Attempting to help clients in Puerto When the author started as a medical social

Rico make decisions, the social worker in Puerto Rico in 1947, a tolleague
from a nearby town referred a case to her
worker encounters attitudes, that she still remembers vividly. It ex-
li f e-styles, and economic and social emplifies a principle as vital today as it was

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conditions quite different from thosé twenty-five years ago.
on the mainland. Differences
f erences are
The 4-year-old boy who could not walk
unless he clung to the walls was known to
reviewed and possible ways to increase everyone as el corino, the clubfoot. He had
self-determination are proposed. been receiving plaster-cast treatment for
severe bilateral clubfeet under the Crip-
pled Children Bureau in a district hospital.
After three months his father had removed
the cast, had refused to continue treatment,
and had forbidden the mother to intervene.
He claimed that the cast disturbed the boy
and he could not afford to take the child
to the hospital. The father was the only
provider for the family, and his income as
a sugarcane cutter was low.
The author visited the family three times
and was received warmly, but the father in-
Social work sisted that the boy could not continue the
treatment—even though money was of-
fered for transportation. He said that if
practice in the boy could not walk when he grew up,
he himself would take his son on his
shoulders and lend him his legs. On the
Puerto Rico third visit he declared calmly: "Look missis,
I am grateful for your interest in us, but
don't waste your time with me. If God
came down from heaven and told me to
take the boy for treatment, 1 would say no."
by Ligia Vazquez Upon returning to the office that day, the
author wrote up the interview, ending it on
de Rodriguez this note: "lf he says no to God, what can
he say to me? Case closed because of lack of
cooperation."
Fortunately, it was possible in this small
town to continue relations with the family.
Two years later the father permitted the boy
to resume treatment. That boy was reha-
bilitated and today walks well. If the situa-
tion had occurred in a metropolitan area of
Puerto Rico, the case would probably have
become another of the many "closed because
of lack of cooperation from the client."
Ligia Vázquez de Rodriguez, MSW, is Associ-
ate Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, SELF -DETERMINATION
University of Puerto Rico, Rio Piedras, Puerto This incident clearly relates to the concept
Rico. of self-determination and poses serious ques-

