SUBMITTED TO:

MRS. TERESITA KATIGBAK

SUBMITTED BY:
MYKRISTIE JHO B. MENDEZ

P a g e 1 | 32
Chapter 1: LOCAL
LOCAL HISTORY------------------------------------------------------------------- 4

Chapter 2: CONTROVERSIES IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY

FOUND IN BOOK
SITE OF THE FIRST MASS-------------------------------------------------- 6
JOSE RIZAL’S RETRACTION--------------------------------------------- 8
BATTLE OF TIRAD PASS--------------------------------------------------- 10
FIRST MAN TO CIRCLE THE GLOBE--------------------------------- 12
LAST FILIPINO GENERAL TO SURRENDER------------------------ 14
TO THE AMERICANS

Chapter 3: CONTROVERSIES IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY

THE SPANISH PERIOD------------------------------------------------------- 16
THE PERIOD OF U.S. INFLUENCE--------------------------------------- 19
THE UNTOLD STORY OF THE KINGDOM OF----------------------- 23

THE MAHARLIKANS

Chapter 4: SIGNIFICANT PERSONS

BENIGNO “NINOY” AQUINO------------------------------------------ 25
GENERAL ANTONIO LUNA-------------------------------------------- 26
FERDINAND MARCOS--------------------------------------------------- 27
MELCHORA AQUINO---------------------------------------------------- 30

REFERENCES----------------------------------------------------------------- 32

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P a g e 3 | 32
 The controversy to this matter is about origin of name.

Legends provides at least three versions for the naming of the province. One version relates
that the Spaniards who first set foot on the island met a woman carrying two babies, twins. They
asked he what the place was called. The woman thinking that they were asking about her babies,
answered “KAPID”. The word “KAPID” was pronounced “CAPIZ” by the Spaniards.

Another version had to do with the pencil-like fish found in the waters surrounding the
island. The natives called them “Lapis”. The land of “LAPIS” was later referred to as “CAPIZ”.

There are two sides to a story. Capiz history seems to have more than two. Its folk history
is a collection of legendary tales embellished by generations of oral tradition. Its authentic history
is based on facts and derived from original manuscripts and primary sources. Its semi-historical
side is legend that may have been preserved from memory of an actual event but lacks documented
evidences to support it. Nonetheless, legend and fact are part of its past and are included in the
story of Capiz

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P a g e 5 | 32
\

STANDPOINT
History has never faded away. As time passes by, it will continuously provoke the story to
be divulged to the next generation. Significant events in the past always have various versions.
Eyewitnesses and accounts are crucial indications to prove their validity.

Limasawa is the chosen church. After decades of debate, the long-standing issue of the
exact location of the Easter Sunday Mass celebrated by Fr. Pedro Valderama during the
Magellan-Elcano expedition on March 31, 1521 was finally resolved by the National
Historical Commission of the Philippines (NHCP). An attestation arises that supports my stance.
Furthermore, Antonio Pigafetta’s account is the only primary source that yields the best evidence.
He narrated Magellan’s voyage.

By the means of curiosity, further research I made. I found out the secondary sources which
is a monograph formulated by Fr. Miguel Bernard. It studied the said island and substantiate that
Limasawa is the place. His study was supported by William Henry Scott.

A historian likewise renders proof. He is Jose Arcilla according to the copy Magellan never
stepped on the grounds of Butuan instead he first landed on the island of Limasawa.

The fascinating experience felt during the exploration whereas discoveries, as well as
proficiency, were being inherited. Although some data was not compatible together with the
legibility if you are willing to dig in, satisfaction will obtain after holding the respective history.

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P a g e 7 | 32
STANDPOINT

Retraction is the action of drawing something back or back in. A controversy regarding to our
hero. Did he retracted or not?

