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    Parekh Prashil Bhaveshbhai

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    \ From Plassey to Partition: A History of Modern India — Sekhar Bandyopadhyay toi Vive ofWelingtn | ww i Orient Longman chapter four Emergence of Indian Nationalism 4.1, Histontocearty oF INDIAN NATIONALISM. “Mest hisorians of Indian nationalism have argued thatthe Tadian political nation, n a modern sense ofthe term, did not exis prior to the establishment of British rle. Whether oF no sch a nation lay ‘nselfeonscionly embedded in Indian civilisation and then gradu ally evolved through history a point thar nationalist leaders and historians have incessanly debated over. Most recent, Prasenit Daara has ertigqued such formulations as "cleological model of Enlightenment Hissory” thar gives the “contested and contingent nation” a false sense of wit Theres, however, asf now ile dis Sztcement that the Indian nationalism that coaonted Beishimpe- Falsm inthe ninetecnth century, and celebrated is victory inthe formation of the Indian nation-state in 1947, was prodact of clo rial modernity (sce chapter 3.1 for more discussion on hs). As the Sell-prfewed mision ofthe colonises was elevate the colonised from their present tate of decadence toa dsized state of progress towards modernity it became imperative for the ater to comes that stamp of backwardness and assert that they too were capable of ting and ruling themselves within the structural amework of 2 tmodern state So the challenge of nationalism in colonial India was twofold to forge 2 national unity and to claim it right to self ‘determination India bas been a paral society everyone agrees, with ‘aious forms of diversity, such a rein, anguage, religion, caste, ‘snc and soon. Ke wae fom his diversity tht “a nation [as] 8 making” (ic, ous the phrawe of Surendranath Banerjea, one ofthe Carles architects of thir modern Indian nation. Agzeement among historians, however, tops here. How did the Indians acuall “image ine” thei nation isa matter of intense controversy and ongoing debate, ‘Av one end of the spectrum, Partha Chatere would argue that rationalism in India, which was assigned a privileged poscion by its Western edacated poll leadership, was 4 "cfr, bot & EKCENCE OF INDIAN NATIONALISM 185 ‘derivaive discourse from the Wes? Ashis Nandy also thinks hac Inian nationalism asa response to Western imperialism was “hike allsach sponses, shaped by what it was responding to". Theater ‘ative version of univers, rooted a Indzan clsaton and pro pounded by me like Rabindranath Tagore or Mahatma Gandhi— the “counter modernist crites ofthe imperial West"—was rejected by the Western edacated middle-class Inia. While dhe alternative virion could unite India t socal rather than poltial level by cceping and creatively using difference, che Indian nationalists fcceped the Western model of nation-state ste defining peincple oftheir nationalism,” CA. Bayly (1998), on the eter hand, as recently searched forte “prehistory of nationals” Ian maion- ‘lan, te think, bul on pre-existing sense of territoriality, a tad tional patism rationalised by indigenous ideas of public morality tnd ethical government Bat how those regional soliarves were Consolidated into broader cltaral notion of Inia through their fncounter with colonial ul and wih eachother isan sae of vigor- ‘os contestation, There were various nluences ad various conta- dicionsin ha proces, various eels and forms of eonsciousness. I Ssdlficultcoconsric 2 one-dimensional picture out of hsv ‘Chaos. Yet, sine a nation-state was bor, stems ave been made to reconstract ts biography. This docs not of course mean that out Side this grand narrative ofthe evluion of mainsteam nationalism that asserted ite dominance inthe formation of the India nation Sate there were no alteative narratives of enisoning he nation. “The ealy nationals schoo, 2 well as some ofits ner followers, wile studying this proces of nation-building, focused primarily on ‘he supremacy of nationals ideology and national consciousness fo which all other forme of consciowness were assumed to ave teen subordinated, This awarenes of nation was based on a com- monly shared antipathy towards colonial ral, a feling of pation tism and an ideology cooted in 4 sense of pride in India's ancient tradions. This school in other words, jgored the inner confliss vethin Indian society which among other things led its division inno wo nation sater—and asumed the existence of ation 36 2 homogenous entity with «single st of interests In opposition 10 this anew interpretation emerged in che Anglo-American academia tnd Rajat Ray as rather loosely labelled i 25 the “neo traditional- ist school This new interpretation echoed the old imperiaise ‘ssertion of authors ike Valentine Chiro, chat poicsation of Indian society developed long the ines of raditional social forma tons, sich a linguistic regions, castes or religious communes, 186 Fon PLssey To Paartmow rather shan the modern categories