article, some representatives question the pro-
posed budget for the coming year where each congressman
would be allocated P50 million, but some favored legislators could
get as much as P500 million.]

What does this news item suggest in terms of:

a) How the legislators view their role in the budget legislation


stage of the budget cycle?

b) How government agencies tend to relate to individual mem-


bers of Congress?

c) How is this type of a relationship likely to influence the budget


execution and budget accountability phases of the budget cycle?

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Activity 12-1
At this stage, we ask you again to go back to your “reference”
national government agency. Interview the agencies budget of-
ficer (or anyone who is performing the function of a budget of-
ficer), you will interview about his/her experiences and the prob-
lems their agency frequently encounters in the four phases of the
national budget cycle. For this interview, we suggest the following
questions:

1. In the preparation of your budget, does your agency stick to or


follow the DBM’s yearly calendar of budget activities?

2. If there are deviations, what are these and what usually cause
these deviations?

3. What recurring problems do you meet in each of the following


phases of the budgetary process: a) budget preparation, b) bud-
get legislation, c) budget execution and d) budget accountabil-
ity?

4. How do you usually resolve these problems?

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Comments on Activity 12-1


After this activity, you will have seen how a government agency’s
internal budgetary process is inextricably linked with the national
budget cycle. You will have realized by this time that there are
different perspectives from which one may view and analyze the
entire budgetary process. Thus, one may see the entire process from
the DBM’s perspective or from Congress’ view. Obviously, these
views differ from that of the national government agencies, which
form part of the Philippine Administrative System. Whatever per-
spective one adopts, however, any government agency that wants
to get a bigger share of the budget must have the political and
administrative know-how that will enable its officials to make op-
timum use of formal and informal means to get a bigger slice of the
budgetary pie.

The Department of Budget and Management


The Department of Budget and Management (DBM) plays a key role in
coordinating and managing the multiple tasks that need to be done in the
various phases of the budget cycle. A powerful agency which makes deci-
sions on the amount of financial resources each office gets, the DBM is
one agency that can effectively influence the direction of programs and
projects which all other government offices undertake. In a sense, there-
fore, it can indirectly determine how empowering the PAS can be achieved
vis-à-vis its numerous clients.

What is the mandate of the DBM? What functions does it perform to


carry out this mandate and how is it organized? What inter-agency link-
ages does it maintain to ensure that the national budgetary processes are
efficiently carried out by those who are involved in this undertaking?

Mandate and functions


Executive Order 292, also known as the Administrative Code of 1987
provides that the DBM shall be responsible for:

a) The formulation and implementation of the National Budget with the


goal of attaining our national socio-economic plans and objectives; and
b) The efficient and sound utilization of government funds and revenues
to effectively achieve the country’s development objectives
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It is expected to fulfill this mandate through its functions of : assisting the


President: in the preparation of a national resources and expenditures
budget; the preparation, execution and control of the National Budget;
preparation and maintenance of accounting systems essential to the bud-
getary process; achievement of more economy and efficiency in the man-
agement of government operations; administration of compensation and
position classification systems; assessment of organizational effectiveness;
and review and evaluation of legislative proposals having budgetary or
organizational implications. (E.O. 292:302).

Organizational Structure
To carry out its tasks, the DBM operates through its four functional groups:
a) the Policy Group, b) the Management Group, c) the Budget Operations
Group and d) the Internal Administration group.

The Policy Group which is responsible for the policy formulation and the
development function of the Department, includes the Budget Planning
and Research Services and the Systems and Procedures Bureau.

The Management Group provides general management services particu-


larly the formulation and review of the organizational structure and staff-
ing pattern of agencies, compensation and position classification, and train-
ing and information. The offices that fall within this group are the Orga-
nization and Productivity Improvement Bureau, the Compensation and
Position Classification Bureau and the Training and Information Service.

The Budget Operations Group is charged with the over-all formulation


and control of the annual budget and the proper execution of the budget-
ary policies, rules, and regulations both in the respective agencies central
offices and in their regional and sub-regional offices. Included in this group
are the Budget Programming Service, the Budget and Finance Bureau,
the Budget Accountability Service, the 16 Regional Offices of the Depart-
ment. Like the Compensation and Position Classification Bureau under
the Management Group, these offices provide the frontline services to the
client agencies of the DBM.

The Internal Administration group attends to the administrative and fi-


nancial requirements of the department. It provides legal, legislative liai-
son, and information technology support to all the other functional groups
of the Department. Within this group are the following service offices:
Financial Service, Administrative Service, Legislative Service, and Bud-
get Information Systems Service. The Procurement Service, which pro-
vides procurement services for the whole bureaucracy is attached to the
DBM for policy and program coordination. (Boncodin,1998:99-100).