32 1 MARCH 1973

tions for the social work profession today.
Are people free to choose? When should so-
cial workers intervene? Should they be faith-
ful always to the principle of self-determina-
tion?
What does "determination" mean? The
dictionary defines it as follows: "the
power or habit of deciding definitely and
firmly; fixed resolution; purpose; resolute-
ness." The word conveys a sense that one
has the power to choose among alternatives.
The concept of self-determination was
incorporated into social work in the United
States as early as the 1920s. Richmond in-
troduced it as a principle, although she
called it "the fullest possible participation
of the client in all plans." 2 Hollis was the
first to call it self-determination in 1939. She
related it to Freud's theories and their lib-
erating effect on cultural traditions. 3 Pen -
man stated that the concept evolved as a
reaction to the rise of totalitarian move-
ments in the 1930s. 4
In the 1950s Biesteck stressed the limi-
tations of the concept for casework. He
pointed out that self-determination might
be hampered by the client's capacity for
positive and constructive decision-making,
the framework of civil and moral law, and
the function of the agency. In the first in-
stance, he referred especially to children,
adolescents, aged persons and the mentally
retarded. He also recommended giving
discreet attention "to the very ill or ig-
norant or inarticulate." r Other writers
,
held similar views about the limits of self-
determination, but, like Gjenvick, affirmed
that "man has a capacity to choose, is re-
sponsible for doing so, and is accountable
to God and his fellow men for his choices." 6
Up to that time the concept seemed fairly
clear to social workers, who applied it lib-
erally without raising too many questions
about it. Sometimes it may have been
loosely applied without much thought about
how an individual's decisions affected his
own life and the lives of those dependent on
his will.
In 1959 publication of the findings by
Buell et al. challenged the application of
the principle to social work practice. 7 The
SOCIAL WORK
Social Work in Puerto Rico 1 33
studies showed that 6 percent of all families
receiving economic assistance in St. Paul,
Minnesota, were consuming more than half
the community's social welfare services.
These families—later known as "multiprob-
lem," "hard-to-reach," "hard-core," needed
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new approaches because of the risk they rep-
resented to themselves and the community,
the burden they imposed on public funds,
and their prolonged dependency that ex-
tended from three to four generations.
For intervention with such families-
who resisted the traditional social work ap-
proaches—the so-called aggressive reach-
ing-out approach was devised. Self-de-
termination became a vague, ambiguous
term. From then on, many criticisms of
the concept appeared in the social work
literature. 8
SELF -DETERMINATION TODAY
Divergent lines of thought are evident.
Those in one group believe that the client
should be encouraged to assume total re-
sponsibility in making his own decisions.
They say that today social workers too
strongly emphasize terms such as "intru-
sion," "direction," "aggression"—terms that
suggest worker-client opposition.a Others
claim that although self-determination is
"not supreme, it is of supreme importante";
they accept the idea that sometimes social
workers have to decide issues for clients. 10
Still others, like Perlman, admit that being
free to choose is difficult in today's society.
They insist, however, that making one's own
decisions is necessary as a means of strength-
ening the ego—a stante that applies self-
determination in a somewliat restricted way,
rather than considering it as a broad philo-
sophical principle deeply rooted in the
democratic way of life. 11
In the author's opinion, it is the effects of
today's mass rebellion and technology on
man's social role and values that have really
altered the application of self-determina-
tion. Wit11 the increasing loss of individu-
ality and self-identity, philosophies such as
existentialism have become prominent;
34 1 RODRIGUEZ
"At present the average monthly public assistance payment per recipient
is $13.55 in Puerto Rico compared with $118.35 for the United States
as a whole. It barely covers 45 percent of the basic needs in the
children's aid program within a budget established in 1950."
these doctrines try to cope with man's feel-
ings of alienation and powerlessness. 12
Although many persons find it increas-
ingly difficult to make decisions under pres-
ent-day conditions, social workers must
strive to give them maximum opportunity to
do so, thus helping them to perceive their
value as human beings, feel a greater sense
of mission in life, and enhance their social
functioning. It is important, however, that
those in the social work profession remem-
ber the right of a human being to his pri-
vate life. They must be sure that they are
not intruders, but rather liberating agents
for a fuller life. Social workers have been
accused of being invading agents because
of their application forms, questionnaires,
telephone and tape-recorded interviews,
photographs, and other means of gathering
data for records or research studies. 13
The growing concern about the principle
of self-determination in the United States
has increased the author's long-time interest
in this subject. If on the mainland, which
is highly esteemed for its democratic con-
victions and its liberty, there are problems
in applying this concept to social work prac-
tice, it might be wise to review and revise
its application to social work practice in
Puerto Rico. The author touched on this
issue in an article about the changing
role of social workers on the island. 14 The
present paper explores the issue further and
suggests a substantial revision in applying
the principle.
Self-determination in Puerto Rico must
be viewed from a different perspective than
that used on the mainland. Three main
factors account for this: (1) the historical
development of the island, which includes
the effects of colonization, the extreme pov-
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erty of the people, and relationships with
the United States, (2) geographic limita-
tions, and (3) the development of social
work under governmental auspices.
These areas are not mutually exclusive.
In fact, they often overlap. In many in.
stances, points of view expressed represent
inferences derived from the author's profes-
sional experience, but they may serve as a
starting point for more rigorous research.
COLONIZATION
Puerto Rico was colonized by Spain under
a suppressive regime characterized by the
hacienda system, which tended to destroy
the inlanders' initiative. The peaceful In-
dians inhabiting the island were over-
whelmed by the Spanish conquerors.
In 1898, with a newly granted autono-
mous charter, Puerto Rico switched
abruptly to colonial status under the United
States. The island and mainland cultures
clashed: one Catholic, traditional, and
agrarian; the other Protestant, liberal, and
industrial. In 1917 the Jones Act granted
American citizenship to the Puerto Rican
people. Its provisions also allowed more
money for the island's economic activities
and for programs of social welfare.
In 1946, Senior, director of the Social Sci-
ence Research Center of the University of
Puerto Rico, urged the U.S. government
to "end our colonial system in Puerto Rico
at the earliest moment possible." He stated
that Puerto Ricans were second-class citi-
zens, whose civil liberties were directly de-
pendent on congressional action, not on the
Bill of Rights or the Constitution. He also
criticized the United States for the appar-
ent lack of a public policy for Puerto Rico,
MARCH 1978
 Social Work in Puerto Rico 1 35

