Dynamics Politics of Pakistan

Dynamics Politics of Pakistan M. Ali Raza Naqvi (21) M.
A Political Science
Session (2014-2016)
Ideology of Pakistan & Two Nation Theory

What Is An Ideology?
 “A political ideology is a system of beliefs that

explains and justifies a preferred political order,
either existing or proposed and offers a strategy
(Institution, processes, program) for its
attainment.
 An ideology offers an interpretation of the past,
explanation of the present and a vision of the
future.
 Ideology is a set of beliefs, values and ideals of a
group and a nation. It is deeply ingrained in the social consciousness of the people.
 It is a set of principles, a framework of action and guidance system that gives order and
meaning to life and human action.
How Ideology Emerges
 When thinking of a nation or a social group is rejected.

 An ideology emerges when people feel strongly that they are being mistreated under an
existing order, when their status is threatened by fundamental changes occurring in the
society, and when the prevailing ideology no longer satisfies them
Steps of Ideology Evolution

1. Consciousness
2. Analysis of current situation
3. Creating new thinking
4. Legitimate – De-legitimate
5. Role of Leadership
Importance of ideology
 It is a motivating force
 It provides a common plate form.
Basis of Ideology of Pakistan
 Based on ideals of Islam

 Historical experience provided the base; Allama Iqbal gave it a philosophical
explanation;
Quaid-I-Azam translated it into a political reality; and the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan,
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Dynamics Politics of Pakistan M. Ali Raza Naqvi (21) M.A Political Science
Session (2014-2016)
By passing Objectives Resolution in March 1949, gave it legal sanction.
 It was due to the realization of the Muslims of South Asia that they are different from the
Hindus that they demanded separate electorates. However when they realized that their future in
a ‘Democratic India’ dominated by Hindu majority was not safe, they changed their demand to a
separate state.
 Hindu British were exploiting Muslims in India. So Muslims adopted this ideology to
save their identity and culture from total elimination.”(Shakeel,2001,pp.14-17)
The Definition of Nation

“The significance and reality of Pakistan has not been fully understood in the west. To the west,
nationality based on religion is an alien and often-incomprehensible phenomenon. This is
because religion in the West has come to play such a restricted role. In the West, Germans and
French are accepted as two separate nations.
However, the fact of Hindus and Muslims in India representing two separate cultural entities is
seldom appreciated. A young French student may visit a family in Germany, share their meals,
may attend the same church and even marry a girl in the family without creating a scandal or
surprise. But such instances of intermarriage have been extremely rare in the Indo-Pak Sub-
Continent. Even some of the most ardent Indian Nationalist has found the idea totally
unacceptable. As Sir Abdur Rahim observed:
Any of us Indian Muslims traveling for instances in Afghanistan, Persia and Central Asia among
Chinese Muslims, Arabs and Turks, would at once be made at home and would not find anything
to which we are not accustomed. On the contrary, in India we find ourselves in all social matters
total aliens when we cross the street and enter that part of the town where our Hindu fellow
townsmen live. Is Two Nation Theory a New Concept a point generally raised by the opponent
of the two-nation theory is that Pakistan was created accidentally and that the intellect of most of
the Muslims at that time was overpowered by emotions. Moreover, that this phenomenon
emerged in the early decade of the 20th century. But, what the history reveals is something
different. Two-Nation theory was not at all as new phenomenon.”[CITATION Ahm79 \p 122 \l 1033 ]
Two Nation Theory
“The Two Nation Theory was the basis of the struggle
for creation of Pakistan which held that Hindus and
Muslims are two separate Nations. They in spite of
living together for centuries could not forget their
individual cultures and civilization. Al-Beruni recorded
his ideas in 1001 A.D in his famous book "Kitab-ul-
Hind" as:"The Hindus society maintained this peculiar
character over the centuries. The two societies, Hindus
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and Muslims, like two streams have sometimes touched but never merged, each following its
separate course."
There are a few factors which split the inhabitants of the Sub Continent into two Nations. Let us
examine each of them separately.”[ CITATION Ahm79 \p 123 \l 1033 ]
Differences between these two nations

1. Religious Differences
“The Hindus and Muslims belong to different religions. Islam preaches Towheed
(oneness of Allah) and believes in equality of man before law. Muslims are the believers
of God, The Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H) the Holy Book Quran and hold a cohesive approach
towards life.
Hinduism, on the other hand is based on the concept of multiple Gods. Their societies
follow a caste system and are divided into four classes and have a very narrow approach
towards life.[ CITATION KAz76 \p 127 \l 1033 ]
2. Hindu Nationalism
A number of Hindu nationalist movements, which emerged from time to time in the
Indian history, added fuel to the fire by playing up the tension and antagonism which
already existed between the two communities.
The Hindu nationalist leaders totally ignored the great contribution made by the Muslims
in the Indian society by way of promoting education and other social activities. Their
writings and ideas flared up the communal discord between Hindus and Muslims to
further pollute the political condition.[ CITATION Sye04 \p 138 \l 1033 ]
3. Cultural Differences
Muslim followed the Islamic culture while Hindus inherited a self-build culture. The
Hindus burnt their dead bodies while Muslims burred them. Hindus considered the
'Mother cow' as a sacred animal and worshiped it while Muslims slaughtered it. They
performed 'sati' while Muslims abhorred this tradition .The Hindus and Muslims did not
intermarry nor do they inter-dine.[ CITATION SBu01 \p 178 \l 1033 ]
4. Social Differences
The two communities of the Sub Continent differ in their social life as well. The clothes,
the foods, the household utensils, the layout of homes, the words of salutation, the
gestures and everything about them was different and immediately pointed to their
distinctive origin.
5. Economics Differences
After 1857,the Muslim economic was crushed and all trade policies were framed in such
a way so as to determent the Muslim condition .They were thrown out of Government
services and the their estates and properties were confiscated, while the Hindus were
provided with ample opportunities to progress economically. [ CITATION VGA97 \p 193 \l
1033 ]
6. Educational Differences
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The Hindus had advanced in the educational field because they quickly and readily took
the English education. While Muslims did not receive modern education which heavily
affected their economic conditions.
7. Political Differences
The political differences between the Hindus and Muslims have played an important role
in the development and evolution of Two Nation Theory.[ CITATION PDK99 \p 128 \l 1033 ]
A. Hindi Urdu Controversy
In 1867, Hindus demanded that Urdu should be written in Hindi Script instead of Persian
script. This created another gap between Hindus and Muslims.
B. Congress Attitude
The Indian national Congress was founded in 1885.It claimed to represent all
communities of India but oppressed all Muslim ideas and supported the Hindus.”
C. Partition of Bengal
“In 1905,the partition of Bengal ensured a number of political benefits for the Muslims,
but the Hindus launched an agitation against the partition and partition was annulled in
1911.Partition of Bengal, (1905), division of Bengal carried out by the British viceroy
in India, Lord, despite strong Indian nationalist opposition. It began a transformation of
the Indian National Congress from a middle-class pressure group into a nationwide mass
movement.
Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa had formed a single province of British India since 1765. By
1900 the province had grown too large to handle under a single administration. East
Bengal, because of isolation and poor communications, had been neglected in favor of
west Bengal and Bihar. Curzon chose one of several schemes for partition: to unite
Assam, which had been a part of the province until 1874, with 15 districts of east Bengal
and thus form a new province with a population of 31 million. The capital was Dacca
(now Dhaka, Bangla.), and the people were mainly Muslim.
The Hindus of west Bengal, who controlled most of Bengal’s commerce and professional
and rural life, complained that the Bengali nation would be split in two, making them a
minority in a province including the whole of Bihar and Orissa. They regarded the
partition as an attempt to strangle nationalism in Bengal, where it was more developed
than elsewhere. Agitation against the partition included mass meetings, rural unrest, and
a swadeshi (native) movement to boycott the import of British goods. The partition was
carried through despite the agitation, and the extreme opposition went underground to
form a terrorist movement.
In 1911, the year that the capital was shifted from Calcutta (now Kolkata) to Delhi, east
and west Bengal were reunited; Assam again became a chief commissionership, while
Bihar and Orissa were separated to form a new province. The aim was to combine
appeasement of Bengali sentiment with administrative convenience. This end was
achieved for a time, but the Bengali Muslims, having benefitted from partition, were
angry and disappointed. This resentment remained throughout the rest of the British
period. The final division of Bengal at the partitioning of the subcontinent in 1947, which
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split Bengal into India in the west and East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) in the east, was
accompanied by intense violence.[ CITATION GSS01 \p 178 \l 1033 ]
8. Language
The Muslims and Hindus wrote and spoke two different languages .The language of the
former was Urdu and it was written in Arabic Script. On the other hand, the Hindi
language was spoken by Hindus and it was written in Sanskrit. Urdu and Hindi language
had the difference in writing, thoughts of poetry, arts, painting and words of music. Even
this small difference lead to a stirring conflict between the two nations.
9. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan-The Pioneer of Two Nation Theory
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, the pioneer of two nation theory used
the word 'two nation' for Hindus and Muslims after being
convinced of the Hindus and Congress hatred, hostility and
prejudice for the Muslims.
The great emancipator of the Indian Muslims Sir Syed
Ahmad Khan was born at Delhi in 1817. This is the period
when the great Mughal Empire was close to a complete
collapse. Sir Syed’s family had already joined the East India
Company and his maternal grandfather served in Iran and
Burma under the British government. Sir Syed got interest in
English from his maternal family. SM Ikram writes, “For this insight into the affairs of
the state and first contacts with Western learning and civilization he was indebted to his
maternal grandfather”. Sir Syed was very healthy by birth and his grandfather remarked:
“A Jut has been born in our family.” The death of Sir Syed forced him to join the British
as head clerk in 1839. The death of his brother made him serious and energetic to face the
neuroses of life courageously. Another event that changed him entirely was the War of
Independence in 1857. In 1841, he passed examination and became sub-judge. At the eve
of the War of Independence he was performing the duties as sub-judge in Bijnore. He
established educational institutions and after coming at Aligarh he rejuvenated his
aspirations to work for the depressed Muslims of the Subcontinent. He devoted his entire
life for this purpose to bring the Muslims close to the British. He died on March 27, 1898
and was buried in Aligarh.
The entire freedom movement revolved around the two nation theory which was
introduced by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. He considered all those lived in India as one nation
and was a great advocate of Hindu-Muslim unity. Speaking at the meeting of Indian
Association he said:
"I look to both Hindus and Muslims with the same eyes and consider them as my own
eyes. By the word 'Nation' I mean only Hindus and Muslims and nothing else, We,
Hindus and Muslims live together on the same soil under the same government. Our
interests and problems are common, and therefore, I consider the two factions as one
nation."
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan did his best to make the Muslims realize their differences with the
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Hindus with regard to religions, social and language national and international identity
and for this purpose he diverted attention of the Indian Muslims towards a new idea of
"Two Nation" or "Two entities."
After Hindi-Urdu controversy Sir Syed felt that it was not possible for Hindus and
Muslims to progress as a single nation. He said:
I am convinced now that Hindus and Muslims could never become one nation as their
religion and way of life was quite distinct from each other. [ CITATION MIS07 \p 179 \l
1033 ]
10. Two Nation Theory In The View of Allama Iqbal
Allama Iqbal was the first important figure who
propounded the idea of separate homeland on the basis
of two nation theory. He firmly believed in the separate
identity of the Muslims as a nation and suggested that
there would be no possibility of peace in the country
unless and until they were recognized as a nation. In
the annual session of Muslim League at Allahabad in
1930,he said:“India is a continent of human beings
belonging to different languages and professing
different religions...I, therefore, demand the formation
of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of the
Muslims of India and Islam.”
11. Quaid-E-Azam’s Statement On Two Nation Theory
“It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu
friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and
Hinduism. They are not religious in the strict sense of
the word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social
orders; and it is only a dream that the Hindus and
Muslims can ever evolve a common nationality. This
misconception of one Indian Nation has troubles and
will lead India to destruction if we fail to revise our
notions in time. The Hindus and Muslims belong to
two different religious philosophies, social customs,
and literatures. They neither intermarry nor interline
together and, indeed, they belong to two different
civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspects
on life are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Mussalmans derive their inspiration
from different sources of history. They have different epics, different heroes, and
different episodes. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other hand, likewise, their
victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one
as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and
final destruction of any fabric that may be so built for the government of such a state.
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The most clear and emphatic exposition is found in Jinnah's statement and speeches. He
expounded the two nation theory in such detail that most Muslims and even some Hindus
came to believe in its truth. He declared:
"Muslims are not a minority; they are one nation by every definition of the word nation.
By all canons of international law we are a nation."Quaid-e-Azam reiterated that Hindus
and Muslims could ever evolve a common nationality was on idle dream. They are a
totally different nation. They have an unbridgeable gulf between them and they stand
miles apart in regards to their ideals, culture and religion.
In 1973, he said: “Hindustan is neither one country, nor its inhabitant’s one nation. This
is Sub Continent which consists of many actions of which the Hindus and Muslims are
two major nations”. [ CITATION KBS07 \p 156 \l 1033 ]
Congress League relationship and Two Nation Theory

Concept of Muslims as a Nation developed before the establishment of Pakistan. Pakistan
was the product of this concept of nationhood rather than Pakistan creating a concept of
nationhood. Retrospectively the Muslim nationalism emerged with the advent of Islam
that introduced new principles pertinent to every sphere of life. It pledged the redemption
of the humankind establishing a benign society based on Qur’anic teachings. The
beginning of the Muslim nationalism in the Sub-Continent may be attributed to the first
Indian who accepted Islam.
The Arab traders had introduced the new religion, Islam, in the Indian coastal areas.
Muhammad bin Qasim was the first Muslim invader who conquered some part of India
and after that, Mahmood of Ghazna launched 17 attacks and opened the gate to preach
Islam. The Muslim Sufi (saints) like Ali Hejveri, Miran Hussain Zanjani etc. entered Sub-
Continent. They, rejecting the vices in the Indian society, presented the pure practical
picture of the teachings of Islam and got huge conversions. Qutub-ud-Din Aibuk
permanently established Muslim dynasty in India that followed Sultanate and Mughal
dynasties.
Thus a strong Muslim community had emerged in India who had its own way of life,
traditions, heroes, history and culture. Islam could not be absorbed in Hinduism. Deen-e-
Ilahi, Bakhti movements, etc. created reaction amongst the Muslim ulama to preserve the
pure Islamic character and save it from external onslaught. Role of Sheikh Ahmad
Sirhindi and others is noteworthy. Equality and social justice inspired conversions to
Islam.
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The Two-Nation Theory served as the basis of demand for Pakistan by the Muslims in
British India. There are two major nations in British India. The Muslims are not a
community but a nation with a distinctive history, heritage, culture, civilization, and
future aspirations. The Muslims wanted to preserve and protect their distinct identity and
advance their interests in India.
They wanted to order their lives in accordance with their ideals and philosophy of life
without being overwhelmed by an unsympathetic majority. Initially, they demanded
safeguards, constitutional guarantees and a federal system of government with powers to
the provinces for protection and advancement of their heritage, identity and interests.
Later, they demanded a separate state when neither the British nor the Hindu majority
community was willing to offer those guarantees and safeguards.”[ CITATION VGA97 \p 193
\l 1033 ]
Conclusion:
The Muslims apprehended that they would lose their identity if they remained a part of
Hindu society. They also came to realize the above mentioned differences between them
and the Hindus and hence demanded separate electorate on the ground that they were
different nation from Hindus. Hence it is right to say that this theory i.e. two nation
theory is the basis of the creation of Pakistan because without this as a base, Pakistan
would not come into being on 14th August, 1947 and we would not be breathing freely in
this open air of Pakistan.
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Nation Building & State Building

What is nation Building?
“The term Nation-Building had been widely used during the late 1950s and 60s by Western
academic, developmental and political/military actors. It had - and still has - several meanings. It
provides an analytical tool, focusing on the conditions and developments that lead to the
establishment of Nation-States; and it provides a policy to actually create Nation-States. As a
policy tool we can distinguish two variants: Nation-Building as a strategy for development
policy and as instrument for competing in the Cold War development and Nation-Building as
alternatives to Socialism and Revolution. After the Vietnam War the term somewhat got out of
fashion, while since the end of the Cold War it has been revitalized. Since then its meaning has
been somewhat altered; it has become more shallow and often is used quite loosely.
Definition & meaning of Nation Building

Nation-Building, that is, the establishing or development of a Nation-State, is more advanced,
the more these three criteria are fulfilled. This definition does not judge the legitimacy or
usefulness of Nation-Building, nor the tools used for its purpose. Ethnic cleansing, massacres,
and ethnic or cultural repression have been (used) utilized quite often. And sometimes ethnic,
religious or geographical entities have been integrated that never wanted to be. The Nation-State
may have been (and still may be) the solution to a set of human and political problems, but it also
has been the source of problems and suffering. Therefore, the way I use the term Nation-
Building I am not implying any judgment about its usefulness in any specific case.
Definition & Meaning of State Building

State-building is principally about strengthening the relationship between the state and society,
and developing effective ways to mediate this relationship.
A state-building perspective emphasizes that functioning institutions depend not only on their
technical design, but on the social context within which they operate. Formal institutions need to
be rooted in society otherwise they risk becoming mere shells or being captured by private or
patrimonial interests. This reflects directly on how the state performs and how it engages with
society: its responsiveness to the interests and expectations of citizens; its accountability to them
for the way it exercises the powers conferred upon it; and the legitimacy with which it acts i.e.
the level of popular acceptance of its actions. While these elements have also formed part of the
discourse on governance, the concept of legitimacy in particular has assumed greater prominence
in the analysis of state-building. Lack of legitimacy is seen as a major contributor to state
fragility because it undermines state authority, and therefore capacity.” [ CITATION Bar44 \p 120-
125 \l 1033 ]
State-Building v/s Nation-Building

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“There is much confusion over the terms ‘state-building’ and ‘nation-building. A review of
recent academic publications on the topic shows that many authors use the terms
interchangeably, whilst others use them with completely different meanings. Historically, in a
Western European context, the terms refer to different periods in time. State-building refers
processes in 17thand 18thcentury Europe, when many of the contemporary states started to
consolidate, requiring the development of modern bureaucracies. Nation-building mainly refers
to 19thcentury processes further contributing to the psychological integration of states. In nation-
building, states reached out to the masses, and public services have been an important instrument
in this. The 19thcentury saw the emergence of conscription, obligatory schooling, as well as an
improved communications and infrastructure network through new roads, railways, and postal
services. These ‘agencies of change completed the process of state-building, and contributed to
the development of a nation.
In current development literature, most people use ‘state-building’ to refer to interventionist
strategies to restore and rebuild the institutions and apparatus of the state, for example the
bureaucracy. In contrast, ‘nation-building’ also refers to the creation of a cultural identity that
relates to the particular territory of the state. In current approaches to state-building in
developing countries and failed states, the focus is on making governance effective. The
literature generally neglects the ‘building a cultural identity’ aspects of nation-building, choosing
instead to focus on the more technical aspects of building state capacity. Writers might therefore
claim to write about nation-building, but in fact their emphasis is really on state-
building.”[CITATION RBe64 \p 139 \l 1033 ]
Why Nation-Building in Pakistan?

“Pakistan was established in 1947 as the state for the Muslims of India. The driving force behind
the setting up of this new state was the better educated Muslims (often from administrative,
trading, intellectual professions) of the Muslim minority provinces of central India, like Uttar
Pradesh and Bombay. The inhabitants of the Muslim-majority areas, which later became
Pakistan (Punjab, NWFP, Sindh, Baluchistan, and Bengal), had been less enthusiastic or even
skeptical. They joined the cause of the Pakistan Movement only during the last one or two years
before the foundation of Pakistan. Paradoxically, the country was not established with a religious
purpose, but with a national one in mind. Though there was hardly any ethnic or “national”
difference between the Muslims of Bengal, Punjab, or Uttar Pradesh and their respective Hindu a
neighbor, the theory of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his Muslim League perceived the Muslims of
India to be a distinct Muslim Nation, opposed to a Hindu Nation Two-Nation-Theory. As a
result, when Pakistan came into existence, it consisted of a wide variety of “ethnic” and
linguistic groups and subgroups, which had very little in common besides being Muslim. Two
official languages (Urdu and English), six or seven important regional ones (Punjabi, Pashto,
Sindhi, Balochi, Saraiki, Bengali), and perhaps two dozen small or local ones (mainly in the
North) are an indication of linguistic wealth, if not of homogeneity. The founding fathers, being
profoundly secular (sometimes bordering to be non-religious), had to deal with the task to bring
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about what they had insisted upon prematurely: to make Pakistan into a Nation, to integrate the
several ethnic groups into an national community - without over-using the only bond they had in
common: religion. The task was made more complicated because most of the founding fathers
were migrants or even refugees to what was to become Pakistan. Jinnah did not speak any of the
local languages; he did not even speak Urdu well. He delivered his speech declaring the
Independence of Pakistan in English, to be translated into Urdu. The creation of the Pakistani
“Nation” did not develop from “below”, from the societal roots or nationalist movements, but
from top-down: first the State was created, hoping to develop its own social base. Nation-
Building was to generate the Nation that the Nation-State desired.”[ CITATION Fes65 \p 161-163 \l
1033 ]
What Kind of Approaches to Nation-Building?

“All governments since 1947 have heavily relied on pointing across the border to promote
“National Unity”. In all cases national integration was tried by emphasizing India as an external
threat, one that was always willing to attack the new country. Hostility towards India, the
struggle for Kashmir (the Muslim majority state that joined India at partition because it was
governed by a Hindu ruler), and anti-Hindu sentiments have been and largely remained
important tools to stress Pakistan’s legitimacy, its unity, and its character as a “Nation-State”.
Using an external enemy for strengthening internal unity had gained credibility by the pains of
partition with its ethnic cleansing; it’s millions of refugees and killed. Three Indian-Pakistani
wars (1948, 1965, and 1971) also provided a base to the argument that internal unity was a
necessity for survival. Therefore, immense internal heterogeneity was linked to an overwhelming
desire for unity, at least as articulated from the political center. The fragility of the Pakistani state
and the emphasis of unity were twins. Besides India, the other most important tool to establish
unity instead of fragmentation has been Islam. Again, all governments have (used) utilized
religion as a unifying force if in very different forms. For Jinnah Islam was the reason for
Pakistan’s existence, but more on a cultural than religious level. Others, including Zulfikar Ali
and Benazir Bhutto, used Islamic symbols and rhetoric to justify their secular policies. And Zia
ul-Haq even tried to make Pakistan into his own version of an Islamic State, therefore closely
cooperating with Islamist forces. Using religion for national integration seemed irresistible, since
it was practically the only common bond between the several ethnicities and nationalities.
The imported, Urdu speaking, first generation of leaders consisted of often Westernized, secular
modernizers of their new society. This included an implicit and often explicit use of Western
“Modernization” theories. It began under the leadership of Jinnah and Liaqat Ali, but found its
fulfillment under Ayub Khan’s Presidency. Later several different approaches to integrating
society into a “Nation” have been tried.”
They could be summarized like this:
1. Charisma, mixed with Modernization (Jinnah/Liaqat Ali)
2. Modernization (Bureaucracy and Ayub Khan)
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3. Mobilization and Socialist Rhetoric (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto)
4. Islamist Modernization (Zia ul-Haq)
5. Muddling Through, with some Modernization (Benazir Bhutto’s and Nawaz Sharif’s first
terms, Benazir’s second term.
“But, at the same time, the stress of unity as a “national” goal was utilized as a tool for
governance, allowing the political elites to control or repress both dissents at the center, and in
the provinces. The informal ruling alliance of the Bureaucracy (in the 1940s and 1950s with
mostly Muhajir background) and the big Punjabi landowners during the first decade of
Pakistan’s existence perceived National Unity as a system securing their own hegemony.
Muhajir, s provided administrative and economic experience, while the Punjabi elite’s political
power. Anybody, who was not part of this combination or not willing to be co-opted as a junior
partner, was perceived as a potential threat to the Nation. Therefore, ethnic minorities or most
provincial governments became marginalized. Also, this model of national integration ignored or
even consistently weakened any social movements that might develop both in Punjab and the
other Provinces. The masses of people - that is the country’s own citizens - were perceived as
potentially destabilizing, as a nuisance. National integration and unity were perceived in
bureaucratic rather than political terms. It meant placing the provinces under the control of the
central government and repressing demands for a federal system or provincial self-
rule.”[ CITATION Bri02 \p 149-153 \l 1033 ]
Problems of Nation-Building in Pakistan
“In 1971 the official “Two-Nation-Theory” was disclosed as wishful thinking. The former East-
Pakistan became independent as the new state of Bangladesh, after a civil war cum external war,
in which the Muslim Bengalis of East Pakistan joint forces with the “Hindu enemy”, India,
against Muslim West Pakistan. Secular Bengali nationalism triumphed over the secular “Muslim
nationalist” ideology. Among the reasons for the split of Pakistan were,
a) The exclusion of Bengalis from the power structure.
b) Economic exploitation of East Pakistan by the Western wing/the Central Government
c) The numerical strength and geographic remoteness of East Pakistan (separated from the
Western wing by some 1600 kilometers of Indian Territory). With the independence of
Bangladesh, Pakistan lost more than half its population. Bangladesh became a relatively
homogenous country, with some 98 percent of the citizens being Bengali. What remained of
Pakistan (the former Western wing) was hardly less heterogeneous than it had been before it lost
just one of its ethnic groups and nationalities.
The case of East Pakistan/Bangladesh is illustrative of how the problem of ethnicity and
provincial autonomy was dealt with in Pakistan. While officially the political center strongly de-
emphasized ethnic identity as a political factor, in reality its policies strengthened it. While
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political power geographically lay in the Punjab (and, to some degree, in Karachi) and politically
in the bureaucracy and the army, the majority of citizens happened to live far off in Bengal. And
Bengalis where hardly represented in the army and the bureaucracy. Therefore, when the
powerful elites tried to protect their interests by monopolizing power and excluding others, they
automatically frustrated the Bengali desire for equality and self-rule. A key experience was the
“One-Unit” rule in West Pakistan. “One-Unit” dissolved all provinces in Western Pakistan,
integrating them into one political unit. The key reason for this was to balance the demographic
strength of East Pakistan by confronting it with a Western wing, which was united and nearly
equally populated. Expressed in ethnic terms, this policy had two results: it tried to form a
coalition of all non-Bengalis against Bengal. Two, it also abolished all notions of provincial
autonomy or of federalism in the West. It placed the smaller provinces and ethnic minorities of
West Pakistan even more firmly under the dominance of Punjabi politicians, bureaucrats and
military officers. While formally Pakistan became more integrated and united, the Bengalis,
Baluchi’s, Pushto’s and Sandhi’s felt marginalized and excluded, and the fabric of Pakistan
weakened. In this phase of Pakistani history the goals of democracy and provincial autonomy
were closely connected: democratic and regional/ethnic movements went hand in hand. After the
split of Pakistan in 1971 the political environment changed drastically. The democratic and
ethnic movements in the former Western wing were deprived one of their main sources of
political strength: the cooperation with the Bengalis of Eastern Bengal. With the independence of
Bangladesh what was now left of Pakistan was able to shake off the dominance of the old (still
colonial) bureaucracy, and even forced the army back to the barracks - at least for a few years.
But at the same time the preconditions for Punjabi dominance were strengthened, by losing the
main potential counterweight, Bengal.”[ CITATION Fuk04 \p 167 \l 1033 ]
“This was the time of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s rule. It was full of contradictions. Bhutto originated
from Sindh and aired a distinct anti-establishment rhetoric. Mobilization of the poor masses of
Pakistan, for the first time in its history, became his trademark, along with socialist sounding
speeches. But he also was a feudal landlord, and had been a Minister in General Ayub Khan’s
government. When Balochi frustrations with the central governments increased, Bhutto ordered a
brutal military campaign to crush the insurgency. Also his political style very soon moved from
democratic to repressive and authoritarian, weakening his social base considerately at the end of
his rule. When the army finally overthrew him in 1977, there was little resistance.
After Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had tried a mixture of repression, social mobilization and populist
rhetoric to integrate what was left of Pakistan after 1971, Zia ul-Haq mixed more repression with
Islamist rhetoric and a skillful foreign policy vis-à-vis Afghanistan which produced considerable
amounts of US foreign aid. Both Presidents heavily relied on ideology to sustain their respective
rules, but in both cases their hold on power weakened after a few years. Lack of the
Government’s performance proved more important than political rhetoric, no matter whether
socialist or Islamist. But while Bhutto (for being a Sindhi himself) had managed to integrate
Sindh closer into Pakistan (while completely alienating Baluchistan), Zia ul-Haq saw Sindh turn
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into a hotbed of opposition to martial rule. The “Movement for Restoration of Democracy” was
by far strongest in Sindh, and again, the desire for democracy and for provincial/ethnic autonomy
went hand in hand. Zia’s rule saw one additional and quite dangerous development: the rise of
the MQM in Karachi and urban Sindh in general. Until the middle of the 1980s, most Muhajir, s
in Karachi had strongly supported the Jamaat-e-Islami(JI), the main Islamist party, founded by
Maududi. It was less religious radicalism, but the fact that JI was perceived as “anti-ethnic” and
pro-Islamic. The Muhajir’s coming as refugees from India did not fit any of the local ethnic
groups, and of all social groups most strongly believed in the “Islamic Nation” theory that
justified Pakistan’s existence. From 1986 a newly established Party gained momentum, the
MQM, Muhajir Qaumi Movement (renamed into Muttahida Qaumi Movement in 1997). It was
an exclusively Muhajir party of secular, middle class orientation. Rumor has it that Zia ul-Haq’s
Islamist government had a hand in setting it up, to subvert the power of the main opposition
party, Benazir Bhutto’s PPP in Sindh. This cannot be confirmed, but the result was exactly that,
as its existence led to a civil war in Karachi. The struggle for power between the Muhajir’s and
Sandhi’s in the province of Sindh became one of the major destabilizing factors in Pakistan,
arresting economic development in the country’s main commercial and industrial
center.”[ CITATION SDi06 \p 151-159 \l 1033 ]
“The governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif (each with two terms in office between
1988 and 1998) lacked any ideology. They both tried to appear in modernist garb, but
performance was generally worse than that of their predecessor governments. Both Nawaz
Sharif's and Benazir’s terms have been characterized by excessive corruption, involving
Benazir’s husband and Nawaz personally, and his family. Free market policies, political
opportunism plus financial greed were the uniting features of both Prime Ministers, while they
waged political war against each other for personal domination of the political system.
Corruption, the still prevalent power of feudal landowners, and the permanent power games of
the political elite all contributed to paralysis in the political system, and to under-performance in
economic development. This was not exactly the best way to make the non-elite sectors of the
population (especially in the smaller provinces) interested in the future of a united Pakistan. By
1996/97 for probably the first time in Pakistani history a section of intellectuals more or less
openly questioned the wisdom of having split India and to create Pakistan. During Nawaz
Sharif's second term a new development occurred: the weakening of state structures resulting
from the Prime Minister's attempts, to bring them under his personal control. Nawaz successfully
forced the President to resign, drove the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court into resigning, and
did the same with the top ranking military brass. While the last move might be perceived as
enforcing civilian authority over the armed forced, all three were politically motivated to weaken
or abolish any potential counterweight inside the state structures to the Prime Minister. As a
result, the independence of the judiciary and the presidency, as well as the freedom of press were
gravely weakened and institutional rules broken to strengthen personal rule. Simultaneously,
during Nawaz's second term the economic situation of Pakistan deteriorated dramatically, with
the country coming dangerously close to bankruptcy. The resulting domestic crises, complete
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loss of confidence in Nawaz by nearly all sector of society led the Prime Minister to push
through Parliament a bill introducing the Sharia, Islamic law. This again was more targeted to
strengthen the Prime Minister himself, less of religious relevance.
Factors Weakening the National Integration of Pakistan National integration in the case of
Pakistan cannot mean creating ethnic or national homogeneity throughout the country. It can
only mean establishing a common citizenry, common political and social structures, a common
State, and an additional sense of identity, of belonging together. It means building commonality
on top of the existing (linguistic, ethnic, religious, geographical) diversity, and not substituting
an artificial new identity for the old ones. Not that such a process of substitution of identity
would be impossible in principle. But it would either take several generations, or unacceptable
means to achieve, like genocide or ethnocide. Nation-Building in Pakistan at the end of the
1990s-- that is, after 50 years of the countries existence -- is at the verge of failure. It has already
failed once with the split of Pakistan in 1971, and today the danger of the rest of Pakistan
disintegrating cannot be ruled out.”
The following factors contribute to this “Generally in Pakistan’s history, Nation-Building and
national integration have excluded the population, making it very difficult to transform it into a
citizenry. The people have been mere onlookers to politics. Sometimes they identify with
specific politics or politicians, but this often was hardly more than an audience applauding a
cricket team: it was to identify with someone else, not being an actor oneself. “National Identity”
therefore remained shallow and could hardly develop. The main reason behind this was that the
character of the Pakistani state did not significantly change after independence. It still remained
of “colonial” character, remaining a tool for controlling the population, instead of becoming an
instrument for self-government. The state was captured and instrumental zed by a small political
elite, which consistently tried to exclude any competing counter-elites. Since the ruling elite
mostly consisted of Punjabi rural, “feudal” landlords, the top echelon of the civilian and military
bureaucracy, and (with decreasing importance over time) a small elite of Muhajir’s other groups
felt excluded. Factions of the Punjabi and Karachi industrialists were among them, but also most
of the local elites from Baluchistan and Sindh. In contrast to excluded capitalists from Punjab,
the tribal leaders from Baluchistan and the rural landowners from Sindh perceived their
respective exclusion in ethnic rather than political terms. (An important exception applied to the
Pashtuns of the Northwest Frontier province. This ethnic/national group has little economic
power and is under-represented in the political and bureaucratic elite. But since it is over-
represented in the powerful Armed Forces, it today feels much more integrated and “Pakistani”,
than it did in the 1940s and 1950s.[ CITATION Hip05 \p 193-197 \l 1033 ]
A combination of excessive corruption and pathetic under-performance of state structures today