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The organizational structure of the DBM is presented in Chart 12.6.

Chart 12-6 Organizational Chart of the Department


of Budget and Management

OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY


PS

POLICYGROUP MANAGEMENT OPERATIONS INTERNAL


GROUP GROUP ADMINISTRATION

BPRS
OPIB BFPs A,B,C,D BISS

SPB
CPCB BAS AS

TIS BPS FS

RCS LLS/DLLO

ROs

BPRS - The Budget Planning and Research Service


SPB - The Systems and Procedures Bureau
OPIB - The Organization and Productivity Improvement Bureau
CBCP - The Compensation and Position Classification Bureau
TIS - The Training and Information Service
BFBs AtoD - The Budget and Finance Bureaus A to D
BAS - The Budget Accountability Service
BPS - The Budget Programming Service
RCS - Regional Coordination Service
ROs - Regional Offices
BISS - Budget Information Systems Service
AS - The Administrative Service
FS - Financial Service
LLS/DLLO - The Legal and Legislative Service/Department Legislative Liason
Office
PS - Procurement Service

Source: The Department of Budget and Management A Profile, (1998) amended as of Sep-
tember 1999.

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Inter-agency Linkages
Coordination is a central function of the DBM, which must service its
client agencies even as it works closely with the other fiscal agencies of
the government. Chart 12.7 below depicts in one diagram the working
ties that the DBM must maintain with the different institutions involved
in the budgetary process.

Chart 12.7 Critical Linkages

Office of the President

DBCC MACROECONOMIC INTER-AGENCY INTER-AGENCY


FISCAL POLICIES POLICY DECISIONS COMMITTEES
 DOF
DBM  ICC
 NEDA  IC
 LEDAC
 BSP BUDGETARY
 PARC
POLICIES
 DBM • TECHNICAL  COP
ASSISTANCE  etc.
• PASSAGE OF • RELEASES OF
ADMINISTRATION FUNDS FOR
BILL NEEDS OF
• FISCAL
• REVIEW OF CONSTITUENCIES
CONTROL
• MANAGEMENT BIILL W/
IMPROVEMENT BUDGETARY
IMPLICATIONS
• BUDGET
REQUIREMENTS

• AGENCY-RDC
RECONCILIATION OF
OTHER NATIONAL BUDGET PRIORITIES REGIONAL
GOVERNMENT DEVELOPMENT
AGENCIES/ COUNCIL (LCEs, regional
CONSTITUTIONAL heads, NGO Rep.)
BODIES
CONGRESS
 HOUSE COMMITTEE
ON APPROPRIATIONS
 SENATE FINANCE
COMMITTEE
 OTHER
CONGRESSIONAL
COMMITTEES

ACRONOMYMS:

BSP - Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas LEDAC - Legislative Executive Development


COP - Committee on Privatization Advisory Council
DBCC - Development Budget Coordination NEDA - National Economic and Develop-
Committee ment Authority
DBM - Department of Budget and NGO - Non-Government Organizations
Management PARC - Presidential Agrarian Reform
DOF - Department of Finance Committee
IC - Infrastructure Committee RDC - Regional Development Council
ICC - Investment Coordinating Committee RDIP - Regional Development Investment
LCE - Local Chief Executive Program

Source: The Department of Budget and Management A Profile, (1998).

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Through its two offices, the BPRS and the BPS, it coordinates with the
DBCC on macro fiscal policies and budgetary policies.

The DBM coordinates with Congress in the preparation of the annual


government budget submitted by the President to Congress through its
LLS.

National government agencies, local government units, government owned


and controlled corporations, and constitutional bodies must relate with
the DBM as they prepare, execute and account for their respective bud-
gets.

The DBM also coordinates with the Regional Development Councils which
review and approve the regional budgetary proposals of government agen-
cies for consistency with the regional plans and priorities before they are
submitted to their central offices for incorporation in the national budget.

Finally, the DBM is active in inter-agency committees such as the Invest-


ment Coordinating Committee, the Infrastructure Committee, the Legis-
lative Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC) and the Com-
mittee on Tariff and Related Matters. (DBM Brochure: 22-25)

Summary
In this module, we tried to understand the national budgeting process
that every institution that is a part of the Philippine Administrative Sys-
tem must deal with. We situated public budgeting in the context of public
fiscal administration and its elements, namely, taxation, debt manage-
ment and state accounting and auditing. We also learned about constitu-
tional provisions that delimit presidential and congressional powers in
setting the budget and relevant provisions of the Administrative Code of
1987. We explained how the four stages of the national budget cycle flow
into each other, showing the processes involved in each stage. Finally, we
discussed the mandate, functions and the structure of the DBM and the
critical linkages, which it must maintain as it performs its function of
coordinating budget preparation, budget legislation, budget execution
and budget accountability.