There are many ways to prove that he DID NOT retracted. Although there were many
opinions and evidences presented by variousauthors as to whether Rizal did or did not retract.
Nonetheless, until now there is no proof or any justification to end the debate. It is not only for the
eyewitnesses but also documents that will serve as an anchor.
First, Baron Fernandez have the documents to manifest when Rizal was in Dapitan. He had
written of Rizal’s defense before his execution in December 30, 1986 as well as claimed the letter
contained the denial of his retraction. Manuel Morato also said his “expose”the friars forged the
retraction letter.
Second, the copy of the retraction paper that was allegedly signed by Rizal that was even
kept secret and was only published in newspapers. When Rizal’s family requested for the original
copy, it was said that it was lost. Could the Jesuits be this irresponsible to not know the value of the
paper? Or was it just hidden? Thirty-nine years later the original copy was found in the archdiocesan
archives. Ricardo Pascual Ph. D who was given permission by the Archbishop Nozaleda to examine
the document and later concluded in his book, “Rizal beyond the Grave” that the documents presented
was a forgery. The common rebuttal of this argument was either Father Balaguer or Father Pi had
made errors in reproducing another copy of the original
Third, Rizal’s burial was kept secret. He was not buried in a Catholic cemetery in Paco but
in a ground only. Additionally, he did not given a decent Christian burial.
Another evidence, as to Rizal did not retract is that when Father Balaguer came to terms that
he married Jose and Josephine, after Jose had signed the retraction paper, however, there were no
marriage certificate or public record shown that could prove Father Balaguer’s statements.
To conclude, if Rizal retracted he would not have been executed; therefore Rizal did not
retract. However, he was executed.

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P a g e 9 | 32
STANDPOINT
It is heroic to prepare for war with a tyrant power. Patriots will always win the admiration
of mankind for daring to meet the bloodshed of battle for their country's liberty. But the patriot
who is willing to go to that sacrifice will be the first to condemn the aimless and secret shedding
of blood in time of peace.

A young and brave man led left a significant actions. The three accounts stated in the book
signifies the events occurred in the battle. The Last Stand of Gen. Gregorio del Pilar recounts the
early days of American occupation of the Philippines with one of the earliest resistance of the
American government which is the infamous Battle of Tirad Pass which took place on December
2, 1899 in Tirad Pass, Ilocos Sur where the 60-man Filipino rear guards commanded by a young
brave Filipino General Gregorio del Pilar were outnumbered and succumbed to over 500 American
soldiers led by Major Peyton C. March where 52 Filipino soldiers were killed including del Pilar
while 2 were killed and 9 were wounded on the American side.

First, Vicente Enriquez, survivor of the Battle of Tirad Pass. He is the one who warned that
the enemies were almost near to them yet ignorance arises to him which results in death.

Second, Telesforo Carrasco, stated the cause of death of their leader. He was shot in the
neck. Del Pilar and his men laid unburied in Tirad Pass for three days, until US Army Lieutenant
Dennis Quinlan and some Igorot villagers gave him a decent burial.

Lastly, Teodoro Agoncillo’s account was quite similar to Carrasco.

Sometimes, carelessness together with ignorance lead our life into danger. Del Pilar tried his best
to be a great leader yet the time has come for him.

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P a g e 11 | 32
STANDPOINT

Truth reveals after a thorough research. For almost year of living in this world wrong
knowledge was planted into my mind and amusement attacks after reading the article regarding to
the first man who circumnavigate the world.

Juan Sebastian Elcano (Getaria, Basque Country, 1476 – Pacific Ocean, 4 August 1526),
was a Basque sailor who completed the first circumnavigation of the Earth in human history in the
Magellan-Elcano expedition. He took command of the expedition after Ferdinand Magellan’s
death.

The Magellan and Elcano’s expedition is a maritime expedition which took place in the
16th Century under the command of Ferdinand Magellan and, after his death in the Philippines,
of Juan Sebastian Elcano. The expedition, funded by the Spanish Crown, is the
first circumnavigation of the Earth in history. It departed from Seville downstream and headed for
Sanlucar de Barrameda, the starting point of the circumnavigation. After spending one month and
ten days there getting everything ready they finally set sail on 20 September 1519. The expedition
returned to the port of Sanlucar on 6 September 1522, with just one ship and 18 survivors.

It is obvious that Magellan did not reached into its final destination because he was killed
on Mactan Island on April 27, 1521.

There are a enough proof that is not needed for argument.

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P a g e 13 | 32
STANDPOINT
What drives a man to do heroic deeds? In the early years of the 20th century, the Philippines
was host to an entire nation of heroes: farmers, workers, young men, and professionals, all of
whom took up arms to fight for an ideal they shared. Many of them don’t have names we remember
or statues we commemorate them by. But we do remember them, collectively, as a nation.