of cass o nation. The mos in portant cals of change in tis context were the institutional novation of the colonial sate, notably the introduction of Wert ‘rn education and politcal reprerenation There new opportunities intersected withthe traiional Indian sca divisions and created a ‘new tats group—the Western-edacated elite, which drew its me bers from the existing privileged indigenous collectives, such athe Dadralok in Bengal, the Chitpavan Brahmans in Bombay or the “Tamil Brahmans of Madras. The backward regions or the under privileged groups that remained ouside this muted political nation Fado acces to the modern istiutonal life of colonial Ind within the confines of which the messages of etl Indian national. Jam reverberted. This went on unl the end of World War Ove, when forthe first time Mahatma Gandbi ung open the gates of ‘onstiatonal politic ona the new era of mass nationalism, Tf the neo traitonali hsoriane studied Indian polis within the framework ofthe province, afew athers have racked these div sions farther down 0 the level of localities. These later writings, ‘which have come tobe identified asthe "Cambridge School, have (questioned the ontology of a unified nationalist movernent, and Ihave raced instead only a series of localised moverent in colonial India AS imperialism was weak, since it could not fnetion without the help of Indian collaboritors nationalism that grew out of con- testaton with e was weak a well twas nothing more than abate Ibeween the wo men of straws At imperial ale depended oo India collaborators, there was competion among them for favour of the Coloma rules. Ths led to emergence of various interest groups, hich started to expand their constituencies as the British into. ‘uced local se-government and electra system f9 rope in mote ‘collaborators. The national movement was led by these selsecking leaders ently to pursue their arrow individual or elannish inter ‘ts Leaders a varios levels were sed through paton-lient rela Tionshipe and it was through these vertically seuctred loyalty networks tha they bargained with dhe Beth for power and ptron- ge Thisschool, in other words, completly derecognises the role of ‘nationalist ideology and sees co explain nationalist politics in terms of a competition collaboration yndrome, India was noe 2 ration, but a aggregate of disparate interes groups and they were ‘nied as they had to operate within a centralised national admin trative framework crested by the British This cynical vew of hi tory, which took the mind and emotion out of its aalsis and followed a narrow Namierite mods, duced national movement yancence oF NOUN NeONALSM 187 ‘the state of “Animal Pls", as Tapan Raychawdhuri as des ‘bed it? This model of interpretation i, however, no longer sub Sere o ever by is one time enthusiastic champions. CA. Bayl's book Origins of Nationality Sou Asia (1998), refered eo earlier, ina reminder ofthat significant historiographicl shift By contrast to this rather constricted politcal explanation of ‘atonal, the orthodox Marxist schoo sought to analyse the lass Character of the national movement and tied to explain it in {erms ofthe economie development of the colonial perio, primar- ily thers of industrial capitalism and the development of 2 mar Society in India, It klemtifed the bourgeois leadership, which ‘directed this movement to sit their own clas interest and negle- ted the interests ofthe masses and evento some extent betrayed them, Thi narrow dass approach and economie determinism ofthe ‘atly Marxists like RR Dat and Soviet historian WL. Pavlov were ‘Gulfied in atee Marxist weritings of SN. Malbec, Sumit Sarkar and Bipan Chandra. Multeree pointed out the complexities of rationalism, is multiple layers and meanings, the importance of taste along with las and the simultaneous use of a traditional as troll as a modern language of polis? Sarkar showed the non- bourgeois background ofthe Indian educated cases and argued that they acted a “traditional” intellectual, unconnected with the fprocescs of prodaction, esponding to world ideological currents Tike liberalism or ntionatam and "subsctted” for dhe a yet inere ‘masses of Ian is ltr book, Moder India (1983), Sarat has ‘Warmed us tat “class and clase-conciousnss are analytical tools hich have to be used more silly and flexibly". He recognises the legitimacy of ntionalim, but doesnot ignore the “internal ten- ‘sons within it There were two levels of antiimperils sugges in India, he contends, the one elite and the other populist. One need not ignore ether ofthe two, but lok atthe “complex interaction of these ewe levee” dhrough which was produced "the pattern of con tiny through change” tht constituted the dominane theme ofthe period." Bipan Chandra and 2 few of his colleagues have given Marxist ‘terpretation a distinc nationalist orientation in their collective enterprise, his Stra for Independence (1988). They argue ‘hat Indian maionlist movement was a popular movement of vati- ‘ous clases, not excisivey controlled