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References

Article VI (Legislative Department) Sections 24, 25, 27 (2), 28 and 29 of


the 1987 Constitution.
Boncodin, Emili T. “Budget and Management” The Ramos Presidency and
Administration: Record and Legacy (1992-1998) edited by Jose V. Abueva,
Ma. Concepcion P. Alfiler, Ma. Oliva Z. Domingo and Eleanor E.
Nicolas. (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1998), pp. 99-
131.
Book VI (National Government Budgeting) of the Administrative Code of
1987.
Briones, Leonor Magtolis Philippine Public Fiscal Administration Vols. 1 &
2, (Fiscal Administration Foundation, Inc., 1996).
The Department of Budget and Management: A Profile (brochure), 1999.
Primer on Government Budgeting (Manila: Department of Budget and
Management), pp. 1-27.

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Module 13
People’s Organizations
and Non-Governmental
Organizations:
Partners of the PAS

Introduction
Well done! You made it to the last part of this course.

People’s organizations and nongovernmental organizations are, strictly


speaking, not parts of the Philippine Administrative System. They are
outside the ambit of the state. However, the state itself has acknowl-
edged the role of people’s organizations and nongovernmental orga-
nizations in assisting the state in achieving development goals. More-
over, the empowerment framework of this course requires that atten-
tion be devoted to people’s and non-governmental organizations as
partners of the PAS in helping communities deal with the complex
and sometimes not too easily accessible institutions composing this
system. Thus, it is important that students of public administration
know and understand the nature of people’s and nongovernmental
organizations as the structures that work closest to and organize com-
munities to help empower them to deal with the Philippine Adminis-
trative System.

NGOs and POs are also known as civil society organizations (CSO).
They are acknowledge by the government as important partners of
the PAS in undertaking state functions. These functions include policy
formulation and implementation, and monitoring and evaluation of

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the effectiveness of government programs carried out in communities.


POs and NGOs may also be instrumental in making component orga-
nizations of the PAS more accountable and accessible to the sectors or
the communities they serve.

Required Readings
Objectives Your required readings for this module are chap-
ters of a book on Philippine NGOs which came out
After completing this mod- in 1996, namely:
ule, you should be able to:
Alegre, Alan G. “ The Rise of Philippine NGOs as
1. Define people’s organiza- Social Movement: A Preliminary Historical
tions and distinguish them Sketch (1965-1995),” in Alan G. Alegre (editor),
from non-governmental or- Trends and Tradition, Challenges and Choices: A
ganizations. Strategic Study of Philippine NGOs (Quezon City:
2. Cite relevant provisions of Ateneo Center for Social Policy and Public Af-
the 1987 Constitution, the fairs and Philippines-Canada Human Resource
Local Government Code, and Development Program, 1996), pp.2-48.
the Philippine Medium Term Co, Edna A. and Alegre, Alan G. “NGO Relations
Development Plan which ex- with the Government” in Trends and Tradition,
plicitly promote collabora- Challenges and Choices: A Strategic Study of Phil-
tion between the Philippine ippine NGOs, pp. 107-112.
Administrative System and
NGOs and POs.
3. Explain the history, nature Enrichment Materials
of, and the working relation-
ship between NGOs and For those who would want to read on, I recom-
POs, and between NGOs and mend the following:
POs, as civil society organiza-
tions on the one hand, and Co, Edna A. “Reinterpreting Civil Society: The Con-
the Philippine Administrative text of the Philippine NGO Movement,” in
System, on the other. Trends and Tradition, Challenges and Choices: A
4. Discuss specific examples Strategic Study of Philippine NGOs, pp. 190-205.
to show how NGOs and POs Coronel-Ferrer, Miriam “ Civil Society Making Civil
can partner with the PAS to Society” in Civil Society Making Civil Society
make the PAS more account- (Quezon City: Third World Studies Center,
able and accessible to its com- 1997), pp. 1-20.
munity-clients.

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People’s Organizations Distinguished from


Nongovernmental Organizations
The close working relations between people’s organizations and nongov-
ernmental organizations have somehow led to the blurring of the distinc-
tion between these two organizations. Recent materials, however, stress
the need to make a distinction between these two forms of organizations.