characterize Pakistan. Both the development of the economy and of stable political conditions
are being undercut by these factors. The police and the legal system, the bureaucracy and the
political class are shamefully corrupt, more interested in enriching themselves individually, than
serving or developing the country. Since these state structures represent the state to the citizenry,
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people tend to become cynical and alienated from politics and the state - which implies
alienation form “Pakistan”. Also, state structures and national infrastructure remain weak, and
actually have weakened over time. These problems to some degree result from what is called in
Pakistan the “feudal mentality”. Modern capitalists who are depending on functioning
infrastructure, a fair legal system, and secure rules for economic activity - still do not control the
country. The “feudal class” still dominates and paralyses politics, having decisive influence in
any parliament or government. This class is depending less on achievement and economic
efficiency than on extracting resources from other classes by using political power or traditional,
tribal or rural power structures. This class is mostly rent seeking, and perceives the state as
providing security and perks. The Army has traditionally dominated politics. During about half
of Pakistan’s history the country has been governed by military regimes. While some of the
arguments the Army put forward to justify its taking power (like incompetence and corruption of
many civilian politicians) are not without merit, military rule has not strengthened, but weakened
the social fabric of the country. Martial law mostly was an extra tool for the political elites, not
threatening their power. It excluded even more the political participation of citizens, thereby
making politics even more into something only done by small elite groups. Exclusion of citizens
from politics has not been a strategy of only the civilian and military bureaucracy. Even in times
of elections and “democracy” people were kept out of politics as much as possible. A very
important point has been that all political parties (PPP, PML, many smaller ones) are organized
as internal dictatorships. Office holders are not elected, but appointed by the chairperson, or the
governing bodies. Parties are hardly the instruments of people to express their will, but
oligarchies and political machines. Internal democracy is completely absent, and political
programs do not matter. What counts are networks of family and friends, clientele’s favors,
buying and selling of votes and support, control of local and regional vote banks, control of
perks, and a culture of greed? It is obvious, that these structures of politics will not strengthen
identification with the political system, and its legitimacy. It also tends to fragment the system
into informal and extra-constitutional cliques of people, making not the “Nation” into the key
focus of interest, but clientele’s networks. Personalization of politics has been one of the factors
weakening institution-building. It has considerably contributed to further fragmentation, thereby
reinforcing tribal, ethnic, national and other factors.”[ CITATION Lij77 \p 181-187 \l 1033 ]
“Personalization is psychologically and structurally linked to the “feudal mentality”, and to the
weak and non-democratic character of political parties. The weakness and lack of infrastructure
also has made national integration more difficult to achieve. Especially in rural areas, in the
mountainous North, and in Baluchistan not even streets are always available. Electric power, the
telephone system, railroads and other means of public transport have been and are in constant
crises. The banking system has been inefficient and has been looted by politicians, who are used
to receiving “loans” which they never pay back. Police is incompetent, corrupt, and in rural areas
acting on behalf of local landlords and feudal, who keep their own groups of strongmen. The tax
system is a bad joke, and public utilities are hardly accessible without paying bribes. In short:
“national infrastructure” is not just weak, but has deteriorated in many respects. Outside pressure
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on the country does not make things easier. Some five million refugees, a spillover of arms and a
resulting Kalashnikov Culture and cheap opium and heroin have entered Pakistan as a result of
the Afghan war. Constant tension and fighting in Kashmir at the Indian border have helped
justify military expenditures that take up to 50 percent of the national budget. At the same time
the IMF and international lenders have turned the squeeze and force Pakistan into one of their
“structural adjustment programs”. The economic pressure is being felt all over society,
increasing internal competition for meager resources results and reinforces fragmentation.“The
future of Pakistan after 50 (fifty) years of existence hangs in the balance. Political paralysis is
hurting economic development, and the economic problems restrict financial possibilities to
develop infrastructure and social support systems. Limited resources coupled with outside
pressure to adopt neo-liberal and austerity policies lead to increase the struggle over the
shrinking pie. At this moment an outright ethnic or minority insurgency in Pakistan is unlikely.
But at the same time the last elections have shown a strong ethnicization of politics.
Today, hardly any party has truly “national” importance: the Muslim League (PML) of Nawaz
Sharif has overwhelming support in Punjab (where some 55 percent of Pakistanis live). But in all
other provinces it is weak or very weak. The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of the Bhutto family
and the MQM control the rural respectively urban Sindh, and paralyze each other. And in
Baluchistan and - to a lesser degree - in the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP) local,
ethnically or religiously based parties predominate. Therefore, fragmentation of the political
system has increased considerably during the last 25 years, and has grown more provincial in
character than “national”. At the same time, the national government has the constitutional right
(under some conditions), to fire the provincial governments.”(Eisenstaedt S. N. & Rokkan S,
1973, pp. 161-169)
Conclusion:
Currently the social fabric of the country is weakening. While successful separatist movements
are not likely in the near future, a grave political and economic crisis is. It could take two forms:
one option is the further disintegration and fragmentation of Pakistan, while for a longer time not
producing an opting-out of some of the provinces. A continuing weakening of state structures,
increasing cynicism with politics and the state, mistrust of the whole political system and its
parties, a chronic crisis of the economy could easily lead to de-legitimating of the democratic
system, and to its undermining by both the government and the opposition. This would also
imply a weakening of national integration, and the stronger emphasis of ethnic, tribal and
religious forms of political identities. In this context, Pakistan might not face disaster in a big
bang, but slowly erode, until it finally fractures. The country definitely has great potential. Both
its middle and lower classes could be a strong base for democracy, if they would no longer be
excluded. The economic prospects are dim at the moment, but again, the potential for
development does exist, if only the political sector would function properly. Therefore it is tragic
that the most likely scenario for Pakistan is a very pessimistic one.
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Role of Military in Politics of Pakistan
Evolution of the Army

Present structure and strength of Army
The army is divided into two broad functional
categories:
 The fighting and arms and

 The services
i. The Fighting Arms

The fighting arms include infamy, removed units, artillery, aviation, engineers and
signals.
ii. The Services
Services include administrative personnel, medical staff, ordinance, electrical and
mechanical engineers, education, military police, remount units (horses and mules) and
veterinary units.
Organization
“The army is organized into corps, divisions and brigades. A corps is consisting of two or more
divisions and 2 divisions is made up of two or more brigades. While a corps has a lieutenant
general as its commanding officer, a division is commanded by 2 major generals and 2 brigades
by 2 brigadiers.
An infantry division, the major ground force combat unit, consists of infantry activity, engineers,
signals, communications, supply and other support services required for sustained independent
action and is generally organized with three or more brigades, each consisting of three battalions.
Armored divisions consist of tank regiments, mobile artillery and elements of back up
services.”(Cheema, 2006. Pp. 46-48)
Army current strength
“The army’s strength around 2006 is about 520,000, out of a total armed forces sleight of some
587000. The army is headed by the chief of army staff, who is assisted by four main officers: the
chief of general staff, the adjutant general, the quartermaster general and the master general of
ordnance.
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Other principal officers also work directly under the chief of army in GHQ: the engineer in chief
the military secretary, the judge advocates general, and the can takeover of civilian personal.
Sometimes a nice chief is also appointed.” (Cheema, 2006. Pp 46-48)
Involvement in National Building Activity
“Over the year Pakistan armed forces have been involved in various forms of nation building
activity. Despite its efforts to avoid involvement in unpopular issues under civilian regimes, the
military has been called upon to assist the ruling regime many times since the birth of Pakistan.
Almost all of Pakistan’s successive constitutions have allowed such use of armed forces, under
the present constitution. Article 245 specifically enables the government in power to call upon
the armed forces for assistance whenever it is deemed necessary. At other a times in Pakistan’s
history, instant of servicing a distant onlooker, the armed forces more specifically the army have
decided to take over the country and to establish and military oligarchy type of rule.” (Cheema,
2006. Pp. 122)
Nature of Pakistan Army
“The political role of Pak Army is dependent on basic two factors:
 The nature of Pakistan army

 The nature of politics in Pakistan
Pak Army
It is a national army in the sense that indigenous. But it is not a people’s territorial army, and
attests its elite are not regionally locally speaking, evenly balances.
Pak Politics
Pakistani politics have in essence been proxies and crisis people. It has been elitist, too confined
largely two its traditional pressure groups, comprising the political industrial / big business
feudal complex, on one hand and civil bureaucratic regime on the other.
Pakistan’s 1973 constitution, itself ensilages its armed forces to ensure both national security and
integration in aid of civil authority. The superior courts have always risen to the occasion
defending the status quo no matter how conditionally and curcuma speckle.”(Azam, 1984, pp.
296-297)
National Interest in Pakistan
“Pakistan’s national interest has always been determined by its army, the army itself got its
intellectual orientation from the state’s easily narrow focus on survival. The textbooks have
reinforced the trend of fixing of Pakistani mind on military survival from India. Suavely civilian
leadership invited the army into it’s their political institutions because confrontation with India
dominated the scene in Pakistan. Military rule concealed the scene in Pakistan. Military rule
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concretized and perpetuated the military aspect of the state and added the ideological dimension
to it under General Zia. After Zia and the end of the bipolar world, which had made military rule
in Pakistan possible, national interest should have shifted from military to economic security.
Confrontation with India bought no longer any dividends. The policy of face off was gradually
getting unstuck as Jihad in Kashmir wore on in the 1990s. As Pakistan duplicated the reconvert
war of Afghanistan in Kashmir, its economy declined sharply and its interned political scene
threw up problems of security that had nothing to do with India.”(Ahmad, 2010, P-14)
The Civil and Armed Bureaucrats
“For all their pretension about modernity, Pakistan’s first generation of politicians took their cues
and where primarily motivated by a romantic interpretation of their Islamic past. Their intimacy
with a revered historical tradition provided men of minor stature with an opportunity to rise to
nights underrated of in their local surroundings. But these were persons with little, and in many
instance no real knowledge or experience in governing complex organizations. They failed miser
any in prompting the corporate Pakistan design or in adopting Islam to contemporary political
circumstance personal, regional, and professional rivalries, stropped impression and an
undisguised last for power and privilege inhibited the development of a kindred spirit.
It was obvious from the outset that Ayub khan had No time table for returner his own mind he
had given the politician adequate time to work out their misunderstandings political integration
and the stimulation of national consciousness was one side of the pictures. The other stressed the
material development of the country and the mobilization of all available resources. Ayub forged
strong links with the country’s professional bureaucracy within month of his accession to the
presidency of Pakistan, General and now field marshal Ayub khan announced the creation of his
basic Democracies system. Ayub minced no words in stating that the largely peasants country
was unprepared for a sophisticated, representative system.
The Military – Bureaucratic Nexus
Although marital law remained in force for forty months (October 1958 to June 1962) the army
was returned to the barracks a few weeks after the initial declaration and government
administration was made the responsibility of the higher civil vice.
It is doubtful that Ayub gave much thought to his successor. While in office that his minister or
governors might become too ambitious. The most significant example of ambition at this time,
however, was that of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Ayub’s conscious decision to avoid the politicians to
emphasize the military and government bureaucracy and used only powerful landed and
entrepreneurial personalities Ayub was emphatic concerning the need for strong centralized
authoritative government to upgrade the work of the administrator, Ayub ordered the
establishment of Numerous trading institutes which were authorized to prepare curricular
focusing on developmental activities law and order studies which were not discarded but new
emphasis was given to constructive administration and the rendering of services to the needy
20 | P a g e
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education, health, family planning, social welfare were placed side by side with improved
agriculture and infrastructural development.
No doubt, democracy and martial law are quite opposite systems of government. In martial law
an army controls the country. He is not elected by people. Democracy is the government of the
people by the people and for the people. So, in democracy common people rule the country and
other common people elect them through general elections. These elected people have full
understanding of everyday problems. So, they can better solve them. No single man is allowed to
rule the people. It is a very big set up in which a lot of representatives of the people rule
according to the wishes of these people. So, democracy is a very good system but unfortunately,
our politicians have failed to exercise it. There are different reasons to it. Firstly, most of our
politicians belong to upper class. They are either Jaagirdar or industrialist. They do not have any
real understanding of the problems of common people. They are so rich that they have not faced
any problems like the problem of insufficient pays, high utility bills and rising prices. Secondly,
they do not have tolerance. So, they do not listen to the Opposition. They think that they are
always right and what they do is always right. The Opposition does not have any right to oppose
them. Thirdly, our politicians have lust for power. They want to be all-powerful. They want to
take over every institution in Pakistan, even courts and the army. They are not ready to share
their powers with anyone. They even try to amend laws for their own good. Fourthly, some
politicians are corrupt. Sometimes they take loans from banks and never return them. They take
loans from foreign banks for the good of the country but they put them in their own pockets.
Sometimes they take advantage of their positions and give undue favors to their relatives and
friends.
Pakistan's history has been characterized by periods of military rule and political instability. It is
a developing country that faces problems with high levels of poverty and illiteracy. For most of
its existence, Pakistan has been under direct and indirect rule of the military experiencing four
series of coup d’état by the Army from Ayub Khan to General Pervez Musharraf. The military
has rule Pakistan for most of the country’s existence and they have shaped and determined the
internal politics, security and economic developments whilst at the same time negotiated its role
in the region weakening the civilian leadership to be mere followers. The military has political
influence over foreign, security and key domestic issues including mediating confrontations
among the feuding political leaders, parties or state institutions which created political instability.
It displaced a lawfully elected civilian government which had come into power on the strength of
an overwhelming vote by the Pakistani masses. The military has actively damaged democratic
institutions and politics, co-opting and controlling different civilian actors through a combination
of coercive and non-coercive measures. If Pakistan’s democratic governments appear to be led
by poorly institutionalized political parties stuffed full of opportunistic patronage politicians, and
if the courts, parliament, and civil society have historically been unable to rein in the military, it
is largely because the military has prevented them from developing into more effective
mechanisms through which to achieve substantive democratization. The banning of political
parties, the introduction of presidential forms of government, the dismissal of democratically
21 | P a g e
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elected leaders through the use of dubious constitutional amendments, and the suppression of
alternative, radical forms of politics, are all routine features of military politics that have
systematically undermined democracy in Pakistan.” (Ziring 1980, pp. 85-104)
Cause of Military intervention in Pakistani politics
“Pakistan's history has been characterized by periods
of military rule and political instability. It is a
developing country that faces problems with high
levels of poverty and illiteracy. For most of its
existence, Pakistan has been under direct and indirect
rule of the military experiencing four series of coup
d’état by the Army from Ayub Khan to General
Pervez Musharraf. The military has rule Pakistan for
most of the country’s existence and they have shaped
and determined the internal politics, security and
economic developments while at the same time
negotiated its role in the region weakening the civilian
leadership to be mere followers. The military has political influence over foreign, security and key
domestic issues including mediating confrontations among the feuding political leaders, parties or state
institutions which created political instability. It displaced a lawfully elected civilian government which
had come into power on the strength of an overwhelming vote by the Pakistani masses. The military has
actively damaged democratic institutions and politics, co-opting and controlling different civilian actors
through a combination of coercive and non-coercive measures. If Pakistan’s democratic governments
appear to be led by poorly institutionalized political parties stuffed full of opportunistic patronage
politicians, and if the courts, parliament, and civil society have historically been unable to rein in the
military, it is largely because the military has prevented them from developing into more effective
mechanisms through which to achieve substantive democratization. The banning of political parties, the
introduction of presidential forms of government, the dismissal of democratically elected leaders through
the use of dubious constitutional amendments, and the suppression of alternative, radical forms of
politics, are all routine features of military politics that have systematically undermined democracy in
Pakistan. Taking over responsibility for formulating responses to the external and, crucially, internal
threats it believed Pakistan faced, the military developed as an institution that deliberately cultivated a
mindset defined by a contempt for civilian politics and politicians, extreme suspicion with regards to
India and other external forces, and a belief in the efficacy of violence in dealing with ethnic and
ideological tensions within the country.”[CITATION Aqi \l 1033 ]
Background of Martial Law in Pakistan
“In the first instance, President Iskandar Mirza proclaimed martial law throughout the country on
7th October, 1958, appointing the Army Chief, General Muhammad Ayub Khan, Chief Martial
Law Administrator, abrogating the Constitution, dismissing the Central and Provincial
Governments, dissolving the National and Provincial Assemblies, and abolishing all political
parties. Next day, the President appointed an Advisory Council, consisting of Secretary-General
and seven Secretaries of Ministries. However, on the 10th October, the President promulgated an
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Order stating that notwithstanding abrogation of 1956 Constitution, Pakistan shall be governed
as nearly as may be in accordance with the late Constitution. It is worth mentioning that under
the abrogated Constitution, approved by the Constituent Assembly on the 29th February, 1956,
and promulgated on 23rd March, 1956, the Dominion of Pakistan was proclaimed Islamic
Republic of Pakistan and Iskandar Mirza was sworn in as its first President. The Constitution
was based on the Objectives Resolution, which was adopted on 12th March, 1949. The
Resolution envisaged the observance of Islam and its principles of social justice, equality,
democracy, freedom and tolerance. On the 24th of October, 1958, President Iskander Mirza
constituted a 12-man Central Cabinet, including General Azam Khan, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and
ManzoorQadir. General Ayub Khan was appointed Prime Minster. Iskandar Mirza relinquished
his office of President on 27th October, 1958, and handed over all powers to Chief Martial Law
Administrator Ayub Khan, who promulgated the Presidential Cabinet Order next day according
to which the Cabinet would have no Prime Minister and it would work directly under the
President.”[CITATION Sha05 \p 231-233 \l 1033 ]
The declaration of First martial Law (1958-69)

“General Muhammad Ayub Khan, the then Commander-in-
Chief of the armed forces, became the Chief Martial Law
Administrator. The parliamentary system in Pakistan came to
end. Within three weeks of assuming charge on October 27,
1958, Iskandar Mirza was ousted by General Ayub Khan, who
then declared himself President. Soon after coming to power, the
new military government promised that they would carry out
reforms in the entire government structure and would cleanse the
administration of the rampant corruption. A thorough screening
process of all government servants was conducted and service
records were closely scrutinized. Public servants were tried for
misconduct by tribunals consisting of retired judges of the
Supreme Court or High Court. If charges were proven,
disciplinary action such as dismissal or compulsory retirement of the
public servant could take place. A public servant could also be disqualified from holding any
public office for 15 years. About 3,000 officials were dismissed and many others were reduced
in rank as a result of these measures. The rest of the government servants were provided with an
incentive to working hard. Similarly, a law called the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order,
popularly known as E. B. D. O., was promulgated for the disqualification of politicians. Under
this law, a person could be disqualified from being a member of any elective body till December
31, 1966. Under this harsh law, several politicians like Suhrawardy and Qayyum Khan were
disqualified. The E. B. D. O., particularly its application, was severely criticized in the legal and
political circles throughout Pakistan. After taking over, Ayub Khan focused on the long-standing
23 | P a g e
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question of land reforms in West Pakistan. The land reforms included the reduction of land
ceiling to 1,000 acres for non-irrigated land and 500 acres for irrigated land and with ownership
rights granted to the tenants. The land in excess of these limits was taken over by the government
to be distributed amongst the deserving persons. Ayub Khan also introduced a comprehensive
scheme of local government, popularly known as Basic Democracies. This scheme was enforced
through the Basic Democracies Order on October 27, 1959. Basic Democracies was a pyramidal
plan enabling the people to directly elect to Local Council men they knew, who would in turn
elect the upper tier of the administration. Altogether there were 80,000 Basic Democrats elected.
To lend legitimacy to his rule, Ayub Khan used the Basic Democrats as an electoral college,
holding a referendum to seek a mandate to continue in office as President and to have the
authority to frame the future Constitution of Pakistan. The referendum held on February 14,
1960, asked the voters if they had confidence in President Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub
Khan, Hilal-i-Jurat With the results of the referendum, Ayub Khan was elected not only as
President of Pakistan for five years, but also got the mandate to give Pakistan a Constitution of
his choice. Ayub Khan set up a Constitution Commission which was not only given the
responsibility to make recommendations on the future Constitution, but was also to examine the
causes of failure of parliamentary government in Pakistan. The report of the Constitution
Commission was presented to Ayub Khan on May 6, 1961. Ayub Khan was not satisfied by the
findings. The 1962 Constitution was very different from the recommendation of the Constitution
Commission, as Ayub Khan favored a presidential form of government. The 1962 Constitution
was promulgated on March 1. This ended the three-and-a-half-year Martial Law regime of Ayub
Khan. A civilian constitutional government under Ayub Khan replaced his previous military
regime.”[CITATION Sha05 \p 238 \l 1033 ]
Ayub Khan’s Reforms &Development Decade: 1958-1968
 “Military takeover by General Ayub Khan in October 1958 brought about a new era for
development in Pakistan.
 The deterioration in the economic situation and political instability had made them wary
of politicians.
 Economic and social reforms were high on Ayub’s agenda. These reforms included
economic planning and providing basic needs such as food to the overall public of
Pakistan.
 A number of commissions, including land reforms and education were set up to review
policies and make recommendation. Though, in the end, only limited progress was
achieved on issues like education and land reform, economic policy-making was at the
center stage in Ayub’s period.
 Role of The Planning Commission: Even though the Planning Commission was identified
in the public mind mainly with the preparation and monitoring of the Five Year Plans,
under Ayub it had much broader role in the economic policy coordination.
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 The Planning Commission’s basic task was however the approving of the five year plans.
 Planning Board upgraded to planning commission with the President as its chairman in
1959.
 Plan Discipline introduced. Second Five Year Plan 1960-1965, Third Five Year Plan
1965-1970.
 Gross fixed investment over the ten years under Ayub Khan’s rule increased nearly three
folds in real term rising from 8.5% of GDP in 1958-59 to 14% in 1968-1969.
 Private Investment was encouraged through loosening of direct economic controls on
trade, investment, prices and earmarking of foreign credit resources for the private sector
through long term credit agencies.
 As a consequence of these developments and the investments made more than double
from 2.5% owe annum in the 1950s to 5.6 % in the 1960s; the growth rate of GDP in
West Pakistan rose to 6.7% from 3.1 % and accelerated in East Pakistan from 1.7% to 4
%.
 However, notwithstanding rapid economic growth, economic and political tensions in the
society and between the two wings grew, especially after the war with India in September
1965 which led to a squeeze on resources reflecting both a leveling off foreign assistance
and increased allocation to defense.
 Indeed, the 1965 war was a watershed in Pakistan’s history. It seriously interrupted the
development momentum of the first half of the 1960s.”[CITATION Sha05 \p 239-240 \l
1033 ]
Broad Contours of Development
Growth and Investment
 “Measured by GDP growth, economic performance in Pakistan in the 1960s clearly
exceeded initial expectations.
 The Second Five Year Plan (1960-1965) had originally set a target of GDP growth of
20% over five years compared with the modest goal of 15% in the First Five Year Plan.
 The Third Plan (1965-1970) formulation was undertaken in a mood of great optimism
and the annual growth target was set at 6.5% per annum.
 The sharp acceleration growth in West Pakistan during the 60’s meant that even though
the growth rate in East Pakistan also increased significantly, the regional disparity in
incomes widened. In 1970, West Pakistan’s per capita GDP was at least 60 % higher than
that of East Pakistan.
 GDP growth in Pakistan of nearly 7% per annum during the 1960’s was exceeded among
large countries only by Korea, Thailand and Mexico.
 The transformation in economic performance compared to the previous decade was the
result of both massive increases in investment, technological breakthroughs in
agriculture, and better and more coordinate economic policies.”
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Water and Power Investments
 “Massive investments were made in water and power in West Pakistan, including the
Indus Basin Replacement Works spending.
 Total water and power investments in West Pakistan during the 1960’s exceeded US $2.5
Billion and accounted for more than 50% of total public sector spending.
 The most explosive of Indo-Pakistan disputes was the question of sharing the waters of
the Indus basin.
 On April 1, 1948, India cut off the supply of water from the two head works under her
control. Fortunately, Eugene Black, President of the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development offered the offices of the Bank for the solution of the
water problem in 1952.
 A solution acceptable to both governments was agreed upon in 1960 at the Indus Basin
Development Fund Agreement at Karachi.
 This treaty is commonly known as the "Indus Water Treaty".
 The treaty allowed for a transitional period of 10 to 13 years, after which the three eastern
rivers would fall exclusively to India's share and the three western rivers to Pakistan.
During the transitional period, Pakistan would construct a system of replacement works
consisting of two dams, five barrages and seven link canals financed by the Indus
Development Fund.
 The waters of river Jhelum, Chenab and Indus were given to Pakistan under the Indus
Basin Treaty while Ravi, Beas and Sutlej were taken up by India.”
The Indus Basin Replacement Works
 The Indus Basin Replacement Works represented about half of the total spending in
water and power sector and was of a special nature.
Investments
 It was Ayub’s political decision to go ahead with the Indus Basin Treaty in 1960which
accelerated the pace of investments in water and power.
Rehabilitation of peace
“In the absence of any effective governmental authority, the law and order situation was
deteriorating throughout the country. Therefore, the first priority of military government was to
check the criminal activities within the boundaries of the state; special military cells were
established in order to facilitate the masses in case of trouble and to take precautionary measures
against the trouble mongers factors in the society.
Price Control
The next step, which the military administration took, was the management of price control cells
and bodies. During the times of democratic governments, there was no check over the prices of
the daily commodities of life. Hoarding was very common. These factors were the primary
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source of inflation. The situation was aggravated by the excessive profits earned by the retailers.
The military government printed price lists and made sure that no one could earn excessive
profits by exploiting the needs of the consumers.
Check on Smuggling
Identification of economic flaws and their rectification was one of the most high-pitched
priorities of the military government. Smuggling was one of the monstrous issues that resisted
the growth of country’s economy. Chittagong and Karachi Seaports had been used for smuggling
since long. The role played by the politicians in burgeoning with such an evil should not be
neglected. As soon as the military government took over, strict disciplinary actions were initiated
against the smugglers; crackdowns were planned to seize the people involved in such notorious
activities.
Settlement of the properties
Since the independence of country, the issue of the abandoned properties could not be resolved.
However, the issue was settled within a year after military takeover.
Rehabilitation of migrants
When India was divided, a large number of people migrated from India to Pakistan. They
reached Pakistan in a very poor condition. Quaid and Liquate took keen interest in the
rehabilitation of the immigrants on priority bases; however, the later rulers did not consider it
important enough to take steps for their resolution. As soon as the military government was
established, the rehabilitation ministry, under the supervision of Gen. Azam Ali, worked so
rigorously that it came up with the settlement of majority of migrants in a very short time.
Several housing societies were established to provide shelter to the migrants, Korangi being one
of them.”[CITATION Sha05 \p 247-249 \l 1033 ]
Causes of Ayub’s Decline
Immediate measure of the Martial law regime were successful but in the long term failed to solve
the problems.
General Reasons
 Concentration of political power in his own hands.
 Dictatorial powers of President: people want parliamentary form of democracy
 Right of adult franchise curtailed by the system of basic democracy
 Hold of military hierarchy, civil bureaucracy and rural elite in policy making.
 Disqualification of politicians and political parties under Elective Bodies Disqualification
Order (EBDO).
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 Control of Press and Media under Press and Publication (Amendment) Ordinance:
Pakistan Times, Imroz, Mashriq were placed under National Press Trust.
 Restrictions on Individuals fundamental rights. State of emergency.
 Land and Muslim family laws Reforms were revolutionary in words than in deeds.
 Urbanization but not facilities in the cities.
 Strength of Convention Muslim League was fictitious
 Opposition of One Unit by the small provinces.
 Exaggerated claims about development in the ceremonies of Celebrations of a decay.
 Interference in Religion (Two Eids in 1967)
 News of his illness in early 1968.
 Rumor that he was going to appoint Gohar as his successor.
 Withdrawal of military support: Reduction on Armed Forces’ in budget of 1967-68
Economics Reasons
 Economic growth in quantitative terms not in qualitative terms.
 Economic disparity: 80% of the bank assets were controlled by 22 families
 No Foreign Aid after 1965
 Rapid Growth of Prices
Dissatisfaction of East Pakistan
1. East Pakistan considered Marshal Law as the rule of Punjabi dominated Army.
2. Issue of Provincial Autonomy In East Pakistan
3. East Pakistan was politically deprived.
4. East Pakistan was economically deprived.
Strong Opposition:
 Dynamic leadership of Bhutto, Asghar Khan, Mujeeb, Bhashani etc.
 Wide popularity of Awami League in East Pakistan and P.P.P in West Pakistan.
Bhutto & PPP
 PPP established in Dec. 1967: Objectives of genuine democracy, Islamic Socialism,
Adult franchise and Freedom of Press.
 Slogan: “Roti Kapra aur Makan”
 Exploitation of Tashkent by Bhutto: Kashmir
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 Students-Police clash (Nov. 1968) at Rawalpindi. One student died. Bhutto attended his
funeral. Achieved support of students.
 Arrest of Bhutto on Nov. 13, 1968 as he insists masses to violate law.
 Asghar Khan continued the movement.
Mujeeb and Agartala conspiracy
 Agartala Conspiracy Case (separation of East Pakistan from West Pakistan with the
armed aid of India) against Mujeeb and a band of civil and military officers in Jan. 1968.
 Bhashani gave lead till the release of Mujeeb.
 Slogan “Gheraoo, Jalaoo” Burnt govt. offices and ministers houses. Compelled a large
number of BD’s to resign. Some were burnt alive.
Political Alliances
National Democratic Front (NDF): in Oct. 1962 by group of East Pakistanis for the restoration of
democracy became party after death of Suharwardy its leader. Combined Opposition
Parties (COP): during Presidential elections of 1964-65.Failed to launch effective movement due
to the internal differences. Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM): After the Expire of the ban
on EBDOED politicians. April 1967 Included 5 parties’
1. Council ML
2. Nizam-i-Islam Party
3. Jamat-i-Islami
4. Awami League (Nasarullah Group)
5. NDF (National Democratic Front)
Demands
1. Direct Elections on adult franchise
2. Full powers to the directly elected parliament
3. removal of emergency
4. restoration of civil rights
5. Release of all political prisoners.
Democratic Action Committee (DAC)
Jan. 9, 1968, Included PDM, AL (six points) AL (Wali Khan Group) and JUI. 3 more demands:
1. Withdrawal of all prohibitory orders under section 144.
2. Restoration of right to strike iii) withdrawal of all curbs on the press.
3. Round Table Conference with Ayub on March 10, 1969.
Ayub accepted 2 demands
1. Direct elections on adult franchise
2. Restoration of parliamentary system. DAC dissolved Non Political Elements
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 Anti Ayub Movement (1968-69) launched by Urban middle class i.e. Students, lawyers,
teachers, doctors, laborers, politicians etc.
 Joint Labor Council called for laborers strike.
 Central Medical Body held a successful strike of the Doctors.
 Association of teachers participated in anti-Ayub movement.
Ayub resigned and Martial Law was re-enforced on March 25, 1969.”[CITATION Sha05 \p 253-
255 \l 1033 ]
Transfer the power to Yahiya khan (1969-1971)

“Yahiya Khan was the second Chief Martial Law Administrator of Pakistan. Ayub Khan, his
predecessor, at the time of his fall in 1969 gave him that status. After six days of assuming power
as the CMLA, Yahiya Khan became the President of Pakistan on 31 March 1969 and kept that
position till 6 December 1971.
During the political crisis in Pakistan at the end of Ayub Khan’s reign, Yahiya Khan thought of
taking over the Ayub regime but never really “planned” to become the head of the state. In fact,
before becoming the president of the country he was under the assumption that the politics were
more or less like military matters but it was only when he came face to face with politics he
realized his grave mistake of assuming such things. Thus his reign is marked by his extreme
dependency on the so-called experts of various fields.