by the bourgeois. In colonial India they demonstrate cwo types of contradictions. The primary contradiction was Between the interests ofthe Tndian people and those of Bish rales bot apart from that, there were also several 188 row Passer 70 Pariton conyers win nd xi etc dane ‘ists and egious commits. As the acolo role made owt the day contains Wee compro ate ‘ners of the einarycontadeion andin ths way the hegemony ofa nationalist ideology wak enable, Bot the naonalt mone tment wat aot the movement ofa ingle dor cane oa eligi emmaniy. and leader ike Gandhi or Jveharal Neb tng ised th India was not astrted nation uta maton i the make ing: There were varios group with conic interes and hens the ned for constane compromise to avoid cls cute o om tal conics and bangall hone dpaate rou under one bral ype leadertip. As ey the nan aint moves came peoples) movers, though all the secondaty confis ‘were noe stacy solved! s ‘A brave new intervention i ths hate came in 1982 when the fist volume ofthe Salers Studs, ded by Ranjit Guha, wos Published, with provocative opening satemen: “The hort Ply of Indian natonalom has for fong time Been domanate by ‘ism’. Ths “kered historiography he oes on os, anno ‘expan Indian natonaim, becuse i nels “the eoneiouon ‘made bythe people on ther uo, shat ondapendey of thet {0 the making and development of hs satonalion Ths rail Maris school which derives i theoretical inputs from the wrt ings ofthe alan Marxist, Aneonio Gras, thnks that organed national movement which icy Ted to the formation of the indian nation-state ws hollow satioalan ofthe elicy whl el trina was tha ofthe mae, whom ical he suber There was “structural dichotomy” between the two dotais of elit polis and that of the sbsterns, tthe wo segments of Tain society ved in two completely separate and sitonomony although net hermetic sled, mental words defined by ewo ds tint for of conscious. Although he abate rom te tine paiciated in poliel movements intinved by the ourgcok site lane failed to peak forthe nation. The bougeleadrship, ‘Ranaji Gaba argued in liter ey, failed toesablsh ts hepemony through either persuasion or coercion, ai wae continually om tested bythe peasantry andthe working cass who had iferen i ‘ms of mobilisation td action, whith te nationalist movement fled te appropriate. The new nation-state eased te domi ‘ance of ths burgess ideology, batt was a “dominance star hegemony” “This parser hnoriographical strand hs, however, undergone considerable shits een ours withthe oss moving fom as EaexceNce OF IND NATIONALS 189 socommuniey, om material analysis tote privileging of culture, mind and identi. Complains have been raised by onetime sa ‘ware contributor Sumit Sakae about the "decline ofthe sbalter in Subalte Studis”" This i because gradually focus has expan: ‘Sed from an exclusive preaceupation with forms and iseances of suhater protest to an incorporation ofthe polis ofthe colonial inceligeneia as well "Elite and dominant groups can alo have 2 subaltem pas" argues Dipesh Chakeabarty 3 jseifcaion for this shin fous Te has bee argued, following Edward Sad (1978), that thee sabaltrnity was constituted through che colonisation of their mind, which constructed their subjectivity, As for an under: Sanding of nationalism of these subordinate colonial elites, the most important conebution has come from Partha Chae. Hiseatir assertion was that nationalism in Inds was essentially a diferent” br “derivative discourse” from the West thar developed chrough thee distin agen: the moment of deparrre” when the nationals consciousness was constructed ehrough the hegsmonising influence of the "post-Enlightenment rxtionalst though’, the "moment of manoeuvre” when the masses were mobilised ins suppor, andthe “Imoment of rival” when iebecame "a dscoureof order” and“ tional organization of power" Ths theory ha ben Turter devel- ‘oped in his later book The Nation and Its Fragments (1993), where the has argued about two domains of action ofthis intelligentsia the material and the spirit. Inthe inner spiritual domi they tied “to fshion oder? national eulture ats nevertheless not ‘Wester and here they tefused to allow colonial intervention; it ‘war here dat nationalism wasaleeady sovereign, Inthe outer mate {ial word, defined by the insiatons ofthe colvil sate, there was however itle scope for them to avoid the influence of Western ‘model In the outer word the Indian elie contested the colonial rule of aifference, wil in the inner domain they sought to homo: sets Indian society by producing consent and dominating the Space of subalern dient. So the two domains of elt and mbalern Politics should now be studied noc in ther separateness, Chatterjee persuades us, bu in thei “mutually conditioned histories.” “The subalera view of natonalim-—or what snow being described asamjoe strand in "pontcoloia™ theory—has witnessed farther development in Gyan Prakass most recent book Another Reaton (1999), where he has argued-—in paral reviion of Chateree—that “Ture was no fundamental