Nongovernmental Organizations
A 1989 survey of government policies and programs on nongovernmen-
tal organizations in the Philippines resulted in a Senate Bill introduced by
Senator Paterno which defined NGOs as “private, non-profit and/or non-
stock organizations or corporations registered with the Securities and
Exchange Commission and engaged in long term activities...such as but
not limited to: community organizing, community education, sectoral
development, humanitarian or charity work, disaster relief, family plan-
ning, rehabilitation, environmental protection, human rights promotion
and social amelioration.” (Quizon and Reyes, 1989: 3)

A NEDA workshop held in September, 1988, characterized NGOs as:

• Private, non-profit voluntary organizations that are committed to the


task of what is broadly termed “development”;
• Established primarily for civic service, religious charitable and/or so-
cial welfare purposes;
• Relatively small, and flexible structures with their services focused on
marginal groups in the rural and urban areas;
• Undertaking activities covering a wide spectrum ranging from techni-
cal aspects of productive activity to such socio-economic aspects as
planning and information systems, education, organization, etc.;
• Having farmers, women, tribal minorities, squatters, youth and others
as target clientele;
• Generally people-oriented, with a firm conviction regarding the need
for people’s participation in decisions and processes affecting them;
and
• Generally having formal registration with certain government agen-
cies either as foundation, association, or non-profit corporation. (Quizon
and Reyes, 1989:3-4).

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Seven years later, the study which led to the publication of the book, Trends
and Traditions, Challenges and Choices, defined NGOs as social develop-
ment agencies which are private, nonprofit, voluntary organizations es-
tablished primarily to work for socioeconomic sociopolitical or sociocul-
tural development. (Alegre, 1996:x)

People’s Organizations
Article XIII, Sec. 15 of the 1987 Constitution describespeople’s organiza-
tions as “bona fide associations of citizens with demonstrated capacity to
promote the public interest and with identifiable leadership, membership
and structure.”

Alegre stressed the need to make a distinction between NGOs and POs.
He referred to POs as primary organizationsoften composed of grassroots
sectors (e.g., urban poor associations, peasant associations, labor unions
and other community or sector-based organizations) through which
the poor majority exercise the prerogative to participate in the processes
and systems of development work. He also considered POs as representa-
tives of the largest segment of the population that is most affected by
underdevelopment. (Alegre, 1996:87) Linking NGOs to POs, he further
categorized NGOs as intermediary organizations that, often with a full
time staff, “facilitate support for the expansion and strengthening of POs’
capacities for engaging in development work.”

While the NGOs are distinct from POs, these two organizations are brought
together by what Alegre calls the organic links between them. Aside from
their shared vision for empowerment and development, there are at least
two reasons why NGOs and POs tend to cohere. First, a significant num-
ber of the POs were organized or initiated by NGOs. Second, the relation-
ship can proceed on a one-on-one basis or a group of NGOs serving one
PO or vice-versa; or a consortium of NGOs can work with another con-
sortium of POs.

POs and NGOS


More recently, Karina Constantino-David came out with what I consider
the most extensive and systematic categorization of the types of NGOs
and POs and their relationships with other organizations which form
part of what she collectively labeled as “SATAO” for Structural Alterna-
tives and Transformative Action Organizations. She developed a matrix
through which she categorized groups which are loosely referred to as
“NGOs” according to a) whether they are basic units, organized at the
secondary levels, e.g., alliances, networks, and consortia at the tertiary
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level, coalitions of networks at the national level and b) whether they are
individuals, membership-based organizations, institutions and ideologi-
cal forces. (Karina Constantino-David, 1998: 21-50)

The categories she has come up with are as follows:

1. NGIs - Non-government individuals, “whose work intersects with


civil society organizations but who participate outside an organiza-
tional structure and are considered by government and media as NGO
spokesperson.”

2. Membership-based organizations - These are voluntary membership


organizations which she divided further into (a) PACO or professional,
academic and civic organizations and (b) PO or grassroots people’s
organizations. POs are also divided into GRIPOs (government-run/-
initiated POs) and GUAPOs (genuine, autonomous people’s organiza-
tions). GUAPOs may organize themselves beyond the community and/
or workplace through sectoral and geographic alliances.

3. Institutions/Agencies - “These are formally constituted grassroots sup-


port organizations that operate with full-time staff and provide a range
of servicesfrom direct services in communities to support services
like legal, medical and research work. There are five sub-types under
this category:

• DJANGOS (development, justice and advocacy NGOs) - Also called


Development NGOs, they perform a mixture of direct and support
service functions with and for GUAPOs. Their primary form of
intervention is community and sectoral organizing, although more
recently some organizations provide support services.

• TANGOs (traditional NGOs) - Charitable welfare and relief orga-


nizations, they perform valuable services for the poor and their
primary focus remains on providing assistance to marginalized
individuals and families.