Some heroes aren’t so unfortunate. Simeon Ola was more than just another name on a long
list of revolutionaries: He was the last.

Ola was a brave general on a long list of brave generals. With people such as Miguel
Malvar in Batangas, Vicente Lukban in Samar, and Macario Sakay in Morong (now Rizal), it’s
hard to make your name stand out. But Ola from Albay managed to do just that.

And yet, Ola is somebody we remember but don’t really know all that well. Beyond the
surface, it seems that facts about Ola remain few and far in between

And, we know Ola was the last general to formally surrender to the Americans. He held
out until September 25, 1903, when the toll of constant raiding and the internment camps finally
caught up with Ola and his men. We know that he, along with 28 of his men and officers, formally
surrendered to the Americans after realizing it was impossible to win the war he fought so valiantly
in.

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P a g e 15 | 32
 THE SPANISH PERIOD
Spanish colonial motives were not, however, strictly commercial. The Spanish at first
viewed the Philippines as a stepping-stone to the riches of the East Indies (Spice Islands), but, even
after the Portuguese and Dutch had foreclosed that possibility, the Spanish still maintained their
presence in the archipelago.

The Portuguese navigator and explorer Ferdinand Magellan headed the first Spanish foray
to the Philippines when he made landfall on Cebu in March 1521; a short time later he met an
untimely death on the nearby island of Mactan. After King Philip II (for whom the islands are
named) had dispatched three further expeditions that ended in disaster, he sent out Miguel López
de Legazpi, who established the first permanent Spanish settlement, in Cebu, in 1565. The Spanish
city of Manila was founded in 1571, and by the end of the 16th century most of the coastal and
lowland areas from Luzon to northern Mindanao were under Spanish control. Friars marched with
soldiers and soon accomplished the nominal conversion to Roman Catholicism of all the local
people under Spanish administration. But the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu, whom the Spanish
called Moros, were never completely subdued by Spain.

Spanish rule for the first 100 years was exercised in most areas through a type of tax
farming imported from the Americas and known as the encomienda. But abusive treatment of the
local tribute payers and neglect of religious instruction by encomenderos (collectors of the tribute),
as well as frequent withholding of revenues from the crown, caused the Spanish to abandon the
system by the end of the 17th century. The governor-general, himself appointed by the king, began
to appoint his own civil and military governors to rule directly.

Central government in Manila retained a medieval cast until the 19th century, and the
governor-general was so powerful that he was often likened to an independent monarch. He
dominated the Audiencia, or high court, was captain-general of the armed forces, and enjoyed the
privilege of engaging in commerce for private profit.

Manila dominated the islands not only as the political capital. The galleon trade
with Acapulco, Mex., assured Manila’s commercial primacy as well. The exchange of Chinese
silks for Mexican silver not only kept in Manila those Spanish who were seeking quick profit, but
it also attracted a large Chinese community. The Chinese, despite being the victims of periodic
massacres at the hands of suspicious Spanish, persisted and soon established a dominance of
commerce that survived through the centuries.

Manila was also the ecclesiastical capital of the Philippines. The governor-general was
civil head of the church in the islands, but the archbishop vied with him for political supremacy.
In the late 17th and 18th centuries the archbishop, who also had the legal status of lieutenant
governor, frequently won. Augmenting their political power, religious orders, Roman Catholic
hospitals and schools, and bishops acquired great wealth, mostly in land. Royal grants and devises
formed the core of their holdings, but many arbitrary extensions were made beyond the boundaries
of the original grants.

The power of the church derived not simply from wealth and official status. The priests
and friars had a command of local languages rare among the lay Spanish, and in the provinces they
outnumbered civil officials. Thus, they were an invaluable source of information to the colonial
government. The cultural goal of the Spanish clergy was nothing less than the full Christianization
and Hispanization of the Filipino. In the first decades of missionary work, local religions were
vigorously suppressed; old practices were not tolerated. But as the Christian laity grew in number
and the zeal of the clergy waned, it became increasingly difficult to prevent the preservation of
ancient beliefs and customs under Roman Catholic garb. Thus, even in the area of religion, pre-
Spanish Filipino culture was not entirely destroyed.

P a g e 16 | 32
 Economic and political institutions were also altered under Spanish impact but perhaps less
thoroughly than in the religious realm. The priests tried to move all the people into pueblos, or
villages, surrounding the great stone churches. But the dispersed demographic patterns of the
old barangays largely persisted. Nevertheless, the datu’s once hereditary position became subject
to Spanish appointment.

