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Abstract
This study examines the challenges related to telecommuting, focusing on how managerial
monitoring strategies (behavior, output, clan) link to telecommuters’ professional isolation concerns.
The study relies on interviews with supervisors, telecommuters, and nontelecommuters. Findings
suggest that the primary challenges facing supervisors who manage in telecommuting environments
involve clan strategies: fostering synergy, replicating informal learning, creating opportunities for
interpersonal networking, and professionally developing out-of-sight employees. These challenges
affect telecommuters’ professional development opportunities, which in turn heighten their perceived
professional isolation. D 2002 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
1047-8310/02/$ – see front matter D 2002 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved.
PII: S 1 0 4 7 - 8 3 1 0 ( 0 1 ) 0 0 0 5 1 - 7
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Numerous articles heralding the arrival of telecommuting appear regularly in the popular
press. This widespread conversation has begun to spur academic research on the subject.
Findings show that employees choose telecommuting to decrease work-related stress, to
reduce lengthy commutes, to balance work and family responsibilities, to work longer hours
but in more comfortable environments, and to provide uninterrupted time to focus on their
work (see Kurland & Bailey, 1999). Organizations adopt telecommuting, not only to save real
estate costs and to accord with legislation such as the Americans with Disabilities Act and the
Clean Air Act, but also as an attempt to improve employee morale and productivity (see
Kurland & Bailey, 1999).
Despite the potential advantages of telecommuting, telecommuting raises two important
challenges: supervisors’ resistance to manage employees they cannot physically observe
(managerial control), and employees’ concerns about professional and social isolation (e.g.,
Shamir & Salomon, 1985; Tomaskovic-Devey & Risman, 1993). Little research has explored
the nature of these concerns. Studies which have addressed these issues are largely survey
studies (e.g., Mokhtarian, Bagley, & Salomon, 1998; Tomaskovic-Devey & Risman, 1993).
One exception is the study by Baruch and Nicholson (1997). They gathered interview data
from 62 telecommuters representing five different companies. However, they only noted that
isolation and managerial reluctance were factors that could hinder telecommuting. Even these
authors fell short in trying to understand the nature of these challenges and how they manifest
themselves in telecommuting environments. Additionally, with few exceptions, existing
research has focused predominately on telecommuters, ignoring managers’ and nontelecom-
muters’ perspectives — both of which may provide a more complete understanding of how
telecommuting, as an alternative work form, will challenge managerial control and contribute
to employee isolation in the 21st century workplace.
Given the current state of research on telecommuting, scholars must garner a deeper
understanding of the constructs they are studying before we can advance theoretical and
practical knowledge in this area through positivist methods. The purpose of the present study
is to better understand the nature of and the process by which telecommuting evokes
managerial control and employee isolation challenges using a grounded theory approach
(Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). In the following pages, we (1) explicate
the issues of control and isolation and (2) explore relationships between manager control and
employee isolation using interviews with telecommuters, nontelecommuters, and supervisors.
Such research is critical to academics to ensure that organization theory remains relevant as
new organizational forms emerge, and to practitioners to help forestall challenges to
designing effective telecommuting programs.
Research has shown that managers fear they lose control over employees’ behavior
as employees gain autonomy by telecommuting (Tomaskovic-Devey & Risman, 1993).
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All three strategies can potentially provide managers with options to control telecom-
muters’ behavior. For example, to control telecommuters’ behavior, managers have used
strategies that are behavioral in nature and include formalizing job requirements and
communication. In two separate studies, Olson (1982) and Zuboff (1982, p. 147) found that
performance evaluation, when monitored remotely, became increasingly formalized through
greater institutionalization of rules.
When telecommuters are physically out of sight, some organizations have resorted to
output controls (e.g., Hamblin, 1995; Turban & Wang, 1995). For example, Olson (1982,
p. 83) found that monitoring of telecommuters’ performance tended to be ‘‘based on results,
the quality and timeliness of completed work, rather than observation’’ for more effective
supervision. Telecommuters can report results (outputs) by way of written documentation,
monthly accounting by fax or email, or frequent communication (written, phone, periodic
face-to-face meetings) (Campagna, 1996).
Finally, telecommuting proponents in the popular press urge companies to train — a form
of clan control — prospective telecommuters (e.g., Piskurich, 1996). To our knowledge,
however, no research has explicitly examined clan controls in telecommuting. In the present
study, we use a grounded theory approach to collect qualitative data to explore in detail the
strategies managers use to control telecommuters’ behavior.