opposition between the ianersphere ofthe nation and its oner fe ss a nation state; hear was the for tner’s existence at another, abstract level" The fashioning ofthe 190 ox Passe x0 Parrmion nation-state in India was no mere emulation ofthe Western model, asthought by Chareje, ba rethinking and ciiguing ofthe West. mm modernity from the vantage point of Inca’ spiitl-eataral ‘este, combined with a een approach, This stata conten- plated by leaders lke Jawaharlal Nehra, would be guided by the Indian principles of ethical conduct that privileged collective good, and inthis sense it would aot be a "Western import”. However, his very reliance on the sate emanated from ther failure to achieve ‘ational unity, which they ad only visualised ata discursive level. ‘Thus, as Prakish argues, “(]henationstate was immaneat in the very hegemonic projet of imagining and normalizing a national ‘ommunty” and herein ay the contradiction of Indian nationals ‘Outside these parsicular schools mentioned eae, which are tore or less clearly definable, thereat, however, a whole range of ‘other writings that have looked at Indian nationalism fom diverse ‘ideological vantage points and historiogaphial perspectives Indian nationalism, in othee words, isan intensely contested discursive ter ‘ain from whee iis dficule o arrive ata dialectical middle ground bor evolve an eclectic view that would be accepable o al If Brash rule sought to colonise Indian minds, the Indians also selectively appropriated interalsed and manipulated that colonial knowledge to mount thei own restance to colonial hegemony. But if main stream nationalism assumed the existence of homogenous nation that supposedly spoke wieh one voice there have been persistent slums about exclsion, slenes and suppression of dscordane voice, sch those of women or dali. Im other words fe now aged by an everincreasing group of historians thatthe forms of ant colonial resistance and the ideologies tht went behind them were visualised or constocted in muliple ways. Iie dificult ro deny the ‘uth in Ania Loomba’s observation that here “te ‘nation’ sli ‘round of dispute and debare, ast for che competing imaginings of diferent ideological and pote interest” India was a plea society and therefore Indian nationalism was bound to have many woes as ciferent clases, groups, communities and eegions inter preted thet nation’ vari sometimes even contador, ways Indians had many identi, like clase ident, caste ident el tious identity and so ons a diferent historical conjuncraesdifer cnt idensies were articulated and intersected with eachother. AS the colonial sate sought to rlaforce and subuantilie these fis. sures the Indian nationalists tried 0 publicise an alternative dit- ‘course of integration. Jawaharlal Neh talked about “the old Indian ideal ofa synthesis difering elements and hee fusion nto EWEXCENCE OF INDIAN NATIONALISM 191 comon sionliy:!Such aromanicamumpionof ion at itoweven to avoid the hard eae of colic and contadcon Sarpy an ir acme ise imagining of ana care excael some group fom the po seco aon an the ay hit wo aceved proved 0 fragile and hence so ch dependence on a ceerlng ation ‘ae, However, hs crtiqae nea taku owe Supa Bove Sd Ageia ol ane warmed om gsi ey [eelng oe ag ‘men and sing to mins ana" intel of denying the existence ofthe tavon at an emotional leven wl consider fas ste of poi contestation. The nor ‘walling cadencyof he mina atonal nntheen dings Beceeioen sree ofthe sen were er et {mide BurBere queion reine comnenation eapabe of ‘exon, o ar Hemi Bhabha as caimed, sich ors of soca Seegen or coercion cannot be anced o iesealy ‘trmounrd®? Or mayb, weshosld nor pot ht quxton a all Foro capes «fia lan sad everyone lag haply eee cn ink ofa endo ory. On te conta aon ul ingisawayes proce of contnnon amen scommodstion— nl comteraon. is ho his uoopapiel pontion of recog ing te my of rome ahr shaming Snltearty of pope that we wil ook the emergence ol ‘tonal in pos’ 1857 Ind, We wl oss on he diferent lvls {Sh hi oats developing snd to ase ow ‘Sch vaioue form of coneconses intreciedandieraced with ach ey now they viewed contadons within Indan sky St ah died thei arte coteesory poo vii ihe common oppressive “Ore the colori repine. 4.2, AGRARIAN SOCIETY AND PEASANT DISCONTENT 357 India we wits iat ofl cetttion of some of ler form of poet agunt various appessive specs Of olonil ule, the tal and peasant motemeats being the fremunt Song them, We have aedy hacwed various aspects of este ‘ology and their poitialconoumes (haper 3.2), many of ‘here ends being pest in heater period ar well Brthese lter ‘Movement aed ome new fetus aswel Ft we find hi od a greater awareness of colonial polices aws and insiations “mong the pear, oth teal nd ntrebal. And what more Important, sme of them even embraced those nation the aw ‘Sours for example, van extended and legitimate ace or venting of bal ae tho. tho. bey hey en ap YF fr Tass vor hee heir fd, Sin pop red peas the the EMERGENCE OF INDIAN NATIONALISM, 205 hegemony ofthe colonial