• FUNDANGOs (funding agency NGOs) - These are foundations and


grant-giving organizations linked to grassroots organizations pri-
marily through providing financial and other forms of support.

• MUNGOs (mutant NGOs) - These are what David calls “muta-


tions” of the original spirit of NGOs. The largest number are
GRINGOs (government run/initiated NGOs) that are essentially
extension of the state of personal interests as they are usually set
up by politicians and government functionaries. BONGOs (busi-
ness-organized NGOS) are those created primarily as tax dodges,

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vehicles for quelling labor unrest, or projections a benevolent com-


pany image. COME N’GOs (NGO entrepreneurs) are fly-by-night
organizations that package proposals and promptly disappear with
the funds and/or work the funding game by hiring themselves out
to large donor organizations.

• IDEOLOGICAL FORCES - These organizations articulate alterna-


tive ideological paradigmse.g., communism, national democracy,
popular democracy, socialism, democratic socialism, etc.whose
ideological and organizational frameworks define their alternative
vision and their responses to issues.

Of these groups, Constantino-David noted that the GUAPOs, the ideo-


logical forces and the DJANGOs relate more closely to each other not only
at the level of area/sector/issue-based coalitions but also in their day to
day operations. This is why they are shaded in chart 13.1 as presented
next page.

Activity 13-1
List five NGOs and five POs. Using Constantino’s classification of
NGOs, classify the five NGOs in your list.

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Chart 13.1 Categories and Types of Civil Society Organizations

INSTITUTIONS /

IDEOLOGICAL
MEMBERSHIP
INDIVIDUAL

AGENCIES

FORCES
NATURE

BASED
NGI PACO PO DJANGO TANGO FUNDANGO MUNGO

BAYAN

BASIC
GRINGO BISIG
UNIT GRIPO GUAPO DS SS
BONGO MNLF

COME N’GO PANDAYAN

PDSP
SECONDARY SECTORAL
SECTOR NETWORKS POPDEM
LEVEL GEOGRAPHIC
ISSUE-BASED
ALLIANCES
CONSORTIA
RAM

SANLAKAS
TERTIARY
LEVEL SIGLAYA
CODE-NGO

ISSUE, SECTOR,
AREA BASED
COALITIONS

DJANGOs - Development, justice and advocacy NGOs


FUNDANGOs - Funding agency NGOs
CODE -NGO - Caucus of Development NGO Networks
NGI - Non -government Individuals
PACO - Professional, academic and civic organizations
GUAPO - Genuine Autonomous People’s Organizations
COME N’GO - NGO entrepreneurs (fly-by-night organizations)
BISIG - Bukluran sa Ikauunlad ng Sosyalistang Isip at Gawa
PANDAYAN - Pandayan Para sa Sosyalistang Pilipino
TANGOs - Traditional NGOs
MUNGOs - Mutant NGOs
PO - People’s organizations
GRIPO - Government-run/initiated POs
BONGO - Business Organized NGO
BAYAN - Bagong Alyansang Makabayan
GRINGO - Government run/initiated NGO
PDSP - Partido Demokratiko Sosyalista ng Pilipinas

Source: Karina Constantino-David “Intra-Civil Society Relations: An Overview” in Miriam


Coronel-Ferrer (ed.) Civil Society Making Civil Society, (Quezon City: TWSC, 1997) p. 24.

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State Policies Encouraging NGO/PO


Partnership With the PAS
Constitutional Provisions
The Philippines is one of the few countries of the world where the State
formally acknowledges NGOs and POs in its fundamental law. As part of
Article II on State Policies, Sec. 23 expressly provides that: “ The State
shall encourage non-governmental, community-based or sectoral organi-
zations that promote the welfare of the nation.”

Article XIII on Social Justice and Human Rights, has a specific section on
“Role and Rights of People’s Organizations” which states:

“Sec.15. The State shall respect the role of independent people’s organi-
zations to enable the people to pursue and protect, within the democratic
framework, their legitimate and collective interests and aspirations through
peaceful and lawful means.”

People’s organizations are bona fide associations of citizens with demon-


strated capacity to promote the public interest and with identifiable lead-
ership, membership and structure.

The Local Government Code


In 1991, Congress approved R.A. 7160 also known as the Local Govern-
ment Code which devolved substantial political and administrative pow-
ers to local government units. Chapter 4 of this law is entitled “Relations
with People’s and Nongovernmental Organizations.” The three sections
of this chapter of the law provides:

“Sec. 34. Role of People’s and Nongovernmental Organizations. Local


government units shall promote the establishment and operation of
people’s and nongovernmental organizations to become active partners
in the pursuit of local autonomy.”