pointing out that "national policies were
applied in some cases whether or not they
fit the local circumstances, where in others
there is discrimination against the is-
land." 15 It was not until 1952 that P.L.
600 and a referendum granted Puerto Rico
activity—did not exceed fourteen cents an
hour. 19 Life expectancy was 46 years. 20
Apathy and indolence contributed to the
prevailing state of misery. Add to such con-
ditions long colonization, passivity, and se-
clusiveness, and one can see why many in

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a constitution providing a republican form Puerto Rico found it difficult then to under-
of government and a bill of rights. stand the concept of self-determination-
Many have feit that the prolonged period and why many stil! do.
of colonization caused Puerto Ricans to be- A paternalistic attitude stamped special
come docile persons who find it difficult to characteristics on social work practice in
deal with aggressive feelings. 16 They point Puerto Rico. The profession was patterned
to such cultural phenomena as the Puerto on social work in the United States, which
Rican Syndrome (hyperkinetic seizures), in many respects was foreign to the island-
the suicidal fit (an hysterical state in which ers' ways of thinking and their needs. So-
suicidal tendencies are evident), accepted cial welfare programs were designed on the
and freely admitted nervousness, high inci- mainland and then transplanted to Puerto
dence of murders and motor vehicle acci- Rico without duly considering the charac-
dents and lack of interest in military careers.teristics of the people. What is more, the
Rothenberg comments as follows about this programs were not as well financed as on
subject: the mainland. For example, in 1943, when
the Puerto Rican Division of Public Wel-
Actually the superficially warm, friendly fare was created under the Social Security
Puerto Rican is often a slightly passive, Act, the amount of public assistance given
unassertive person, who, at times, can be to all recipients was $7.50 a month. At
moved to extreme outbursts of anger. present the average monthly payment per
Socially, direct assertiveness is frowned recipient in all categories is $13.55 in
upon. For example, if people drop in Puerto Rico compared with $118.35 for the
unexpectedly and one has other plans United States as a whole. Puerto Rico's
for the evening, such as going to the public assistance payment per recipient and
theater, one is expected to cancel one's per family is considerably less than that of
plans without a word. The outward any U.S. state or territory, including Guam
show of hospitality is maintained. 17 and the Virgin Islands. It barely covers 45
percent of the basic needs in the children's
Lewis is among those who believe that aid program within a budget established in
American occupation and control left a 1950. 21
colonial psychology in the Puerto Rican The casework method meets specific needs
people. There is a militant self-defensive-
ness, a resentment of condescension, a proud in the United States. Social workers in
assertion of puertorriquenismo. 18 Puerto Rico used it widely for years and
In 1939-40 there was extreme poverty in were slow to develop other approaches that
this predominantly agricultural island, the extended family required. A Food
which has an area of 3,435 square miles, and Stamp program was recently approved for
had at that time two million inhabitants the island. No one seems to question what
and just one million cultivable acres. In- its effects will be on the people. Is this pro-
dustries provided jobs for only about gram the best for the island at this mo-
110,000 persons, mainly in seasonal or spo- ment? Would it be preferable to have one
radic occupations. The annual income designed to deal witte the specific needs,
per family was $341. The average wage in the value system, and the social organiza-
the sugar industry—the principal economic tion of Puerto Rico?