sate. The Indian National Congres after the advent of Gandhi ted to harness this force for is supple gains Bish re. But Ranat Guba bas argued that peasane move- ‘ments of the earlier period should not be looked at asthe "pre= history ofthe "Freedom Morement™; they have a history oftheir ‘own. As we have mencioned eater, controversies exist over the ‘question ofladership of about she connections berween the {0 levels of pois, that ofthe eles and the subaters Inthe Late nineteenth century a section ofthe Westerneducated middle clas ‘were tying o project themselves as the leaders ofthe nation, repre- ‘enting the grievances and interest ofall sections ofthe Indian pop lation, she peasants included. Guhs and other sabaltera historians have argued chat peasants were capable of organising themselves and could articulate ther own grievances; intervention ofthe ou ‘de eite leaders was only to appropriate these movements for their ‘own political benef. Only carey mich midle-an leaders exhib- ited the same radicalism a5 that ofthe peasantry. A major exception Pethaps was Vasudco Phadke, who in 1879 gave leadership o an farmed peasant revoke inthe wilages to the southest of Poona, But ‘everywhere ele s Hardiman has emphasised, their "enterprise was vied oni aspsit of compromise and timidity” But despite his slleged fealty these urban middle-las leaders performed an is portant oe: they wed to connect the localised and inoated peasant and tribal movements to a wider struggle against the undesicale specs of colomal ul. They acted a croc channels of commun ation erween the peasancs and the colonial state—a role, which the raditionl peasant leadership was no longer equipped enough 0 petform effectively. But chey had ther elemmas ton for although they empathised with the sffering peasants, they did not want to ste their familiar world disordered. These dlemmss and their ambivalence we will understand beter if we look at thee social background and ideological inclinations. 43. THe New MIDDLE CLAS AND THE EMERGENCE (OF NATIONALISM. "Nationalism a an organised level athe tp, a against peasant colomal resistance described above, emerged in Ind nthe late rinetenth century. The rs of nationalism, i i often argued, was favoured by industaistion, urbanisation and prineeaptasm. ‘And nationalism inthe developing world of Asa and Afric, a Bene: sic Anderson (1983) tellus, i supposed to have followed one the other model developed inthe Wes. This theory, which denies 206 From Pusey 0 Paxton inten agency othe people of Ai in shaping thir own his toys ha rece come ander rc fra wide are of des lop postions Partha Chaser, for examples es arg tha the Wes defined abject snd pened out predcamen and a imagined for he form ofr reaance colonia cones, ‘then wha was rel lef for women? He rac thereon tat long befor the oles sag for power began he nan socey ‘ros imaning fe ation i pve Coral sphere fen shoo the ste an the ha fhe loner war eth hey imagined thir own domi of sovereignty and conrad at Indian mserty hat we aden br not Waser wa tom i om his curl onacon of space fo atone ip ‘the early nineteenth century, that Indian nationalism tated ia CA. Bayh; on the other hind as tice the ros of taian sationalsn tos pre-olonal dyn t emanated om what he deste at “raion patti wich was vu soaly ace enter of tachment oan, guage and cal" th developed ‘nthe sabcotinent lng Beloe the proces of Weert ead ‘moderisation) had beput” In Id ofthe eighteenth apd ely sinctenth emir, ach etic mere cnerping on eo tase a homeland was being defined by various ter ie day ‘ano nad where ents were ral taking tape withthe Aevlopment of reional languages and hous anions Bet altlough ronal ceed Resa, Mahar Aah of Myo, thetsltion broke down thcaghvarow mean of com inaction, The pail leinsy ofthe Maghal empie as Tecognisd troughout Hinges, wich war huge tbe the ated obs Hin nd Mois, and car re ced through commeriasaton a repr pltinages, ete Etna Company exablhed is heen Bal arcs ts diional patrons manfeced ie through varon indigenes “thes of foreign le devising from tenable eel ea ‘ions af good goverment and hough ate econo Cea iisonaey propoganda Finally burt forth through sumer 2 of estan, parity both the pres the commen, 5 clminaing inthe fev of 1857. Ae the revolts madera sector of plies aduallyevlredin nda through apd prea ‘theation developmen of commanteaton ent sesh arte voys and elewap andthe emergence of new public pe cre sted by the clon inaiiions Although “eld patna completely de ot daring this eo mas igi tewored FEXERGENCE OF INDIAN NATIONALISM 207 and reshaped this point we may go back to Chaterjee—tocre- ate a new colonial modernity that was diffrent from tha ofthe ‘West, We may trace here very brie the inal phase of that com plex and ongoing transformatory proces that ried ro fase together rot always seamlessly dhough all these regional, leal and tag. ‘mentary identies into a medeen ‘ation’. "The polite! history of India inthe pos-1857 perod—when the palitial contest with the colonial regime began ata