A distinct feature of his reign was that he was highly dependent on his military fellow men and
almost all the civil administrative seats were occupied by military officials. For instance, after
becoming the Chief Martial Law Administrator, Yahiya Khan founded a Council of
Administration. There were four members in all. He himself was the head of that council while
the rest of the three were military officials. It was only later in August 1969 that a Council of
Ministers replaced the Council of Administration to give civilian look to the regime. Ironically,
only two members of the new council were civilians.

Another aspect of his personality, being the head of the Pakistan state, was
that he was not very interested in handling the matters personally and
usually leaves the matters to the people concerned. It was that very lack of
devotion and interest that brought severe consequences for Pakistan in the
form of its dismemberment. Since his reign was very short he could not
bring drastic or lasting changes. Few of the reforms that he tried to bring
were that his regime tried to reform administrative machinery and thus
after a little inquiry 303 government servants were suspended. They were
trialed by the army tribunals and were either dismissed or retired. His
government also tried to put restrictions on the trade unions that did not
prove fruitful and unlike his predecessor Ayub Khan his sway in power did
not witness radical industrial or agricultural reforms.”
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His political reign was marked by these significant features
A: Legal Framework Order 1970
B: Dissolution of One-Unit
C: Holding of Pakistan’s first free elections on adult franchise
D: Success of Pakistan People’s Party in West Pakistan and of Awami League in East Pakistan
that confirmed the drastic political differences between the two wings of the country.
E: The war of 1971 and the division of Pakistan into two independent states. [CITATION Has86 \p
222-223 \l 1033 ]
After, Yahiya Khan becoming the President of Pakistan declared that he aimed to restore law and
order in the country, form a new constitution and return to the barracks. That’s why he
announced to hold free and fair elections as soon as possible. The elections, though, were not
held “as soon as possible” as announced for several reasons. But one of the major reasons of
delay was President’s obvious lack of interest. The One-Unit scheme was a bone of contention
among the West Pakistan provinces and that was the reason that the people around the president
kept on insisting him to dissolve it. So finally in early 1970 Yahiya Khan announced the Legal
Framework Order to determine principles for the new would be constitution of Pakistan. It also
announced that the One-Unit would end on 1 st July and the government will held free elections
on adult franchise. As promised the One-Unit dissolved on the promised date. The elections were
postponed for some reasons including floods and cyclone in the East Pakistan. When finally held
in December 1970, they were indeed free and fair and were held in a peaceful manner.

It was the weakness of Yahiya Khan and his lack of political farsightedness that he did not settle
the issue of provincial autonomy before the elections. The Awami League and Mujeeb were
insisting to accept their Six-Point Formula while Bhutto and his party were not willing to accept.
The President met Mujeeb and tried to convince him to compromise on certain points for which
he promised. Again Yahiya did not perceive the intentions of Mujeeb and his party and did not
see the trouble coming. Thus after the elections Mujeeb backed out and refused to discuss or
amend the Six-Points at any cost.
Yahiya asked Mujeeb twice to come to West Pakistan for negotiations to resolve the matters that
were causing growing gap between the two wings but Mujeeb refused and said if someone
wanted to talk to him he should come to Bengal. Thus the President himself had to go to a
politician on 11-14 January 1971 and literally requested Mujeeb that if he was not willing to visit
Islamabad he could at least meet Bhutto and discuss matters with him. Mujeeb finally agreed and
then the President had to go to Larkana to convince Bhutto this time to visit Dhaka. [ CITATION
Say59 \p 156 \l 1033 ]
End of General’s Legacy

Then again when the political situation in the country came to a deadlock due to the failure
of negotiations between PPP and AL, Yahiya Khan thought it best to postpone the meeting of the
National Assembly not realizing they would be impact of this postponement. Thus the East
Pakistanis came on the streets to protest against this decision of his. Then again instead of
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finding a peaceful solution to that problem and planning himself he acted on his fellow military
men’s advice and took to military action. That again led to more
riots. Similarly when the situation grew worse in Bengal, Yahiya
again listened to army and under Lieutenant-General Tikka Khan,
who was well-known for his repute of violence, he authorized the
military to do whatever it takes to restore law and order in the
region. As we all know that this decision led to severe
consequences and resulted in the division of the country. Yahiya
regime, thus, is accused for being one of the major causes of the
division of Pakistan but we cannot suspect his intentions, for,
although, during his time the Bengalism reached its peak due to
economic disparities between the two wings of the country, he
really tried to reduce the grievances of the Bengalis. During his
very short reign, for the first time, a Bengali was appointed as the
Chief Secretary of East Pakistan. He also doubled the recruitment
of Bengalis in the Pakistan army. The budget was also molded to help reduce economic
disparities between the two wings of the country. But all these efforts could not make the
Bengalis satisfied and thus their strong intention to be free and Yahiya’s weakness in handling
the affairs fairly led to the dismemberment Pakistan. After the end of the 1971 war and
separation of Bengal, people of the “remaining” Pakistan came out on the streets declaring
Yahiya and his fellows, traitors and asked for his removal from his designation. So under strong
public pressure he resigned and asked Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, president of the PPP to from
government. Yahiya Khan died on 10 August 1980 in Rawalpindi.” [ CITATION Say59 \p 200 \l 1033
]
The Military under Fire once Again (1977-88)
“On July 5, 1977 Zia Ul Haq, planned and overthrew the ruling Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto, in a coup d’état, getting advantage of widespread civil disorder. He became the state’s
third ruler to impose martial law. The primary line of his military government was his idea of
religious conservatism in Pakistan. After getting power throughout the 80’s Zia managed to get
more and more powers in his hands, and slowly and gradually put down all the opposing forces
in Pakistan. Initially he started his rule as Chief Martial Law Administrator, but later became the
president of Pakistan. Zia forcefully crushed the secular-communist and socialist democratic
struggle led by Benazir Bhutto the eldest daughter of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Zia abandoned the
previous economic policies of Bhutto, and replaced them with capitalism and privatization of the
major industries of Pakistan that had been nationalized by Bhutto in 1970s. During his regime,
the Pakistan economy became one the fastest growing economies in South Asia. However,
during this period of economic and social change, Zia curbed and violently dealt with the
political rivals in 1980s.
His reign is often regarded as a period of mass military repression in which hundreds of
thousands of political rivals, minorities, and journalists were executed or tortured. Domestically
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Zia initiated the consolidation of nuclear development earlier initiated by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. He
is also remembered for denationalization and deregulation and the state’s Islamization. During
his tenure the Bloch insurgency was disbanded. He is most remembered for his foreign policy;
the subsidizing of the Mujahedeen movement during the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
which led to the Soviet-Russian withdrawal from Afghanistan Socialist Republic. Zia entered
into an undeclared secret war with Soviet Afghanistan and its ally Soviet Union. Zia authorized
secret funding and expansion of intelligence operations in Pakistan and abroad, initially focusing
on anti-communist operations. He was described by some as a “fundamentalist Sunni dictator”.
Zia was commissioned in the British Indian Army in a cavalry regiment on May 12, 1943 and
served against Nazi Germany and its allies in World War II. After Pakistan gained its
independence, Zia joined the newly formed Pakistan Army as a Major. His regiment was now
the Guides Cavalry Frontier Force Regiment. He was trained in the United States in 1962–1964
at the US Army Command and General Staff College Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. After that, he
returned to take over as Directing Staff (DS) at Command and Staff College, Quetta. During the
Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Zia was a tank commander.
Zia was stationed in Jordan from 1967 to 1970 as a Brigadier, helping in the training of
Jordanian soldiers, as well as leading the training mission into battle during the Black September
operations as commander of Jordanian 2nd Division, a strategy that proved crucial to King
Hussein’s remaining in power. By 1973, then Major General Zia was commanding the 1st
Armored Division at Multan.
He was then promoted as Lieutenant General and was appointed commander of the II Strike
Corps at Multan in 1975. It was during this time that Zia invited Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto as the Colonel-in-Chief of the Armored Corps at Multan, using his tailor to stitch the
Blue Patrols of his size. The next day, Bhutto was requested to climb a tank and engage a target,
where the target was quite obviously hit. After the function, Zia met Bhutto, placed his hand on
the Qur’an and said, “You are the savior of Pakistan and we owe it to you to be totally loyal to
you”. On March 1, 1976, Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto approved then-3 star general
Lieutenant-General Zia as Chief of Army Staff and to be elevated to 4 star rank. This promotion
was ahead of a number of more senior officers. This promotion was highly controversial but had
political motives for Bhutto, who saw Zia as firmly religious and an apolitical military figure that
had distaste of politics. Having known the weaknesses of the government Zia imposed Martial
Law, and from then on started his rule, which obviously are remembered as one of the
unfortunate phase of Pakistan history.”[ CITATION Tay83 \p 189 \l 1033 ]
Work & Reforms in General’s Era

Economic Policy under Zia
 Martial Law was imposed by General Zia-Ul-Haq in 1977.
 Zia took over with the declared purpose of resolving the rift between Bhutto’s Peoples
Party and the combined opposition to hold free and fair elections within 90 days.
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 Due to Bhutto’s public popularity, Zia feared that he could return to power through free
elections, therefore the elections were postponed.
 Instead government published a number of white papers outlining Bhutto Administrations
misdeeds.
 Bhutto then charged with the murder of a political opponent was found guilty in March
197 and hanged on 4th April 1975.
There were four factors which helped Zia prolong his rule
1. Efforts to Islamize society to strengthen his political support.

2. Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and Zia’s highly successful efforts to mobilize and
coordinate considerable external assistance for mujahedeen from diverse sources such as
the US and Saudi Arabia increased his political standing and control after 1980.
3. Zia extended the role of the army in governance through extensive use of military
Intelligence, appointment of senior officers to key positions and general dispensation of
patronage to armed forces.
4. Economy under Zia enjoyed a high and sustained rate of growth. The economy expanded
to nearly 6.6% per annum and inflation tended to decline during 77-78. There was a
broad sharing of the benefits of growth. Real wages increased and poverty tended to
decline.
Economic Performance and Policies

 Economic growth averaged 6.6% per annum.
 Economic growth as measured by GNP slowed down during Zia’s last five years.
 During 1977-83, the rapid rise in worker remittances had pushed GNP growth rate to an
annual record of 7.6% per annum.
 As worker remittances tended to decline steadily after 1982-3 and interest payments on
external debt gathered momentum, the GNP growth rate fell sharply to 4.9% per annum
during 1983-8.In the first half of the 1980’s, worker remittances were almost as important
a source of foreign exchange as merchandise exports.
 Unfortunately, the workers’ remittances boom did not translate into a significantly higher
rate of national savings and investments.
 Most of the remittances were directed to consumption and this played a major role in
reducing poverty.
Agricultural Growth and Policies
The agricultural growth increased to 4% in 1977-88 from 2% in 1972-77.
 Wheat production rose from an annual average of 8.5 mill tons in 1975-7 to nearly 13
mill tons in 1986-8.
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 Cotton production increased from 0.5 mill tons average in 1974-6 to 13 mill tons in
1985.87
 Domestic fertilizer production of nitrogenous fertilizer nearly tripled during the first half
of 80’s.
 The government price policies after 1980 improves agricultural incentives, especially for
wheat.
 The agricultural growth since the early 1980’s also benefited from strong growth in
livestock.
 The livestock grew annually by 5.5% in the 80’s and further continued.
 The high burden of fertilizer and wheat subsidies on the budget finally led to a review of
agricultural policies in the early 80’s and a substantial upward adjustment of both
fertilizer and wheat prices.
 The agricultural expansion was mainly due to the past investment and exogenous
technical change.
 The increase in the raw cotton production in 1987’s was mainly due to the development
and spread of improved variety and greater use of fertilizers and pesticides.
Economic Policy under Zia: 1977-1988

Rural electrification spending was 52% higher than original allocations while spending on rural
roads exceeded targets by 29%.
Islamization under Zia

When Zia-ul-Haq took the power in his hands, there was a popular conception that every
government paid only lip service to Islam and no sincere effort was ever made in this direction;
the ruling class had rather resisted the enforcement of Islam. General Zia was aware of such
feelings. So, he directed his attention to the taking of practical measure. Thus the following few
points can be enumerated in this regard: creation of favorable atmosphere, reforms in
information media, ban on obscene adds, contact with Ulama and Mashaikh, eradication of
lawlessness, prayer in congregation, respect for Ramazan, better facilities for Hajj, reorientation
of education policy, making of International Islamic University Islamabad, enforcement of
Hudood ordinance, setting up of Sharia court, sharia bench of Supreme court, Qazi courts,
progress towards Islamic economic system, National language and national dress, decisions
about Qadianis, enforcement of Sharia ordinance 1988. They are further classified as under:
The government of Zia created such an atmosphere where acting upon Islam was appreciated and
opposing Islam was disliked and disapproved. In this regard his personal example played an
important role. He himself acted upon Islamic injunctions, performed Umra annually, offered
prayers regularly five times and his speeches or the lectures he used to deliver reflected his
devotion to Islam.
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His first major step was that he introduced reforms in media as media played an important role in
creating favorable public opinion for a particular system. The promotion of music and dancing
was prohibited and instead reformatory programs were introduced. Azan was aired at prayers
time. Hajj rites were broadcast live on television and Hajj sermon could also be heard on radio.
For some time T.V programs were stopped altogether during Iftar time to provide calm
environment to the Muslims to pray. In addition to that all obscene ads (advertisements) were
banned either on television or newspaper.
1. To enforce Islam effectively the support of Ulama and Mashaikh was necessary. In this
regard, Zia concerned conventions of Ulama and Mashaikh to express their opinion freely and
to criticize government if it is following the un-Islamic path.
2. The Zia government tried to uphold the sanctity of chastity and privacy. In the beginning
law and order was enforced to eradicate vulgarity and obscenity, but later the pace of these
reforms could not be maintained. Hence, with the passage of time the T.V. censorship got
relaxed and with the setting up of democratic government, terrorists and dacoits got active, and
the propaganda of safety of ‘chadar’ and ‘chardivary’ lost its charm and credibility.
3. Arrangements were made for attending the Zuhr prayers, in the government offices and
schools. Nazimin-i-Salat was appointed who used to arrange the managements of the prayers,
and urged the people to offer prayers. In the beginning the high government officers,
Headmasters etc, sued to attend the congregation with punctuality but with the passage of time
relaxation crept in and even Nazimine abandoned their task.
4. To enforce the respect for Ramazan a special ordinance was released, according to which
smoking, drinking, eating publically was prohibited and anyone found doing that could be
imprisoned for three months or could be fined for rupees 500. Media broadcasted special
programs during Ramazan. All food markets were used to be shut down during Ramazan.
5. Opportunity was provided to maximum people to perform Hajj. Khuddam-ul-Hujjaj were
appointed for the guidance of Hajjis, their better residence in Saudi Arabia and medical
facilities were given due consideration by the government.
6. To inculcate Islamic thinking in students, general Zia ordered to review all textbooks and
anything repugnant to Islam and to the ideology of Pakistan was deleted. Islamiat and Pakistan
studies were made compulsory and were introduced in all sorts of educational institutions. The
religious institutions were officially patronized and its degrees were recognized by government.
Arabic was introduced as compulsory subject from sixth to eight Class.
7. To do research in fiqh and principles of Sharia and some other disciplines, Islamic
International University was set up in Islamabad.
8. Four punishments were enforced by an ordinance, on 10, February 1979. Mentioned in
Quran as “Had”. These punishments were cutting of hands for theft, hundred lashes and stoning
for death for adultery and eighty lashes for drinking and for false accusation of adultery.
Appeal against these punishments could only be made in Sharia court. However not even a
single culprit was awarded these punishments.
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9. To enforce Islamic criminal law, Sharia court was set up which enjoyed the status of high
court and it comprised of high court judges and some renowned Ulemas. If anyone claims a law
to be repugnant to Islam, after hearing the court can announce it as null and void. However it
heard cases concerning only to Islamic law.
10. The sharia bench of the Supreme Court was the highest court for appeal regarding Islamic
law and in the same court the principles of Islamic Law could be discussed and interpreted.
11. Qazi courts were made to provide simple and speedy decisions, but due to the opposition
of the lawyers, practical steps could not be taken in this direction.
12. To protect people from the injustice of bureaucracy and the government an ombudsman
was appointed in June 1981, who could convey the complaints of the people.
13. Few steps were taken to model the economic system on Islamic lines. For instance, the
enforcement of Zakat and Ushar system. Zakat is annually deducted from saving accounts and
GDP funds when received, on the first Ramadan. Ushar was collected from those Landlords
whose yield exceeded 948 kg of wheat.
Institutions like Industrial Corporation of Pakistan, N.I.T. and House building finance
corporation were made to eradicate usury they were organized on principle of ‘partnership’
instead of fixed interest. All banks opened profit and loss sharing accounts and all saving
accounts were converted into P.L.S. accounts.
1. To stop the dominance of western culture Zia ordered all the high officials to wear
national dress president and prime minister also wore national dress on important functions. To
promote national language Urdu, it was said that president and finance minister would address
in Urdu. After few years all education would be in Urdu including the official correspondence,
but no effective steps were taken in this regard.
2. The Qadianis were prohibited from using Muslim names of persons, mosque etc. they
were prohibited for all their practices to be named as Islamic. Under the president’s ordinance
if they wanted to live in Pakistan, they will have to accept their non-Muslim identity.
3. Imposition of Sharia was the main slogan of Zia government. When Zia got differences
with Junejo, in 1988, he dissolved Junejo’s government and to satisfy the public minds he
issued Sharia ordinance on June 15, 1988. According to it sharia was declared as the supreme
law of the country and sharia courts were authorized to decide whether the laws in force are
repugnant to Islam or not. Ulema were given the rights to appear before the court of law. Mufti
was appointed by federal government to have his opinion on issues relating to sharia. An
educational commission was proposed which was to recommend education system in
accordance with the teachings of Islam. To promote Islamic values media was utilized and
Islamic Ideological Council was proposed.
4. General Zia is a controversial figure in the history of Pakistan. He was opposed by the
elite class of Pakistan, who were dissatisfied with his rapid Islamization of Pakistan. Political
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Ulema supported Zia but argued that Islamizing the country was not Zia’s Job instead he
should hold elections and transfer power to the elected representatives who will then enforce
Islam. [ CITATION Tay83 \p 301-305 \l 1033 ]
End of Zia Era

“Zia died along with several of his top generals and admirals
and the then United States Ambassador to Pakistan Arnold
Lewis Raphael in a suspicious air crash near Bahawalpur
(Punjab) on 17 August 1988.”[CITATION Has86 \p 301 \l 1033 ]
Winding Back Martial Law in Pakistan Pervez Musharraf Era (1999 – 2007)
Musharraf’s Takeover Background
“On 12 October 1999 was the important day in the history of Pakistan. It was the darkest day for
the democracy of Pakistan. This was the day; Musharraf took the charge of the country by
enforcing Martial Law and ruled out the democracy. Imposing Martial Law is treason and
violation of Article 6 of 1973 Constitution of Pakistan. This was all due to the hide and seek
between that times Government and Army. On 12 October, 1999, Sharif attempted to dismiss
army chief Pervez Musharraf and install ISI director Zia Uddin Butt in his place, but senior
generals refused to accept the decision. Musharraf, who was out of the country, boarded a
commercial airliner to return to Pakistan. Sharif ordered the Jinnah International Airport to
prevent the landing of the airliner, which then circled the skies over Karachi. In a coup, the
generals ousted Sharif's administration and took over the airport. The plane landed with only a
few minutes of fuel to spare, and General Musharraf assumed control of the government. He
arrested Sharif and those members of his cabinet who took part in this conspiracy. American
President Bill Clinton had felt that his pressure to force Sharif to withdraw Pakistani forces from
Cargill, in Indian-controlled Kashmir, was one of the main reasons for disagreements between
Sharif and the Pakistani army. Clinton and King Fahd then pressured Musharraf to spare Sharif
and, instead, exile him to Saudi Arabia, guaranteeing that he would not be involved in politics
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for ten years. Sharif lived in Saudi Arabia for more than six years before moving to London in
2005.
On May 12, 2000 the Supreme Court of Pakistan ordered the Government to hold general
elections by October 12, 2002. In an attempt to legitimize his presidency and assure its
continuance after the impending elections, Musharraf held a controversial national referendum
on April 30, 2002, which extended his presidential term to a period ending five years after the
October elections. Musharraf strengthened his position by issuing a Legal Framework Order in
August 2001 which established the constitutional basis for his continuance in office. The general
elections were held in October 2002 and the centrist, pro-Musharraf PML-Q won a majority of
the seats in Parliament. However, parties opposed to the Legal Framework Order effectively
paralyzed the National Assembly for over a year. The deadlock ended in December 2003, when
Musharraf and some of his parliamentary opponents agreed upon a compromise, and pro-
Musharraf legislators were able to muster the two-thirds majority required to pass the
Seventeenth Amendment, which retroactively legitimized Musharraf's 1999 coup and many of
his subsequent decrees. In a vote of confidence on 1 January 2004, Musharraf won 658 out of
1,170 votes in the Electoral College of Pakistan, and according to Article 41(8) of the
Constitution of Pakistan, was elected to the office of President.”[ CITATION Lod78 \p 12-14 \l
1033 ]
The Situation on 12th October 1999, when Mr. Musharraf took over was that Pakistan
faced
1. Economic bankruptcy.
2. International isolation.
3. The Country was referred to as a ‘failed state’.
4. Political instability and chequered political history of previous governments. Opposition
never allowed an elected government to complete term and derailed the process /
institutions.
Journey Starts of General’s Legacy

“While economic reforms undertaken during his regime have yielded some results, social reform
programs and his liberal views, e.g. on reforming extremist versions of the practices prevalent in
Islam, appear to have met with resistance. Musharraf's power is threatened by extremists who
have grown in strength since the September 11, 2001 attacks and who are particularly angered by
Musharraf's close political and military alliance with the United States, including his support of
the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. Musharraf has survived several assassination attempts by
terrorist groups believed to be part of Al-Qaeda, including at least two instances where the
terrorists had inside information from a member of his military security. Pakistan continues to be
involved in a dispute over Kashmir, with allegations of support of terrorist groups being leveled
against Pakistan by India, while Pakistan charges that the Indian government abuses human
rights in its use of military force in the disputed region. What makes this dispute a source of
39 | P a g e
Session (2014-2016)
special concern for the world community is, that both India and Pakistan possess nuclear
weapons. It had led to a nuclear standoff in 2002, when Kashmiri-militants (supposedly backed
by the ISI) attacked the Indian parliament. In reaction to this, serious diplomatic tensions
developed and India and Pakistan deployed 500,000 and 120,000 troops to the border
respectively. While the Indo-Pakistani peace process has since made progress, it is sometimes
stalled by infrequent insurgent activity in India (including the 11 July 2006 Mumbai train
bombings). Pakistan also has been accused of contributing to nuclear proliferation; indeed, its
leading nuclear scientist, Abdul Qadeer Khan, admitted to selling nuclear secrets, though he
denied government knowledge of his activities. After the U.S. led invasion of Afghanistan, the
Pakistani government, as an ally, sent thousands of troops into the mountainous region of
Waziristan in 2002, in search of bin-Laden (whom the U.S. blames for master-minding the 9/11-
events) and other heavily armed al-Qaeda members, who had allegedly taken refuge there. In
March 2004, heavy fighting broke out at AzamWarsak (near the South Waziristan town of
Wana), between Pakistani troops and these militants (estimated to be 400 in number), who were
entrenched in several fortified settlements. It was speculated that bin Laden's deputy Ayman al-
Zawahiri was among those trapped by the Pakistani Army. On September 5, 2006 a truce was
signed with the militants and their local rebel supporters, (who called themselves the Islamic
Emirate of Waziristan), in which the rebels were to cease supporting the militants in cross-border
attacks on Afghanistan in return for a ceasefire and general amnesty and a hand-over of border-
patrolling and check-point responsibilities, till then handled by the Pakistan Army. Former Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif attempted to return from exile on September 10, 2007 but was arrested on
corruption charges after landing at Islamabad International Airport. Sharif was then put on a
plane bound for Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, whilst outside the airport there were violent
confrontations between Sharif's supporters and the police. This did not deter another former
prime minister, Benazir Bhutto, from returning on October 18, 2007 after an eight year exile in
Dubai and London, to prepare for the parliamentary elections to be held in 2008. However, on
the same day, two suicide bombers attempted to kill Bhutto as she travelled towards a rally in
Karachi. Bhutto escaped unharmed but there were 136 casualties and at least 450 people were
injured.
On November 3, 2007, General Musharraf proclaimed a state of emergency and sacked the Chief
Justice of Pakistan, Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Choudhry along with soother 14 judges of the
Supreme Court. Lawyers launched a protest against this action but they were arrested. All private
media channels were banned including foreign channels. Musharraf declared that the state of
emergency would end on December 16, 2007. On November 28, 2007, General Musharraf
retired from the Army and the following day was sworn in for a second presidential term.
On November 25, 2007, Nawaz Sharif made a second attempt to return from exile, this time
accompanied by his brother, the former Punjab chief minister, Shahbaz Sharif. Hundreds of their
supporters, including a few leaders of the party were detained before the pair arrived at Lahore
International Airport. The following day, Nawaz Sharif filed his nomination papers for two seats
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in the forthcoming elections whilst Benazir Bhutto filed for three seats including one of the
reserved seats for women.”[ CITATION Lod78 \p 18-21 \l 1033 ]
General elections
“On May 12, 2000 the Supreme Court of Pakistan ordered the Government to hold general
elections by October 12, 2002. In an attempt to legitimize his presidency and assure its
continuance after the impending elections, Musharraf held a controversial national referendum
on April 30, 2002, which extended his presidential term to a period ending five years after the
October elections. Musharraf strengthened his position by issuing a Legal Framework Order in
August 2001 which established the constitutional basis for his continuance in office. The general
elections were held in October 2002 and the centrist, pro-Musharraf PML-Q won a majority of
the seats in Parliament. However, parties opposed to the Legal Framework Order effectively
paralyzed the National Assembly for over a year. The deadlock ended in December 2003, when
Musharraf and some of his parliamentary opponents agreed upon a compromise, and pro-
Musharraf legislators were able to muster the two-thirds majority required to pass the
Seventeenth Amendment, which retroactively legitimized Musharraf's 1999 coup and many of
his subsequent decrees. In a vote of confidence on 1 January 2004, Musharraf won 658 out of
1,170 votes in the Electoral College of Pakistan, and according to Article 41(8) of the
Constitution of Pakistan, was elected to the office of President. [CITATION Has97 \p 255 \l 1033 ]
While economic reforms undertaken during his regime have yielded some results, social reform
programs and his liberal views, e.g. on reforming extremist versions of the practices prevalent in
Islam, appear to have met with resistance. Musharraf's power is threatened by extremists who
have grown in strength since the September 11, 2001 attacks and who are particularly angered by
Musharraf's close political and military alliance with the United States, including his support of
the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. Musharraf has survived several assassination attempts by
terrorist groups believed to be part of Al-Qaeda, including at least two instances where the
terrorists had inside information from a member of his military security. Pakistan continues to be
involved in a dispute over Kashmir, with allegations of support of terrorist groups being leveled
against Pakistan by India, while Pakistan charges that the Indian government abuses human
rights in its use of military force in the disputed region. What makes this dispute a source of
special concern for the world community is, that both India and Pakistan possess nuclear
weapons. It had led to a nuclear standoff in 2002, when Kashmiri-militants (supposedly backed
by the ISI) attacked the Indian parliament. In reaction to this, serious diplomatic tensions
developed and India and Pakistan deployed 500,000 and 120,000 troops to the border
respectively. While the Indo-Pakistani peace process has since made progress, it is sometimes
stalled by infrequent insurgent activity in India (including the 11 July 2006 Mumbai train
bombings). Pakistan also has been accused of contributing to nuclear proliferation; indeed, its
leading nuclear scientist, Abdul Qadeer Khan, admitted to selling nuclear secrets, though he
denied government knowledge of his activities.
After the U.S. led invasion of Afghanistan, the Pakistani government, as an ally, sent thousands
41 | P a g e
Session (2014-2016)
of troops into the mountainous region of Waziristan in 2002, in search of bin-Laden (whom the
U.S. blames for master-minding the 9/11-events) and other heavily armed al-Qaeda members,
who had allegedly taken refuge there. In March 2004, heavy fighting broke out at Azam Warsak
(near the South Waziristan town of Wana), between Pakistani troops and these militants
(estimated to be 400 in number), who were entrenched in several fortified settlements. It was
speculated that bin Laden's deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri was among those trapped by the Pakistani
Army. On September 5, 2006 a truce was signed with the militants and their local rebel
supporters, (who called themselves the Islamic Emirate of Waziristan), in which the rebels were
to cease supporting the militants in cross-border attacks on Afghanistan in return for a ceasefire
and general amnesty and a hand-over of border-patrolling and check-point responsibilities, till
then handled by the Pakistan Army.”[CITATION Has97 \p 256 \l 1033 ]
Turning Point of Musharraf Era

“On December 27, 2007, Benazir Bhutto was leaving an election rally in Rawalpindi when she
was assassinated by a gunman who shot her in the neck and set off a bomb, killing 20 other
people and injuring several more. The exact sequence of the events and cause of death became
points of political debate and controversy, because, although early reports indicated that Bhutto
was hit by shrapnel or the gunshots, the Pakistani Interior Ministry stated that she died from a
skull fracture sustained when the explosion threw Bhutto against the sunroof of her vehicle.
Bhutto's aides rejected this claim and insisted that she suffered two gunshots prior to the bomb
detonation. The Interior Ministry subsequently backtracked from its previous claim. However, a
subsequent investigation, aided by the Scotland Yard of U.K., supported the "hitting the sun-
roof"" as the cause of her death. The Election Commission, after a meeting in Islamabad,
announced that, due to the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, the elections, which had been
scheduled for 8 January 2008, would take place on 18 February.”[CITATION Has97 \p 258 \l 1033 ]
Achievements Summary
1. Empowerment of people through devolution at grass roots level.
2. Empowerment of Women at all tiers of government / legislature.
3. Legislation against honor killings.
4. Women Protection Bill.
5. Empowerment of minorities through joint electorate as well as reserved seats.
6. Empowerment of younger generation by reducing voter age from 21 to 18 years.
7. Empowerment of media by allowing total freedom to press and print media and flow of
information.
8. Empowerment of economy through wide ranging economic reforms.
9. Record allocations for science and technology, education and health sectors. Emphasis on
human resource development.
10. Free, Fair, Transparent and Peaceful Elections.
Stock Market
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 Growth of stock market ranged between 44.7% (in 1997-98) and 219.1% during 1988-99.
 As against KSE index of 1,257 points on 12th October, 1999, it was 13,772 in 2006-07.
 As against market capitalization of Rs 334 billion on 12th October, 1999, it was Rs 3,980
billion at the close of financial year 2006-07.
State of Foreign Debt
 Foreign debt and liabilities grew at an average rate of 7.4% per annum during 11 years
from 1989-99. Total debt in 1989 was $20.522 billion which rose to $38.922 billion in
1999.
 If this trend had continued, Pakistan’s external debt and liabilities would have been over
$ 60 billion. This level was brought down to $38.86 billion.
 External Debt and Liabilities (EDL) as % of GDP, which fluctuated between 51% and
66.3% during the period from 1988-99; (66.3% in 1988-89), fluctuated between 42.6%
(2002-03) and 27.1% (2006-07).
Agriculture
 In 1998-99 our country was importing key staples to meet domestic requirements. In
contrast, in FY07, country witnessed significant rise in the productivity in almost all
major crops.
 Agriculture credit market was quite shallow and gross disbursements were only Rs 42.9
billion in 1998-99. Gross disbursements of agro-credit rose to Rs 168 billion in 2006-07.
Social Sector Achievements