SOCIAL WORK
36 1 RODRIGUEZ
EXTENDED FAMILY
On such a small island, with nearly 800
inhabitants per square mile, personal rela-
tions have to be relatively intimate. Stycos
studied family and fertility in Puerto Rico
and described the shock-absorbing quali-
ties of the extended family. 22 Many ex-
tended kin live under the same roof, chil-
dren and relatives contribute to the family
income, and family relationships take prec-
edence over community well-being.
In his migration studies, Hernández
points to the "remarkable strength of the
family of orientation as a focal point in
Puerto Rican society that has been reaf-
firmed by its role in the return and resettle-
ment of so many young people." 2 3 Infor-
.
mation conveyed by letters and visits keeps
every member of the extended family in-
formed of what kappens to the other mem-
bers and in the migration process it leads
to new arrivals of relatives and friends. 24
Familism significantly alters decision-
making by Puerto Ricans. On the island,
persons are subject to a fuller evaluation
by peers, relatives and acquaintances; on
the mainland, persons feel free to act with-
out thinking much about the reactions of
others. Islanders are constantly aware that
others may criticize them adversely and that
their relationships may be negatively af-
fected. This inhibits them from asserting
their rights or defending their points of
view. For example, they cannot criticize
an agency openly because the director may
feel that they are criticizing him. Expressing
oneself in Puerto Rico involves risks and
may have serious repercussions.
GOVERNMENTAL AUSPICES
Social work in Puerto Rico started in gov-
ernmental agencies, and most professional
social workers are still associated with the
government. In 1967 there were approx-
imately fifteen hundred social workers on
the island. It was estimated that there were
fifty private social workers employed by
eight private agencies. Over 55 percent of
the• social workers under governmental
auspices were employees of the Department
of Social Services; the other workers in
public agencies were secondary personnel
in hospitals, schools, justice departments,
public housing, and so on. 25
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This situation has profound implications
for the principle of self-determination. Gov-
ernmental social workers are not free to
criticize programs, express opposition, or
assert their loyalties to the profession or the
agency. And they too are caught in the
familism network. Moreover, social work
practice in public agencies is oriented
mainly to the poor, and this segment of so-
ciety is the least powerful and least resolute
and depends most on the will of others.
Until 1969 the Department of Social Ser-
vices was the Division of Public Welfare
of the Department of Health. Social work-
ers in the division were seldom free to make
decisions. The secretary of health was
the person truly responsible to the gover-
nor and federal representatives; thus social
workers were doubly limited by agency
structure. Loyalties were difficult to define
and the concept of self-determination was
enmeshed in bureaucracy. Even though
welfare services are no longer under the
direction of the Department of Health, the
pattern has been set.
Another factor that has limited decision-
making is that most of the social workers in
Puerto Rico are women. This factor is
strongly associated with the still prevalent
concept of masculine dominance—which is
typical of countries colonized by Spain. Un-
doubtedly, the concept is changing, but at
present it has a significant influence on
women's participation in public affairs.
Stycos comments:
Even in the midfile and upper class fam-
ilies where the subordination patterns
are less emphasized, but nonetheless effec-
tive, male dominante is partly insured by
secrecy on the part of busbands.... This
privilege of privacy concerning the hus-
band's business and pleasure enshrouds
much of his life with mystery and en-
haneés his role as authority figure. 26
When one considers the many special
factors affecting the people and their ways
MARCH 1973