more modern instiationalised public space—is malifaceted. First of ll, in colo- nal policies 4 conservative reaction se in afer the revale of 1857 “Aempis were made to rchabiitate and strengthen the landed ars: tocracy deemed to be the “naar” leaders of the people, They «ould “alone command the allegiance ofthe masses” and could therefore be the reliable ales ofsvaineable colonial sate The Imperial Durbar of 1877, where Queen Victoria assumed th tle of the Empress of Inia, and which Loed Lyon, the then vcerom organised in great splendour and pomp, despite famine conditions ‘occurring in some parts ofthe country, pave the place of precedence tothe native princes inthe new imperial socal order®* Apa from them, big zamindas from now on began to playa prominent role ‘within dhe colonial adminisratve set up. The British Indian Associa tion was the frst major voluntary organisation in India founded in 1851 in Caleta, representing primary the loeal land interest Ie began to play a prominent role afte the Indian Councils Act of 1861, which provided for limited Indian repesenaion in the lei lative council, Members ofthis association were usually aominated to he legislative councils and their dominance continued until the ‘Act of 1892 introduced limited elecoal yee. But although “old” ‘lements continued to dominate thisorganisation, it was also new i ‘many respects and performed some very new eos. For example, unlike its predecesor the Landholden’ Society shat had many non-official Anglo-taians among its members, he British Indian Association was exchsvely Indian in its membership. And it was created on the eve of the renewal of the Chater ofthe Ess India Company ro send petitions othe Bish parliament to express the legitimate demands ofthe Indian subject. We initally ted © ‘vordinate the efforts of the thre presidencies inthis regard by ‘pening up branches in Bombay and Madras. Bur regional bares ‘ultimately stood in the way, a6 wo other similar associations, the Madras Native Astocaton andthe Bombay Associaton, came into ‘existence in 1852 forthe sae purpose. Tie thre presidency asoci tions spar three separate petitions ro Londoa, but—interestingly— 208. Pros PLAss To PaxtmON all ofthem made almost identical demands, What they wanted waka seater patcpation inthe administration of heir own country ad ‘what they complained against weee the perplexing “dual system” of sovernment expensive and incompetent administration, legislations ‘unresponsive to the feelings ofthe people, high taxation, sale and ‘itm monopolies and the neglect of education and pubic works “They were not agains Beitsh rule as sach, bu ely ashe Cleats Pettion made it clear, that chey had "not profited by their comme om with Great Bian othe extent which they ha aright o look for’ Thus, the educated members ofthe landed gency. who headed these astociations were contributing to the evolution of ¢ ‘modem sector in Indian polis. But their agitation over chartee wat tweated wit “almost contemprucu indifference” by te autores in London; as Mehrotra tells us, the new Government of ladia Act (9 1853 incorporated none oftheir demands, For, ional i wat not the educated Indians, bur the unedited and uninformed that the Raj was expecting its gravest danger from ‘This oficial assumption of an unquestionable loyalry ofthe land- lords and educsted Indians was premised on the laters self Drofesied fait in the providential nature of Drs rule and their ‘scornful atzude towards the peasant rebellions ofthe fist half of the nineteenth ceatury and later disapproval of the revolt of 1857 Bat this was a misconception, to say the las. For behind this loyal sm there was aso growing awarenes ofthe ignominy involved ia thei tate of subordination. The unabashed show of loyalty by the (Caeuta literati duving the evol of 1857 also came with a sense of dilemmas asthe Hindoo Bariot wrote in an introopectve editorial “This loyalty... springs neater fom the head than from the Ince. Ie was from the early nineteenth century thatthe Caleta illectals had begun to crticie what they considered to be cer ‘ain undesirable aspects of colonial rule. Rammohun Roy sated ‘modest consitaional agitation on such demands asthe separation ‘of powers, freedom ofthe pres, til by jury andthe Indianisation ofthe services many of thes stcs bring later taken over by the ‘members ofthe Young Bengal. In 1841, ata meeting ofthe short lived Deshaitaishini Sabha (Society forthe Amelioration of the Country, a young Derozian, Saradapeatad Ghosh noted with angst that "out deprivation ofthe exjoyment of polit berry i the ‘tase of oue misery and degradation”. The precocious image ofa ‘empire based on interracial parinersip nartared by an eater por eration of Dwarkanath Tagore, was ruthlsly shattered by the con. Frovery over the so-called "Black Act”, which proposed to place EMERGENCE OF INOUN NATIONALISM 209 the Beish born sabjects under the erininal jarditon of ordinary «ours from which they were previously exempt. The act was pase in 1850, bu was