Agricultural technology changed very slowly until the late 18th century, as shifting
cultivation gradually gave way to more intensive sedentary farming, partly under the guidance of
the friars. The socioeconomic consequences of the Spanish policies that accompanied this shift
reinforced class differences. The datus and other representatives of the old noble class took
advantage of the introduction of the Western concept of absolute ownership of land to claim as
their own fields cultivated by their various retainers, even though traditional land rights had been
limited to usufruct. These heirs of pre-Spanish nobility were known as the principalia and played
an important role in the friar-dominated local government.

 STAND POINT
Truly, Spanish colonization left a big impact among Filipinos even now and then. As stated
above, Ferdinand Magellan plays an essential role. Specifically, he is the first Spanish foray to
the Philippines when he made landfall on Cebu. The longest period that every Filipino
encountered was Spanish rule. It is obvious that when it comes to the economy, values, religion,
political institution, etc. the roots are from them. The practices are still alive.

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P a g e 18 | 32
 THE PERIOD OF U.S. INFLUENCE

The juxtaposition of U.S. democracy and imperial rule over a subject people was
sufficiently jarring to most Americans that, from the beginning, the training of Filipinos for self-
government and ultimate independence—the Malolos Republic was conveniently ignored—was
an essential rationalization for U.S. hegemony in the islands. Policy differences between the two
main political parties in the United States focused on the speed with which self-government should
be extended and the date on which independence should be granted.

In 1899 Pres. William McKinley sent to the Philippines a five-person fact-

finding commission headed by Cornell University president Jacob G. Schurman. Schurman
reported back that Filipinos wanted ultimate independence, but this had no immediate impact on
policy. McKinley sent out the Second Philippine Commission in 1900, under William Howard
Taft; by July 1901 it had established civil government.

In 1907 the Philippine Commission, which had been acting as both legislature and
governor-general’s cabinet, became the upper house of a bicameral body. The new 80-member
Philippine Assembly was directly elected by a somewhat restricted electorate from single-member
districts, making it the first elective legislative body in Southeast Asia. When Gov.- Gen. Francis
B. Harrison appointed a Filipino majority to the commission in 1913, the American voice in the
legislative process was further reduced.

Harrison was the only governor-general appointed by a Democratic president in the first
35 years of U.S. rule. He had been sent by Woodrow Wilson with specific instructions to prepare
the Philippines for ultimate independence, a goal that Wilson enthusiastically supported. During
Harrison’s term, a Democratic-controlled Congress in Washington, D.C., hastened to fulfill long-
standing campaign promises to the same end. The Jones Act, passed in 1916, would have fixed a
definite date for the granting of independence if the Senate had had its way, but the House
prevented such a move. In its final form the act merely stated that it was the “purpose of the people
of the United States” to recognize Philippine independence “as soon as a stable government can
be established therein.” Its greater importance was as a milestone in the development of
Philippine autonomy. Under Jones Act provisions, the commission was abolished and was
replaced by a 24-member Senate, almost wholly elected. The electorate was expanded to include
all literate males.

Some substantial restrictions on Philippine autonomy remained, however. Defense and

foreign affairs remained exclusive U.S. prerogatives. American direction of Philippine domestic
affairs was exercised primarily through the governor-general and the executive branch of insular
government. There was little more than one decade of thoroughly U.S. administration in the
islands, however—too short a time in which to establish lasting patterns. Whereas Americans
formed 51 percent of the civil service in 1903, they were only 29 percent in 1913 and 6 percent in
1923. By 1916 Filipino dominance in both the legislative and judicial branches of government also
served to restrict the U.S. executive and administrative roles.

By 1925 the only American left in the governor-general’s cabinet was the secretary of
public instruction, who was also the lieutenant governor-general. This is one indication of the high
priority given to education in U.S. policy. In the initial years of U.S. rule, hundreds of
schoolteachers came from the United States. But Filipino teachers were trained so rapidly that by
1927 they constituted nearly all of the 26,200 teachers in public schools. The school population
expanded fivefold in a generation; education consumed half of governmental expenditures at all
levels, and educational opportunity in the Philippines was greater than in any other colony in Asia.