Health Sector
 During 1998-1999 total health expenditure was Rs 25 billion which had increased to

Rs 50 billion.
 There had been an increase of about 20,000 registered doctors, around3, 000 registered
dentists, about 15,000 nurses, and 56,000 lady health workers. The quantity, quality and
distribution of this workforce were being improved.
 During 2000-2008 health indicators had shown gradual improvement.
 Many new initiatives in the health sector were undertaken during this period, including
the Expanded Program of Immunization; Polio Eradication Programme; Hepatitis Control
Programme; Primary Health Care Programme, TB Prevention & Control Programme;
Aids Prevention & Control Programme; Blindness Prevention & Control Programme;
National Maternal and Child Health Programme; and National Nutrition Program.
 President’s Special Initiative on Health sector was started. Under this initiative all the
resources in BHUs/ RHCs were being computerized and complete integration of Primary
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Health Service at BHUs were being pursued to improve the health care delivery system.
Programme implemented at 837 BHU & all over Pakistan.
 Public health related legislations enacted since 1999-2000 for promotion of healthy
causes such as Prohibition of Smoking and Protection of Non-smokers, Promotion of
Breastfeeding and Child Nutrition. Transfusion of Safe Blood, Medical Aid to Injured
Persons and Safe Use of Injections & Invasive medical devices.
 Legislation to regulate Tissues and Organ Transplantation has been carried out.
 Urban Health Initiative
 Clinics to be set up in next two years
 815 (Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Peshawar, Quetta).
 Estimated cost
 Rs 1.548 billion (Federal Govt. to fund establishment charges for three years).
Education Spread
 81 new universities including Degree Awarding Institutions (DAI) and 14,117

schools/colleges were opened.
 1,267,519 stipends to the needy students.
 47,546,520 students were provided books free of cost.
 127,623 missing facilities were provided in educational institutions.
Women Empowerment
 National Policy for Development and Empowerment of Women was announced on 7th
March, 2002.
 This policy contained a vision, defined goals, aims and objectives, formulated through a
laborious and detailed consultative process.
 Reservation of 20% women’s seats in the National Assembly (There were 72 women
Members of the National Assembly against 60 reserved seats).
 Reservation of 18% seats for women in the Senate (There were 17 women Members of
the Senate).
 Reservation of women seats in the Provincial Assemblies (There were 139 women
Members of the Provincial Assemblies against 128 reserved seats).
 There were six (6) women members of the then Federal Cabinet, which was an important
step towards increasing women’s role in the national decision – making. We have a
woman as Governor of the State Bank.
 Reservation of 33% seats for women at all tiers of local government remains a hallmark
of the new system centered on the devolution of power (There are 27,624 Women
Councilors against 28,549 reserved seats in local bodies).
Legal and Social Empowerment of Women
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 Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2004 (Honor Killing Bill) enacted.
 Reservation of quota for women in Government jobs including Central Superior Services.
 Presidential Ordinance promulgated on 8th of July 2006, “the Code of Criminal
Procedure (Amendment) Ordinance, 2006,” allowed bail for women held on all charges
with the exception of terrorism and murder. Out of more than 6,000 jailed women,
around 1,000 were freed.
 Enactment of Women Protection Act, 2006 which provides a just and secure environment
for women to work as equal partners for the development of Pakistan.
Poverty Alleviation
 Government’s efforts have resulted in reduction of poverty from 34.4% in 2001 to 23.9%
in 2005.
 In this way one corer 27 lac (12.7 million) people came out of poverty.
 During last 5 years Rs 1,441 billion have been spent on poverty reduction and
employment generation.
Employment opportunities
 During 1999-07, as many as 110,086 teachers, 65,231 Lady Health Visitors and 78,024
personnel in Police Department were appointed.
 1,187,432 job opportunities were created in the Telecom Sector and 126,742 in Local
Government Departments.
 6.6 million Job opportunities were created in Punjab in new business/industries.
 165,609 jobs were provided in various departments in the provinces.
Infrastructure Development
Mega Projects
 Work on 102 mega projects was initiated in various sectors from 2000.
 Such projects included Makran Coastal Highway, Lowari Tunnel, PindiBhattian –
Faisalabad Motorway (M-3), Karachi Northern Bypass, Mirani Dam, Raising of Mangla
Dam, GomalZam Dam, Sabakzai Dam, Satpara Dam, Kachhi Canal, Rainee Canal,
Greater Thal Canal, Gwadar Port, Lining of Watercourses, Mansehra-Naran-Jalkhad
Road, Diamer-Bhasha Dam, Neelum-Jhelum Hydro Electric Project and Islamabad-
Muzaffarabad Road.
 Six projects costing between Rs 1-5 billion have since been completed.
 Work on six projects including raising of Mangla Dam and Lyari Expressway and first
unit of 4 MW of Satpara Dam, was nearing completion.
45 | P a g e
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 Work on the remaining 89 projects was in progress and was scheduled to be completed
during April, 2008 to December, 2016.
 As many as 34,251 development schemes were launched during the period from 1999-07.
Regional Peace and Security

Relations with India
 Building tension free relations with India is in the interest of both countries and the
region.
 Kashmir is at the heart of the past conflict and tension between Pakistan and India. The
President initiated the peace process which aimed at confidence building measures as
well as resolution of disputes. The atmosphere in bilateral relations has since improved
which is important for both countries.
 We are making efforts to resolve Kashmir. The President had put forward his ideas for a
solution which is acceptable to all three Parties especially Kashmir’s. This is possible,
given sincerity, flexibility and courage on the part of leadership in both countries.
 The ideas relate to defining regions of Kashmir, self-governance, demilitarization and
joint mechanism. It is important that Kashmir’s should be free to manage their affairs and
interact with each other. President initiated ideas for the bus service and opening of five
routes across the L.O.C.
 These ideas have generated positive resonance among the Kashmir’s. The President had
interacted with leaders of APHC on a number of occasions who supported the President’s
ideas.
 Pakistan is ready to show flexibility and move forward depending on Indian reciprocity.
 We also want to move forward on resolution of issues including Siachen and Sir Creek in
a positive manner.
 The best confidence building is the ability to resolve problems.
 Trade between Pakistan and India has increased. But trade and interaction especially in
cultural areas depend on trust and confidence.
 We want to maintain the peace process and hope for early settlement of disputes which
could turn a new page of peace, understanding and cooperation in South Asia.
Afghan Jirga
 The recent Afghan Jirga has been a positive development particularly the decision by the
Jirga to constitute a 50 member Council (25 from each side) which inter alia is mandated
to talk to “opposition” for peace in the area.
The President had himself attended the concluding session
 At the Jirga as well as in other meetings, the two countries have also agreed not to
provide shelter to subversive and anti-state elements from either side. There is also need
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to stop exchanging accusations against each other. What is needed is cooperation to
counter the common challenges. The Jirga has registered success in that direction.
 Pakistan-Afghan trade is close to 1.2 billion dollars. Pakistan has contributed US $ 300
million for reconstruction and rehabilitation inside Afghanistan. Half of this amount was
disbursed on projects that were completed including the Torkham-Jalalabad road.
Extremism and Terrorism
 We need to counter the danger of extremism and terrorism for our own sake, for the
stability and progress of our society.
 The international community also has expectation from us in this regard. We can differ
on the approach to counter these forces but everyone rejects violence, terrorism and
extremism.
 Extremism is a state of mind. There is need for a comprehensive strategy that combines
political and administrative measures, socio-economic development and military action
for an effective strategy.
Relations with United States
 It is an important relationship which is not limited to cooperation in counter-terrorism.

After the EU, the US is the largest trading partner of Pakistan. We have large US
investments in the country and there is nearly one million strong Pakistani expatriate
communities in the United States.
 The US also desires long term sustainable, strong, strategic relations with Pakistan. In
developing this relationship, both countries ought to remain sensitive to each other.
 The notion that Pakistan’s policies are influenced by the United States is wrong. Our
foreign policy is shaped primarily by our own national interests. However, in determining
our interests we have to understand the regional and global environment and our relations
with other countries.
 Our independent policy is evident in our refusal to contribute troops in Iraq or our
position on Iran which opposes use of force or our position on IPI or our position on
peaceful use of nuclear technology.
 We also have differences of perception with the United States. For addressing terrorism,
we insist on addressing the root causes. But these differences should not imply that we
adopt a course of confrontation with the United States or for that matter with any country.
Such an option would be disastrous in today’s world.
 In response to questions about perceived US involvement in Pakistan’s affairs, it may be
mentioned that friendly countries are interested in political stability and progress in
Pakistan. They have an interest in the political developments in Pakistan. However, these
developments are determined by ground realities in the country. The government’s
strength is primarily derived from what it has achieved in the country. [ CITATION Mus03 \p
112-116 \l 1033 ]
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Relations with Islamic countries
 We enjoy close brotherly ties with brotherly Islamic countries and play an active role
within the OIC.
 The President had visited number of Islamic countries (Arab and non-Arab countries) in
an effort to bring focus on the Middle East situation specially the problems of Palestine
and Iraq and the rising confrontation in the Gulf region. The President was subsequently
invited to address the Arab League Summit in Riyadh.
 We have special relations with the Gulf countries which regard Pakistan as an important
anchor of stability in the region.
 The President has made efforts to reform and strengthen the OIC.
The United Nations

 Pakistan continues to play an active role in the United Nations and other international
forums. Pakistan remained member of the Security Council 2003-2004 and held the
Presidency of ECOSOC in 2005 and is presently the Chairman of G-77. [ CITATION
Abi01 \l 1033 ]
Resigning of President Musharraf
“A general election was held in Pakistan, according to the revised schedule, on February 18,
2008,). Pakistan's two big and main opposition parties, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPPP) and
the Pakistan Muslim League (N) (PML (N)), won majority of seats in the election and formed a
government. Although, the Pakistan Muslim League (Q) (PML (Q)) actually was second in the
popular vote, the PPP and PML (N) have formed the new coalition-government.
On August 7, the deadlock between ruling parties ended when the coalition government of
Pakistan decided to move for the impeachment of the President before heading for the restoration
of the deposed judiciary. Moreover, they decided that Pervez Musharraf should face charges of
weakening Pakistan's federal structure, violating its constitution and creating economic impasse.
After that, President Pervez Musharraf began consultations with his allies, and with his legal
team, on the implications of the impeachment; he said that he was ready to reply to the charges
levied upon him and seek the vote of confidence from the senate and the parliament, as required
by the coalition parties. However, on August 18, 2008, President Pervez Musharraf announced in
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a televised address to the nation that he had decided to resign after nine years in
power.”[ CITATION Lod78 \p 99-100 \l 1033 ]
Criticisms of Musharraf Government

Among the various criticisms of Musharraf's rule, there are two that particularly stand out:
1. Musharraf's Support for US War on Terror
“Musharraf has been heavily criticized for siding with the United States and angering the
Taliban and their sympathizers who have been attacking and terrorizing Pakistani state
and its people. As mightily as Pakistan has suffered at the hands of the Taliban and al
Qaeda terrorists and their affiliates since 911, I do believe that Pakistanis would have
been much worse off if Musharraf had not sided with the United States when asked after
the worst terror attacks on US mainland. The consequences of refusal to help the
US would have ranged from direct and massive NATO attack (probably with Indian help)
on Pakistan to crippling sanctions and complete political and diplomatic isolation on the
world stage.”
2. Musharraf's Failure to Increase Energy Supply
“There was double digit annual growth in industrial production in Pakistan from 2000-
2007, and the rising incomes and standards of living put pressure on energy supplies,
particularly electricity. However, the situation was being managed to assure only short
interruptions in supply to maintain and ration insufficient power generation capacity. For
example, in June 2007, the power cuts in Pakistan lasted no more than 3 or 4 hours a day.
Today, the situation is far worse with 10-12 hrs. Or more of load shedding every day, in
spite of a stagnant economy. It is becoming increasingly clear that it is the total absence
of financial management, not just insufficient installed generating capacity that is the
crux of the Pakistan. Riots have broken out as the Punjab, Pakistan's largest province,
finds itself in the midst of the worst ever electricity crisis in the nation's history. The
power shortfall has reached almost 9000 megawatts across the country, over half of the
total demand of about 17000 MW. Many public and private power producers have shut
down their power plants due to the suspension of fuel supply by Pakistan State Oil, the
state-owned oil company, according to a report in the Express Tribune. The oil company
is demanding payment of Rs. 155 billion in outstanding dues from the power producers
before resuming fuel supply.NRO (National Reconciliation Ordinance) was one of them.
Pakistani Nation was looted under this act. Musharraf legalize this illegal ordinance.
According to this, a plenty of loans of parliamentarians, bureaucrats and politicians were
removed by this act. And this was the only act that Musharraf considered his mistake
during his period. Another aspect is the pending process of Kala Bagh Dam. If it could
complete, a more than half of electricity and water crisis of Pakistan would resolve. But
when he was asked about that, he replied that re-establishment of Kala Bagh Dam was
the controversial. . If Army killed Akbar Bugti in his era, if operation of Lal Masjid could
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held in his era then why not Kala Bagh Dam re-established in his era? This is the big
question mark that what he was thinking about Kala Bagh Dam.” [ CITATION Ian09 \p 225 \l
1033 ].
Zarb-e-Azb: The Operation that Changed the Course
“We can safely say that the operation itself has

broken the back of the TTP operationally and
strategically:
The loss of the bases in North Waziristan and

Tirah Valley, the elimination of public support
among the residents of FATA, and the
elimination of the munitions and bomb making
factories. Additionally, with the leadership of the
TTP, Lashkar-e-Islam and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar
fleeing across the border to Afghanistan, there is
a confusion among the fighters still trapped in FATA. The result has given Pakistan many
months of peace and the opportunity to eliminate all the facilitators and financiers of these
monsters.
From Tirah Valley to Swat, Waziristan to Karachi, the armed forces have been intertwined in
winning battle after battle in the domestic war that had engulfed the nation. We can honestly
state that the armed forces have successfully defended Pakistan’s sovereignty, but the war is far
from over. When we look at operations like Rah-e-Nijat, Rah-e-Haq, and Zarb-e-Azb, we need to
be careful in understanding that military operations have a different measure of success
compared to political rehabilitation campaigns. In a military campaign, the armed forces are
primarily interested in the re-capture of territory and the elimination of the threat. In
rehabilitation campaigns, the goal is to rejuvenate the areas, eliminate the opportunities that these
groups thrive on, and give the nation a peaceful existence. Both are essential to the overall
success, otherwise short-term gains are lost and skirmishes increase. While many would like to
point the finger at the armed forces for the military campaign, what they fail to understand or
accept is that without Zarb-e-Azb, the terrorists could have still be attacking Pakistan at will.”
The Watershed Movements
“When discussing Pakistan’s fight against terrorism, we can point to watershed moments, which
redefined the entire war. In terms of our fight against terrorism, we can identify three specific
watershed moments – 9/11, Lal Masjid and Peshawar Army Public School. We all understand
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the crater that was created in world peace on September 11 and the mandate that was given to the
Bush administration in the United States. We all understand that this one act of terror turned the
US administration and its citizens squarely against Muslims because the Western media refused
to identify the differences between the terrorists and the true Muslims. The importance of that
statement also relates to the internal problems that were faced by all the Muslim countries due to
poor media reporting.
Many have argued that former President General (R) Musharraf pushed Pakistan into someone
else’s war, but let’s be clear for once. Let us assume that Musharraf and his advisors had said no
to the US coalition and becoming a frontline state in the Global War on Terror (GWOT). The
world already -- though wrongly -- believed that Pakistan, its armed forces and the ISI was
fostering and exporting terrorism, a “fact” that has been repeatedly stated in the global media
after every terror attack. Should not an intelligent, logically thinking human being actually
believe that Pakistan in that case would not have been a target of the US in this war?
The second watershed moment was the Lal Masjid buildup and the operation. Most of us still
remember the black masked faces of the Lal Masjid Brigade rampaging through Aabpara Market
shutting down DVD and music shops, barber shops and anything else they felt was against their
interpretation of Islam. These same people, and I use that term very loosely, also took to
kidnapping police officers, salon owners and many others to force them to accept the Lal Masjid
interpretation of Islam, otherwise they would face the consequences of an over-radicalized imam.
Ghazi Rashid, the leader of the Lal Masjid Brigade, followed the same leadership model as
Fazlullah in Swat – strike fear into the hearts of those who disagree with you. Ghazi Rashid
famously told the Musharraf government and the international media about the 50,000 suicide
bombers they had trained and spread across Pakistan to wreak havoc on the nation if the
government took any steps to stop them. Many of the militant groups around FATA also took
oaths of allegiance to Ghazi Rashid, promising to stand firmly alongside throughout the fight.
This was a watershed moment for the entire nation, whether they realized it or not, and that
moment still exists today. Before the operation started, the entire nation was against the actions
of the Lal Masjid Brigade. They were vocal and were angry when they demanded the
government to take action against the terrorists. The newspapers were filled with articles
decrying the “inaction” of the Musharraf government, and the constant questions about how the
masjid was able to get such weaponry in the country’s capital, the obvious finger being pointed
was at the ISI, rather than the weak policing across the country.
We would remise if we didn’t point out an exchange of dialogues between President Musharraf
and a famous anchorperson. He asked General Musharraf why his government had not taken
action against Lal Masjid. Musharraf’s response was as calculated and correct as we would
expect from an Army Chief – “I know that today you are asking me to take action, but I know
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the day that I do, you will be the first to criticize me and my government for doing what you
asked us to do.”
“India’s Line of Control violations are nothing more than an attempt to draw Pakistan’s
attention away from the real fight within the country. India’s own strategy of using proxies
against Pakistan has failed miserably since Zarb-e-Azb started and now the Indian
government and military have reverted to ad hoc military planning and boisterous claims
of being able to break Pakistan at will.”
And that is exactly what happened days later when the Army took up positions outside Lal
Masjid. When the first bullet was fired from Lal Masjid, the media’s position turned against and
suddenly the terrorists became innocent victims of a “brutal government and military”. What
people forgot was that same “brutal government” facilitated the escape of over 700 people from
the masjid, without forcibly arresting them for their involvement in terrorist activities. What the
people didn’t know was that many of the students inside Lal Masjid were being held there by
force. The public opinion shifted and the operation, while extremely successful, was used against
the government in the civilian courts, as if they had murdered innocent people without remorse
or reason.
We still, to a great extent, haven’t recovered from that positional shift because it involved a
solidification of a mindset. For eight years, there wasn’t a day that people didn’t fear a potential
attack outside their school, home, office or busy market. The terrorists had succeeded in striking
fear into the hearts of media personalities who needed to broadcast the national narrative. The
people of Pakistan became the victims that were never spoken, never considered and never
acknowledged. The government had spent one year negotiating with the Tehrik-e-Taliban
Pakistan (TTP), which had emerged as a coalition of terror groups after the Lal Masjid operation,
to avenge their fallen brothers. The negotiations had caused splinter groups to emerge from the
mainstream TTP that were more brutal than the TTP itself.
Then, the morning of December 16, 2014 came at Army Public School in Peshawar. As the
children were seated in the auditorium, terrorists broke through the gates and opened fire on the
innocent children, teachers and administration. There are rumors that some of the terrorists had
lists of names and they sought out the children that matched those names. This was the third
watershed moment for Pakistan. If the attack on Army Public School was an attempt to shake the
military and the confidence of the nation, it catastrophically failed to deliver. Rather than finding
fear, the attack had galvanized the nation into taking serious and decisive action against the
individuals who had attempted to take Pakistan hostage. While politicians were still trying to
wrap their heads around what had happened, the armed forces had already opened up attack
plans and were hitting terrorist hideouts, munitions depots and assets within hours of the APS
attack.”
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Operation Zarb-e-Azb (15 June 2014)
“Operation Zarb-e-Azb is a conglomeration of lessons learned during Operation Al Mizan, Rah-

e-Nijat and Rah-e-Haq, not to mention other operations that have taken place over the past 14
years throughout the country. Rah-e-Haq and Rah-e-Nijat showed us the difference between
having the public support in an area. During the first operation in Swat, the armed forces didn’t
have much of public support, as a result, the terrorists were being given safe haven by the
citizens of the district. During the second operation, the public support was eliminated through
the acts of the TTP itself and resulted in a completely different battle.
We can safely say that the operation itself has broken the back of the TTP operationally and
strategically: the loss of the bases in North Waziristan and Tirah Valley the elimination of public
support among the residents of FATA and the elimination of the munitions and bomb making
factories. Additionally, with the leadership of the TTP, Lashkar-e-Islam and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar
fleeing across the border to Afghanistan, there is a confusion among the fighters still trapped in
FATA. The result has given Pakistan many months of peace and the opportunity to eliminate all
the facilitators and financiers of these monsters.
The problem, that Pakistan is most concerned with, is in Afghanistan. With a weak government
in Kabul, in-fighting among the leadership and a serious attempt by the Indian government to re-
establish the proxies they once enjoyed in Kabul, few predict that Afghanistan is a powder keg
waiting to explode.
What is also interesting is the strategic shift of the Government of Pakistan to support the armed
forces both in the battlefield and in the courtroom. The same government that we watched
bumble through the negotiation process has stepped up and given the country, the Pakistan
Protection Ordinance, the still toothless National Action Plan, the 21st Amendment to the
Constitution of Pakistan establishing military courts and a concerted narrative to garner more
public and moral support for the operation and the military itself. The public support for the
operation and the military is crucial, as we have seen through the watershed moments. Without
public support, the operation, either militarily or politically, will never achieve the final result.
As we have seen in the past, the media of Pakistan tended to walk a fine line between supporting
the national narrative and giving airtime to the known terrorists. This was also evidenced after
the APS attack when the media discussed the validity of the terrorist argument of killing children
because they were of fighting age. These conversations and arguments don’t happen when media
is doing its job responsibly. Since the start of Zarb-e-Azb, we have seen the military leadership
gaining more popularity. We have seen the international media doing their best criticizing
Pakistan from different positions, but they have been unable to shake the resolve of the nation.
However, the “do more” mantra has disappeared from all quarters of the international
community.”
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Where Do We Go From Here
“There are three distinct types of people involved in this war. There are the participants; whether
in uniform or enemy combatants, standing on either side of the battlefield, fighting for what they
believe. There are spectators; the general public and media, who watch the carnage on television
and take sides based on the limited information they receive. Finally, and most importantly, there
are the victims who pay with their limbs, lives and family members for being at the wrong place
at the wrong time. The global audience watches the show from the comforts of their living
rooms, but they aren’t interested in the victims, they are interested in the fight. They see things in
black and white, good versus evil, and us against them. For us, we don’t have the privilege of
black and white, good versus evil, because we have a nation that is divided along ethnic and
religious groupings. We must see things in shades of grey, who could potentially be a problem in
the near future or long-term, but those shades of grey must not become the determining factor in
where our fight against these terror groups leads. Instead, we must be looking at the next logical
step in the expansion of the operation.
Over the past six months, we have seen the Karachi Operation kick off with great success in
arresting and silencing terrorists embedded within political parties, the religious community and
the general public. The Sind Rangers, against all obstacles from the provincial government, have
achieved what was needed for Karachi, without the political point scoring. While the largest
political parties in the province are arguing about the scope and the tenacity of the operation, the
Rangers continue to silence threats to the peace of the city. This operation must continue to a
logical conclusion, even if it means declaring some political parties as enemies of the state for
their support of militant gangs and terrorists. In Balochistan, the armed forces and para-military
have ramped up their operations against the separatist groups and leaders, drawing intelligence
and operational information from those who have been captured and questioned. We have also
seen number of fighters surrendering their weapons because they understand that once the
Pakistan Army enters the battlefield, as planned by the top command, they will not have the
opportunity again. Throughout Punjab, we are witnessing the successes of Intelligence Based
Operations (IBOs) in taking down extremist and terror networks that have become an albatross
around Pakistan’s neck in the international community. Southern Punjab, the home base of many
of the extremist groups has been quietly targeted and lead is being taken by the armed forces,
causing the same confusion in the fighters that we are seeing in the TTP currently. Malik Ishaq
and his top commanders being eliminated is evidence of the success of the operations, whether
through police or military action. The problem, that Pakistan is most concerned with, is in
Afghanistan. With a weak government in Kabul, in-fighting among the leadership and a serious
attempt by the Indian government to re-establish the proxies they once enjoyed in Kabul, few
predict that Afghanistan is a powder keg waiting to explode. The powder keg became more
unstable over the past year with Daesh moving into the region, the Taliban losing the leadership
of Mullah Omer and al-Qaeda attempting to re-assert itself. This is all without considering the
new oaths of allegiance from the TTP, Gulbadin Hekmatyar and other splinter groups to Daesh
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and the potential implications of their growth along our border. The US military command has
also taken this extremely seriously with a recent statement that the emergence of Daesh in
Afghanistan could slow the US troop withdrawal, planned for the end of this year. India’s
violations of Line of Control are nothing more than an attempt to draw Pakistan’s attention away
from the real fight within the country. India’s own strategy of using proxies against Pakistan has
failed miserably since Zarb-e-Azb started and now the Indian government and military have
reverted to ad hoc military planning and boisterous claims of being able to break Pakistan at will.
This is the same country that hasn’t been able to break the spirit and resolve of the Kashmiri
people, but somehow believe that with 10 days of operations they can beat Pakistan’s armed
forces who have been fighting a continuous war for 14 years. The true test for the government
will come at the United Nations General Assembly and its willingness to openly and publically
present the evidence that India is behind the instability and insurgencies in Pakistan. With the
world and regional players looking towards Pakistan to assist in stabilizing the region, Pakistan
needs to deliver a clear message to everyone that any attempts to destabilize, infiltrate with
proxies or attack on Pakistan will be met with a clear and forceful response, both militarily and
diplomatically.”(Khattak, 2015)
Criticism on Military
Martial law will only bring more violence and instability to Pakistan. The imprisonment of
secular leaders of civil society boosts jihadi groups. The targeting of moderate political parties
empowers the Islamists. Censorship of the media makes the mosque more potent as a means of
communication. The destruction of the institutions of the rule of law opens the door wider to
extremism. Military rule has not brought peace to Pakistan in the past eight years; indeed conflict
has worsened across the country. There is absolutely no reason to believe that its continuation in
any form, including with a civilian façade such as might be created by rigged elections, would do
better.
The time has come to take a principled stand that will benefit the real security, both immediate
and long-term, of all who face the threat of extremism in Pakistan and elsewhere. Military rule
has given jihad’s the political space and support that has allowed them to prosper. The only way
to tackle extremism effectively in Pakistan today is through a democratic government that has
the legitimacy to move against it and the political means to find solutions. A return to democracy
is essential for stability in Pakistan and security around the world.
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Conclusion Democracy or Martial Law in Pakistan:
In short, Pakistan inherited the well-established tradition of supremacy of civil-political over

military institution under British political theory. Within a few years of her independence,
Pakistan encountered the ever growing influence of military into politics. Ultimately, unlike
India, Pakistan degenerated into a praetorian state with dreadful political, social and economic
fallouts. This process of militarization of Pakistan owes its transformation to multiple variables
as have been discussed. No single factor can be cited as the sole cause; rather, a cluster of causes
led to the intervention of military into politics in Pakistan.
Musharraf’s era was the best era of 64 year history of Pakistan with respect to progress and
prosperity in every field of life. Progress was on its peak at that time. He started a plenty of new
projects for the development of the Pakistan. He started tax free industrialization to urge the
foreign investors. His plan worked and a number of multi-national companies launched in his
era. The impact of that was the increasing number of jobs in his era. It was very difficult to find
out skilled laborer for small level construction.
If we talk about education, as earlier mentions, his era was the best. He was very education
loving. Actually, he was loved of all things that make Pakistan progress, as his slogan, “Pakistan
comes First”. This was some of the good Musharraf delivered to Pakistan during his martially-
democratic rule from 1999 to 2008. Strange how quickly we forget his foreign policy efforts,
which helped elevate the image of Pakistan globally added acceptance value to our green
passports. Even the Indians next door were ready to discuss Kashmir for a solution and praised
the man for his sincerity, honesty and amicable handling of the issues. In long and short,
Musharraf’s era was not an ideal but still better than all the other eras of ether democratic or
dictatorship eras in Pakistan.
But Martial law does not have even a single advantage. But the people of Pakistan always
welcome it with open arms. Firstly, martial law is not liked by the rest of the world. The
advanced countries break relations with the country that has martial law. They stop every aid or
favor at once. They do not sanction any loans. Secondly, in martial law people do not enjoy basic
rights. Even law courts work according to the directions of the army. So, it is better to have
democracy in the country. The only point is that there must be true democracy and the common
people should be given chances to choose representatives from among themselves. But as a
Pakistani we should prefer democracy because it a best form of government and as a free people
we have the right to choose our own leader according to our desire. This is an Islamic Republic
country. So it should run according to the constitution.
Role of Bureaucracy in Pakistan Politics
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Meaning of Bureaucracy
It is a French word which means a desk government,
it mean official government.
Definition of Bureaucracy
 Bureaucracy is an official government, which
runs by officers which called bureaucrats.
 Bureaucracy is taken from the world bureau
which means desk government. The people
who do administrative work in a state,
government or organization.
 According to Bovey, Bureaucracy is an
administrative staff which commands and serves
as a bridge between the rulers.
 According to Thill, Bureaucrats are those people who are not elected but they are running
the government affairs.
“This term is used to refer government in administrative way the bureaucracy has a role in many
aspect of a state. The control the policies laws the way of their own concern. In developed
countries the bureaucracy play a key role in achieving objectives of a role by implementing the
laws in their to spirit. In this way they helped the legislation period and cooperative with other
institution.
By cooperating with other institution for example judiciary and legislature a since of cooperation
equality and accountability of the institution can be achieved.”(Benveniste, 1997, pp. 183-184)
Historical Background
“It is common knowledge that the term bureaucracy means the administrative staff which
executes commands and serves as a bridge between eh rulers and ruled. It is a distinctive of
organization found not just in government but in all speakers of modern society. It is not worthy
that is the united states, many top positions go to presidential appointees rather than to permanent
civil servants. Let people not say that the government officials who have done so little are in
surplus to our requirements. So for as bureaucratic corruption is concerned, it is referred to be the
corruption engaged in by state employees. In effect this describes a very significant part of
overall corruption as the executive arm of the state is most directly involved in service delivery
and economic and social service delivery and economic and social regulation. (Ahmed, 2015, p.
13).
Historical Overview of Pakistan Bureaucracy
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Pakistan’s apex bureaucratic structure was inherited from the colonial administrative system
whose principle purpose w was administrative control to stabilizes and permute the imperative of
colonialism.
The cadre based system that Pakistan’s bureaucracy inherited was the legacy of the Indian civil
service ICS that stool and the apex of the colonial administrative machinery.
The ICS were provincial level service and the bottom of the hierarchy was the subordinate civil
services the structure came to be known as all India service.
Recruits from the ICS served in the control government and on the important position in the
provinces also. Much of the provincial service cadre served in the province. However the some
mobility of exceptional officers to other provinces of the center.
It was not until 1879 that natives were induct into the upper of the bureaucratic services. After
the formation of the all India civil services almost the entire cadre of the provincial service
consisted of Indians. The induction of the native in the ICS gradually increases between 1887
and 1947.
Unlike the past Indian were not barred from the ICS formally but rigid recruitment rules based
on criteria that were designed exclusively for British civil servant meant that significant entry
barriers for the local population remained. The establishment of a native bureaucracy however
did not mean that Indianization in content and interest happened.”(Ali, Asad, 2006, pp. 6-7)
Characteristics of Bureaucracy
 “Bureaucracy is the personal and administrative structure of an organization the term
bureaucracy is derived from the French term “Bureau” meaning desk. Hens disk
government. It is government by bureaus.
 Bureaucracy is a hierarchical organization of official to carry out certain public
objectives. Bureaucracy is an administrative staff which executes commands and serves
as a bridge between the rulers and ruled.
 The term is used mostly referring to government administrative, especially regarding
official in the federal government and the civil service.
 It is a complex administrative hierarchy characterized by specialization of skill and tasks.
In the institutional meaning it refers to government by officials’ appointed by a superior
or through the exercise of impersonal competition. He is not cleared.
 Bureaucracy maximizes vocational security pensions, texture, incremental salaries and
regularized producers for promotion the system completely dominates personalized
relationship.
 In a developing country the primary function of bureaucracy depends on the culture of a
society its level of socioeconomic development and the culture of political systems. In
most political system bureaucracy has been expected to ensure courtly of policies
political stability up hold rule of law and permute economic development and culture
cohesion. These tradition functions has been forcefully depended by the proponents of
bureaucracy.”(Imtiaz, Memoona, 2011,, p. 387)
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Bureaucracy in Democratic Setup
“The government’s decision to constitute a civil services reform commission headed by a retired
Supreme Court judge is a right step in the right direction. It is the need of the time to bring about
revolutionary changes in the services structure both at federal and provincial levels.
Democracy has been ushered in Pakistan and now it is up to the elected representation to lay a
sound foundation for it. Its role has always remained a controversial administration it has always
played a pivotal role during democracy as well as autocracy. It is now high time that necessary
changes are introduction in recruitment procedure and training with a view to making this
institution more viable and efficient.
Pakistan inherited the boracic set up from the British. In the beginning it comprised only
Englishmen but with growing demand in India.”(Quddus, 1991, p.176).
Bipolarization of Bureaucrats
“The feudal orientation of Pakistan’s political elites. Which are dominated by around 300
influential families obstructed and still obstructing modernization. Social transformation and the
creation of a just and egalitarian order in Pakistan.
This deterioration in Pakistan political culture has adverse spillover effects on Pakistan’s higher
bureaucracy. Deal elites are still depriving the bureaucracy rendering it subservient to the desire
of unscrupulous feudalist politicians. Political changes of the feudal government level
accompanied by transfers and promotions of senior bureaucracy based on consideration of party
affiliation and loyalty were the norms of this political era. Subsequent to Benazir Bhutto’s
assumption of the prime Minister ship in December 1988.”(Shahid, 2007, p. 396)
Role of Bureaucracy in Pakistan