Proposition 1: Supervisors will use a variety of behavior, output, and clan controls to
manage telecommuters.
Such inquiry will inform practitioners and researchers alike about the degree to which
managers can and do monitor off-site and non-colocated employees, and thus, assess how
well-founded are managers’ concerns that they lose control when employees telecommute.
Where managers fear a loss of control when employees telecommute, employees worry
about being isolated (e.g., Mokhtarian et al., 1998; Salomon & Salomon, 1984). Two types
of isolation are relevant: professional and social. Professionally, employees fear that when
they’re out of sight, they’re out of mind for promotions and other organizational rewards.
Socially, employees comment that they miss the informal interaction they garner by being
around colleagues and friends. The degree to which telecommuters experience social
isolation may depend largely on whether they work at home, where feelings of social
isolation may be strong, or at a satellite office or neighborhood work center, where
social isolation is less likely. By comparison, telecommuters may experience professional
isolation in any kind of telecommuting situation in which they are physically separated from
the traditional workplace. The present study examined a mix of telecommuting situations
and focused only on professional isolation concerns, leaving analysis of social isolation for
future research.
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3. Method
This study was designed to examine managers’ strategies for controlling telecommuters’
organizational behavior and the nature and causes of telecommuters’ perceived professional
isolation. We used Glaser and Strauss’ (1967) grounded theory approach (see also Cres-
well,1998; Eisenhardt,1989; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). A grounded theory is a theory that is
‘‘inductively derived from the study of the phenomenon it represents’’ by using qualitative
research methods in which ‘‘data collection, analysis, and theory stand in reciprocal
relationship with each other’’ (Strauss & Corbin, 1990, p. 23). It is most appropriate when
researchers want to allow a deep understanding of a phenomenon to emerge from the data.
Hence, through semistructured interviews, we attempted to determine (1) issues relevant to
telecommuting, (2) the nature of these issues, and (3) how (or if) these issues are interrelated.
Our research contributes to the literature by examining in detail the viability of two oft-touted
concerns of telecommuting.
The study relied on informants from two high-technology firms described below. These
two organizations were chosen for the present study because they represented companies that
N.B. Kurland, C.D. Cooper / Journal of High Technology Management Research 13 (2002) 107–126 113
had active telecommuting programs and a strong interest in making telecommuting work in
their organizations. As such, they provided an opportunity to investigate challenges to
telecommuting that existed even within friendly environments. Information gathering
proceeded in three phases: informal conversations with the companies’ telecommuting
directors, site visits, and 54 recorded interviews with managers and employees.
Members of the human resource staff facilitated our introduction into their respective
organizations. The staff at IntelliDat attempted to match a list of telecommuters with
nontelecommuters in the same job positions who reported to the same supervisor. They
scheduled face-to-face site visits for the first author with these employees — most of whom
were located throughout Southern California. During the site visit at the company’s main plant,
the first author met with members of the human resource staff, including the vice president of
Human Resources, who had helped implement the company’s telecommuting program.
Additionally, the first author interviewed 8 supervisors, 11 telecommuters, and 4 non-
telecommuters at four locations: the main plant and three regional locations. The larger
regional location was within 30 miles of the main plant. The smaller regional office housed
only four employees and was 80 miles from the main office. The third regional location was a
supervisor’s home. Because of scheduling difficulties, the first author interviewed one
supervisor and two telecommuters by phone. Additionally, in four cases, a nontelecommuter
either did not report to the supervisor or was not available to be interviewed. In one group,
only a nontelecommuter participated. However, in this group, both the supervisor and
nontelecommuter were located in the smaller regional office, and the nontelecommuter had
formerly telecommuted. This nontelecommuter answered questions related to his experience
both as a former telecommuter and as a nontelecommuter. We completed a total of 23
interviews from this firm.
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Table 2
Description of study informants
Gender Age (in years) Job tenure Organizational tenure
Supervisors 3 females, 14 males 35 – 57 1 month – 25 years 8 – 31 years
Telecommuters 16 females, 8 males 31 – 60 3 months – 12 years 3 months – 35 years
Nontelecommuters 3 females, 9 males 31 – 62 2 months – 8.5 years 1 – 39 years
N.B. Kurland, C.D. Cooper / Journal of High Technology Management Research 13 (2002) 107–126 115
to three types of questions: work-related, demographic, and general (see Appendix A). The
primary task of the first few questions was to establish rapport with the focal person and to
understand the individual’s current job responsibilities. Subsequent questions focused on
telecommuting itself, managerial control strategies, professional isolation perceptions, and
demographics. At the end of each interview, respondents were asked to pinpoint specific
challenges of telecommuting and provide questions they had about the practice. All inter-
views, both face-to-face and by phone, were recorded and transcribed and lasted between 20
and 60 min, yielding several hundred pages of data. We used Atlas software, a qualitative data
analysis package, to code the data.