As a consequence of this pedagogical explosion, literacy doubled to nearly half in the

1930s, and educated Filipinos acquired a common language and a linguistic key to Western

P a g e 19 | 32
civilization. By 1939 some one-fourth of the population could speak English, a larger proportion
than for any of the native dialects. Perhaps more important was the new avenue of upward social
mobility that education offered. Educational policy was the only successful U.S. effort to establish
a sociocultural basis for political democracy.

American attempts to create equality of economic opportunity were more modest and less
successful. In a predominantly agricultural country the pattern of landownership is crucial. The
trend toward greater concentration of ownership, which began in the 19th century, continued
during the American period, despite some legal barriers. Vast American-owned plantations were
forestalled, but legal restrictions had little effect on those politically well-connected Filipinos who
were intent on amassing fortunes. The percentage of farmers under share tenancy doubled between
1900 and 1935, and the frustration of the tenants erupted in three small rebellions in
central Luzon during the 1920s and ’30s.

Nor was U.S. trade policy conducive to the diffusion of economic power. From 1909
the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act allowed free entry of Philippine products into the U.S. market, at the
same time U.S. products, mostly manufactured, were exempted from tariff in the Philippines. The
free flow of U.S. imports was a powerful deterrent to Philippine industrial growth. Export
agriculture, especially sugar, prospered in the protected U.S. market. Owners of mills and large
plantations profited most, thus reinforcing the political dominance of the landed elite.

American preparation of the Philippines for democratic self-government suffered from

an inherent contradiction, perhaps not recognized at the time. Transferring governmental
responsibility to those capable of undertaking it was not consistent with building a social and
economic base for political democracy. Self-government meant, of necessity, assumption of power
by those Filipinos who were already in positions of leadership in society. But those men came for
the most part from the landed elite; preservation of their political and economic position was
incompatible with equalizing opportunity. Even the expansion of an educated middle class did not
necessarily result in a transformation of the pattern of power. Most middle-class aspirants for
political leadership adjusted to the values and the practices of the existing power elite.

Filipino leaders quickly and skillfully utilized the opportunities for self-government that
the Americans opened to them. The Filipino political genius was best reflected in an extralegal
institution—the political party. The first party, the Federal Party, was U.S.-backed and stressed
cooperation with the overlords, even to the point of statehood for the Philippines. But when openly
nationalist appeals were allowed in the 1907 election, the Nacionalista Party, advocating
independence, won overwhelmingly. The Federalists survived with a new name, Progressives, and
a new platform, ultimate independence after social reform. But neither the Progressives nor their
successors in the 1920s, the Democrats, ever gained more than one-third of the seats in the
legislature. The Nacionalista Party under the leadership of Manuel Quezon and Sergio
Osmeña dominated Philippine politics from 1907 until independence.

More significant than the competition between the Nacionalistas and their opposition was
the continuing rivalry between Quezon and Osmeña. In fact, understanding this personality
conflict provides more insight into the realities of prewar Philippine politics than any examination
of policy or ideology.

In 1933 the U.S. Congress passed the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, which set a date for
Philippine independence. The act was a fulfillment of the vague pledge in the Jones Act; it was
also responsive to the demands of a series of “independence missions” sent to Washington by the
Philippine legislature. But this unprecedented transfer of sovereignty was decided upon in the dark
days of the Great Depression of the 1930s—and with the help of some incongruous allies. The
Depression had caused American farm interests to look desperately for relief, and those who
suffered real or imaginary hurt from the competition of Philippine products sought to exclude those
products. They had already failed in a direct attempt to amend the tariff on Philippine imports but
found that the respectable cloak of the advocacy of independence increased the effectiveness of

P a g e 20 | 32
their efforts. Tied to independence was the end of free entry into American markets of Philippine
sugar, coconut oil, rope, and other less important items. That those economic interests were able
to accomplish what they did is partly explainable by the fact that their political clout was great
compared with that of the small group of American traders and investors in the Philippines.

The Philippine legislature rejected the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act, apparently as a result of

the Osmeña-Quezon feud, much to the displeasure of American officialdom. But, when Quezon
came to Washington the following year to work for a new bill, the same alliance of forces in the
U.S. Congress obliged by producing the almost identical Tydings-McDuffie Act. Endorsed by
Quezon and accepted with alacrity by the Manila legislature, it provided for a 10-year
commonwealth during which the U.S. would retain jurisdiction over defense and foreign affairs.
Filipinos were to draft their own constitution, subject to the approval of the U.S. president.