“Pakistan inherited its system of bureaucracy from the system of public administration which
evolved in the Indian sub-continent under British rule since the latter hold of the eighteenth
century. The British Indian system of public administration has some important factures of the
Mughal administrative systems and which remained unchanged until the partitioning of India and
creation of Pakistan in 1947.This system was laid initially to maintain law and order and was not
concern will with the welfare and servicing of the citizens. With the passage of time the system
was revised several times in according with the need of citizen and includes other functions such
as revenge collection, foreign, dispensation of justices and the provision of the basic services.
(M. Imtiaz, Dr. Memoona, 2001, p. 388)
Bureaucracy and Political Parties

In most contemporary political systems the direct impact of partisan concern on bureaucracy has
been consciously limited by a number of structural and procedural devices the most important of
these of course is the institutionalization of the merit system for appointment and relation of
administrations so parties can no longer force large scale changes of administrative personal
when there is a change in governing parties. While some pronged arrangement certainly do exist
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in all political parties systems and widespread use of patronage in generally regarded in western
countries as evidence of corruption and mismanagement.
This self-serving view is somewhat less easy to justify since 1980s as a number of western
countries have begun to politicize their civil services and recruit more specialist political
advisors for minister.
It is our institution to lighter up the regulations and to wipe out the disloyal elements of the civil
service even it by so doing we suffer some temporary dislocation of the service. For disloyal
civil servants are no better than saboteurs. (Peters, B. 2010, pp. 1994-1994)
The Role of Bureaucracy

There is a popular tendency and part time for bureaucrat basking among our thinking Pakistanis
and intellectuals, some of it is well deserved and I happen to occasionally join my compatriots in
this. It is true that the triangle of bureaucracy, military and politicians has rule this country for
most of its existence the triangle would have been praised has the country been moving towards
process prosperity and stability that the reverse has happened and the trend is from bad to worse
has the cure and criticism of those who have been at the helm of affairs and have enjoyed the
power and behalf of the portion is only natural. The three sides of this triangle have been equal,
sometimes politicians have dominated and sometime military has preferred to lead the show the
permanent, resilient and stable side in this rather dynamic and even tumultuous triangular system
has been the bureaucracy. Besides doling out the cure it deserves some praise also. The
bureaucracy through its continuity and resilience has managed to provide some semblance of
structure and structure and stability in this country which has passed through many phases of
turbulence, uncertainty and flux and flux and continues to do so.
A strong, organized, structured, confident, sincere and forward looking bureaucracy is a must for
establishing a stable and viable state system, particularly is our circumstances where politicians
and political system remain to be immature, unseasonal and even often unequal to the task and
responsibilities.”(Ali, 2006, pp. 9-61)
Politicization in Bureaucracy
“Pakistan’s bureaucracy has significantly impede the nation’s politics developmental. The
relationship between Pakistan’s higher bureaucracy and its political elites over the past 56 years
witness considerable alternations and can be analyzed in different phases.
1947-72 the political dimension of Pakistan’s CSP dominated higher bureaucracy after
independence. The bureaucracy’s political clout reached its zenith under president Ayub Khan
but after his abrupt exit from the political arena following widespread and violent civil unrest in
1969.
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1972-77 Bhutto’s rise to power in January 1972 marked the beginning of a new era for
Pakistan’s higher bureaucracy. The civil service reform program Shaffer the bureaucracy’s
illusion of untouchability giving the political elites for eh first time Pakistan history a clear age in
their long running task of stretch with bureaucracy. Fear of rural programs higher bureaucrats
tended to adept a low profile wait and see approach.
1977-88 in July 1977 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was outside by General Mohammad Zia ul Haq in
military coup. Under Zia-ul-Haq’s dictatorship the higher bureaucracy which was shaken to its
root by administrative reforms of 1973.1988-1999 the period unheard a Nawaz era of civilian
rule in Pakistan.”(Imtiaz, Memoona, 2011, p. 395)
Civil Bureaucracy Influence

“In Pakistan, the vital role of bureaucracy in running the system of government cannot be denial
at all in contract to democratic system of parliament the bureaucratic influence remained the key
government institution and parliament remained marginalized most of the time.
The bureaucracy had been the senior parties in the military bureaucratic oligarchy that rolled
Pakistan since its inception. It was powerful enough to keep the military at by even during the
martial law regimes.
The power equation between the executive and the legislative during the early days of country’s
independence was inherited from the British. The colonial powered controlled India through
strengthening the state bureaucracy. This pattern persisted in the excusing year and the civil
military bureaucracy developed on interest of the people as against the supposed partnership of
and personal ambition off professional politicians.
It was not only the civil bureaucracy that was the stronger element in making and forcing the
decisions but the bureaucracy had closed link with the institution of army and both the institution
had close relationship in ruling over country. Sometime one institution had been stronger to
deceit the other one and at sometimes other institution became stronger to control the former one.
However the ultimate arbiter role can only be played by the stronger civil military bureaucracy
and not be democratic institution.”(Mehboob, Rizwan, 2013, p. 173)
Bureaucracy and Political Development
“The term political development has recently evoked much discussion and is often used in
conjunction with the term economic development. To some extent, the latter’s criteria are
objectively or quantitatively determined, but the meaning of political development has not yet
been precisely or clearly established. Political development will be used in a specific way. It will
be used, if will less precision, as the economist uses, self-sustained growth to mean a continuous
process of growth which is produced by force with federal government. The department of
transportation to the federal bureau of investigation to the general services administration was
altered, sometime in fundamental way by the changes instituted in the homeland security art.
These changes in bureaucratic power and organization were inspired by the fact that members of
Al-Qaeda had been living and training in the United States for months even years, prior to
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carrying out the attacks. Although the suspicions of individual bureaucrats had been raised in
certain instances, the failure to connect the dots and uncover the hijacking plot pointed to the
need for an expansion and reconfiguration of government authority in the area of homeland
security. Civil libertarians were concerned that individual rights would be seriously and
unnecessarily eroded. (Lapolombara, 1967, pp. 69-97)
The Contours of Public Bureaucracy
As the uncertainty surrounding the ultimate effects of no child left behind so vividly
demonstrates, many of the policy decisions that most deeply affect people live are made within
public bureaucracy. A public bureaucracy is an organization within the executive branch of
government, whether at the federal state or local level. Such organization run the gamut from the
federal energy regulatory commission to the south Dakota department of game, fish and parks to
the integrated waste management of orange country California the federal branch consists of
dozens of public bureaucracies. Fifteen of their bureaucracies are cabinet departments including
the department of homeland security.” (Balla, 2013, p. 6)
Problems of Bureaucracy
“Bureaucracy can dehumanize the people because it’s never responds to personal needs. It
creates alienation in the organization. Bureaucracy permutes authoritarian values and corrupt
parties violation of human rights and suppression of liberties.
Bureaucracy relies on too many formalities which restrict the officials form taking any
institution. Moreover, excessive retains of formal letters and means and method of working
makes individual very mechanical and inefficient. (M. Imtiaz, Dr. Memoona, 2011, pp. 387-388)
Decay of Pakistan Bureaucracy
The German sociologist Max weber says “highly trained Bureaucratic expert will prevail against
the less expert ministers who ostensibly run the administrative units. The cabinet which
ostensibly guides over any policy and the legislature which ostensibly make policy.”
The bureaucracy in Pakistan is no exception to such predication. It is the group of bureaucracy
who has been along with military generals. Formulating the policies and political as well as
ideological framework of Pakistan. And being hormonally in office, unlike the politicians who
come and go at their hippest. It is they who have the power to actually govern the state as an
administrative group. (M. Imtiaz, Dr. Memoona, 2011, p. 392)
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Corruption in Bureaucracy
Corruption is a vicious cycle corruption breed’s corruption which if unchecked further corruption
and ultimately impedes a nation’s development process. Corruption deliberate and intentional
exploitation of one’s own portion, status or resources directly and indirectly whether it is in
terms of material gain or enhancement of power, prestige or influenced beyond what is
legitimate or sanctioned by commonly accepted norms. The corruption is an acute and pervasive
problem in Pakistan higher bureaucracy and has been observed and commented upon since
independence. The first large scale opportunity for bureaucratic corruption in Pakistan became
evident in the early port independence years when the properties of Hindu and Sikh were
distributed amongst Muslim refugees streaming in from India. Zulifiqar Ali Bhutto’s
nationalization of heavy industries and the banking and insurances sectors in 1973 and the
entrustment of their management to senior bureaucrats, proved yet another opportunity for
corrupt civil servants.”(Imtiaz, Memoona, 2004, p. 397)
Bureaucracy after 9/11
“Once the dust had settled the events of September 11, 2001, precipitated one of the most
significant transformations of public bureaucracy in recent times. Six weeks after the attack,
congress passed and president bush signed into law the USA patriot Act. The patriot act
strengthened the power of bureaucrats all across the government especially at the federal level of
officials were given greater authority to track electronic communications, investigate and disrupt
money laundering detain and depart individual suspected of having terrorist ties and obtain so
called sneak and peek search warrants.
A year later, many of these disparate bureaucratic functions were consolidated into a single
organization, when congress sand president Bush agreed to create the department of homeland
security. As mentioned in chapter 3 this new cabinet department brought together twenty two
agencies and 170,000 employees. Political organization may also be classified according to
whether they are concerned with political activities alone are whether they also deal with other
social activities and kinds of grouping. Accordingly we may distinguish between different type’s
political organization and activities. There is the simple petitioning which may range from that of
an individual to that of a group. There may be attempts to obtain group representation or to usurp
power positions. There is also the structural accumulation of different kinds of cliques and the
formation of political group. Parties which participate in an attempt to influence control political
decisions.”(Balla, S. J. 2013, pp. 239-240)
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Conclusion
It is clear to see that bureaucracy promotes an instrumental form of rationality, which is a type of
decision making which is subject to calculation that goes into an action to increase its chance of
success. Its decisive feature is that it eliminates an orientation to values because they are non-
technical. Rationality is instrumental (formal) when problems are solved by the application of
technical criteria. In opposition, substantive (value) rationality is a type of decision making
which is subject to values and an appeal to ethical norms – this is not something that bureaucracy
is concerned with especially given substantive rationality does not take into account the nature of
outcomes. I also concluded that bureaucracy was substantively irrational following his work and
reading on the overall societal effects of its rise. This is where Weber coined his term of The Iron
Cage of rationality. The idea was that because bureaucracy was becoming so dominant in every
aspect of life and work more and more people’s lives were lived within the constraints of a
rationalized system. It takes ones step further and claims that bureaucracy undermines our very
humanity. Whilst this may seem ludicrous, he presents a very interesting idea. We live in a world
in which every experience is organized from the hospital in which we are born to the undertakers
that take us to our graves.
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East Pakistan Crisis

A Factor in East Pakistan’s Separation Political Parties or Leadership
Introduction
The separation of East Pakistan was culmination of
the weakness of certain institutions of Pakistan’s
political system. This failure of the institutions was
in turn the result of the failure of the leadership of
Pakistan who could not understand the significance
of the political institutions and could not maneuver
the institutions for the strength and unity of Pakistan.
Like in every political system the political parties
were one of the major institutions in Pakistan which
could enable the federation of Pakistan to face the
challenge of separatism successfully. The national
political party could not grow and mature in
Pakistan and thus a deterrent of the separatism could
not be established. It is also reveal that the political
parties were not strengthened by the leaders who
always remained stronger than the parties and
continued driving the parties for the sake of their personal political motives.
The existence of political parties in any federation provides the link among various diverse units
of the state. The parties bring the political elements of different regions close on the basis of
common ideology and programmed. In return, these regions establish their close ties with the
federation. The national, instead of the regional political parties, guarantee the national
integration and become an agent of unity among the units and provinces. The conspiracies
against the state often take place by the individuals while the party culture often supports the
issue-based politics.
Background
The leadership of the West Pakistan was landlord while Bengalis were led by middle class
lawyers, Professors, and retired officials. In the second constituent assembly (1956-58), out of 40
members from West Pakistan, 28 were landlords and Dukes, whereas East Pakistan was
represented by 20 lawyers and 9 retired officials. None of Bengali was landlord.
In a Pakistan that was ‘moth-eaten,’ (as its founding-father Quaid-i-Azam called it) ‘geographic
absurdity’ and divided into two wings with a thousand miles of hostile territory between them,
the deliberate establishment of links between the two wings was very much necessary as the two
wings of Pakistan had very little in common demography, topography, geography, or even in
culture. The ethnic, climatic and economic distinctions between the both parts of Pakistan were
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substantial. On the other hand, there existed external dangers in the form of hostile neighbor like
India and also internal challenge of Bengali separatist movement.
In the result of successful Bengali Movement, Pakistan disintegrated in 1971 when its Eastern
Wing was separated and a new state Bangladesh appeared on the globe. During twenty-four
years of united Pakistan, its leadership committed many mistakes and various situations were
mishandled. The analysis of the Bengali Movement as a whole since its start in 1947 reveals that
on many occasions and in many fields, the sage leadership could reverse the course of the events
and Pakistan’s integration could be saved.
Two limitations of the Pakistani leadership regarding the political parties affected the unity of
Pakistan to a large extent. Firstly in a political culture where growth of political parties was
barred, the development of national political party was another neglected area that required
proper attention and action of Pakistan leadership. The position of Pakistan Muslim League, the
only national political party at the time of establishment of Pakistan, weakened in the course of
time and no other national party could emerge. Secondly, the parties were less important than the
leadership proving that leadership more than the institution of political parties was responsible
for the debacle of East Pakistan. While the national political parties comprising of the political
workers of the both wings would have been a consolidating factor and they were very much
essential for the unique nature of Pakistani polity, in practical, the problem was that no national
party could survive and the regional parties had become stronger than national ones. The
development of regional parties proved to be injurious for the federation of Pakistan when in the
critical times regional political parties having no following and organization in the other wing
won the elections in their respective areas and no national party could join the people of the
country together.”[CITATION bad04 \p 65 \l 1033 ]
Direct Causes
Following are the causes of the fall of East Pakistan:
 Geographical Location of East Pakistan
 Different Social Structure
 Martial Laws
 Language Issue
 Issue Of Provincial Autonomy
 Economic Deprivation
 Role Of International Community
 Election Of 1970s
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 Military Actions In Pakistan
 Indian’s Attack 1971s
Indirect Causes
“Trouble started right at the inception of Pakistan in 1947. Almost immediately, East Pakistan
claimed that as their population (55% as compared to 45% in the west) was greater, they were in
majority. Democratically, the Federal Capital, therefore, should have been in Dhaka and not in
Karachi. Secondly Bengali resented the vast sums of foreign exchange earned from the sale of
jute from East, which were being spent on defense.”[CITATION Kam70 \p 33 \l 1033 ]
The Constitutional Foundation

“The PML’s influence in East Pakistan decreased also due to a fundamental amendment adopted
in PML’s constitution in October 1952. Through that amendment, the representation of various
provinces in the central council of the party was determined on the principle of parity on the
basis of population between East and West Pakistan. The pre-independence division of PML in
East Pakistan into three major factions –Nazimuddin faction, Fazlul Huq faction and
Suhrawardy’s faction – was there when in the early days of Pakistan, Nazimuddin faction
ultimately took hold over party organization and got the positions in Central League.
Surhrawardy faction with its organizational capability enjoyed the hold over the mobilized urban
literati groups, especially the students of East Pakistan. The Fazlul Huq faction though
organizationally weak yet possessed mass support of Bengalis behind it.
Khawaja Nazimuddin, in order to become the president of the League, secured an amendment to
its constitution which would have disqualified his seeking election to the office. During his
tenure as the president of the party he was neither able to establish a properly functioning
Working Committee nor to impose his will in the factional clashes of the provincial branches of
League.”
The Institutional foundation
“The institutional foundation of the PML was further undermined when, at its Dhaka meeting of
October 1952 over which Khawaja Nazimuddin presided, constitutional provision for the annual
election of the office bearers was removed. Thus the office bearers could continue enjoying the
privileges of the offices of party for a longer period without any mandate from the members of
party. Ultimately, the party could easily be driven by the non-elected office bearers. Ch.
Muhammad Ali took decision in this direction in 1955 when he gave leadership of the party to
Sardar Abd-ur-Rab Nishtar. He raised hope that for the first time in the eight years’ history of the
country, the League would, once again become the vehicle of reconstruction and reform. Not
only did the party’s heads of state damage the repute and image of the League, other ruling
personalities also played a role to dent this sole national party. Considerable damage to the party
took place at the formation of Republican Party by Chief Minister West Pakistan Dr. Khan Sahib
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under the influence of President of Pakistan General Iskandar Mirza. The power-seeking leaders
preferred to leave the PML when the Central Working Committee of the party ordered the
ministers in the West Pakistan cabinet of Dr. Khan Sahib to resign or be expelled from the party.
PML was hit hard because it had not popular support and the leaders who were leaving the party
did not fear from any backlash from the workers within the party and their following in
general.”[CITATION Zha06 \p 41-42 \l 1033 ]
Role of Martial Laws

“In October 1958, Martial Law was enforced in Pakistan and the political parties were banned to
function. After the revival of parties that was allowed in 1962, the Conventional Muslim League
was formed under the patronage of President of Pakistan General Muhammad Ayub Khan.
General Ayub had agreed to revive the party politics as a political compulsion. He did not have
personal liking and bent towards the party politics. Therefore, when he was elected party
president in May 1963, he did not desire personally to activate any party and due to stronger
belief in personal endeavors, he did not try to re-organize the Muslim League. It was why that
though he ran 1965 presidential election on the party ticket yet he managed the election
campaign on his own. He issued his own election manifesto, which the party later adopted. He
waged the campaign mainly on his personal record and performance, and not on the party’s
record. In East Pakistan, party was divided into two factions; one led by the governor, Monem
Khan the other led by his opponents. Intra-party feuds often made the party ineffective in local
elections. Moreover, their support was based not on ideological principles but on the personal
gain they could derive from the regime. Convention Muslim League did not get the image of a
national party though its Programme was based on the unity of the country.
In the elections of the party in 1967, Mumtaz Daulatana won the presidency of CML and all of
his nominees were elected for other offices though there were blames of rigging as bogus votes
were cast on the agreement of Daulatana. Other three candidates for the presidency of the party –
Qayyum Khan, Shaukat Hayat and Khawaja Safdar – gradually left the CML. Qayyum Khan and
Khawaja Safdar established their own Leagues. In this way the only national party – Muslim
League – was divided into factions or centered round the personalities.”
Role of Muslim League
“The Muslim League being the vanguard of freedom movement represented the ideology of
Pakistan and was a great unifying force. It achieved resounding victory in Bengal and captured
96.7% of the Muslim seats, of the provincial legislative Assembly in the General Election of
1945-46. After the emergence of Pakistan, league fell into selfish hands and become a hotbed of
intriguers.
Its internal struggle for party position, power politics, and intriguers led her to a deprived status.
Her popularity graph thus declined gradually and, therefore, it was a miserably defeated in
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General Elections of 1954. The parties, like Awami league, were playing on the passions of the
peoples. Thus vacuum created by Muslim League was filled by Awami League.”
The Awami League assumed the character of a mass movement in a very short span of time for
various reasons:
 The Muslim League had failed to ameliorate the conditions of the people.
 Awami League was in the forefront in Language movement.
 Muslim League was considered to be a party dominated by the West Pakistan.
 The Awami League had a regional bias. It had an appealing Programme for the Bengalis
and promised to free from the shackles of West Pakistan.
 It was a secular party and hence had complete support of Non-Muslims. The Hindus
enjoyed great political and economic ascendancy in East Pakistan. They were threw their
full weight on the side of the Awami League and extended all financial aid to it.[CITATION
bad04 \p 189 \l 1033 ]
Non-cooperation Movement
“Mujib Ur Rehman launched the Non-cooperation movement. The Civil administration was
totally paralyzed. All government and educational institutions were closed. People were asked
not to pay taxes. Factories and shop were shut. All activities between both the Wings ceased. The
Awami League setup a parallel government. Gangs of local Awami League freedom fighters,
known as Mukti Bahini, led violent demonstrations and howled racial and anti-West Pakistan
Slogans, inciting the people to more violence.
Sheikh Mujib unexpectedly put forward other demands such as the immediate lifting of Martial
Law and power transfer to the elected representatives of the people prior to the National
Assembly session. Amidst these disturbances, General Yahiya decided to convene the National
Assembly in March 1971.”
Some Facts & De-Facts
1. During the 65s war, Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman refused to utter a single word against
India, Awami League also developed close relations with India as a cementing force lost
its credibility. Lord Bird wood here who predicted in 1953s, ‘Solve the problem of Indo
Pak relationship and I doubt if East and West Pakistan would continue for many years to
present a united front”. And ‘It would not be unnatural if one day the Eastern limb of
Pakistan decided to cut itself adrift from control from Karachi”.
2. One of the most important factors, which sowed permanent seeds of mistrust and
bitterness between the two Provinces was the language Problem. The controversy started
when, in February, 1948, a Hindu member from East Pakistan, Mr. Dhirendranath Dutt,
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moved an amendment to the Constituent Assembly pleading that Bengali may also be
made official language. This caused great resentment and very soon it took the shape of a
political movement, But in 1952 Central government attempted to introduce Urdu Script
for the Bengali language. In February 1952 Khawaja Nizamuddin, the P.M of Pakistan,
addressed a public gathering in Dacca and declared that Urdu shall be only state
language. An unwise declaration led it increasing agitation.
3. Ayub Khan instituted inter-wing scholarships, and inter-wing postings of the civil
officers and exchange of students were made compulsory. He was so serious about the
problem that he included the provision regarding the removal of inter-regional disparity
in the constitution, and thus made it a constitutional responsibility of the government to
remove disparity (Article 145(4) of the 1962 constitution). The policies of Ayub Khan
fell a victim of ill-planning and nepotism. Most of inter-wing scholarships were given to
non-deserving students. Inter-wing posting of the civil service officers also created bad
blood because most of the officers from Western Wing behaved as if they were from a
different race.
4. Ayub Khan’s Inter-wing marriages also failed because linguistic and cultural differences.
5. People of East Pakistan were also demanding parity in the Civil Services and Armed
Forces. In 1964, they were only 2 Bengali officers who held the Rank of acting
secretaries. Whereas in 1965 there was only one Major General from East Pakistan out of
17 Generals in 1965.[CITATION Anw00 \p 276-280 \l 1033 ]
Bhutto’s Statement
“The war of 1965s had a deep impact on East Pakistan.
During war, East Pakistan felt insecure and isolated.
Bhutto’s statement further aggravated the sense of
insecurity as Foreign Minister in the National Assembly
saying that East Pakistan was saved by China during the
war. It proved fuel to the fire for the secessionist
movement. Sheikh Mujib was having close contact with
the Indian agencies. Even according to Bhutto, ‘during
1965s, the Governor of East Pakistan Mr. Momen Khan,
summoned the leaders of East Pakistan to seek their co-
operation for the war effort.”
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Six Points of Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman

“During the rule of Ayub Khan & Yahiya Khan he
played a major role in Pakistan politics as a
prominent leader of Awami League in East
Pakistan. He presented a Six-Point Formula in 1966
at Lahore. The Six Point formula originally
announced in 1966 and amended in 1970 and
incorporated in the election manifesto of the Awami
League. This was the last nail in the coffin of united
Pakistan and the only ray of hope for Bengalis, it
was demanded by Awami League that New
Constitution should be based on the Six-Points.
Mujib & his Party showed extreme rigidity when
asked to amend a few points. Though at times he
committed that he would compromise, especially
before the elections of 1970s, but after victory of Awami League he backed out & stuck to his
Six-Point formula. And it was due to that very formula that, when not accepted by the Central
government of Pakistan, Awami League declared the independence of Bengal.”
The Six Points formula is mentioned here under
1. There would be federal parliamentary system based on direct adult franchise and
representation of provinces would be on the basis of population in the Federal
Legislature.
2. The Federal government will be restricted only to foreign affairs, defense and currency,
and even regarding foreign affairs; the dealings of economic matters would rest with the
provinces.
3. There would be either being two different currencies for the two wings or a single one
with the separate Federal Reserve systems for each wing.
4. The power of implementation and collection of taxes would lie with the provinces. The
federal government will be given enough shares to fulfill its tasks of foreign affairs and
defense.
5. There would be separate accounts of foreign exchange earnings for each wing.
6. The East Pakistan would be given the Authority to have a Militia or Paramilitary forces
solely under its Provincial government.[CITATION Sye95 \p 210 \l 1033 ]
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Agartala Conspiracy 1968
“Agartala conspiracy case as disclosed in January 1968s about 35 conspirators was announced
by government in the beginning East Pakistan fully condemned the conspirators and demanded
exemplary punishment for them. But when Mujib’s name was included, about 15 days after the
conspiracy was unearthed, it created doubts, because he was already behind the bars and how
could he participate in the conspiracy being himself in the prison. The Agartala case became a
fatal for Ayub as well as for the country. Under extreme political pressures, Ayub Khan had to
release Mujib Ur Rehman.”[CITATION Kha97 \p 171-174 \l 1033 ]
Round Table Conference 1969

“The (RTC) of opposition leaders with Ayub Khan was held on 26th February and 10th March
1969s. Due to serious differences among the opposition leaders and insistence of Mujib on 6
Points, the RTC failed.
Shortly before General Election (Dec.1970s), Sheikh Mujib said that he was campaigning for
“All Regional Autonomy” but at the same time threatened that if democratic process was
subverted, he would take his people into the streets to fight for independence ‘ so that we can
live as a free people.”
Leaders Fail to Organize National Parties
“After gradual weakness or virtual demise of PML – single national party in 1947 – no party
emerged on the national basis. The political leaders made very few efforts to develop the
political parties on the national level. The possibilities to form a national opposition party, Jinnah
Awami Muslim League, during early fifties was dissolved because Nawab Iftikhar Hussain
Mamdot and his Punjabi supporters objected to the nomination of East Pakistan Awami League
members to the Working Committee of the party, as they did not accept the former as part of the
parent body of the party.
The 1970 elections thus showed that there was no national party which could claim to represent
both the wings of united Pakistan. Awami League that won the elections in Centre as well as in
East Pakistan concentrated in East Pakistan. It placed its candidates on all seats that contested in
East Pakistan mainly but it chose to put up only a few candidates in West Pakistan. PPP, the
party which emerged after the elections 1970 as second largest party in the Centre and that which
could become the majority party in West Pakistan, showed its complete unconcern for East
Pakistan during the process of nomination of its candidates; it did not file a single nomination
paper from that wing.”
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Emergence of Awami League
“The obvious division between the
political parties of the two wings of
Pakistan appeared in sheer and
dangerous form when in elections
held on 7th December, 1970 for 300
seats of National Assembly of
Pakistan, the East Pakistan based
Awami League secured 167 overall
from East Wing’s seats. While no
West Pakistan based party
including Pakistan People’s Party,
won 85 seats the largest party of
West Pakistan and second largest seat-winner in the National Assembly, and could bag no seat in
East Pakistan. Thus, the division in the political parties proved initial point of the final crisis that
ended with the separation of East Pakistan.”
Yahiya Khan Role
“The man at the center was Yahiya Khan, whose incompetent rule made situation worse. On
March 7th, Mujib announced to run a parallel government against the center. President Yahiya
Khan flew to Dacca on 15th March to hold negotiation with Mujib Ur Rehman. Even at his
arrival, Mujib Ur Rehman, while talking to Newsmen said’ “Pakistan as it stands today is
finished. There is no longer any hope of settlement”.
“Unfortunately, on March 23rd, the Republic Day of Pakistan, Awami League declared
“Resistance Day” and Bangladesh flags flew all over the Province. There was a great massacre.
East Pakistan had reached a point of no return, to quash the armed rebellion of Awami League
militants, the Pakistan Army stuck its first blow on 27th March 1971. Yahiya khan chose to use
force to bring law and order in the country.”[CITATION bad04 \p 125-129 \l 1033 ]
1971s War
“India launched an attack on East Pakistan on
November 22nd 1971. The use of modern Soviet
Missiles, geographical separation by a thousand miles
lying across the hostile Indian Territory, and the
collusion of Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, made
Pakistan’s military defeat in the East almost certain.
On 10th December 1971, the first feeler for surrender in
the East Pakistan was conveyed to the United Nations.
On December 17th 1971, a formal surrender was
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submitted and accepted.45000 troops & almost equal number of civilians of West Pakistan were
taken as prisoner of War.”
Mujib Ur Rehman Interview

“Mujib has also stated that he had been working for the independence of Bangladesh since 1948.
Again in Dacca on January 10th, 1972, Mujib said ‘I had been working for the independence for
last 25 years. Now my dream has come true’.
This fact was also confirmed by the Tajuddin, Former Minister of Bangladesh. According to
Kuldip Nayyar “Tajuddin told me at Dacca that the 6 Point Programme was the ‘Beginning’ and
‘we knew we would become independent one day.”[CITATION Sye95 \p 317-318 \l 1033 ]
Unlearned Lesson: The fall of Dhaka