"When cases were closed because of 'lack of cooperation on the part of
the client,' social workers did not consider that the client might
wish to exercise his right to determine his own life."
of life in Puerto Rico, one can expect
social worker-client relationships to be dif-
ferent from those on the mainland. The
differences have an important influence on
the process of decision-making.
It is evident that the Puerto Rican client
has been more passive, more dependent,
less able to utilize his right of self-determin-
ation than clients on the mainland. It is
also clear that Puerto Rican social work-
ers have not been strongly involved in is-
sues of social welfare and have not promoted
the client's right of self-determination as
much as workers have on the mainland.
For example, when cases were closed be-
cause of "lack of cooperation on the part
of the client," social workers did not con-
sider that the client might wish to exercise
his right to determine his own life. The ra-
tionale was that the client did not want to
cooperate with the agency. This presup-
posed an underlying thought: The client
must cooperate and accept what the agency
offers, no matter how inadequate he thinks
it is, or how different from his expectations,
because the agency considers it is good and
should not be rejected.
An interesting aspect of the situation is
that the client seems to fall into the same
pattern of thought as the social worker.
In fact, a comment often liearcl from clients
in Puerto Rico is, "I cooperate with the
social worker." Although workers often
try to involve them in community and
group activities so they may develop a
sense of belonging, it is difficult to change
clients' image of themselves as cooperators.
This attitude of course undermines their
ability to make basic decisions freely and
deters them from being actors rather than
followers. It seems that in many instances
neither the social worker nor the client
clearly recognizes that the agency was cre-
ated to serve the people.
SOCIAL WORK
Social Work in Puerto Rico 1 37
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Clients tend to consider that welfare
programs provide things for which they
should be grateful. Nevertheless, social
workers know that in dealing witte projects
such as the Food Stamp program, they must
often face a covert attitude of rejection.
During the Great Depression, New Deal
programs were known to people in Puerto
Rico as Prera (the abbreviation for Puerto
Rico Emergency Relief Administration).
Prera came to mean something given freely.
Recently the people have devised other
terms—such as mantengo, potoroca, and
chochin. All carry negative connotations.
The social worker in Puerto Rico has
learned to deal with clients who greatly
value politeness. No matter what these cli-
ents feel, they receive the social worker with
a smile. They also care a great deal about
maintaining dignidad— dignity—which has
a social function widely discussed by
Puerto Rican social scientists. Tugwell
considered that "Puerto Ricans possess a
pride which is almost an obsession and
which leads frequently to the substitution
of fancy for fact." 27 As Rand notes:
Puerto Rican health nurses say that
Puerto Ricans will listen to their instruc-
tions, will smile repeatedly and say, yes,
yes, they understand; and then will de-
part in ignorance, having taken almost
nothing in. 28
Social workers on the mainland have also
commented on this trait. 29
Rand also calls attention to the often-
heard phrase "God will provide" and says
that Puerto Ricans show almost no ambi-
tion) 30 All these attitudes entail an in-
ability to realize their worth as individuals.
The "polite answer in conformity with a
pattern of graciousness" thwarts the real
meaning of the right to decide. 31 In fact,
the client is unconsciously refusing that
38 1 RODRIGUEZ
right. Attitudes like these might lead the
worker to have false expectations about the
client's participation. Many times the cli-
ent has not fulfilled promised planning by
the time he comes to his schedeled appoint-
ment. This has been a common experience
for social workers, who have found that,
although clients were not hostile, plans
were not carried out.
"Governmental social workers
are not free to criticize
programs, express opposition,
or assert their loyalties to
the pro fession or the agency."
On one occasion a social worker visited
a tuberculosis patient who had abandoned
treatment, and this patient said: "Look, I
am not going to return to treatment but I
am going to give you these three eggs for
having wasted your time." A medical so-
cial worker, when she visited a young
woman who had been absent from treat-
ment in a district hospital, found the cli-
ent behind a bed, hiding from her.
Diffidence and lack of courage to tell
t he social worker how they feel about the
agency or the program are common among
middle-class clients too. Being polite and
maintaining dignidad are important every-
where. Social workers find it difficult to
deal with the passive resistance behind these
attitudes.
Dependence is common. Social workers
have to take clients to hospitals and
to various agencies. They even do simple
tasks for them—such as ironing and pre-
paring the baby's milk—to demonstrate
proper procedures. As clients learn, they
may begin to become more independent
and perhaps eventually exercise their right
of self-determination. Another common
habit bas been asking the social worker to
write little notes to take to the doctor, the
mayor, the teacher, and others. Although
this habit seems to be lessening, it reveals
lack of self-determination. A popular
Puerto Rican saying: "El que no tiene
padrinos no se bautiza" (He who has no
godparents will not be baptized) explicitly
recognizes this dependence on others.
Another important factor related to the
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concept of self-determination in Puerto
Rican social work practice is an apparent
lack of concern for privacy. What the so-
cial worker believes to be confidential is
discussed freely by the client with neighbors,
friends, and other persons.
ADAPTING TO LIFE-STYLE
All these patterns attest to the fact that
Puerto Rican social workers have to de-
velop ways of offering services that are
adapted to the life-style of the island if
they are to fulfill their clients' expectations.
It is the author's impression that social
workers' relations witti clients are more in-
formal, more intimate, perhaps more hu-
mane than in other places. Clients, in turn,
develop a greater attachment to workers.
This adds a subjective element that social
workers must be aware of. They can easily
be trapped by the client's unconscious de-
sire to control the situatien and to avoid be-
coming involved in unwelcome problems.
Conditions on the island are rapidly
changing. The standard of living has been
rising, and now compares favorably with
the level in many states on the mainland.
The author agrees with Lewis that
for all its imperfections, Puerto Rico is
the most democratic society of the non-
British Caribbean, and, Uruguay per-
haps excepted, of all Latin America.
There is a pride and a massive exhilara-
tion about its life that our older socie-
ties seem in some way to have lost... .
Puerto Ricans as a people have a natural
charm and a great deal of simple dignity.
... The very smallness of the island cre-
ates a prevalent sense of intimate com-
munity that possesses a genuine charm. 32
It is with the imperfections that Puerto
Rican social workers must deal. They need
to know more about themselves, ascertain
their needs, and develop appropriate poli-
MARCH 1973