After conducting and transcribing about half of the interviews, each author separately
coded them for the three types of managerial control strategies (behavior, output, and clan)
and for employee professional isolation concerns. Snell (1992) acted as a guide to distinguish
specific strategies. We next compared our codes to ensure that we were reliably coding for
each of the four factors (i.e., the three control strategies and professional isolation). The entire
coding process yielded multiple behavior, output, and clan tactics managers frequently used
to control their out-of-sight employees; it also uncovered common challenges and concerns
about isolation those managers and employees experience. After identifying trends in these
data, we adapted our interview questions in subsequent interviews. We de-emphasized
questions that no longer seemed relevant or that failed to lead to interesting insights. At
the same time, we pursued topics that surfaced as more interesting and relevant to and for
respondents. For example, we initially did not ask respondents about mentoring, yet several
raised mentoring-related concerns on their own. In these and subsequent interviews, we
probed them about their mentoring concerns.
After we completed the interviews, we again separately and collectively coded and
interpreted the remaining data. During the data analysis process, we generated ideas about
the concepts discussed in some interviews and revisited other interviews to check the degree
to which these relationships held. Additionally, we analyzed the data in two stages. First, we
collated the interviews and, using Atlas, queried for issues such as managerial control
strategies and professional isolation concerns. Next, after noting overall emergent trends and
relationships between managerial actions and employee perceptions, we divided the inter-
views into triads (supervisor, telecommuter(s), and nontelecommuter(s) who worked
together). We examined the degree to which the concepts we discerned from the aggregated
data were present within the triads. We agreed that the data reflected the findings discussed in
the next section. We include quotations to clarify and illustrate these findings.
4. Findings
Overall, the interviews illustrated that managers employed a variety of behavior, output,
and clan strategies to control behavior. In addition, except for clan controls, managers used
these strategies with both telecommuters and nontelecommuters.
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and pay and promotion opportunities. Other managers quantified behavior by monitoring
computer use or on-line actions — information that the supervisor could access without the
employee’s knowledge.
Overall, many telecommuters and some supervisors and nontelecommuters voiced con-
cerns about the professional isolation of telecommuters. In particular, telecommuters were
more likely to be concerned about professional isolation when their performance was not
linked primarily to measurable outputs. For example, one telecommuter who was involved in
implementing the telecommuting program in her organization commented:
[W]hen the managers are. . .busy, . . .their very simplistic way of judging what their employee
does is by [the employee’s] time in the chair. So, I think [telecommuters] having concerns that
their rewards will be diminished are probably accurate concerns on their part. [P]robably the
biggest challenge is to help managers understand that just because your employee [is] sitting
in their chair, doesn’t mean that they’re putting out the results. You need to look at how you
measure the results — not just the activity, but the results.
In an extensive article reviewing the trend in telecommuting, Turban and Wang (1995)
concluded that organizations are responding by changing the focus from managing of inputs
to managing of outputs.
We found, however, a shift to managing telecommuters only by results may enhance
telecommuters’ professional isolation concerns. In general, when supervisors assessed
performance ‘‘by the results,’’ their employees indicated that they felt they risked receiving
a fair evaluation or the rewards and acknowledgement that they deserved. Yet, although
assessing outputs could alleviate short-run professional isolation concerns for some tele-
commuters, other telecommuters and supervisors spoke about aspects of telecommuting that
hinder telecommuters’ career advancement and skill development in the long run. That is, if
managers focus only on outputs to manage out-of-sight employees, these employees miss out
on professional development and learning, otherwise garnered from in-sight interaction. This
exclusion can in turn impede long-term professional advancement. In short, out-of-sight
employees become professionally isolated.
Concerns about long-term professional isolation and the problem of viewing output
controls as a panacea became apparent when (1) managers complained about three clan-
related challenges to telecommuting: team synergy, informal interactive learning, and remote
mentoring; and, (2) employees spoke of impediments to intraorganizational, interpersonal
networking. We discuss each challenge below.
and shared values negatively affected group synergy and, ultimately, productivity. As one
manager observed,
Productivity gains are measured when you put people into an office environment and a lot
of synergy’s created. . .When you telecommute. . .there’s a lack of energy that I notice in
the office. . .