“Sec. 35. Linkages with People’s and Nongovernmental Organizations.


Local government units may enter into joint ventures and such other co-
operative arrangements with people’s and nongovernmental organiza-
tions to engage in the delivery of certain basic services, capability-build-
ing and livelihood projects, and to develop local enterprises designed to
improve productivity and income, diversity agriculture, spur rural indus-
trialization, promote ecological balance, and enhance the economic and
social well-being of the people.”
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“Sec. 36. Assistance to People’s and Nongovernmental Organizations. A


local government unit may, through its local chief executive and with the
concurrence of the sanggunian concerned, provide assistance, financial
or otherwise, to such people’s and non-governmental organizations for
economic, socially oriented, environmental or cultural projects to be imple-
mented within its territorial jurisdiction.”

Aside from these provisions, POs and NGOs are represented in local spe-
cial bodies such as the Local Prequalification, Bids and Awards Commit-
tee, the Local School Board, the Local Health Board, the Local Peace and
Order Council and the Local Development Councils.

Strategies of the Medium-Term


Philippine Development Plan, 1999-2004
The involvement of people’s organizations and nongovernment organi-
zations is reiterated in no less than the country’s latest medium term de-
velopment plan. Thus the vision statement of the plan states: “Civil soci-
ety will complement and possibly substitute for the efforts of government
in areas where it is deemed more effective and efficient” (MTPDP, 1999-
2004: 1-4)

Moreover, Chapter 6 of the plan on Governance and Institutions Devel-


opment calls for the mainstreaming of NGO and PO participation and
appropriate representation in political governance. This development goal
states: “The government will strengthen the mechanism for adequate and
effective consultation among government, business community and civil
society. It will sustain an enduring partnership based on mutual consul-
tations, transparency, and consistency in decision-making. Women, the
disabled, the elderly, the youth and other marginalized sectors will be
integrated into the development mainstream.” (MTPDP, 1999:6-10)

A strategy adopted by the plan to help eliminate graft and corruption is


to encourage NGOs and POs to serve as alternative frontline service deliv-
ery mechanisms at the local level. NGOs and POs are also to participate in
monitoring and the operations of critical government agencies and ser-
vices and the implementation of social development programs and projects.
(MTPDP, 1999: 6-19)

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SAQ 13-2
1. What indicators can we cite to prove that the Philippine gov-
ernment is actively encouraging the organization and opera-
tion of POs and NGOs as partners of the PAS?

2. How consistent has the State been in pushing for its collabora-
tive efforts with POs and NGOs?

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ASAQ 13-2
1. There are number of indicators to prove the strong state sup-
port for POs and NGOs. There are (a) constitutional provision
acknowledging their role in governance, (b) laws like the Local
Government Code, that explicitly mandates instrumentalities
of the state to work with POs and NGOs, and (c) the Medium
Term Development Plan of the country.

2. The State has consistently pushed for collaborative projects


with NGOs in its basic law, in implementing guidelines, and
even in the strategies that it identified in the national develop-
ment plan.

History of NGOS in the Philippines


For this component of the module, we refer to the Alegre article on the
rise of Philippine NGOs as a social movement. Pay close attention to the
objective of the study, which is to present a sketch of the evolution of
NGOs in their collective form to enable to derive inferences from this
account. Where there is periodization, it is always important to ask what
the basis of the periodization is and whether it is helpful in analyzing the
events under study. Finally, the Alegre paper admits limitations which
every reader must consider. The work is preliminary, largely descriptive
and focuses on NGO as a social movement. It also mentions the partici-
patory research methodology which it utilized.

We summarize the main points of the Alegre article in Table 13.1 where
we provide the highlights of each of the seven stages in the evolution of
NGOs in the Philippines. It is important for you to discern that this table
seeks to help you see the big picture but it is not a substitute for reading
the whole article, from which you will gain more insights about the de-
velopment of NGOs as they adjusted to changing social and political con-
texts.

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Table 13-1 Seven Phases in the Evolution of Philippine NGOs

PERIOD THEME DEVELOPMENTS

Pre-1965 Antecedents of NGOs Relief, rehabilitation and welfare; pri-


vate foundations emerged; begin-
nings of cooperativism and commu-
nity development

1965-1972 Social Activism “First quarter storm” as indicator of


social crisis, triggered emergence of
radical movements among peasants,
and urban poor; Church shifted ap-
proach to total human liberation.