“Today is 40th anniversary of fall of Dhaka. Exactly 40 years ago, General Niazi signed the
surrender agreement with Indian General Jagjit Singh Arora. Since then a lot has changed. Now
Pakistan and Bangladesh are separate countries and enjoy good relations with each other. Even
today it seems that we have not learnt any lesson from East Pakistan debacle.
Tension with Bengali people started immediately after formation of united Pakistan in 1947,
when Urdu was declared national language whereas Bengalese were in majority.Few student
protestors died on 21st February 1952 while protesting for Bangla as a Co-national language.
That specific day is celebrated as International Mother Language day. Bangla was declared a
national language in 1954 but a rift had already occurred between East and West Pakistan.
Sense of deprivation was increasing among Bengali people with the passage of time. After
creation of One Unit and Ayub’s Martial Law Regime (1958-69) further alienated Bengalese and
they lost every hope in federation of Pakistan. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman led Awami league in
December 1970 elections with his controversial 6 points agenda. After a clean sweep in eastern
wing and getting majority in federal legislature, He was not given the right to rule the country.
Instead a ruthless military offensive was launched in early hours of 26th march 1971. This
started a chain of events which resulted in Indian invasion of East Pakistan and subsequently fall
of Dhaka on 16th December 1971.
There is one other angle to separation of East Pakistan. Former chief justice of Pakistan, Justice
Munir Ahmad has written in his book “From Jinnah to Zia” that as a Law minister in 1962 He
negotiated with Bengali members of assembly on behalf of Ayub Government about “How east
Pakistan should be separated from west Pakistan.” He further writes that Bengali legislators
rejected the proposal. This gives an hint that establishment of Pakistan wanted to get rid of
Bengali people much before 1971. It also proves that Bengalese were loyal to Pakistan until the
events and actions of military establishment put them in a position where they had no choice but
to ask for independence.
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Motherland was divided into two parts only 24 years after its creation, it was a tragedy.
Pakistan’s military establishment and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto blamed India and Mujib-ur-Rehman
for that disaster. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto formed Hamood-ur-Rehman commission which was headed
by then Chief Justice of Pakistan, Hamood-ur-Rehman. This commission was given the mandate
to investigate all circumstances and events which led to the disintegration of eastern wing. The
commission submitted its report to Bhutto in October 1974 but the report was not made public.
In august 2000 parts of this report were leaked out and published in India today and Dawn. After
that in December 2000 this report was declassified and made public by Musharraf government.
The report clearly Held Military elite of Yahiya’s regime, responsible for separation of East
Pakistan and recommended action against Yahiya and his deputies.
Unfortunately no action has been taken against anyone till to date. No precedent has been set to
punish the culprits. This encouraged Generals like Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf to carry out Coup
d’états against civilian governments. As they knew no action will be taken against them for
committing treachery against constitution of Pakistan. Any person in power today is not worried
about consequences of any illegal act carried out by him because those who broke Pakistan were
not punished, how they can be punished when their crime is relatively small.
Main factors which resulted in creation of Bangladesh were sense of deprivation and military
action in East Pakistan. As of today no lesson has been learnt. There is sense of deprivation
among people of Baluchistan. Military is still used against its own People in Fata and
Baluchistan. The excuses for the operation are same as they were in 1971 i.e. Indian conspiracies
in these areas. People of west Pakistan were unaware of atrocities carried out by military in
eastern wing and same situation exists today as the rest of Pakistan don’t know how their
countrymen are being treated by their own forces in FATA and Baluchistan.
East Pakistan debacle was a big blow to the dreams of a prosperous Pakistan but somehow
country managed to survive. Now the situation is even worse, If God forbids history repeated
itself then the future will be much worse than anyone can expect. So we have to learn from
history and should not repeat the same old mistakes again.
Today provides us with a great opportunity to rethink our mistakes made in the past. It’s
important that “Those in corridors of power” first accept their mistakes. Only then they can try
not to make these mistakes again. If internal problems are tackled more wisely and every citizen
in Pakistan is considered as equal then a lot of problems will be solved automatically. If the
current course of actions is followed then we will go deep down in an endless pit from where
there is no hope of return. Let’s hope for better and try to play our individual part in preventing
another East Pakistan type of debacle from happening.”
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Conclusion
Short sighted and power hungry leaders ruined the nation’s interests. Dismemberment of
Pakistan was caused by leaders from West as well as East Pakistan. The fact was that East
Pakistan was discriminated against and was not given its due share in the Socio-Political life of
the country, nor was sincere efforts made to reduce the glaring economic disparity between the
two wings. No single people were responsible for the separation of East Pakistan. Corrupt
Politicians, bureaucrats, military influences, statement of Bhutto was also a reason of conflict.
Yahiya Khan also plays a major role in East Pakistan crises. Social, cultural, language problem
also play its role. Dhirendranath Dutt also a part of this conflict and Mujib Ur Rahman few
points are tricky and self-centered which create lots of agitation between East and West Pakistan.
Over all minor misunderstanding between East & West Pakistan led to the major conflict. Lack
of loyal leadership further aggravated the situation and no political solution was experimented to
end the crises. That had brought an end to the United Pakistan and Pakistan was disintegrated.
.
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Local self-Government in Pakistan

Definition
 According to Levis, Local government is
a form of public administration which in
a majority of contexts, exists as the
lowest tier of administration within a
given state.
 Local governments generally act within
powers delegated to them by legislation
or directives of the higher level of
government.
 In federal states, local government are
generally the third (or sometimes fourth)
tier of government, whereas in unitary states, local government usually occupies the
second or third tier of government, often with greater powers than higher-level
administrative divisions.
 According to Hailer, Local government is a form of public administration which
exists as the lowest tier of administration within a given state.
 In federal states, 3rd or sometimes 4th tier whereas in unitary states, 2nd or 3rd tier
of government, often with greater powers than higher-level administrative divisions.
 The success of public administration and governance relies heavily on the extent of
municipal autonomy.
 The institutions of local government vary greatly between countries, and even
where similar arrangements exist, the terminology often varies.
 J.J. Clarke says “Local government is that part of the government of a nation or state
(province) which deals mainly with such matters as concern the inhabitants of the
particular district or place, together with those matters which parliament has deemed it
desirable should administrated by local authorities, subordinate to central
government”(Clarke, 1948, pp. 13-15)
Historical background
Local Government has been defined as a form or structure where a local unit drives a
considerable power through the local citizenry by the election of officials. It has also been
defined as a political subdivision of a nation, which is constituted by law and has got control
over local affairs; including power to impose taxes or to exact labor for prescribe purposes. The
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governing body of such an entity is elected or otherwise locally selected. [ CITATION SSh80 \p 13-
15 \l 1033 ]
Local government is important for national development for many reasons, as follows:
• It contributes to political stability.
• It helps avoid local opposition to plans.
• It provides a structure for articulation of local socioeconomic and political demands and
their subsequent transfer to the higher tiers of the administration or governments viz-a-viz
provincial or federal.
• It also aids in alleviating the problems of relationship between a man in a village and the
national political system.
• It helps to motivate people for resource mobilization and national reconstruction.
• Local self-government has received the strongest of beating from the system, where
centralization of authority has almost been an article of faith of pristine Pakistan
nationalism which was epitomized by the formation of one-unit. Such artificial and
administrative attempts never succeeded in delivering national cohesion, but in fact have
even sharpened the cleavages and ethnic and cultural identities.
Advantages
 Decentralization provides a framework which facilitates and increases local sustainable

development throughout all regions of the country.
 Devolution represents the most effective means to decrease concentration of power at
the center, which is a salient feature of the existing governance model, and which is
contrary to several basic features of good governance, e.g. openness, transparency,
fairness.
 Local Government increases efficiency in determining service provision. In a
decentralized, local system, citizens can influence decisions about service provisions
through means which enable them to indicate the type, level & quality of services they
desire, and the cost they are willing to pay for such services.
 Local Government facilitates a better solution of public affairs. The creation of strong
local governments with the capacity to effectively manage local affairs
 Enables central government to concentrate on higher level functions.
Disadvantages
 Since different regions are different in terms of natural resources, level of economic
activities, land values, etc. so Inter-regional inequalities may increase, and thus widening
intra-national poverty gaps and encouraging politically destabilizing forces.
 Local Administrations can bring higher risks of resource capture by local elites or special
interest groups. Without adequate safeguards, there is a risk that powerful or well-placed
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local elites may be able to capture the resources/powers allocated and use these
resources/powers for their own benefit.
 A frequently advanced argument in support of centralization is that of limited financial
resources. The reason of this argument is that particularly in relatively small states, they
have limited resources and cannot allocate different budgets for different local
administrations.
 Inadequate implementation arrangements can lead to disparity between the revenue
available and the mandated responsibilities of local government, which could render them
ineffective and/or bring them in disrepute.
History of Local-Self Government in Pakistan
 The Pre-Independence period

 Post-Independence up to Ayub Khan
 Ayub Khan’s Regime
 Zia and Post Zia Period
 New Devolution of Power Plan (Musharraf’s Plan)
 The Ayub Period
 In 1958, Ayub Khan dissolved the government and established local governments in the
form of “Basic Democracies.”
 BDs were used by Ayub to legitimize his essentially unitary new Presidential
Constitution (1962), which gave effective state power to the armed forces through the
office of the President.
 The 1962 constitution linked the office of the President to the newly created local bodies
by declaring the 80,000 Basic Democrats as the Electoral College for the election of the
President and national and provincial assemblies.
Local self-government of Zia
Local self-government ordinance 1979 instituted imperative structural, political, financial and
administrative reforms in the system. This could be considered a more reformed, more refined
and more democratic system, having capacity to empower the marginalized Political and
financial powers were enhanced this was a concrete step to local self-government Under this
local Self Government system Urban and Rural councils enjoyed considerable autonomy.
The process is to empower the marginalized can be judged as follows:

• The system of adult franchise ensured the political participation of all segment of society.
Under the elections of 97, 83, 87, 91 and 98 the composition of Town Committee
Ottoman was as such, as various ethnic groups got their share more or less according to
their population.
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• The women are less empowered than men in political, economic and professional
spheres. Traditions and institutional mechanics pushed them to less empower and
marginalized. The local Self Government Act 1979 provided space to empower women
by reserving seats (or them in union council and district councils in rural areas and in
various houses of urban authorities.
• The participation marginalized was censured by providing seals to workers, peasant and
minorities.
• This system empowered the people to decide about developmental activities at grassroots
level.
Moreover, the system was considered
1. An agency to distribute civic services
2. The platform for political education
3. A medium of political and administrative decentralization
4. An agency for carrying out economic development
• Slam electoral constituencies contributed to generate political awareness, political
socialization, political recruitment and political training at gross-roots level. This created
sense of stake holder among weaker section of society and empowered them. [ CITATION
MZa11 \p 13-15 \l 1033 ]
Introduced by General Pervez Musharraf in January 2000.

It was implemented in September 2001.The Local Government was based on five ground rules:
 Devolution of political power

 Decentralization of administrative authority
 De-concentration of management functions
 Diffusion of the power – authority nexus and
 Distribution of resources.
Union Government
 The lowest tier, the Union Government was a

corporate body covering the rural as well as
urban areas across the whole District.
 It consisted of Union Nazim, Naib Union

Nazim and three Union Secretaries and other
auxiliary staff.
 The Union Nazim was the head of the Union Administration. The Union Secretaries
coordinated and facilitated in community development, functioning of the Union
Committees and delivery of municipal services under the supervision of Union Nazim.
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 In addition to the fiscal transfers from the Province, the Local Governments were
authorized to generate money from their own sources by levying certain taxes, fees, user
charges, etc.
Tehsil government
 The middle tier, the Tehsil Government, had Tehsil municipal administration headed by
the Tehsil Nazim.
 Tehsil municipal administration consisted of a Tehsil Nazim, Tehsil municipal officer,
Tehsil Officers, Chief Officers and other officials.
 The tehsil municipal administration was entrusted with the functions of administration,
finances, and management of the offices of local government and rural development, and
numerous other subjects at the regional, divisional, district, tehsil and lower levels.
District government
 The District Government consisted of the Zila Nazim and District Administration.
 The District Administration consisted of district offices including sub-offices at Tehsil

level, who were to be responsible to the District Nazim assisted by the District
Coordination Officer.
 The District Coordination Officer was appointed by the Provincial Government and
was the coordinating head of the District Administration.
 The Zila Nazim was accountable to the people through the elected members of the Zila
Council. A Zila Council consisted of all Union Nazism in the District. The Zila Council
had a separate budget allocation.
 The District Government was responsible to the people and the Provincial Government
for improvement of governance and delivery of services.
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Functions of Local Government

1. Promote the economic, social and environmental wellbeing of people
2. Education
3. Culture and Sports
4. Agriculture
5. Health Care
6. Social Welfare
7. Housing and Utilities
8. Maintenance of Infrastructure
9. Environmental Protection
10. Maintenance of Law & Order
11. Spatial Planning and Construction Activities
12. Fire Fighting & Rescue Services
13. Roads & Transport
14. Water Supply & Waste Management
15. Entertainment Provision(M.Zahid, 2011, pp. 44-45)
Role of citizens in local government
Herald Laski says

“We cannot realize the full benefit of democratic government unless we begin by the admission
that all problems are not central problems and that the results of problems not central; in their
incidence require decision at the place and by the persons where and by whom the incidence is
most deeply felt.’’
Role of citizens
 The participation of citizens in Local Government holds the key to its success.
 Since citizens are directly being affected by the decisions, policies, plans or any step that
the Local Government takes, so the involvement of citizens is very important.
 Citizens can show their participation in following ways:
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 Full Cooperation with the Local Administration
 Citizens can show Social Participation
 Political Involvement
 Showing participation in Administrative Processes
Citizens can
 Review the decisions of Local Authorities

 Form advisory committees to give advice
 Contribute to Local Revenue by paying taxes
 Maintain close coordination with Local Administration
 Contribute in Infrastructure Development
 Form Public-Private Partnership
Role of Local Government in National Development
 All over the world, the objective of achieving national development is the pre-
occupation of all national governments.
 National development is the ability of a country’s to improve on the well -being of its
people by providing social amenities such as, quality education, affordable water,
transportation, infrastructure, medical care, security and creating a conducive political
atmosphere With the participation of citizenry etc.
 The significance of the role that Local Government plays in National Development
cannot be over-looked. Since it works at a grass-root level of society, it actually forms the
basis for National Development.(M. Zahid, 2011, pp. 47-52)
Local Government contributes in National Development in following ways

 Since Local Administration encourages Public Participation at the highest level, a sense
of national harmony, peace, unity is developed across the nation.
 Local Government plays an important part in economic development of a nation. When

government is present within citizens’ reach and they believe that their tax money will be
rightly used, they contribute more & hence a country excels economically.
 In general, public does not have easy access to government but in case of Local
Government, citizens feel that they can have a say in how to run a government, so they
participate more actively and collectively. Hence, developing a nation socially.
Role of Local Government in Political Development
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 In local government the presence of provincial government at the citizen level ensures
that the writ of government exists at its full extent in every area or region.
 Local Government ensures job and business opportunities, thus contributing to financial
development.
 In case of national crisis when government needs the support or opinion of the citizens,
local government makes sure that the voice of every citizen reaches the government.
 The main and most important part that local government plays is that it decentralizes the
power of federal and provincial government thus eradicating any sense of deprivation
among the citizens of small cities or towns.
Financial autonomy in local government
 One way to measure local government financial autonomy is to compare its own
revenues as a share of its total budget.
 In the region, local government investments are the engine in the catch-up game of
providing modern infrastructure such as water and sewer systems, solid waste
management, street lighting and roads.
 There are several factors that reduce the ability of local governments to raise revenues
including the heavy concentration of the population in capital cities.
How to achieve financial autonomy in L.G
1. Increase Local Tax Net
2. Reduce/Discourage Urban Migration
3. Surcharge on Personal Income Tax
4. Formation of a Development Fund in which citizens contribute and then those funds are
used for their own betterment. This will lower the burden on National Budget.
5. One cost-saving solution is inter-municipal cooperation, where small municipalities
join forces to enjoy the same benefits as big cities. It can be used for capital investments
such as roads, delivery of public services such as solid waste management, and
organization of professional services
Problems of local government in Pakistan
1. Political parties do not believe in decentralization/local democracy
2. Constitutional and legal recognition for local democracy
3. Over centralized modal and mindset
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4. Economic constraints and lack of infrastructure
5. Bureaucratic Hurdles
6. Un-elected intuitions are more powerful than representative parliament
7. Relatively weak role of parliament
8. Development funds to MNAs/MPAs and undermine the role of LG
9. Corruption in almost every sector
10. No Public Participation
11. Growing urbanization
Comparison with British L.G, s
While we still struggle to set up the basis of local government in Pakistan, the British
Government has evolved into a new era of Local Administration Empowerment.
 The government is giving local councils more power to decide how to spend public
money in their areas so they can meet local people’s needs.
 At the same time, the government is helping to make sure Council Tax payers get
value for money by making councils more transparent and accountable.
Suggested & Solutions
 The first area for improvement is to divest the District Governments of the powers of
Law and Order, Revenue Record maintenance and Disaster Management. These
functions should be entrusted to District Coordination officer.
 Executive magistracy should be restored.
 The District Nazims should be elected directly by the voters rather than indirectly by the
Union Nazims. The political parties should be allowed to contest the elections and
nominate the candidates for all the offices at the Union, Tehsil and District Government.
 The demarcation of responsibilities between the Provincial and District Governments
should be drawn more clearly and explicitly and the possible areas of ambiguity and
overlap resolved upfront.
 The Provincial Government should design policies, standards, procedures, rules,
regulations and ensure their implementation by the Local Governments.
 The Provincial Governments should supervise, monitor the activities, finances and
outcomes of the local governments and have a transparent process in place that authorizes
them to take action against violations committed by the local governments.
 Audit and accountability processes have to be strengthened for this purpose.
 The point of interaction between the citizens and the government functionary has to be
manned by persons of competence, integrity and commitment.
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 There is an urgent need to change the Thana-Kutchery culture that symbolizes the
government today. This model is outdated and completely out of sync with the rising
expectations of the people.
 The Community Citizens Boards (CCB) are a useful innovation to promote an all-
inclusive partnership between public, private sector and NGOs.
 Given the poor access and quality of education and health in the rural areas of Pakistan
the CCBs can supplement the efforts of the government departments in the planning,
execution, delivery, monitoring and evaluation of development projects.”(Ayaz, 2004,
pp.222-230)
Conclusion
The system of local self-government had its strengths and weaknesses. This system offered many
opportunities and it faced a number of pressures. Through this system, for the first time many
significant elements had been made separately from linking checks and balance. Various levels
of local institutions had elected thousands of men and women for organization the smooth
function of local self-government. The local self-government ordinance gave them powers to
make important decisions which dealt not only with local government functions but also the
Annual Development programs. The purposes of any democratization process were to bring
people closer to government. Due to that they got knowledge about their fundamental rights.
After that they could be able to manage their own cultural, economic and political affairs in a
society.
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Mass Movements in Pakistan

Pakistani students, workers, and peasants bring down a dictator
Anti-Ayub Movement 1968-1969
“During the fall of 1968, Ayub Khan celebrated his
tenth year as president of Pakistan. In honor of this
anniversary, he declared his reign as the “Decade of
Development,” an action that sparked an outbreak of
protests against the state. Much of Pakistan was
already discontent with the Ayub regime. Following
the 1965 war with India, Pakistan experienced a huge
economic gap. The working classes faced the burden
of this disparity.
Pakistan’s second president and its first military
dictator, Ayub Khan saw to huge economic growth.
However, in embracing private-sector industrialization and free-market principles, he caused vast
increases in inequality. The country’s 22 richest families controlled 90% of assets of financial
institutions. Thus, in 1968, when Ayub praised his reign as one of development and celebration,
the citizens that the government had neglected rose up in protest.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a Pakistani politician, started gathering forces against Ayub Khan in 1967.
A charismatic man, Bhutto had created the Pakistani Peoples Party on 30 November 1967. The
Pakistani Peoples Party was a progressive, democratic socialist party that promoted social
liberalism and democratic principles. It was with this foundation that Bhutto went around
Pakistan on a speaking tour. He reached out to those that the government had neglected in order
to inspire them to join a revolution against Khan and his pro-Western ideals. He was successful
in gaining support across the country because of his ability to speak the language of the people,
to relate to them and sympathize. Despite assassination attempts, false police cases,
imprisonment, and the persecution of his friends and family. Bhutto did not allow government
opposition to dissuade him. Thus, people continued to follow him.
Upset over the government support of Pakistan’s bourgeoisie, as manifested by the investment in
infrastructure, financial support, and favorable tariff barriers, citizens around Pakistan began to
protest. Social and political opposition and resistance initially started with unemployed graduates
and students. Frustrated with their unemployment, students in East Pakistan organized together.
Some students burnt their degree certificates in protest of Khan’s economic policies. Students
also looked to the National Student Federation, a Marxist oriented group. This group was one of
the most active student organizations during the period of protests.
In 1968, when Khan decided to celebrate his “Decade of Development,” the National Student
Federation condemned it and decided to celebrate, instead, a “Decade of Decadence.” With these
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protests against the lack of social democracy, the National Student Federation also organized a
week of demands. Failure to reform the feudal structure of agrarian production, to give the state a
secular character, and to have a true parliamentary democracy angered students of the National
Student Federation. The National Student Federation led student protests throughout cities in
Pakistan, such as Karachi, Rawalpindi, and Peshawar.
In October of 1968, the government selected the Fortress Stadium in Lahore to celebrate the
military dictator. In preparation for the parades for the “Decade of Development,” the
government told Punjab University students to attend the celebration; they wanted the entire
stadium to be filled. To rebel, students of the National Student Federation prepared a song titled
“The Decade of Sadness” that critiqued the “Decade of Development.” Once parades had started
within the stadium, students began to sing their song, shocking the audience. Following this
resistance, the government began to repress and fight against protests.
In Rawalpindi, on 7 November 1968, the police opened fire on a student rally against the
government, kill three students. This repression led to the eruption of a major student protest and
nationwide protests condemning the Ayub regime. Citizens began to demand a change of system.
Much of the Pakistani nation organized boycotts, refusing to pay for bus and railway fares. This
civil disobedience represented the growing challenge to the state.
In addition to the outbreak of protests, the 7 November 1968 killings led to the creation of a
Student Action Committee. This committee was another student-led action group, apart from the
National Students Federation, that sought to increase the effectiveness of student action. The
committee selected Shaikh Abdul Rasheed as the coordinator, but the police later arrested him
while he was leading a student rally in Rawalpindi. In reaction to the police brutality, student
activists called for a “wheel jam” strike, or a strike that keeps passengers and goods off of the
roads and leaves public roads looking deserted. This strike paralyzed the Pakistani capital for an
entire day.
The student protests, and government repression, that occurred during October and early
November of 1968 were a part of a much larger movement that gained momentum due to
Bhutto’s work with the industrial and peasantry workforces. In the fall of 1968, industrial
workers (who had listened to Bhutto speak) joined the movement against Ayub Khan. Industrial
workers organized gheraos, the encirclement of factories and mills. Workers had used this
technique before in Pakistan, but its use in the 1968-1969 protests was unique. In the rebellion
against Ayub Khan, workers united together and protested not just at one specific mill, but all
over major industrial zones of East Pakistan. Moreover, these gheraos were unique because
workers were not just concerned with their own interests; they drew their strength from the mass
movement. In response to these gheraos in 1968, the government relied on police and
paramilitary forces to use against the growing demands of the industrial workers. Often, the use
of the forces resulted in many killings.
These protests extended beyond urban areas and into the rural ones as Bhutto toured around the
nation. Peasants began to protest against the conditions to which they were subjected. These
actions, however, quickly became violent. Peasants attacked their oppressors, killing landowners,
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money owners, cattle rustlers, and police officers. This violence led to further repression from
the government.
In addition to protests from students, peasants, and industrial workers was the involvement of
intellectuals and journalists. After imposing martial law on the country, Khan came under harsh
criticism from intellectuals and publications. When the government tried to ban weeklies, the
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists met. From 15 December 1968 to 17 December 1968, the
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists reviewed the situation of Pakistani journalism. This union
came to the conclusion that the national press was no longer constructive, nor was it a
democratic instrument of public opinion, due to the government’s involvement. Later in
December, journalists, writers, and poets rallied together. Members of the public joined in the
public procession, and the entire mass wore red turbans and shawls to symbolize the rising
socialist and communist trend. The government tried to counter this unity and give the
procession a religious character. Journalists continued to resist the government's oppression, as
did intellectuals. Political theater expanded. Dramas inspired by female student sit-ins took to the
stage. Films such as the 1968 Zarqa sent messages to the public to rise against the military
dictator. Musicians wrote songs symbolizing resistance.
These various factions of protestors (students, peasants, workers, and intellectuals) symbolized
the mass movement for a system change. Bhutto was largely responsible for the mobilization of
so many people, as he was able to speak to the interests of the nation. This large opposition
posed a threat to the government, which it continually countered with violence. The government
kept trade union activity firmly under control, banned strikes, and kept several union leaders
under its payroll. Moreover, any failure to comply was met with police brutality of the
imprisonment of family and friends. Despite all of this, protestors continued to voice their
opinions.
After months of protests and violence, on 25 March 1969 the army demanded the president’s
resignation. Ayub Khan complied and handed power over to the army chief, Yahiya Khan. Also
on the 25 March 1969, Yahiya announced that the government would hold an election in 1970
(the first election since Pakistan’s independence in 1947).
Though citizens were still nervous about the upcoming elections, the Pakistani population had
successfully pressured Ayub Khan out of office.”(Riaz, 1968, pp.122-128)
Pakistan National Alliance (1977)
“Pakistan National Alliance constituted of nine religious
and political parties. It was formed in 1977 in which the
alliances agreed to run as a single bloc to overthrow the
rule of Prime Minister Zulfqar Ali Bhutto, the first elected
leader of that country after the Martial law of Yahiya
Khan. It was a major and largest alliance formed against
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and his government. The Alliance had
9 different ideological parties, and had consisted of all
secularist forces, communist forces, socialist forces,
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conservative forces and hard-line Islamist forces at a single bloc. However, after General Zia
deposed Bhutto and his close colleagues, the alliance divided into two sections. Under Zia, the
secular forces, communist forces, and socialist forces were weakened and ruined. Many of the
secular, communist, and socialist party members were either killed, tortured, or missing whom
fate are still no body known. Whereas Religious and ideological leaders sided with Zia. The
Pakistan National Alliance manifesto was to bring back the 1970 prices. Implementation of Islam
was its primary election slogan. They promised to enforce Islamic laws “Nizam-e-Mustafa”, the
Sharia laws. Number of political parties leaders, like Asghar Khan‘s (Independence
Movement (People National Party)Socialism, Nazeer Abbasi‘s (Community
Party) Communism, Chaudhry Zahoor Elahi‘s (Muslim League) Conservatism, and Maulana
Maududi‘s (Muttahida Mulla Association) hard-line Islamism united by common dislike of
Zulfqar Bhutto’s autocratic policies on a single platform. At this platform, the modern European
style-influenced forces formed an alliance with totally opposite of hard-line Islamist forces. The
alliance decided to contest the elections under one election symbol “plough” and a green flag
with nine stars as its ensign.
Contesting the 1977 elections jointly the PNA launched a campaign against the government after
the controversial and apparently appropriate results showing the Peoples Party as an
overwhelming victory in the elections. The agitation caught the Peoples Party and its political
leaders, by surprise and after several months of street fighting and protests. Under advised by his
advisers, Bhutto opened negotiations with the PNA leadership but whether or not it would have
been signed by all PNA parties or by Bhutto remains open to speculation. In anti-Bhutto bloc, the
alliance seemed to be effective when tapping a wave to remove Bhutto from government.
Meanwhile, Bhutto’s trusted companion Dr. Mubashir Hassan tried to handle the situation on
behalf of Bhutto by bringing the alliance on a table to reach an agreement of co-existence and a
vital political solution. On other hand, Dr. Hassan advised Bhutto to not to rely either on
establishment or use the force to control the alliance. However, Dr. Hassan’s creativities were
not successful despite the efforts he made day and night. The PNA later refused talk to Dr.
Hassan as he was seen as a brain behind Bhutto’s rise. An agreement was finally reached in June
1977 and Bhutto was to sign it on July 5. Though, despite the interest of the negotiating team,
other PNA leaders had questions about the agreement. In reply, Zulfqar Ali Bhutto also tried to
crush the power of this alliance, with the help of his agencies such as FSF and Rangers and it
was also consider one of the causes of Bhutto’s hanging in 4 April 1979. In a coup performed by
General Zia, Bhutto was removed from office with number of his colleagues.
Bhutto was thrown in jail with his close companion’s dr. Hassan who later witnessed ill
treatment of General Zia to both men. The conservatives and Islamist fronts went to General Zia-
ul-Haq, Chief of Army Staff and Admiral Mohammad Sharif, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff Committee, and convinced them to remove Bhutto and no other agreement is reached with
Bhutto and his colleagues remained stubborn. The absence of a formal agreement between the
government and the PNA was used as an excuse by the Pakistan under its Chairman Admiral
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Mohammad Sharif which led to stage a Coup d’état .General Zia ul Haq in order to break the
deadlocks of those who were justifying the coup argued that no agreement had been reached
between the two sides. The Alliance split after the Army under Zia-ul-Haq overthrew his
government, between elements (conservatives and religious groups) that supported the martial
law government and those who opposed it (socialists, communists and secularists). The socialist,
communist, and secular fronts were suppressed, destabilized, destroyed and completely disable
by General Zia and his supported Islamic Front. In response, the secular front decided to form
the Movement for Restoration of Democracy to fight the regime of General Zia.” (Emma, 1989,
Pp.121-125)
Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (1981-1984)