pu on hold for fear ofa wate rebellion. The com- "uoversy around if, however drove a wedge between the two racial clement in colonial sory. The sme year, despite united protests ‘rom the Hindus of Madras, Nagpur and Calcata, the government ‘went ahead withthe Lex Loci Ac, which gave the Chran comers the tight co inhi heir ancestral properties. The ac, the Hindus ‘widely believed, would ope floodgates to Christan conversion, “The growing racial tension, tea of coavesion and he reform sng zeal of the Benchamite administrators made the educated Indians stand baceand havea hard look at their own este, This resulted in 2 process, which Bernard Cahn (1987) has described as the “objectifiation” of clere withthe educated Indians defining thee calare as a concrete entity chat could easily be cited compared, fefered to and wsed for specific purposes, This new clara project, which party manifested itself through the social and religous reforms ofthe nineteenth century (vee chapter 3.1), was encoded in theword "Renaissance" Is purpose was 0 “purify and “edacover™ {an Indian civilisation that would be sonformant with the European ideals of rationalism, empiricism, monotheism and individualism fe ‘was meant show that Indian civation was by no means inferior 1 that of the West, bu in one sense, in its spiritual accomplish ments, was even sperioe tit: Bvdenceof this search fora superior ‘atonal culture could be found in the development of a patriotic regional literatare in Bangla, Marathi, Tai, Telugu and Hindi in the evolution fnew art forms inthe seach or purer forms of clae- sical music and inthe constuction of new ideal of womanhood. All Of these were projected as modern, but were predicated upon the ‘pcal superiority ofthe Indian pas. In other words, as already ‘mentioned, this movement wa meant “to fashion a “moder tational culture chat is everbeleas not Western” This scnse of Pride in che spirtual essence of Indian civilisation 8 opposed tthe ‘material culture ofthe Wes, nt just helped Indians reoganise and ‘incily thie private spheres of fe; its deol! inspiration also tmodivated them to confront the colonial tae in newly emerging publispace. Thi, nother words, provided the ideological founds ‘ion of modern Indian nationalism that developed in the late nine- teenth eer. This ideology was, of course, not without contradictions a the sense of pre in the spiritual heritage was often reduced to an “Uncrical and obscurantist defence ofall cantoms and practices of WA a At, 210 From Pussy 0 PaxtmON, the pt And what was moe impor his ince cntry invetin oft Indian eadon 0 Vanda Dena snes coe ict “bypased] the long sch of Msn sl’ ee ene a sealed form of ndarinds raison red ncn Sok ‘ess that wee nove otto modern wage’ Then ore tht wa icsveand excl athe sane tines tata cP ‘sin ppontion oa ae i, ented the Nici foe ahiate andthe uouchahes Ths prtlemascer ag ore ali chs lod inde “tyra” ces taney be he gensisof“ommonal”—ll be euscdin eae inchaper The raion of Ian national might ot have ben che ‘esl of Westen modelar influence in he sme wy ss Renee Ande had though, but the vole of Wencen Seas important nevertheless at prodaced ace able dacoaes diced a licensing system throughout India for posesing firearms, but exempeed the Europeans and Eurasians fom ie coverage. Ina envionment ike this the victory ofthe Liberal Part in Brain in 1880 brought greatjy and expectations among the Indians. Lytton resigned anda liberal Lord Ripon eam to nda as the neve viceroy, bu the conservative mindset ofthe colonial bureaucracy did not shanse "Though Ripon proceeded cautiously, some of his carly measures restored faith among te Indians inthe liberal tradition of England, In 1882 ch Vernacular Press Act was repealed and the Arms Act was ‘modified ro climinae the undesiabe rail exemption. In a Reso lution in May 1882, the iberal viceroy proposed to introduce local self-government Indi; by the end of 1884, 25. Gopal hasshown, “the moss of lea self-government covered almost the whole of Beis India" This happened despite persistent opposition ofthe Indian Gl Service and the India Coune in London. Bu all hel was let loose when CP ber, the ae member in his coun intro ‘duced on 2 February 1883 whats known asthe infamous lbet Bil, Ie proposed give indian district magistrates and sesion judges the power to ty European offenders in the ofa (mall tows) they alteady dd in te presidency towns. The gly face af Anglo= Indian racism now revealed iself in the “white matiny” that fo lowed, a the British born subjects shuddered a the very thought of| being tried by native Indian The bll was iter opposed or just 214 From Pusey To Paton by the aon-offcialAngloIndians, but lo by large section ofthe British official including Rivers Thompron, the Lieutenant Gover nor of Bengal who reportedly condemed the bl for “ignoring race isintions" inorder to “establish equality” by “a stroke of pen” “Te liberal promise of racial equality could not so easly be di avowed, a it wis enshrined in Queen Victorias Proclamation