A constitutional convention was quickly elected and a constitution (which bore a strong
resemblance to its U.S. model) framed and approved by plebiscite and by Pres. Franklin D.
Roosevelt. The last governor-general, Frank Murphy, became the first high commissioner, with
more of a diplomatic than a governing role. The commonwealth was inaugurated on November
15, 1935. The Nacionalista Party patched up its internal quarrels and nominated Quezon for
president and Osmeña for vice president. They were elected overwhelmingly.

The commonwealth period was intended to be devoted to preparation for economic and
political independence and perfection of democratic institutions. But even before the tragic events
of World War II, the transition did not run smoothly.

 STAND POINT
Indeed, history is fascinating. To the mere fact that distinct people colonize the country.
U.S. influence has a vital role in shaping a better one. Some aspects are good and bad. Through
education led by them, and the awakening period for each of us. One of the influence is
commonwealth whereas the culmination of efforts to secure a definitive timetable for the
withdrawal of American sovereignty over the Philippines. Remarkable person is Manuel Quezon
who became the first president of the Commonwealth.

P a g e 21 | 32
P a g e 22 | 32
 THE UNTOLD STORY OF THE KINGDOM OF THE MAHARLIKANS, NOW CALLED THE
PHILIPPINES

In the early 1930’s, Europe was in a depression and Germany was financially bankrupt. An
unknown party leader promised the German people that he could create jobs and boost its
economy. The Germans dared him and put him in power. His name is Adolph Hitler. In June 1933,
the Vatican and Hitler, a Roman Catholic signed a concordat for mutual protection and
enhancement. Shortly after that, Hitler was loaded with money. He built a massive army and
manufactured weapons for war. Then Hitler took Poland. Before 1918, there was no Poland. That
land was part of Germany and used as a buffer zone to separate Germany from Russia. But when
Hitler reclaimed it, England declared war on Germany.
Throughout the Spanish occupation of the Maharlika, members of the Tagean / Tallano
clan have been visiting Europe since some of their relatives were English and Austrian. From 1866
to 1898, Prince Julian Macleod Tallano had also been frequenting the Vatican. In 1934, under Pope
Pius XII, the Vatican negotiated with a member of the Filipino Royal Family, the Christian Tallano
clan in Maharlika. An agreement was reached that 640,000 metric tons of the Tallano gold would
be lent to the Pope. This was part of that gold accumulated by the Southeast Asian
Srivijayan/Madjapahit Empire during its glorious reign of 900 years. In 1939, two members of the
Tallano family and a Roman Catholic priest, Fr. Jose Antonio Diaz, brought the gold from Kota
Kinabalu, Sabah, to the Vatican. After doing this, Fr. Diaz went back to the Maharlika and resided
in Cabanatuan City. After World War II, he facilitated the safe return of the 640,000 metric tons
of gold from the Vatican to the Maharlika. Manuel Acuna Roxas ( a relative of the Acuna / Tagean
/ Tallano clan), then a congressman and Bishop Enrique Sobrepena, Sr. In the presence of Atty.
Lorenzo Tanada, received the gold in Manila. A lease agreement was made between the Tallano
clan and the Maharlika government. A total of 617,500 metric tons of gold was deposited in the
newly installed Central Bank of the Maharlika to comply with its requirement for GOLD
RESERVE. Under the terms of the contract, the Central Bank became the HOLDER of that gold.
That lease agreement will expire in the year 2005.
Having gained the trust and confidence of Fr. Diaz, the Tallano clan made him the main
negotiator and trustee of their gold. Fr. Diaz, in turn, hired the services of Atty. Ferdinand E.
Marcos, then a highly recommended brilliant young lawyer having attained notoriety when he
successfully defended himself in the “Nalundasan Case” in 1939. The Tallano clan paid
commission to Fr. Diaz and Atty. Marcos in gold, 30% from the principal of 640,000 metric tons.
In 1949, the two richest men in the world were Fr. Jose Antonio Diaz and Atty. Ferdinand E.
Marcos. Between the two of them they legitimately earned and owned192,000 metric tons of gold.
Ferdinand Marcos withdrew their share of the gold from the Central Bank and minted it “RP –
CB.” Sometime later, Fr. Diaz and Marcos brought their gold to Switzerland, in the Swiss Bank