Conflict Summary
“A coalition of eleven Pakistani political
parties known as the Movement for the
Restoration of Democracy (MRD) formed in
1983 to pressure the dictatorial regime of
Muhammad Zia-ul Haq to hold elections and
suspend martial law. The MRD, which
remained mostly nonviolent, was strongest
among supporters of the Pakistan People’s
Party (PPP) in Sindh Province. Though it
launched one of the most massive nonviolent
movements in South Asia since the time of
Gandhi, failure to expand beyond its southern stronghold combined with effective repression
from the military led to its demise a year and half later.
Political History
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto became President of Pakistan in 1971 and Prime Minister in 1973 and served
in both positions until a coup ousted him in 1977. Bhutto was native to Pakistan’s Sindh
Province, which lies in the far southeast of the country bordering India and the Arabian Sea. He
was charismatic and popular among supporters of the large Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which
he had founded. The PPP slogan was, “Islam is our faith, democracy is our policy, and socialism
is our economy: All power to the people.” President Bhutto nationalized major industries,
increased the power of worker’s unions and redistributed over a million acres to landless
peasants. He convened the National Assembly on April 14, 1972 to create a new constitution that
they completed a year later.
Bhutto’s popularity, however, sharply declined in subsequent years as he also assumed the role
of Prime Minister. From 1974 to 1977 Pakistan experienced a series of high profile
assassinations, disputed elections and episodes of political infighting that created a sense of
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public disorder. Corruption was ubiquitous and Bhutto made a series of unpopular comprises
with landholders and elites. Bhutto’s opponents would often disappear. Organized street
demonstrations against him became increasingly common. The military finally responded to
rising anti-government unrest by staging a coup in July 1977 and arresting Bhutto and members
of his cabinet charging them with complicity in political assassination. Army Chief of Staff
General Muhammad Zia-ul Haq became Chief Martial Law Administrator and claimed
immediate control of Pakistan by suspending the new constitution and dissolving national
assemblies.
Zia promised to hold elections within three months of taking power, but never did. He pursued a
broad policy of Islamization of a particularly reactionary orientation, reintroducing such
medieval punishments as amputation, stoning and flogging. The United States, traditionally
Pakistan’s biggest foreign backer, suspended aid in 1977 due to its nuclear program. Zia’s
isolation ended with the Soviet invasion of neighboring Afghanistan in late 1979, which
precipitated massive U.S. investment in Pakistan’s military. Billions of dollars and weaponry
flowed to the Afghan Mujahedeen by way of the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence Agency
(ISI). Zia was transformed overnight from a reprehensible dictator to an ally in the fight against
Soviet communism.
Zukifar Ali Bhutto was tried, convicted and sentenced to death. Despite appeals by foreign
leaders for clemency for the former president, he was hanged in April 1979. Meanwhile, nearly
3,000 PPP supporters were jailed, many of whom remained imprisoned for the next decade. Zia
was particularly unpopular in the Sindh Province, where support for the PPP remained relatively
strong.
The first stirrings of a significant opposition movement against Zia’s regime arose in February of
1981. Eleven diverse political parties formed a coalition called Movement for the Restoration of
Democracy (MRD) to pressure Zia’s regime to hold elections and suspend martial law. Zukifar
Ali Bhutto’s PPP was prominently included, as well as the Awami Tehrik, the Jamiatul-Ulemai
Islam, the National Awami Party, the National Democratic Party, the Pakistan Mazdoor Kisan
Party, the Pakistan Muslim League, the Pakistan National Party, the Quami Mahaz-i-Azadi and
the Tehrik-e-Istiqlal. Many of the parties in the MRD were formerly antagonistic to each other,
but became united in opposition to Zia. The primary base of support for the MRD lay in the
Sindh Province.
The MRD immediately initiated a campaign to pressure Zia to suspend martial law and restore
democracy. They issued a press release calling for free, fair and impartial elections. However,
the effort soon became compromised when armed hijackers seized a Pakistan International
Airlines plane and forced it to land in Kabul, Afghanistan. The hostage takers killed several
passengers, among them a member of a powerful Pakistani family. The hijackers belonged to a
group known as Al-Zukifar, which was led by Bhutto’s son. The popular backlash to the
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terrorists’ links to the MRD, however indirect, crippled the movement. It would take two years
to recover from the hijacking.
By 1983, the MRD regained enough momentum to reassert itself. Zia sensed the MRD would
likely choose Independence Day, August 14, to renew its offensive. To cut them off he
announced a plan for the restoration of democracy on August 12, 1983. However, Zia’s speech
elaborated merely an intention to move toward democracy rather than any specific proposals.
Details regarding the role of the military, the 1973 constitution, and the future of political parties
were left unclear.
The MRD, deflated by the surprise move, nonetheless called for the launch of a popular
campaign two days later. Based on lessons learned in previous civil insurrections, including the
abortive 1968-69 uprising against the Ayub Khan dictatorship and the 1977 protests against
Bhutto himself, MRD organizers ordered movement leaders to seek voluntary arrest and rally
their supporters in the streets. To avoid alienating the public, a policy of selective aggression was
advanced in which MRD supporters channeled their energy against government personnel rather
than public property. Uniformed military personnel were similarly avoided in the hope of
minimizing violent retaliation. Foreign news media were updated of arrests and violence, but
domestic news – heavily censored by the regime – remained quiet. MRD organizers led
processions out of Sindhi villages to provoke arrest. Millions of people took part in boycotts and
strikes and hundreds of thousands took part in demonstrations. The conflict became particularly
intense in rural areas of Sindh Province.
Zia’s effort to portray the MRD as an Indian-backed conspiracy to destabilize Pakistan was
without merit, but gained credence among some Pakistanis when Indian Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi endorsed the movement in an address to the lower house of the Indian parliament.
Despite charges to the contrary, the MRD in Sindh was not attempting to secede from Pakistan
but instead was focused on the restoration of the constitution. However, particularly under the
leadership of PPP veteran Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, the MRD was perceived by many to be a
Sindhi movement seeking redress for various grievances at the hands of the majority Punjabi-
dominated administration in Islamabad. As a result, it became difficult for the movement to
expand beyond its base in that southern province. Zia’s interior secretary, Roedad Khan, later
wrote that the regime was able to manipulate this perception to their advantage and prevent the
MRD from gaining greater appeal on a nationwide level.
Within Sindh, however, the movement had broad support, forcing Zia to send 45,000 troops into
the province to suppress the uprising. Between 60 and 200 people were killed and up to 15,000
were arrested. The jails overflowed and the regime was forced to set up camps to keep prisoners
in tents. By November, it became apparent that the movement was not gaining momentum
nationally and Zia was not prepared to concede. The Pakistani military was quite effective in its
repression, avoiding where possible those seeking arrest and not creating martyrs by arresting the
top leadership, but instead rounding up the second and third level organizers on the community
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level. This strategy cut the center out of the Movement organization. In 1984, Zia called for a
referendum seeking approval for his ultra-conservative and authoritarian brand of Islamization.
Most of the MRD parties boycotted the referendum and only 10 percent of eligible voters
participated. Nonetheless, Zia declared a victory and hung on to office.
In August 1988, Zia was killed in a suspicious plane crash that also took the lives of many of his
top aides and the U.S. ambassador to Pakistan. Elections that soon followed returned the PPP to
power and the MRD dissolved. After a decade of largely democratic but corrupt rule, another
military government seized power, receiving well over a billion dollars in U.S. military
assistance over the next eight years until General Pervez Musharraf was forced out in 2008 in
large part due to a civil insurrection led by lawyers and other civil society organizations.
Strategic Actions
Boycott, mass demonstrations, voluntary arrest. However, some nonviolent resistance has been
mixed with rioting and small-scale armed clashes. (Khalid, 1984, Pp. 219 – 228.)
A Long March to Justice

The Lawyers Resistance against the Musharraf Dictatorship & Judicial
independence and integrity in Pakistan, 2007-2009.
Introduction
The Lawyers' Movement, also known as
the Movement for the Restoration of Judiciary or
the Black Coat Protests, the Lawyers Movement
was the name given to the popular Mass protest
Movement started by the lawyers of Pakistan in
response to the actions of 9th March 2007 by the
country's military ruler General Pervez
Musharraf. Pervez Musharraf called the Chief
Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad
Chaudhry for a meeting and asked him to resign
or face 'charges of misconduct'. The Chief Justice
held firm, refused to resign and preferred to
defend the charges. The unprecedented “No” was
to go down in the judicial history of Pakistan. The
Supreme Court Bar Association of Pakistan declared the suspension of the Chief Justice as
"assault on independence of judiciary".
The Lawyers' Movement of Pakistan started after the suspension of The Chief Justice of
Supreme Court of Pakistan Mr. Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry on 9 March 2007 when
Former President Gen. R Pervez Musharraf suspended the Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar
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Muhammad Chaudhry because of his true concerns on some controversial cases whom were
open evidence against to General's rule. And then Chief Justice of Pakistan deposed and a case
putted against Chief Justice of Pakistan in Supreme Court and then the verdict came in Chief
Justice of Pakistan favor. And he reinstated on the post. And then Gen. Musharraf imposed
emergency on 3rd November of 2007. And then the real fight begins. All these actions were
justified under Article 209 of the Constitution. However, members of the bar, opposition leaders
and many commentators, speaking a few hours after the event, condemned the action on several
grounds. Moreover, the public has its own perceptions of what promises to become a landmark
event, similar to the Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan Case which laid the foundations for the erosion of
democracy in Pakistan. Whole Pakistan stood up together, and protested, and loss important
personality’s lives like Benazir Bhutto, etc. to take back real democracy and judiciary.
Political History
Since gaining its independence from British India in 1947, Pakistan has struggled to establish a
stable democracy. It has experienced four military coups and has battled with problems of
political corruption, terrorism, and human rights abuses. In recent years, the country has faced
formidable challenges with the Taliban and terrorist insurgencies posing a serious threat to
internal stability. The political landscape in Pakistan has undergone many transformations over
the last decade, with political leadership and influence changing many hands. In 1999, Musharraf
came to power through a military coup, which was ruled legal by the Supreme Court at the time,
Musharraf was the army chief, and it was expected that he would transition out of his military
capacity into a purely civilian role as president. However, Musharraf dung to his powers as a
military leader until the pressures of the lawyers' movement and international pressure compelled
him to resign his military power in 2007.Politics may soon swing in favor of supporters of the
lawyers' movement. The current president and widower of Bhutto, Asif Ali Zardari, is facing
declining popularity with a faltering economy and general dissatisfaction among the population.
Nawaz Sharif, who served as prime minister during the 1990s and was the prime minister who
Musharraf overthrew in 1999, was at the forefront of the lawyers' movement, and has gained
significant popularity in Pakistan as a rival to Zardari.[CITATION Sye07 \p 22 \l 1033 ]
The History of Lawyers' Movement

On 9 March, 2007, a General in uniform, also the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan,
attacked the judiciary and suspended and detained the Pakistan's Chief Justice. Iftikhar
Muhammad was called by Pervez Musharraf and asked him for his resignation or to face 'charges
of misconduct'. The Chief Justice refused to resign and choose to defend the charges. The civil
society, human rights activists, media, students and especially the lawyers' community came out
on roads to protest against the suspension of the Chief Justice. Presidents of the Supreme Court
Bar Association of Pakistan Munir A. Malik, Aitzaz Ahsan, and Ali Ahmad Kurd along with
others lawyer leaders led the Lawyers' Movement. 20 July, 2007 the Supreme Court of Pakistan
restored Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry as the Chief Justice of Pakistan and dismissed the
charges against him. 3 November, 2007 Pervez Musharraf imposed state of emergency in
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Pakistan again dismissed the Chief Justice along with sixty other judges, illegally and
unconstitutionally, who refused to take oath under the Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO).
Lawyers, civil society, human rights activists, journalists and the media and people from all
walks of life came out on the roads once more they protest for the restoration of the judiciary and
removal of the 'state of emergency'. [ CITATION DrH12 \l 1033 ]
The Suo Moto Actions

The Chief Justice is also known to use his Suo moto powers to take up matters where he
believes injustice has occurred. He has taken up many cases involving violations of human
rights as well as other cases of political and public importance, and he has afforded relief to
some of the most disadvantaged people in Pakistan. In his Petition to the Supreme Court
challenging the Reference to the Supreme Judicial Council, the Chief Justice asserted that
during his tenure he incurred the intense displeasure of the Prime Minister, the President and
many of their close associates because he investigated ‘more than 6,000 cases of human rights
abuse during one year began inquiring into the land allotments to influential people in Gwadar
restrained environmental degradation and prevented parks from being converted into
commercial enterprises. Among the most sensitive cases, including one which the Chief
Justice heard just a day before his suspension were those related to forced disappearances. At
the end of 2005 the Chief Justice, through his Suo moto powers, began investigating the
disappearance of between 400–600 people.[ CITATION DrH12 \l 1033 ]
Temporary reinstatement
Four months into the movement, Musharraf caved under the "pressure of incessant nonviolent
civil resistance" and reinstated Chaudhry as the chief justice on 20 July 2007. The Supreme
Court cleared Chaudhry of all charges when restoring him to his earlier position. Nevertheless,
the lawyers still continued their movement against Musharraf, declaring his actions and rule
"illegal”. The legal community put pressure on Chaudhry to take up several controversial cases
against the Musharraf regime one such case challenged the army chief's eligibility as a candidate
in the upcoming presidential elections on 6 October 2007. [CITATION DrH10 \l 1033 ]
Judiciary dismissed again under emergency rule
On 3 November 2007, the reelected president Pervez Musharraf declared a state of emergency in
Pakistan and imposed a provisional constitutional order (PCO). Under the PCO, Musharraf
dismissed the chief justice again and removed about sixty other judges. Several opposition
politicians and lawyers called the removal of these judges as "illegal and unconstitutional".
In shuffling the functions of the judiciary, several judges to asked to take oath under the 2007
PCO arrangements. The lawyers, in turn, refused to take oath under the PCO and reacted to the
dismissals and the emergency rule by boycotting the courts and taking part in protests and
hunger strikes. People from outside the legal community also took part in these protests further
motivated by political agendas. The international pressure following the nationwide protest
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forced Musharraf to end emergency rule in December 2007. In ending the emergency rule,
Musharraf still did not reinstate Chaudhry and the other judges who had refused to take oath
under the PCO arrangements. These judges had persistently protested and did so until Musharraf
resigned in August 2008. [ CITATION DrH10 \l 1033 ]
List of Judges Removed on 3rd November, 2007
 Chief justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry

 Justice Rana Bhagwandas
 Justice Khalil-ur-Rahman Ramday
 Justice Javed Iqbal
 Justice Raja Muhammad Fayyaz Ahmad
 Justice Mian Shakirullah Jan
 Justice Chaudhry Ijaz Ahmed
 Justice Khawaja Muhammad Sharif
 Justice Mahmood Akhtar Shahid Siddiqui
 Justice Ghulam Rabbani
Prominent Leaders of the Lawyers' Movement
 These activists were responsible for organizing the 2007 Adliya Bachao Tehreek which
paved the way for the later Lawyers' Movement.
 Ali Ahmad Kurd was a strong opponent of Musharraf's military regime and challenged
the former army chief's eligibility as a candidate for the 2008 presidential elections.
 Aitzaz Ahsan wrote a poem while under house arrest which became the anthem of the
Lawyers' Movement. Ahsan faced severe pressures being a member of the PPP's central
executive committee, yet he greatly contributed to the movement setting aside his party's
political aspirations.
 Munir A. Malik was decorated with a number of awards for his role in the Lawyers'
Movement including the Dorab Patel Rule of Law Award by the Human (HRCP), the
Human Rights Defender Award by the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) shared
with Aitzaz Ahsan and the 2008 Kwangju Prize for Human Rights. [ CITATION DrH10 \l 1033 ]
The Start of the Lawyers' Movement

President of Supreme Court Bar Association of Pakistan, Aitzaz Ahsan, and members vowed
to fight and restore the Chief Justice of Pakistan. The main objective of the lawyer’s movement
was establishment of Rule of Law, Supremacy of the Constitution, and Civilian Supremacy
over the military. Restoration of the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry,
along with sixty judges dismissed by Pervez Musharraf illegally on 3 November 2007 was
secondary objectives. Members of the legal profession formed the vanguard of the popular
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movement to restore Chief Justice Chaudhry. They also bore the brunt of the attacks of the
Musharraf regime when protests were stifled. Many lawyers (and judges) were detained for
opposing the government’s actions from 2007 onwards. Many were injured, some severely, in
the struggle. Shocking photographs of this appeared around the world in the media. The
Karachi violence was particularly appalling, lasting several days. The Tahir Plaza building
containing 200 lawyers’ chambers was torched by unidentified attackers and many lawyers
were incinerated. A proper investigation has never been held. The Sindh High Court Bar
Association publicly blamed the ruling party (MQM). Others met by the delegation in Lahore
told how they had been arrested by police, who were waiting at the court premises with tear
gas from 7am during Operation Zero Tolerance and charged with terrorism under the Anti-
Terrorism Act.
Suspension of the Chief Justice of Pakistan and the circumstances surrounding that event has
led many observers to conclude that the country had seized of a judicial crisis. Several hundred
lawyers have been out marching on the streets in various towns and boycotting the courts as
gestures of protest against the government’s action. Opposition politicians insist that it is at
once a judicial and a political crisis. In September 2007, lawyers in some districts of Punjab
locked courts, preventing fellow lawyers, court staff and litigants from entering the premises.
Such extreme steps damaged the movement’s credibility and support. The movement has also
witnessed internecine disputes and turf battles, especially between the SCBA (Supreme Court
Bar Association) and the Pakistan Bar Council (PBC) over the movement’s leadership.
Nevertheless, the legal community remained an important pressure group. According to a
prominent lawyer “I would like the judges to be restored but that’s not my main issue at the
moment. My main issue is the restoration of the 1973 constitution and the removal of all
accretions made under Musharraf.[CITATION Par94 \p 320-321 \l 1033 ]
Different Phases
The lawyers’ movement unfolded in different phases. First, the Pakistan Supreme Court
asserted its independence and gained credibility in the eyes of the Pakistani public while
lawyers began to protest in the streets. On March 9, 2007 Musharraf removes Chief Justice
Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry. The removal brought months of protests by lawyers. 20 July,
2007 the Supreme Court of Pakistan restored the Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry with full
dignity and authority.
In short, the lawyer’s movement infected the majority of the superior judiciary with the
constitutional disease of independence. There are two striking aspects of the lawyer’s
movement in this First phase Firstly, the victory was complete, conclusive and beyond
expectations. Secondly, Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was restored by a petition moved by
the lawyer’s movement on behalf of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. In other words, the
lawyer’s movement was not dependent upon the government for restoration because the actual
logistics, method or mechanics of the restoration of Chief Justice Iftikhar Chaudhry was in their
hands in the form of a legal remedy before the Supreme Court.
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Second, a broader coalition of lawyers, political parties, and other groups responded to
executive overreaching through large-scale, nationwide protests, and spurred changes in the
Pakistani political system writ large. This Part addresses each of these phases in turn and then
discusses the singularly important role of the media in facilitating protest over the course of the
movement in its entirety. The lawyer’s movement contributed towards the enhancement and
preservation of the independence of the judiciary by keeping a vigilant watch on the
performance of the superior Judiciary as well as by testing the limits of judicial independence
through public interest litigation.
Second phase was exemplary e.g. the missing persons cases, the case regarding the correction of
the electoral lists, the Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif cases, the bail application in the treason
case of Javed Hashmi, the presidential election case of General Musharraf the Suo- moto
proceedings in the May 12th, 2007, case, the conviction of senior civil bureaucrats and Police
officials in the Chief Justice’s manhandling case etc.
The third phase started when Musharraf imposed state of emergency on November 3,
2007.Constitution was suspended. Sixty independent judges were dismissed. 5 November, 2007
Police raided the Lahore High Court Bar Association (LHCBA). After baton charging and
throwing tear gas into the premises, arrested more than 800 lawyers.
Fourth phase of the black coats revolution started from February 18, 2008 after the dawn of
the democratic era, the lawyer’s movement and struggle of the deposed judges entered a critical
phase. On the judicial front, the lawyer’s movement and the deposed judges contributed
towards the following remarkable and historic achievements.
Firstly, in view of the Murree-Bhurban declaration and the Islamabad declaration, the
majoritarian parliamentarian parties made a public commitment that all the deposed judges will
be restored to the November 2nd, 2007, position through a simple parliamentary resolution
followed by an executive order. In short, the restoration of the deposed judges and the reversal
of the unconstitutional actions of November 3rd, 2007, became the central political project of
the PPP-PML (N) coalition government. Secondly, the detained deposed judges and lawyers
were released.[CITATION Par94 \p 322-324 \l 1033 ]
Mission of the Lawyers' Movement

The main objective of the lawyer’s movement was establishment of the Rule of Law, Supremacy
of the Constitution and Civilian Supremacy over military. Restoration of Chief Justice of
Pakistan, Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry along with sixty judges dismissed by Pervez Musharraf
illegally on 3 November, 2007 the secondary objectives.
Adliya Bachao Tehreek
Chaudhry's suspension was met with protests from Pakistan's legal community. Senior judges
and lawyers initiated the Adliya Bachao Tehreek Save the Judiciary Movement with the aim of
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getting Chaudhry reinstated and maintain the independence of the judiciary. The movement was
led by SCBA presidents Munir A. Malik, Aitzaz Ahsan, and Ali Ahmad Kurd along with others
leading lawyers The Adliya Bachao Tehreek is seen as a precursor to the eventual Lawyer's
Movement.
Renowned politician and lawyer Aitzaz Ahsan was pivotal in bringing together an "influential
group of constitutional lawyers who had long opposed the various periods of military rule in
Pakistan’s short history". He orchestrated a "campaign of motorcades" to take the chief justice to
various bar associations around the country. Wherever the cavalcade passed, the chief justice
was welcomed by people tossing rose petals at his car and chanting “Go Musharraf Go.”
Rallies and Protests
21 January, 2009 The Lahore High Court Bar Association carried out a 10 Million signature
movement. As the name suggests, the purpose of the movement was to get 10 million signatures
on a large white cloth which was to be presented to the parliament at the end of the long march.
Political party workers, concerned citizen and lawyers participated and signed the petition. 16
March, 2009 Lawyers' Community had given a call for nationwide 'Long March'. Many political
parties like the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz Group), Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, Jamaat-e-
Islami and others supported and participated in the Long March. All the supporters of the
'restoration of judges' participated in the Long March despite a ban imposed on protests and
rallies under Section 144 by the government.
Black Saturday riots in Karachi
As the movement started gaining support from political parties in the opposition, the various pro-
government parties, in particular Muttahidda Qaumi Movement (MQM) and Pakistan Muslim
League (Q) (PML-Q), allied themselves with Musharraf and began organizing protest
demonstrations of their own against the "politicization of the issue of the justice's
suspension". On 12 May 2007, two such rival demonstrations in Karachi came to a violent end
when ensuing clashes left more than 40 people killed with several hundred injured and arrested.
On the chief justice's arrival in Karachi to address the Sindh High Court Bar Association at its
50th anniversary, gunfights and clashes erupted across the provincial capital as Pakistan People’s
Party (PPP) and Awami National Party (ANP) activists who supported the judge and the pro-
government MQM activists took to the streets against each other. During the riots that ensued,
media offices of the Business Recorder Group and Aaj TV were also attacked. There were also
reports that the activists of the pro-government MQM had torched a lawyers' office resulting in
the deaths of about seven lawyers burnt alive in the fire. Following the attacks on media offices,
the news media strengthened in their resolve to support the chief justice's reinstatement.
Political opponents in the parliament blamed one another for the May 12 Mayhem. Several
opposition politicians placed the responsibility of the attacks on pro-government parties like the
MQM, while MQM held the opposition parties responsible for the situation in Karachi. An
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editorial in the Daily Times said, "The possibility of any compromise to correct Musharraf's
original mistake of removing the chief justice has vanished now the ante has been upped by the
government." [CITATION Bhu07 \p 202-205 \l 1033 ]
Crackdown on Lawyers
The government arrested detained and tortured lawyers on different occasions. For the first time
in the history of Pakistan, armored police vehicles entered the premises of the Lahore High Court
to attack the protesting lawyers who had sought refuge within the high court building. Several
lawyer leaders were kept under house arrest for several months. Munir A Malik developed
serious health problems due this. In Karachi anti-lawyers movement and ally of the government
Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) torched a lawyers' office in which about 7 lawyers were
burnt alive. In Sahiwal, Police on the orders Musharraf regime, attacked the lawyers with petrol
bombs, due which several lawyers suffered major burns.
Role of the Media
The print and electronic media were very active in the Lawyers' Movement. Geo News even had
to face a ban. Days before the call for 16 March, 2009 Long March, Geo News carried out a
series of public service message campaign which was sponsored by Mir Khalil ur Rahman
Foundation (MKRF) for restoration of the judges. One of the campaign's messages was an 8
minutes 12 Seconds video which showed all the promises and statements, especially by Pakistan
People’s Party leaders, about the restoration of the judges but were not fulfilled. The campaign
proved very successful in educating people and reminding the government of their commitments.
The government even blocked Geo News in many parts of the country as the government
believed the campaign was biased.
The Milestones The first achievement of the Lawyers' journey was 20 July 2007, when the
Supreme Court historically refused to affix its imprimatur on Pervez Musharraf's attempt to
dismiss the Chief Justice, who was then restored to his office with full dignity and authority.
Timeline of Lawyers' Movement On 9 March, 2007 Musharraf removes Chief Justice

Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry. The removal brought months of protests by lawyers. 20 July,
2007 the Supreme Court of Pakistan restored the Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry with full dignity
and authority. 3 November, 2007 Musharraf imposed state of emergency. The constitution was
suspended. Sixty independent judges were dismissed. 5 November, 2007 Police raided the
Lahore High Court Bar Association (LHCBA). After baton charging and throwing tear gas into
the premises, arrested more than 800 lawyers. 9 March, 2008 leaders of political parties Asif Ali
Zardari, Pakistan People’s Party and Nawaz Sharif Pakistan Muslim League signed an agreement
to restore the judges within 30 days of formation of a national government. Zardari backed out
and the coalition failed to restore the judges. 24 March, 2008 Yousef Raza Gilani ordered, soon
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after being elected Prime Minister, that all detained judges be released. 12 May, 2008 was
another deadline for restoring the judges but nothing was done. This was the second commitment
the government backed out from after the initial deadline of 'within 30 days of the formation of
government' which ended on 30 April, 2008. 17 May, 2008 the Pakistan Bar Council announced
a long march from Lahore to Islamabad will be held on 10 June, 2009. Peoples Lawyers Forum
(PLF) considered it against the Pakistan People’s Party government and did not support the long
march. 14 June, 2008 historic long march was held, thousands of people from all walks of life
participated. 8 August, 2008 ruling coalition leaders Sharif and Zardari once more agree to
restore Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry as the chief justice if Musharraf resigns. But when
Musharraf stepped down, Zardari backed out of the deal for the third time. 18 August, 2008
Musharraf resigned. Lawyers considered the resignation a great achievement and celebrated. 25
August, 2008 Sharif's party leaves the coalition government. 6 September, 2008 Asif Ali Zardari
is elected the President of Pakistan by the parliament. 28 October, 2008 Ali Ahmad Kurd was
elected the president of Pakistan Supreme Court Bar Association. This energized the struggle of
restoration of judiciary. 25 February, 2009 Supreme Court disqualifies Nawaz Sharif and his
brother Shahbaz Sharif from holding or contesting public offices. 11 March, 2009 several
hundred lawyers and opposition party political workers and leaders were arrested. A ban was
placed on rallies and protests in two of the Pakistan's four provinces. 12 March, 2009 lawyers,
political workers and civil society gather in several cities for the Long March to Islamabad.
Scuffle with police, hundreds of arrests were made, none allowed to leave their cities for
Islamabad. 15 March, 2009 authorities placed Nawaz Sharif, Aitzaz Ahsan and many other
leaders under house arrest. Sharif broke through the road blocks with his supporters and came
out on the roads in Lahore to begin the Long March. This is believed to be the turning point of
the movement Thousands of people joined the rally. Thousands of people moved towards
Islamabad lead by a political leader Mr. Nawaz Sharif. In Midnight 15/16 March, 2009, the
Government of Pakistan took a decision to restore Mr. Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry.
Early morning around 4AM (Pakistan Standard Time) Prime Minister of Pakistan Mr. Yousef
Raza Gillani announced on Television that The Government is restoring all the sacked judges.
Though it is true and many resources claimed that this decision came after the involvement of
Army Chief Gen. Kiyani, so we can't deny the vital role of Pakistan Military once again. And
that's how an illegal act of Ex-President Gen. Musharraf saved its place with a golden end in the
history.[ CITATION Ahm10 \l 1033 ]
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Conclusion
Throughout the history of Pakistan judiciary remained under politicians and military Dictators.
As an independent institution and having the most important pillar of the state it did not play an
outstanding role. But in 2007 a proper struggle started in the shape of lawyers’ movement for
independence of judiciary. In short term objectives they succeeded in the restoration of Chief
Justice and other deposed judges and in the long term, in overthrowing a military rule. In
addition the lawyers also got support of the media, politicians of the opposition and international
community. After the democratic set up in Pakistan the lawyers’ movement continued for the
rule of law. This was one of the concrete and successful movements on national level against the
military rule. In spite of difficulties the movement succeeded in democratic set up and paved the
way for judicial activism in Pakistan. The uniqueness of the events in Pakistan seems to dictate
caution when using them as a test case for any theory of judicial power. Seven years of military
rule, foreign intervention by the United States, and a corrupt party system dominated by
patronage politics had left open a vacuum of popular legitimacy among governmental institutions
that was just waiting to be filled by some courageous public servant. Moreover, the movement
might appear as little more than the sum of its self-interested parts: a small group of
professionals pursuing the narrow interests of their guild, supported by a coalition of political
parties seeking to use the movement for partisan gain. In short, there is a popular currency to
judicial power and the rule of law that, when activated, might prove capable of transforming
political parties, the judiciary, and the people alike. Courts can gain institutional power not only
by allying with established governmental interests, but also by allying with mass social
movements and the media. Judicial power can result from courts speaking to the people,
mobilizing the people to “rebel” against a renegade executive, and convincing the people that
successful collective action is possible.
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Political participation & Representation in Pakistan
Role of Political Parties in the Democratic System of Pakistan Introduction “The parties
considered in this work are the Pakistan People Party (PPP), the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz
Group (PML (N)), the Awami (public) National Party (ANP), and the Muttahida (united) Qaumi
(national) Movement (MQM). These political parties have held power in Pakistan at different
times over the past two decades. The functions of these parties, such as representation,
integration, recruiting, and training leadership, and the conduct of political parties when they are
in power or in opposition. It has been argued that parties are endemic to democracy, an
unavoidable part of democracy. In a democratic system, political parties provide the proper mode
of functioning for the government so that the majority party or a combination of parties controls
the government, while other parties serve as the opposition and attempt to check the abuses of
power by the ruling party. Citizens extend their desires, needs, and problems to the government
through the political parties. In fact, political parties represent an essential and important tool that
acts as a bridge between a society and its government. The existence of a strong and viable
opposition keeps the ruling party alert. It is also the duty of political parties to promote policies
that will educate the people about how a democratic system functions and offer different policy
packages to the electorates.
To some extent, political parties allow people to defend their rights, and the support of the people
strengthens political parties. Therefore, political parties promote the welfare of the society as a
whole. One basic need is to develop the political ideology and democratic roots within a state,
which is a fundamental method of political development. The goals and objectives of political
development could not be achieved without political parties. (J. R. Montero and R. Gunther,
2002, P 3.)Since independence was achieved in Pakistan on 14 August, 1947, only a small
number of civilian governments have completed their constitutional tenure, and most of those
who did were under the rule of a dictator. The political system in Pakistan has never functioned
efficiently in sixty-four years of independence. During this period, Pakistan‘s political system
has faced four military interventions, during which the army chiefs overtook political
governments and imposed Martial law. Pakistan still has not found a stable political equilibrium
or clear directions to resolve its fundamental political conflicts. Because of these different types
of government, the people of Pakistan are unsure of whether their government should be secular
or Islamic and democratic or ruled by a military dictator. The main problems faced by political
development are weaknesses among institutions, such as a lack of accountability and the
presence of corruption; a lack of focus on people‘s needs; and an emphasis on increasing the
assets of the leaders of the political parties. As stated by Rasul Bakhsh Rais: The history of
military dictators is characterized by deceit, institutional decay, political fragmentation, moral
and social rot, (that produced polarization), insurgencies and alliances of the state with violent
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ethnic and religious groups. The occurrence of these incidents and events can only be explained
by reviewing the circumstances under which the country was created. When an electoral political
regime is in power, it will seek to prolong its control and satisfy key members by awarding them
critical positions in important institutions. Furthermore, many internal problems in political
parties lead to problems in the political system, such as an undemocratic structure and a lack of
political values and practices. These problems decrease the popularity of political parties and
reduce the trust of the leaders among the people. (Aart Scholte, 2006, P.13)Relevance of study
Democratization is an important phenomenon of globalization. The process of democratization
can occur in a number of ways, as identified by Jan Aart Scholte, public education; measures to
improve transparency and accountability of regulatory bureaucracies; reform of judicial
procedures; steps to expand and upgrade civil society activities; redistribution of resources in
favor of structurally disadvantaged groups; and revision of constitutions to recognize supra
territorial publics. An organized political system provides stable institutions, an accountable
form of government and public participation in decision-making processes as indicators of
political development. Political development is a process of rebuilding or modernizing for the
wellbeing of the people at large. This process also creates awareness among the citizens
regarding the development of political institutions that can respond according to the goals of the
society and fulfill the common demands of people. Thus, a stable political system, including the
institutions and their operations, contributes to political development. This can be helpful in the
development of a healthy society at the nation level as well as globally. Such institutions
consolidate political power and institutionalize the system to achieve the goals of political
development. Scholte argued that political parties can contribute to the global development of
democratization. He further argued that political parties could be leading agents of public
scrutiny over a state‘s involvement in global affairs. Every state has its own political system.
Developed states have more stable institutions and governments, which possess the capabilities
and legitimacy necessary to govern those systems. On the other hand, less democratically
developed states are often frail politically and economically. It is usually believed that economic
growth can take place only in the presence of political stability. In these less democratic states,
one group frequently holds the power. These governments are authoritarian and during their
reign, human rights are abused. Furthermore, political violence, assassinations, torture, and wars
are common practices under these circumstances. These types of undemocratic states are
obstacles to the welfare of the common people and are vulnerable other problems. For example,
in several regions of Pakistan, the political system is not developed properly. Therefore, some
areas and people are deprived of proper leadership, resulting in the deprivation of basic needs
and resources, and they are vulnerable to groups, such as the Taliban, who are considered to be a
danger to Pakistan and to the rest of the world. Appropriate leadership in these regions can
change this situation; however, none of the political parties has been able to provide proper
leadership and understand the needs and problems of people in these areas. Modern democratic
institutions cannot operate successfully in the absence of political parties. Political parties are
considered important for the functioning of modern government. Pakistan falls into the category
of states that have not been able to achieve the goals of political development. After sixty-four
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years of independence, major segments of society are still living without proper healthcare,
sanitation, education, clean drinking water, housing, and transport. In this age of globalization,
many are still facing chronic poverty, unemployment, hunger, super-exploitation, repression,
injustice, police brutality, religious extremism, military domination, and the capitalist and feudal
system every day.”(Maleeha, 2011, Pp.121-128)
Defining Political Parties A political party is a group of citizens organized to seek and exercise
power within a political system. All parties participate to some extent in the exercise of political
power, whether through participation in government or by performing the role of opposition.
Parties are the vehicles by which citizens come together freely to campaign for public office to
win a majority of seats in a legislative body, to express their interests and needs, as well as their
aspirations for the society in which they live.
Definition of political party
1. As noted in Encyclopedia Encarta (2009), political parties are: organizations that