cies and programs. They can no longer
evade the vital issues. They have been en-
dowed with a privilege not available to
past generations—the privilege of living
in a decisive period for Puerto Rico, in a
situation in which it is possible for them to
understand the problems and help devise
solutions. But they must have courage and
cogency in marshalling the problems and
be more aggressive in taking part in policy
formulation. If social workers want clients
to be more self-determined, they themselves
should play a more significant role in the
present society. They must feel free to
discuss welfare programs, planned parent-
hood, ways to deal with drug addiction, or-
ganization of clients and their increased
decision-making, poverty, and many other
controversial issues that harass the people
today in Puerto Rico. As social workers
gain self-determination for themselves, they
can help clients exert their right to self-de-
termination too.
Man of course has never .been absolutely
free and never will be; but there is always
an ultimate dream, an aspiration that com-
pels him to intensify his individuality.
Social workers can help keep this aspiration
alive. They have an obligation to provide
clients with every opportunity for realiz-
ing their potential and making their own
decisions among the alternatives open to
them.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Webster's Third New International Dictionary
(Springfield, 111.: G. & C. Merriam Co., 1961).
2. Mary Richmond, What Is Social Casework?
(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1922),
p. 256.
3. Florence Hollis, Social Casework in Practice:
Six Case Studies (Ncw York: Family Welfare As-
sociation of America, 1939), p. 5.
4. Helen Harris Perlman, "Self-Dctermination:
Reality or I1lusion?" Social Service Review, 39 (De-
cember 1965), p. 410.
5. Felix P. Biestek, The Casework Relationship
(Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1957), pp. 108
and 111.
6. Benjamin A. Gjenvick, "The Workers' Posi-
tion with respect to Client Self-Determination and
Christian Responsibility," Casework Papers, 1959
SOCIAL WORK
Social Work in Puerto Rico 1 39
(New York: Family Service Association of America,
1959), p. 34.
7. Bradley Buell et al., Community Planning for
Human Services (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1952).
8. See, for example, Saul Bernstein, "Self-deter-
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mination: King or Citizen in the Realm of Values?"
Social Work, 5 (January 1960), pp. 3-8; Alfred
Kadushin, "The Knowledge Base of Social Work,"
in Alfred Kahn, ed., Issues in American Social Work
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1959), pp.
50-51; Alan Keith-Lucas, "A Critique of the Prin-
ciple of Self-determination," Social Work, 8 (July
1963), pp. 66-71; Alice Overtone, Katherine Tinkle,
and associates, Casework Notebook (2d ed.; St.
Paul, Minn.: Family Centered Project, 1957); Alvin
L. Schorr, "The Trend to Rx," Social Work, 7
(January 1962), pp. 59-66; David Soyer, "The Right
to Fail," Social Work, 8 (July 1963), pp. 72-78; and
Georgia Travis and Del M. Neely, "Grappling with
the Concept of Self-Determination," Social Case-
work, 48 (October 1967), pp. 503-509.
9. See, for example, Schorr, op. cit., pp. 63-64.
10. See, for example, Bernstein, op. cit., p. 8.
11. Op. cit.
12. Rollo May, Man's Search for Himself (New
York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1953); and Allen
Wheelis, The Quest for Identity (New York: W. W.
Norton & Co., 1958).
13. Richard H. Rovere, "The Invasion of Privacy:
Technology and the Claims of Community," in
Hendrik M. Ruitenbeek, ed., The Dilemma of the
Organizational Society (New York: E. P. Dutton &
Co., 1963), pp. 67-76.
14. Ligia Vhzquez de Rodríguez, "El Role
Cambiante del Trabajador Social Puertorriquefio,
Revista Humanidad, 4 (December 1970), pp. 12-21.
15. Clarence Senior, Self-Determination for Puerto
Rico (New York: Post-War World Council, 1946),
pp. 7 and 10.
16. See, for example, Ramón Fernández-Marina
et al., "Three Basic Themes in Mexican and Puerto
Rican Values," Journal of Social Psychology, 48
(November 1958), pp. 167-181; René Marqués, "El
Pucrtorriquefio Dócil," Ensayos, 1953-1966 (San
luan, P.R.: Editorial Antillana, 1967), pp. 147-
210; and R. Ramirez de Arellano et al., Attack
Hyperkinetic Type: The So-Called Puerto Rican
Syndrome and Its Medical, Psychological and Social
Implications (San Juan, P.R.: Veterans Administra-
tion, 1956).
17. Albert Rothenberg, "Puerto Rico and Aggres-
sion," American Journal of Psychiatry, 120 (April
1964), pp. 965 and 968.
18. Gordon K. Lewis, Puerto Rico: A Case Study
of Change in an Underdeveloped Area (San Juan,
P.R.: Editorial, Departmento de Instrucción Ptíb-
lica, 1955), p. 616.
40 1 RODRfGUEZ