1972-1978 Political Repression un- NGOs became alternative means for


der Martial Rule delivering social services to disad-
vantaged sectors; political repression
strengthened radicalism, led to inno-
vations in organizing grassroots com-
munities

1978-1983 Expansion Phase Repression continues, international


support comes in and allows NGOs
to go into indigenous people’s rights,
ecological and women’s causes

1983-1986 NGO and Mass Move- Aquino assassination ushered parlia-


ments ments of the street, POs and NGO work
expanded with support from and stra-
tegic partnership with foreign partners,
NGOs participated in EDSA Revolt

1986-1992 Painful Transition NGOs recognized as key players, with


more funding support, NGOs prolifer-
ated, upscaling through networks, ad-
vocacy for policy reform

1992-1996 Maturation & Renewal Changes in international and national


scenes, NGOs more open to “main-
streaming” advocacy shifts, electoral
related reforms

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NGO Relations With the Government


Your second reading for this module focuses on the working relationship
between NGOs and the government. It spells out three areas of collabora-
tion:

a) Policy and Plan Formulation - It has been proven in the agreement


that NGOs and governments at the local level plan together in the
building of agrarian reform communities (ARCs). NGOs use different
modes of advocacy, whether at the national or local government units.
They may lobby in Congress, set dialogues with officers of the execu-
tive branch, or hold consultation meetings and briefing sessions with
different line agencies of the national government.

b) Program and Project Implementation - Here NGOs may assist gov-


ernment in organizing and strengthening community organizations
as a way of laying the ground work for community based government
programs. NGOs may also provide support services such as extending
livelihood, technical and financial assistance to some marginalized
sectors. Finally, institutional cooperation may result from efforts like
departments using the NGO approach to development in certain ar-
eas of their work as has been adopted by the DENR in their commu-
nity-based reforestation programs.

c) NGO-GO Collaboration in Institution-building - Local government


units have sought the assistance of NGOs to help them with their local
plans, undertake skills training for their staff, and exploring innova-
tive ways of dealing with the new tasks that LGUs must attend to
under the Local Government Code.

Some problems have emerged in the course of these collaborative pro-


grams. The more fundamental of these problems stem from the differ-
ences in philosophy and approach utilized by the government, which is
too structured, technocratic, and tend to be “top-down.” NGOs, on the
other hand, tend to be process oriented, less structured and confronta-
tional. There are also the added complications due to attempts of some
government offices to regulate NGOs, even as some NGOs are apprehen-
sive about their being coopted by government agencies. Finally, in remote
areas of the country, local politicians, the police and the military still tend
to harass NGOs simply because they are operating in remote and far-
flung areas which are not otherwise accessible.

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NGOs Working With Government for


Greater Accountability And Accessibility
More recent studies are available to document efforts of NGOs to hold govern-
ment accountable for publicly funded operations. We shall cite some of these to
prove successful partnerships between the NGOs and governments, at the na-
tional and local levels.

One of these studies was a rapid assessment of the role of NGOs in rural develop-
ment. It examined modes of GO-NGO collaboration in six program areas, namely:
a) primary health care, b) social forestry, c) community-based coastal resource
management, d) credit, e) integrated area development, and f) agrarian reform.
The study’s findings showed that all the programs studied required NGO partici-
pation as provided for in the 1992-1997 Medium Term Development Plan. None
of the programs was either just a purely government or a nongovernment pro-
gram. A significant finding was that NGO participation was not confined to
service delivery alone. Instead, NGOs developed and managed the program them-
selves. Moreover, NGOs have and are able to directly participate in the formula-
tion of policy in two program areassocial forestry and primary health care. In
social forestry, NGOs have not only been able to develop the community-based
forestry programs, they also helped define the government’s policy on the issue.
NGOs were also active in the policy formulation process in developing health
financing schemes. (Garde and Navarro, 1996: iii-iv.)

Another study documented the efforts of five NGOs to make government institu-
tions accountable and to expose graft and corruption in the Philippines. In an
article entitled “Graftbusters, Lorna Kalaw Tirol documented efforts of the Con-
cerned Citizens of Abra for Good Government (CCAGG), the National Irrigation
Administration Employees Administration (NIAEA), Gising Bayan, Fellowships
of Christians in Government (FOCIG), and KILOSBAYAN, to expose corruption
in specific government agencies or projects. In the case of the CCAGG, the people
of Abra were able to call attention and get immediate action on eight infrastruc-
ture projects which were reported to have been completed when work on some
of these projects had not even been started. (Lorna Kalaw Tirol, 1998: 272-293.)

The last set of studies documented efforts of NGOs to influence policy in the field
of ancestral domain, agrarian reform, fisheries, debt service, official development
assistance, and logging. While not all of these groups succeeded in having their
proposed policies adopted, the NGOs learned important strategies in dealing with
government. Among the important lessons they learned were:

• Building allies among influential policy makers and powerbrokers and


getting their support and sponsorship provides groups with strength
for gaining policy influence and organizational legitimacy.