mobilize voters on behalf of a common set of interests, concerns, and goals. In many
nations, parties play a crucial role in the democratic process. They formulate political and
policy agendas, select candidates, conduct election campaigns, and monitor the work of
their elected representatives. Political parties link citizens and the government, providing
a means by which people can have a voice in their government.
2. Political parties can play crucial roles in consolidating democratic principles in

transitional societies. Political parties are the only source for conveying the voices of
ordinary people to the assemblies. This creates the feeling of a political deadlock, which
affects the people. There is no doubt that parties are an important part of the
contemporary democratic system. The political parties of any country perform several
functions necessary for the proper working of a democratic system. Political parties
constitute the cornerstone of any democratic society.
A number of researchers have investigated the political parties through their field of interest. For
example, some have worked on the structures, functions, types, and nature of political parties.
They all have different views and draw different conclusions about parties ‘performances in
political stability and political development.
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 Allen Hicken and Erik Martinez Kuhonta (2011) described parties ‘importance regarding
the developing world. Without institutionalized parties, politics in the developing world
would be unable to temper and channel social demands.
 Dix discussed the functions of political parties, stating that, among other things, parties
are typically major vehicles for the recruitment of political leadership, the structuring of
electoral choice and peaceable political competition, and framing of policy alternatives.
 Ann-Kristin Johansson exemplified the definition of a political party and summarized

some of the criteria. These criteria include that a party should have some organization,
participate in elections, have a proper label, provide competition in the government,
present candidates, and spread ideas. Based on these criteria, political parties are regarded
as parties if all of the above criteria are fulfilled.
A political party is not a loosely knitted organization of a few individuals. It is essential that the
members of a political party be organized on specific principles or interests so that the party may
be distinguished from any oligarchic party. A political party must have close and intimate
relationships among all its members. The leaders of a party must endeavor to maximize their
base of popular support among the people and legitimize the circle of the decision makers. In the
end, a party must adopt constitutional means for the seizure of power so as to implement its
policies and programs or to protect and promote its specific interests.
Different organizations may have multiple objectives, but for a political party, the necessary aim
is to participate in politics through the electoral process of any public or legislative body.
Assuming these characteristics of political parties in this research.
I will rely on the definition given in Political Parties Order, 2002 Pakistan in which a party is
defined as an association of citizens or a combination or group of such associations formed to
propagate or influence political opinion and to participate in elections for any elective public
office or for membership of a legislative body.
Functions of Political Parties
As a vitally indispensable institution in a democracy, political parties fulfill a number of

interrelated functions critical to democratic governance. Basic functions of political parties
include:
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 Aggregating and representing societal interests.
 Contesting and winning elections, in order to seek a measure of control over government
institutions.
 Providing policy alternatives.
 Promoting and training political leaders who will assume a role in governance.
“Parliamentary systems in developed countries are characterized by parties that are highly
structured and tend toward unified action, block voting and distinct party platforms. This party
discipline is required in parliamentary systems primarily because deviation from the party line
could result in bringing down the government.”
Jonasson also discussed four types of political parties:
1. Mass integration party: Mass integration parties work to integrate groups and masses
through long-term and continuous work. The membership requirement for mass
integration is formal (not strict).
2. Total integration party: These types of parties seek to integrate thorough limited
efforts, and these parties have strict requirements for membership.
3. Catch-all party: These types of party do not exert effort to recruit members, and there
are no specific requirements for membership. These parties attract populations at large at
the time of election by central leadership and appeal to all for maximum votes.
4. Clientelistic party: An important characteristic of Clientelistic parties is their aim to

secure votes through different types of vote-buying activities. These parties enter into
different kinds of Clientelistic deals to maximize the numbers of votes. Their main aim is
to secure a maximum number of votes, and in this process, they do not take an
ideological stance.
When we look at the political system of Pakistan, the personalized nature of politics is closely
related to the dominated feudal elite who share power with influential urban groups.
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As Dr. Lodhi Maleeha rightly said, clientelism has been the principal hallmark of Pakistani
politics. There are two types of linkages, designated as Internal and External.
External linkage is used to establish a relationship between a political party and the citizens of
the country. Maleeha further explained how an external linkage is established and maintained
between a political party and the citizens. How do party members influence targeted groups?
External linkage is the link between the members of the political parties and the ordinary citizens
of a nation or country. It explains the relationships between the political parties and the people at
large. It also explains which group of people is more influential in any specific party. For
example, in Pakistan one of the largest political parties, the PML (N), is a composed of a group
of industrialists. This party is more favorable for the industrialists; the PML (N) has more
relationships and links with industrialists, and this party is more concentrated Punjab, where they
receive more votes. Whenever the PML (N) assumes power in the government, they are
supported by businessmen and industrialists. On the other hand, the other largest party, the PPP,
is dominant in Sindh. This party is based on the slogan Roti (bread), Kapra (clothes), and Makan
(house). This party mostly targets the poor and deprived parts the community, especially in
Sindh, but also in rural Punjab. The PPP has more influence in the rural areas of Sindh and rural
Punjab. They mainly seek to benefit Sindh.
Internal linkage, internal linkage serves to bind the members of a party organization with one
another. Basically, internal linkage describes the relationship and link between the members of a
specific political party. Jonasson explained further the establishment of this type of linkage and
the criteria for recruiting members of a political party. She addressed the question of what
actions we should take to maintain internal linkage. Internal linkage explains the internal
relations and unity in any political party; the members of any political party are recruited based
on internal linkage. In Pakistan, the internal linkage between the political parties depends on
family politics, feudalism, and nepotism. There is no specific rule for the recruitment of the
members of any political party. The only rule to that can describe the recruitment of members is
the importance of family relationships or the favoritism of any person in the area. If a person is
so famous in any specific area that he can procure the votes of the people of that area, then every
political party will try to align with that person. (Maleeha, 2011, Pp.128-35)
Representation
Representation refers to the representatives of democracies, where elected officials ostensibly

speak on behalf of the rights of their voters in the parliament. Only citizens are granted
representation in the government in the form of voting rights. Hanna Pitkin considered
representation as popular representation and linked it with the idea of self-government, such that
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everyone‘s voice can be heard, with regard to how our institutions are embodied. This way, the
voices and demands of the ordinary masses can be heard while their representatives participate in
parliament‘s actions. In the political system, the process of representation relates to how some
elected persons stand in for their electors or a group of electors, for a certain period of time.
Randall and Svåsand have taken representation as an expression of people‘s demands;

simplifying and structuring electoral choice.
 As Hobbes (cited by Pitkin) defined, Representation in terms of giving and having

authority. Parties participate in elections and present candidates for constituencies, and
people give them authority by voting for them to represent their needs, demands, and
problems before the parliament or government. Pitkin further stated that, representing
here means acting in the interest of the represented, in a manner responsive to them.
 In view of Pitkin, the representatives should represent the needs, demands, and problems
before the legislature in a positive way, allowing for a positive response to that
representation. Different methods of representation are used, such population
representation, territorial representation, or descriptive representation. We will discuss
three types of representation here.
In representation by population, representatives are elected by almost equal numbers of

voters. In this process, the whole country is divided into more or less equal blocks of voters.
In territorial representation, representatives are elected by area. It is difficult to meet above
discussed challenges in the case of territorial representation. In some areas (provinces), the
population will be smaller, so there are fewer representatives, and it is difficult for the people
and their representatives to defend themselves during the policy-making process. On the
other hand, areas with higher populations also face problems, as they must represent
demands from overwhelmingly urban areas. In descriptive representation, representatives not
only represent their constituencies but they also represent their politically relevant descriptive
characteristic, such as gender, geographical linkage, ethnicity, occupation, religion, and
language. In the political history of Pakistan, descriptive representation has been very
influential. In particular, ethnic, language, and religious-based descriptive representations are
common. In the party system, when we look at the concept of representation, parties present
their candidates for the specific constituency. These candidates articulate party manifestos
and they observe and pay attention to the people‘s demands.
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However, Pettit, made the concept of representation more acceptable in the party system of
democracies when he argues that individual members will vote their party votes and will be
expected even by those who elect them to vote that way if that is weakness of the system, the
strength is that the parliament as whole operate very efficiently to generate a body of
legislation that can be expected to be interlay coherent, and to cohere with established law
and principle.
How political parties represent the people?
The representatives of the political parties who contest elections from any specific area
arrange many gatherings and Jalisa’s (public meetings) in their specific areas and address the
people in those Jalisa’s. They also take part in television talk shows and represent their
parties ‘views regarding their manifestos and important issues. At these Jalisa’s, the
contesting candidates present the manifestos of their parties and allure the ordinary people
with different attractive packages and social and beneficial work that they will perform for
the betterment of the area after they are elected as the representative. The political leaders of
a political party represent a specific group, area, or number of people in the legislation. The
people of that group, area, or number of people elect them. The elected political leader is also
one of them. He already knows the demands, needs, and problems faced by the people of his
electoral area and can represent them in the legislative institutions. But in Pakistan, the level
of discussion of the problems between the two houses of the parliament and the provincial
assemblies is low. Most of the time, during the meetings of these elected bodies, the presence
of the elected members is low, and often due to the short quorum, these meeting cannot
precede. This shows clearly the non-seriousness of the political parties and their members in
the national as well as the provincial assemblies. They do not represent their populace or
territory in a descriptive way of representation. They do not put present the problems and
demands in the constituencies because they do not take part in legislation.
In 2011, only one hundred and sixty-eight members out of three hundred and forty-two took
part in house proceedings, with one hundred and seventy-four remaining silent. These one
hundred and seventy-four members did not speak a single word in the house proceedings.
Every time when Pakistan is in crisis, the National Assembly, as well as the provincial
assemblies, fails to play their role to prevent the country from those crises. This is only the
power of people who came on roads for the fulfillment of their representative‘s role. Mostly,
members of the National Assembly did not pay attention to their commitments.
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In Pakistan before the election of 2008, there was a movement for restoration of the
judiciary. During their election campaigns, most parties made promises for the restoration of
the judiciary. Even the co-chairman of the PPP, Asif Ali Zardari and the president of PML
(N), Nawaz Sharif were assigned an agreement regarding judiciary crises. But the PPP‘s
government refused to do so and the judiciary was restored only when the people came out
on the roads to protest. In all this procedure of restoring the judiciary, the political leaders
failed to show their political role.
Integration in Pakistan
 Role of political parties in mobilizing the masses.
In Pakistan during the elections, the political parties normally organize the rallies and Jalisa’s
in the different areas of the country. In these rallies and Jalisa’s, the leaders of the political
parties address the people present at that time or watching on television. Here, they discuss
the important problems faced by the people of that territory or their needs and demands. They
propose solutions and make promises to fulfill the needs and demands of the people. The
main purpose of these rallies, Jalisa’s, and television talk shows is to educate and mobilize
the people of their policies and techniques and to inspire them to become a member of the
political party. The major objective of the political parties is to encourage people to become a
member of that party.
All the political parties are area based and they use racism to secure the votes of their area,
for example, the PML (N) is Punjab based. They have their major vote bank only in the
province of Punjab. On the other hand, the PPP is Sindh based. They have the majority of the
vote bank in the province of Sindh68. If we talk about major political parties PPP and PML
(N) the PPP has very strong roots in the Sindh province, while the PML (N) does not have as
much support in Sindh. The PPP faces the same dilemma in Punjab. The PML (N) is clearly
the prominent party in Punjab (which is actually 60% of Pakistan population) and the PPP
has little support. The PPP also has little support in rural areas. But, the dilemma of both
parties is that they rely mostly on Sardar (head of tribe) or Wadiyar’s (feudal lords) in these
rural areas of Pakistan.
If we look at Baluchistan province, you see the same issues. These dominant parties rely on
feudal lords and nationalist parties to secure the vote, that is, the PML (N) made an alliance
with the Jamhoori (democratic) Watan (country) Party (JWP) in 1990 and the Baluchistan
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National Party (BNP) formed the provincial government with the help of the PPP69. These
feudal lords often use this support from the top parties to maintain their political power and
influence. They could integrate into one nation but they do not try because they think that
they will lose control of their tribe. It is said that until the Sardar are present, there can be no
integration. The PPP is one of the main political parties of Pakistan with the most influence
in the rural areas of the province of Sindh. The main reason for its influence in Sindh is that it
struggles for the rights of the people of the Sindh only. While doing this, they present the
conflict between people of Sindh and Punjab and apparently, they show that the people of the
Sindh are aggrieved. They educate and mobilize their people in this specific way of conflict
and play the Sindh card. On the other hand, the political parties of the ANP in Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa and the PML (N) in Punjab also mobilize their people in the same manner.
This conflicted education and mobilization is a clear example of less politics of integration in
the political parties of Pakistan.
This conflict denies the major part of the democracy integration and works as a driving force
pushing the people away from integration. In Pakistani politics, this phase of integration is
not much advanced. The strongest example of less integration in Pakistani politics is the
separation of Western Pakistan (Bangladesh) from Pakistan in 1971. This shows clearly the
absence of integration in Pakistani politics. No doubt, the separation of East Pakistan was the
climax of bad political management, social injustice, and financial scarcity. The accessible
data and information show that the main reason for this rebellion was that the political
influential of West Pakistan created policies that aggravated so much opposition and
bitterness from East Pakistan that the system came to the edge of collapse. When Pakistan
came into being, the Muhajir’s (ethnic term refers to refugees from India) were very educated
and business oriented persons. They knew that a feudal system was not in the best interest of
Pakistan. They always opposed a feudal system. But Pakistani political parties just wanted to
form the government. So, they encouraged Sardar and Wadiyar’s to join the political parties.
That is the main reason Muhajir’s have suffered in almost all eras of political, as well as
dictator governments.
General Ayub Khan started neglecting and discriminating against the Muhajir’s in his regime
(1958-1969). In Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto‘s era, the Muhajir’s suffered again. Bhutto supported the
Sindh people. Even Bhutto gave important places among the government to the Sindh people
belonging to the rural area. The same issue happened during the Zia-ul-Haq tenure. The
Muhajir’s are now the largest neglected group in Pakistan, neglecting the fact that they are
business oriented personalities and are well educated. They never come into the mainstream
of Pakistani politics. The Muhajir’s do not have a large population in the rural areas of their
province. They were kept away from important positions in bureaucracy and in politics; they
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think that they are the losers in the system. This gives them a sense of marginalization and
now they are thinking about a separate province.
Recruitment and training leaders in Pakistan
 How political parties recruit political leaders and parties internal politics
The politics of the political parties in Pakistan is simply family politics. First of all, we
discuss the PPP. Z.A Bhutto established the PPP in 1967 and after his death in 1979, his
daughter Benazir Bhutto succeeded him as party leader. After her assassination in 2007, her
husband Mr. Asif Ali Zardari and her son Bilawal Bhutto Zardari are combined leaders of the
party. The same situation is in the PML (N) as it has had the same leader, Nawaz Sharif,
since its establishment in 1988. Now his brother Shahbaz Sharif is Chief Minister of Punjab.
Hamza Shahbaz, son of Shahbaz Sharif and Mariam Nawaz, daughter of Nawaz Sharif, are
also in politics. No others have been given a chance to present these parties apart from family
members.
The ANP have a tradition of conducting an election after every four years. But most the time,
Wali Khan‘s (founder of the ANP) family has dominated the ANP history. The same happens
in the MQM, as Altaf Husain the founder of party has headed the party from its birth in xxxx.
No other person has been given a chance to be the leader of the party. If elections are not
held for the recruitment of the leader of a party then other members of the party are not given
a chance. The people have been seeing the same faces as leaders of the parties for decades.
The worst example of family politics has been set by the leaders of our two famous political
parties. These parties ‘leaders try to hold their position in the party and for this; they made
changes in the Constitution with mutual consensus. In the 18th Amendment, they made
changes to seize the party. If the party head feels that a certain party member is not
representing the party, he can write to the speaker and have him removed. According to that
amendment rule of intra, party elections have vanished. This amendment will help the
authoritarian behavior of party leaders.
Mostly when a dictator comes in power, they ban political activities and put leaders in jail or
send to exile and they do not face resistance from the people at large. When these leaders
come out from jail or from exile, they mobilize the people against the dictator rule.
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According to the PPP‘s leader Nisar Khuro (as quoted in Crisis Group Asia Report
No.102, 28 September 2005) Our party workers tend to wait for the party leaders to return
from prison or exile, rather than rallying around the second team. This report quoted one
district president from PML (N) If Nawaz Sharif was in Pakistan, he would be able to
mobilize the base. But he‘s not here, and there‘s nobody to take his place‖.
All this happens because the political workers at the lower level often have a minor role in
the making of party politics, while fascinating and alluring personalities are vital to obtaining
the working class‘s support. It is important that the political parties integrate the members in
a better organizational framework, especially at the local level. Often there are no accurate
membership lists and no successful communication with the lower level workers. This is due
to the badly managed headquarters of the political parties with a lack of trained staff familiar
with modern administrative skills. As a result, the parties depend upon their leaders to
maintain the contacts between the center and lower level workers.
When we look at the general political scenario of Pakistan, it presents the same position, and
it is pertinent to mention that in Pakistan, recruitment of the political leaders in a political
party is not based on election. In our country, specific families, Mazaris, Jatois, Mirs,
Legharis, Tiwanas, Bhuttos, Nawabs, and Sardars (all feudal families in Pakistan), contest
the election and become the parliamentarians and elected representatives of the poor haris
(agricultural worker), laborers, miserable shopkeepers, workers, and ordinary people. There
is then no match or similarity between the status of voters and their elected representative in
any part of life, social, economic, or political.
A specific elite class rules the entire populace. It is historically undeniable that in this country
not more than two hundred families have been sharing political power for the entire period of
the six decades of its independence. All this is happening because these prominent parties are
parading as the family businesses of the leaders. They decide the candidates for all the
positions. They grasp the benefits of power whether office is held by themselves or by
someone from their party. In any case, they want absolute power. According to Rasul Bakhsh
Rais, their government is a sort of an oligarchy composed of close friends and trusted
political persons and families, exercise sovereignty.
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Students are the traditional activists in Pakistan and used to wield power. Unfortunately,
parties could not manage these nurseries properly. Unfortunately, Pakistan has faced a
number of military regimes and during these regimes; they tried to depoliticize the country.
They used different tactics to get the required result. Sometimes they banned political parties
and detained workers in jail, for example, when Zia ul Haq (military dictator) over ruled
Bhutto‘s regime, he faced resistance from the public. He banned political activities in
Pakistan and tried to depoliticize the society progressively because he thought that political
activism could ruin his rule. He knew that when students led the campaign against Ayub
Khan (also a dictator), the army ruler had to leave the regime. His ban on student unions
deprived the country of the two major sources for producing the political workers and
leaders82. After Zia ul Haq (1988–1999), four elected governments came in power but they
did not concentrate on that important issue. Benazir Bhutto announced that she would lift the
ban on student unions but she could not make it happen. Students unions remained banned in
Musharraf‘s regime. Even now, students have to submit an affidavit of declaring that they
will not participate in any political activity during their study.
There is no proper setup of training among government institutions in political parties. Recently
the Jamat-I-Islami (religious political party) started a training program for their women. At the
NGO level and in civil society organizations, several NGOs have worked out different strategies
to increase women‘s participation in politics.”(Maleeha, 2011, Pp.160-69)
Making government accountable in Pakistan
 How should political parties make government accountable?
“When we observe the political situation of Pakistan, the ineffectiveness of the political
leadership after the Quaid-e-Azam created the situation of negativity in the minds of the
people concerning the government. The governments after Quaid-e-Azam, like those headed
by Ayub Khan, Yahiya Khan, Bhutto, and Zia ul Haq, were of an arbitrary and oppressive
nature. Those governments succeeded in threatening and destroying the democracy,
legislature, and even the judiciary. Each of these institutions functioned on the decisions and
wishes of the head of the government. In Pakistan, independent democracy has not been
given a chance since its establishment. And the worst issue is that in the country,
accountability has never been centered on the government.
During 1988–1999, the PPP and the PML (N), along with their allies, remained in power
twice time each. When a political party comes into government, they want more and more
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power. Every ruling political party wants to weaken its opponents. When PPP‘s Benazir
Bhutto came in power in 1988, the PML (N) was in opposition. The PML (N) was also in
power in Punjab, consisting of 60% of the province‘s population. Bhutto tried to destabilize
the Punjab government and made cases against opposition leaders. On the other hand, the
opposition gave benefits to ruling members to enhance its power in parliament because they
wanted to bring a vote of no confidence against the government. Considering the short life of
civilian regimes, patronage politics rarely support the ruling party. Mostly political leaders
change their parties after completing or at the end of its ruling tenure. When in 1993, Nawaz
Sharif took charge and during his tenure, cases were registered against Bhutto, her family
members, and other leaders. Similar issues happened during their next regimes. Both the PPP
and the PML (N) misused power and tried to threaten the opposition by registering cases
against each other. This show went on till 1999 with both trying to threaten their opponent.
This drama ended when Musharraf (a military general) took over the democratic government
in 1999.
Nawaz Sharif‘s PML (N) government pass a law the Registration of Printing and Public
Ordinance, 1997 to limit the press and freedom of expression. But currently, improvements
have been seen in this way of actions. The media is now free and through the media, the
people push the oppositions to work properly by sitting in the opposition in the legislation.
We can compare the freedom of media as the accountability of the government, as the media
criticizes the wrong deeds of the government and presents these wrong deeds before the
people at large.
This creates a situation and sense of awareness in the people, whereas in the past,
governments had good control over the media. Only one official media was present and its
duty was only to present the government as a hero. Whereas, in the current situation, the
opposition is not the only one who criticizes the wrong deeds of government. In this modern
era, the media is working as the largest opposition of any government.
Organizing of opposition in Pakistan
 Opposition! Critical or constructive
In the history of political culture of Pakistan, the rule of opposition has been illogical. The
political parties in opposition are not doing a good job. Mostly they try to destabilize the
government or try to point score instead of focusing on real issues. In Pakistan, the political
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culture of accountability is interesting and debatable. The party in power thinks
accountability is a justice and the opposition declares it blackmailing. The political parties in
opposition do not help the ruling parties. Instead, they attempt to destabilize the government.
The only aim of the opposition party is to weaken the government of the ruling party to the
extent that they are forced to terminate their government. The opposition parties do this to
gain support from the people to help them become the next ruling party.
During the last two decades, there has remained a disgraceful tussle between the two biggest
parties of Pakistan. The party who sat in the opposition always created a situation of anarchy
for the ruling party so that the ruling parties were forced to terminate its government, such as
when the PML (N) was in government and the PPP was in opposition in 1990-93. Benazir
Bhutto, the chairperson of PPP headed the opposition and did not cooperate with the PML
(N). Instead, the PPP tried their best to terminate the government of the PML (N). Likewise
in 1990, when the PPP was the ruling party and the PML (N) was in opposition, the
government of PPP narrowly escaped the no confidence vote89. At that time, both parties
while sitting in opposition, enhanced relations with the military establishment and a situation
of anarchy was present in the country. Due to which, there were six prime ministers from
1988–1999. No government was able to complete its constitutional tenure. Instead of
supporting the government, every opposition tried its best to dissolve the government. So in
the political history of Pakistan, the role of opposition party is not constructive or helpful to
the ruling party. Instead, the opposition party relied on the politics of illegal criticism and
negativity to fail the government of the ruling party.In the current governmental scene of
Pakistan, the PPP is the ruling party with the PML (N) as the opposition party.
Now the PML (N) is trying to destabilize the government by pressurizing the government in
various ways, including starting a protest movement against the government, challenging
their works in the courts, and many other ways. The opposition has organized a protesting
rally against the governments and criticized its performance. They only do this to destabilize
and weaken the government and view the dream being the next ruling party after the failure
of this government.
The government has faced criticism from the opposition. The opposition parties are
organizing public meetings against the government. This opposition also helped in the
restoration of the judiciary. In this process, the opposition came out on the roads alongside
the ordinary people. They filed cases against the government in the Supreme Court. But we
must give credit to the present opposition because they have learnt from the bad experiences
of the past. The present opposition not only criticizes the government on its wrong activities
but also supports the government on their actions of national interest, for example,
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supporting the government in the procedure of the 18th Amendment in the Constitution. The
opposition also supported the government in the resolution against the Drone attacks and in
closing the NATO supply after the attack on the ISAF troops on the Pakistani Check Post in
the Mohmand Agency.”(Ziring, 2000, Pp,147-49)
Conclusion
Whereas this study has four different questions, all these mirror in the question; what role do
political parties play in the Pakistani politics? The study found out that political parties are
largely a factor of division in the Pakistani politics than that of unity which is the ideal. This
has resulted into imbalanced regional development in addition to gross dissatisfaction among
the populace. The study also found out that political parties are organized in a manner that
reflects family politics leaving the rest of the Pakistani people with no chance to view for and
democratically win an election.
Democratic principles like mass participation and rule of law are rare attributes of the
Pakistani politics and the constitution of the sovereign state of Pakistan is changed at will by
the „conniving‟ party membership. Political parties therefore lack majority support which
breeds further dissatisfaction among the populace. In the case of Pakistan, people elect their
representatives but these elected representatives do not represent their voters in the
assemblies. The politicians have not risen to the challenge of building a national movement
but rather stick to the provincial approach in politics. The fact is that in every election cycles
only about 50% of the qualified electorates participate.
In other for democracy to function well in Pakistan the politicians need to look beyond
narrow interests of religion, ethnic or social affinities. Politicians need to reach across the
ethnic and religion aisles. Also the electorates need to be educated on their rights and
responsibilities. However part of the democratic dysfunction in Pakistan is also attributable
to lack of citizens awareness. Either by design or by accident the politicians have seen to it
that the masses remain uneducated about democracy. So in effect the politicians, even the
parties in the opposition, are the people responsible for lack of genuine democracy in the
country.
The political parties are run as family enterprises. The parties are built around personalities
and not around any coherent ideas and ideologies. For example the PPP seems to be
essentially a Bhutto‘s family party. The leaders of the party are always coming from the same
119 | P a g e
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family. Even the PML (N) has been led by the same people since its formation. In this kind
of situation diversity of opinion is marginalized and the status quo is upheld even when it is
not working.
This state of affair could only be redressed if the people are well-informed and educated in
the running of true democracy. It is important that the political parties recruit and train
members in a better organizational framework, especially at the local level. Politicians at the
local level need to be given more roles in the parties and in the running of the society.
Building a political party around individual persons or family does not augur well for the
thriving of democracy. A situation where everything has to be suspended simply because the
political leaders are not around is detrimental to the smooth functioning of the society.
Accountability of any government makes it more stable and functional. According to social-
contract theory, governments must be held accountable for their actions. If the government is
unable to satisfy the people then it could be replaced at election time. In the past, to become
more powerful, any government threatened and pressurized the opposition to suppress them.
During 1988 to 1997, there was a hide-and-seek policy between the government and the
opposition that weakened the political structure of Pakistan and resulted in military
intervention. If the government is made accountable by the influence of the political parties,
then the elected representatives present in the government will avoid any type of corruption.
Today, both electronic and print media play an important role in keeping the government
accountable. As the media keep a close eye on the deeds and misdeeds of the government
and due to the freedom of expression, the media present the misdeeds of the government via
the Internet, television, newspapers, or radio for the people to watch and see. Opposition
parties exist to challenge governmental policies if they are against the desires of people. The
opposition party has very important role in the political development of any country.
However the role of opposition should be critical but constructive. In Pakistan the opposition
has remained only critical. Instead of helping the government to make beneficial policies, the
opposition only criticizes the government. Currently, there is another form of opposition to
the government: electronic and print media, as the media have a close eye on the conduct of
both the government and the opposition. The political development in the Pakistan may never
be free completely of the problems. However, further studies and works can minimize these
problems in the political system of Pakistan. But for this, the politicians and the leaders will
have to work hard together as a nation, from the grassroots level up to the national party
leaders. To solve the problems present in the political system of Pakistan, a prolonged study
should be undertaken to identify the problem of lack of integration and of how the entire
nation could be integrated into one of political unit.
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Dynamics Politics of Pakistan

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Dynamics Politics of Pakistan

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Dynamics Politics of Pakistan M. Ali Raza Naqvi (21) M.

Ideology of Pakistan & Two Nation Theory

 “A political ideology is a system of beliefs that

How Ideology Emerges

 When thinking of a nation or a social group is rejected.

Steps of Ideology Evolution

Basis of Ideology of Pakistan

 Based on ideals of Islam

The Definition of Nation

Differences between these two nations

Congress League relationship and Two Nation Theory

Nation Building & State Building

Definition & meaning of Nation Building

Definition & Meaning of State Building

State-Building v/s Nation-Building

Why Nation-Building in Pakistan?

What Kind of Approaches to Nation-Building?

A combination of excessive corruption and pathetic under-performance of state structures today

Role of Military in Politics of Pakistan

Evolution of the Army

 The fighting and arms and

i. The Fighting Arms

 The nature of Pakistan army

Background of Martial Law in Pakistan

The declaration of First martial Law (1958-69)

Ayub Khan’s Reforms &Development Decade: 1958-1968

Transfer the power to Yahiya khan (1969-1971)

End of General’s Legacy

Work & Reforms in General’s Era

1. Efforts to Islamize society to strengthen his political support.

Economic Performance and Policies

Economic Policy under Zia: 1977-1988

Islamization under Zia

End of Zia Era

Journey Starts of General’s Legacy

Turning Point of Musharraf Era

State of Foreign Debt

Social Sector Achievements

 During 1998-1999 total health expenditure was Rs 25 billion which had increased to

 81 new universities including Degree Awarding Institutions (DAI) and 14,117

Legal and Social Empowerment of Women

Regional Peace and Security

Extremism and Terrorism

Relations with United States

 It is an important relationship which is not limited to cooperation in counter-terrorism.

The United Nations

Resigning of President Musharraf

Criticisms of Musharraf Government

Zarb-e-Azb: The Operation that Changed the Course

“We can safely say that the operation itself has

The loss of the bases in North Waziristan and

The Watershed Movements

“Operation Zarb-e-Azb is a conglomeration of lessons learned during Operation Al Mizan, Rah-

Conclusion Democracy or Martial Law in Pakistan:

In short, Pakistan inherited the well-established tradition of supremacy of civil-political over

Role of Bureaucracy in Pakistan Politics

Historical Overview of Pakistan Bureaucracy

Role of Bureaucracy in Pakistan

Bureaucracy and Political Parties

The Role of Bureaucracy

Civil Bureaucracy Influence

East Pakistan Crisis

 Geographical Location of East Pakistan

 Different Social Structure