Although this manager supported his employee’s choice to telecommute, he still had
difficulty creating the desired cohesion among his employees. This lack of ability to create
synergy in the work group is further evident when telecommuters complained that their
nontelecommuting colleagues do not believe they are working while at home.
they missed out on being assigned good projects, that credit for their ideas became associated
with others who were on site, or that they remained unknown by others in the employing
organization. In many cases, telecommuters remained highly dependent on their direct
supervisor to promote them and their performance to others. They perceived that this invisibility
translated into lower performance rankings, decreased job performance recognition, and being
overlooked for projects and promotions. While many nontelecommuters believed their super-
visors treated telecommuters the same as nontelecommuters, others thought that an ‘‘out-of-
sight, out-of-mind’’ attitude occasionally prevailed, as the following quotation illustrates:
[An]. . . example would be, let’s say [our boss] walked out here and said, ‘‘Okay, I got this
project. I’m looking for volunteers to work on the CompuDat-Malaysia project and, this is the
opportunity and who’s interested?’’ And, if [my telecommuting co-worker] wasn’t here and
he was interested and somebody else who was, say, an equal candidate as [him] said, ‘‘I’ll
take that.’’ I doubt that [my boss] would say, ‘‘Well, hold on. Let me check with [my
telecommuting co-worker].’’
The telecommuter referenced here sensed this risk and reduced the amount of time he
telecommuted. He expressed that he could very likely have been passed over for projects that
would have required more face-to-face coordination, yet felt that since he was now coming
into the office more frequently and would be ‘‘around more,’’ this risk would decline.
By comparison, telecommuters did not feel professionally isolated when the stakes for
being invisible did not exist (see also Becker, 1986). That is, telecommuters did not feel
professionally isolated if they did not want or expect to be promoted, preferred to keep a low
profile, were company veterans and therefore had a nationwide network in place, were as
disconnected from their boss as were other direct reports, or telecommuted very infrequently,
such as one day every week or every 2 weeks.
In general, interpersonal networks in organizations benefit employees because they allow
people to establish relationships and gain access to information that can advance their
professional careers. When Luthans and his associates studied more than 450 managers, they
found that managers who advanced up the corporate ladder most quickly networked the most
(Luthans, 1988; Luthans, Hodgetts, & Rosenkrantz, 1988). Repeated face-to-face interactions
build trust, build relationships (e.g., Calton & Kurland, 1996; Zucker, 1986), and can build
careers — and the lack of which may not. As employees telecommute more frequently, their
opportunities to develop intraorganizational networks decline, while their managers’ role as
their lifeline to the organization strengthens.
organization networks, departments, and external networks), and emotional support (Alt-
meyer, Prather, & Thombs, 1994). They advance the protégé’s career mobility (Scandura,
1992), career satisfaction (Fagenson, 1990), and positional power (Ragins, 1997) through
sponsorship, exposure and visibility, coaching, protection, and delegating challenging work
assignments. They act as role models, encourage new behaviors, provide feedback, counsel,
and facilitate informal exchanges of information about work and nonwork experiences
(Kram, 1983, 1985).
Mentoring from a distance is more challenging because mentors are unable to observe
telecommuting employees in action. Consequently, they are less able to coach and to counsel
telecommuters, and to develop them for longer-term organizational success. Hence, the
absence of or reduction in mentoring activities may inhibit telecommuters’ professional
development and advancement.
As one manager commented:
In our business, it’s probably true in a lot of people’s business, the coaching and counseling that
you do with people is really, really critical. And it’s a constant process as a manager. How do you
develop your people? How do you have enough face-to-face, or enough time in a professional
environment with them to be able to see the things they need to improve on? And to be able to
then spend that coaching and counseling time with them? If you do everything remotely, it’s
really hard to get a sense at the end of the quarter, at the end of the half. . . How do you do
somebody’s review? And how do you assess their performance, skills performance? It’s easy to
identify their performance based upon activity and, you know, the results. But how about those
personal development, or skills development issues, that you really need to focus on?
In this passage, an upper-level sales manager expressed frustration about effectively
mentoring employees in virtual environments. As a sales manager, he relied heavily on output
controls to monitor performance. Yet, he was still concerned about developing his employees.