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• The willingness and capacity of groups to negotiate with government


and to accept the validity of incremental reform affect their ability to
obtain policy gains and political legitimacy.

• Effective grassroots education and organizing efforts help sustain and


strengthen the institutional base necessary for holding governments ac-
countable and for pursuing long term policy change. (Valerie Miller
and Henedina Razon-Abad, 1997:197-199)

Activity 13-2
Having read and learned about the activities of NGOs and POs,
you are now ready to go back to your “reference” national agency
to ask them questions about whether they also involve NGOs and
POs in the operations of the agency. I suggest that you ask the
following questions:

1. Does the agency have programs where it works with NGOs


and POs?

2. If not, why ?

3. If they deal with NGOs and POs, how are these organizations
involved in the work of the agency ?

4. What do they see as the advantages or the disadvantages of


involving NGOs and POs in their work?

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270 PM 208: Philippine Administrative System

Comments on Activity 13-2


After interviewing representatives of your reference agency, you
now have a clear idea as to how NGOs or POs may be involved in
government operations. You will have learned directly whether
NGOs or POs are indeed partners of the government in the provi-
sion of services, in holding government accountable, or even in
policy formulation. I hope that with this activity, you are more
clear on the nature of the working partnership between NGOs,
POs and the government.

Summary
In this module, you have read about the nature of people’s organizations
and nongovernment organizations, how they are different, and how they
work together, and how they also partner with government. You have
also learned how NGOs evolved and developed in the context of political
repression during the martial law period. You are now familiar also with
state policies enunciated in our Constitution, in other laws like the Local
Government Code which strongly encourage the State to work with and
support NGOs and POs. Finally, this module gave you specific experi-
ences of NGOs and POs working to make government more accountable
in providing services and in policy formulation.

You have just completed the last module of PM 208. Congratulations for
having the personal discipline and determination to finish this course on
distance mode. I truly hope that this was a learning experience that you
enjoyed as well.

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Module 13 271

References

Alegre, Alan G. “ The Rise of Philippine NGOs as Social Movement: A


Preliminary Historical Sketch (1965-1995),” in Alan G. Alegre (ed),
Trends and Tradition, Challenges and Choices: A Strategic Study of Philip-
pine NGOs (Quezon City: Ateneo Center for Social Policy and Public
Affairs and Philippines-Canada Human Resource Development Pro-
gram, 1996), pp.2-48.
Ateneo Center for Social Policy and Public Affairs, Policy Influence: NGO
Experiences (Quezon City: Ateneo Center for Social Policy and Public
Affairs, 1997).
Co, Edna A. “Reinterpreting Civil Society: The Context of the Philippine
NGO Movement,” in Trends and Tradition, Challenges and Choices: A
Strategic Study of Philippine NGOs, pp. 190-205.
Co, Edna A. and Alegre, Alan G. “NGO Relations with the Government”
in Trends and Tradition, Challenges and Choices: A Strategic Study of
Philippine NGOs, pp. 107-112.
Coronel-Ferrer, Miriam. “ Civil Society Making Civil Society” in Civil So-
ciety Making Civil Society (Quezon City: Third World Studies Center,
1997), pp. 1-20.
Garde, Enrico O. and Navarro, Napoleon GY. “A Rapid Assessment: The
Role of NGOs in Rural Development,” Vol.1 Synthesis Report ( CCS,
PBSP, CODE-NGO, 1996), pp. iii-iv.)
Kalaw-Tirol, Lorna “Graftbusters” in Sheila S. Coronel (ed) Pork and Other
Perks: Corruption and Governance in the Philippines (Quezon City: Phil-
ippine Center for Investigative Journalism, 1998), pp. 272-293.
Miller, Valerie and Razon-Abad, Henedina. “What Constitutes Success
in Policy Influence?” in Policy Influence: NGO Experiences (Ateneo Cen-
ter for Social Policy and Public Affairs, Institute for Development Re-
search and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 1997), pp.197-199.
Quizon, Antonio B. and Reyes, Rhoda. (eds) A Strategic Assessment of
NGOs in the Philippines (Asian NGO Coalition for Agrarian Reform
and Rural Development (ANGOC), 1989),p.3.
Republic of the Philippines, Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan,
1999-2004, p.1-4.
Wui, Marlon A. and Lopez, Ma. Glenda S. (eds), State-Civil Society Rela-
tions in Policy-making (Quezon City: Third World Studies Center, 1997).

UP Open University

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