19. Harvey S. Perloff, Puerto Rico's Economic
Future (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1950), pp. 10-11.
20. Charles T. Goodsell, "Administración de una
Revolución," (Rio Piedras, P.R.: University of
Puerto Rico Press, 1967), p. 15.
25. Rosa C. Marin, "Necesidades de Personal en
los Programas de Bienestar Social," Revista Hu-
manidad, Graduate School of Social Work, Univer-
sity of Puerto Rico, 1 (December 1967), pp. 35-39.
26. Stycos, op. cit., p. 573.
27. Rexford Guy Tugwell, "Dignidad and Its

Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/sw/article-abstract/18/2/32/1930989 by EKU Libraries user on 18 November 2019

21. Rosa C. Marin and Maria E. Diaz, "Latin
American Variant of the Multiproblem Family."
Paper presented at the 41st Annual Conference of
the American Orthopsychiatric Association, Chi-
cago, Illinois, March 18-21, 1964. (Mimeographed.)
22. Mayone J. Stycos, "Family and Fertility in
Puerto Rico," American Sociological Review, 17
(October 1952), p. 575.
23. José Hernández, Return Migration to Puerto
Rico, Population Monograph Series No 1. (Berke-
ley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 70.
24. Ibid., p. 3.
Implications, Portrait of a Society," A Book of
Readings on Puerto Rican Society (Rio Piedras,
P.R.: University of Puerto Rico Press, 1956), pp.
259-262.
28. Christopher Rand, The Puerto Ricans (New
York: Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 71.
29. See, for example, Sister Frances Jerome Woods,
"Cultural Conditioning and Mental Health," Social
Casework, 39 (tune 1958), pp. 327-332.
30. Rand, op. cit., p. 73.
31. Ibid.
32. Lewis, op. cit., p. 649.

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