The following manager felt similarly frustrated:
There are certain things that you just don’t tend to talk about [on the phone]. You know,
there may be things that bother you about your job. . .. And people just don’t think about
picking up the phone to call me and tell me those challenges. For example, this week. . . I
was able to meet up with one of my employees and we just went out and spent the evening
together just talking. And a whole bunch of stuff came out that he would’ve never told me
on a phone call. . .. when we’re on the phone we are so focused on day-to-day tasks and job
opportunities that are coming up. . .I don’t know what they’re thinking and feeling when I
don’t see them.
In this case, the manager felt frustrated because she could not communicate on a deeper
level with her employees to better understand how they were doing. She believed that the
type of information and personal connection she sought was difficult to achieve without
frequent face-to-face interaction.
In short, these findings suggest that managers and employees observed that the absence of
team synergy, informal learning, intraorganizational, interpersonal networking, and effective
remote mentoring could impede telecommuters’ professional development and, ultimately,
organizational productivity. Revealing these clan-related challenges to telecommuting makes
122 N.B. Kurland, C.D. Cooper / Journal of High Technology Management Research 13 (2002) 107–126
salient telecommuters’ concerns about professional isolation and emphasizes the need to
relegate a focus on output controls from the position of a panacea.
5. Conclusions
Findings from this study suggest four conclusions about managerial control and employee
isolation in telecommuting environments. First, managers’ fear that they lose control when
employees telecommute appears unfounded. Managers maintain control over off-site
employees through various behavior and output strategies and only rarely adapt these
strategies for use when employees telecommute. Second, organizations inadequately train
telecommuters, nontelecommuters, and their supervisors for telecommuting, potentially
causing misperceptions and miscommunications. Third, telecommuters are most likely to
perceive they are professionally isolated when they telecommute frequently, expect to do so
for a long time, have been with the organization for a short time, and/or want and expect to
be promoted.
Last, although managerial control and professional isolation concerns are distinct issues felt
by different parties to the telecommuting arrangement, they appear to be inextricably linked.
Telecommuters’ long-term professional development may suffer when they do not have
regular opportunities to bounce ideas off other employees — a process of informal, interactive
learning and a benefit of team synergy and intraorganizational, interpersonal networking.
Similarly, telecommuters’ mentoring relationships may languish as managers struggle with
the challenge posed by remote mentoring. As voiced above, managers were less able to foster
telecommuters’ long-term career development, which resulted in either managers relocating
telecommuters to a different position or telecommuters returning to the office. In addition,
when managers focus only on results, they may value employees primarily in the short term.
In the short term, managers can observe what employees do in the present, but cannot
necessarily develop employees professionally for long-term career advancement.
In short, this study revealed that for telecommuting to be a successful workplace alternative
and not just a short-term solution, managers need to learn how to be effective remote mentors
and managers and employees need forums in which to interact informally, develop interper-
sonal organizational networks, and create synergistic team relationships. Moreover, these
forums must be designed to make them as accessible to telecommuters as nontelecommuters.
Acknowledgments
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1998 International Association for
Business and Society, Kona, HI, June. Funding for this study was provided by the Zumberge
Research and Innovation Award, University of Southern California. We would like to thank
Paul Adler, Diane Bailey, Tom Cummings, David Finegold, Sue Mohrman, Lisa Pelled, and
Gretchen Spreitzer for their excellent comments on earlier drafts. All errors are our own. Do
not quote without authors’ permission.
N.B. Kurland, C.D. Cooper / Journal of High Technology Management Research 13 (2002) 107–126 123
The questions presented below guided interviews with telecommuters. Questions were
altered appropriately for supervisors and nontelecommuters.
28. Do you believe that telecommuting has impeded the rewards you receive that you
believe you deserve (e.g., promotions)? Why or why not?
29. Since you’ve been telecommuting, do you find it easier or more difficult to
communicate with your supervisor and/or colleagues about issues that are important to
you, both personal and work-related? Why or why not?
30. Do you work in groups or teams?
Demographic data
a. years telecommuting?
b. years with current company?
c. years in current job?
d. sex?
e. age?
f. children? ages?
g. children living at home?
h. marital status?
i. spouse’s occupation; does spouse telecommute?
j. estimated family income? (Respondents were provided a choice of six ranges.)
k. your highest level of education?
l. other relevant information you’d like to share?
A.3. General
1. If you could change anything, what would you change to improve your telecommuting
experience?
2. What about telecommuting do you find most challenging?
3. What did we miss?
4. What would you like to know about telecommuting?
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