of 1858, Theplea forthe preservation of racial privilege was therefore cnded in a gendered language. The “elfeminate babu", it was argued, was not fit to preside over the til of a “manly English: man", nor could he be expected to honour the dignity of white _Nomen, ak they did not respect women in thie own howschold©| “The controversy mae it crystal clea to edcsted ions that racial ‘eqalty was someting, which they could not expect from the pres ent regime, This became more evident when in January 1884 Ripon ‘limatly succumbed othe pressure and withdrew te bil subi ‘ating i with a milder compromise formula, which somehow sought tw preserve the peinciple by adding a provision of tial by a mixed yin such cases involving European offenders The Ibert bill controversy was the la straw that politically cone scious educated Indians could take, sit made them panty aware oftheir subordinate position inthe imperil power structure, The counter demonstrations, which they saged, tnd the pess propa: ganda war that raged on this occasion constitute an important ‘benchumarkin the history ofthe evolution of modeen politcal activ ties i Indi, Bt in the meanwhile, anther major change in the ‘organised politcal life of India ad started taking place: the older associations controlled by a landed platocacy were being gradually replaced by new associations dominated by middleclass profesion- als In Calcutta, the British Indian Association controled by the ‘saminda clement, came tobe looked ata an exclusive Body torn by inernesine tif. It came increasingly nde challenge from the new educated profesional clases, which utinately formed on 26 July 1876 a new organisation, called the Indian Association, nde the leadership of Surendranath Banejea, with the avowed ambition ‘of “representing the people”. In Bombay, the Bombay Associaton hhada new lease of life when in 1876 Naor erdunj and Dadabhal Naoroji returned from London and gave new life to the dying ‘onganisation. Butt too fced challenge from 3 younger generation of Wesern-educated leaders like MG. Ranade, PM. Mehta and CT Telang and from theesablshment of rival associations, such as the shor lived Western Indian Asotin, Ks major challenge, how ‘ve, came from Poona, the traditional capital of Maratha clear Eexcence oF Inbus Naniosnus 215 and. cee of ld patie, ew ee that om 2p 8704 Sw oganaan, led the Pons Sarum Sahay wate ities reer tin thn of te propio nmdoehia omeyesr es tebe cece ged maltpumamahs or power of stores iromsveeenhosin peopl pings reese cae oc By cary in aeay peel ates ond tlw {She he dame of she Mars Nate Aneto in 1862. Stine ast no es, “hpi if hin esd gal red beating ih the Faso ete Male ae Ses ume epee {eo organ poll ie revolved ond the nw sudo Se ie Laer las Aci iPusulo the Alcala Poa le Aun nthe United Poi i shold be romenbered, Howrey, thatthe prouing of mew ssscatons i not astomacly men the deme a the edt form of pots he wo ons of pols, he moder an he {raiomuh coi by ale for» tic gs prod Th ‘er wus sured varios forms, o Benga oe Sample, a SIN Mutheso 1972) hu shown inthe form of dl which ster Voie by ace dork o dala eae ofthe {They pred ve informal bu etn sal newer {Pamning ve Cleans hecoueyad acing ar sn apperan ‘Schl eto Thedal took poston in seppor of tn opostin {eyes pul ioe oor ne Bene te comtreanes {nd pogreines or berwen te moder snd he asin brane ditto dw The ene Ro Rasa Deb and fe Dao Sta, iho were vehement opposed t he abolon ofa ‘oppeted denne tere of female daeaion Ths da Toe cone hare gp of econ shot ab f se ninceah cory Then John McGuire hat ove, Cirle vcopmegadly weakened ts ol bonds nd ‘outa mecha, eh proc of dteroon wat ong nd complet And Reig wat to cep i wisening hs hor Soya te Une Revs fo eal Wes wate hamid though te older "Chand eoemana socom wc be Cae orm forthe verano he erancesofs we ay cipal Teor rps nun noni come soe larcnalishvroregse seen re Jr fest eprechnive goverment in the towny, theo, EX By i foma, he ok comecom ad he new onan tons” cameo becnore cy bnched ogee "Te ene fh pli ofthe second al of he eet centr homer oy nthe tev denis has were ing ae 216 Fox Massey 70 Paxrimon ‘These were sometimes ofa local or regional character; but ost often they were of national significance, The sew associations des smanded, among other hings, Indian representation nthe legislative ‘council separation of the executive and judicial functions of the ‘government, Indansation of the evil sevice, a for tha purpone simultaneous Indian Civil Service examination in Inia and Eage land, imposition of nipor duties on cotton goods, reduction of ex- pendicure on “home charges’ and costly foreign wars, lke the Aighan wars of 1878-79, rationalisation of the financial elations berwcen India and England, andthe extension ofthe Permanent Set- tlement ro other parts of British India. They also protested aguinst the imposition of income ta, the draconian Vernacular Press Act aun the racist Arms Act, Apare from rising sch public issus, which

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