Corporation in Zurich. The remaining 400,000 metric tons of Tallano gold is in the third floor
basement of the Central Bank Minting Plant in East Ave., Quezon City. There are 950,000 metric
tons of gold (declared missing in the International Court of Justice) picked up by Yamashita from
its European ally, Hitler. Another 250,000 tons of the Japanese loot around Southeast Asia are
both now in the Maharlika. This country then became the holder of 1.6 million metric tons of gold
bars. Some of the Yamashita gold buried in the Maharlika has been found. But the bulk of it is still
buried to this day. And even now, thousands are secretly digging for it, including Japanese treasure
hunters.
The World Street journal in its November 15, 1985 issue wrote that two thirds of all gold
in the world is in the Maharlika. One third is divided among the rest of the countries in the world.
Very few Filipinos know this.
When Marcos took over the government in 1965, the Maharlika had a foreign debt of US$
13.5 billion. In 1986, when the Americans forcibly brought Marcos to Hawaii, President Aquino
inherited a foreign debt of US $ 24 billion. But, of these, US$ 7 billion was incurred by the private
sector. At his ouster, Marcos left US$ 2.5 billion in the Central Bank reserve. This means that Pres.
Marcos during his 20 years of absolute rule only incurred a measly US $ 1 billion foreign debt to
build up this nation with its fast growing population and numerous infrastructure projects. How
P a g e 23 | 32
did President Marcos manage this government financially? Aside from the annual national budget
of P 35 billion financed by the national treasury, he had all this gold at his disposal for building
the infrastructure projects that today stand unequalled to all four succeeding presidents. Today,
this country has a foreign debt of around US $ 75 billion. From 1986 to 2000, the government
under three presidents incurred a debt of US $ 51 billion on top of its original US $ 24 billion – in
just 14 years!
In the 1997 Philippine Yearbook (National Statistics Office) a Summary of Government
Expenditures from 1966 to 1997 was made. From 1965 – 1986 (20 years) President Marcos spent
P 486 273 Billion from 1986- 1991 (6 years) President Aquino spent P 1 077 895 Trillion. From
1992 – 1997 (6 years) President Ramos spent P 2 237 907 Trillion.
Between May 14 to June 5, 2003, a nationwide survey report conducted and administered
by Asia Pacific Periscope put out this question: “Among our Presidents, who do you think had
done most for the country?” The results were: Marcos 41%, Magsaysay 15%, Aquino 6%, Ramos
6%, Estrada 4%, Arroyo 2%, Quezon 0.3%, Quirino 0.3% and 22% could not give any name.
Margin of error was +/- 2.7%
When Fr. Jose Antonio Diaz, alias Severino Sta. Romana, died in 1974 all that 30%
commission in gold became legendary “MARCOS GOLD,” After providing for his family in
Marcos’ Letter of Instruction, the whole wealth derived from this was supposed to be given to the
FILIPINO PEOPLE. “This was the “MARCOS WEALTH” that some politicians and churchmen
kept on saying was the ILLGOTTEN” Marcos wealth that until today is in “Marcos secret
accounts.”
On April 9, 1973 Marcos said: “My earthly goods have been placed in the custody and for
the disposition of the Marcos Foundation dedicated to the welfare of the
Filipino people.”

Published By: Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) Adj

 STAND POINT
As I understand from what I read, the Tallanos are claiming that they own the Philippines
by Original Certificate of Title No. T.-01-4, which is the Title of the Philippine Archipelago. I
thought the origin came from the people who came in the country yet the reality is the ancestors
that already exist here. Amusement, as well as enlightenment, appear in my new discover.

P a g e 24 | 32
SENATOR BENIGNO “NINOY” AQUINO
Shot by an unknown assailant

This August 21 marks the 36th year Senator Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino was shot to death
upon his arrival at the Manila International Airport, after spending three years in exile in the United
States. To this day, the murder remains an unsolved case.

Initial reports pointed to Rolando Galman, a gunman allegedly hired by the Communist
Party of the Philippines to assassinate Ninoy. But irregularities that cropped up during a thorough
investigation showed little to no proof that Galman, who was also shot and lying dead next to the
senator, could have committed the crime. At the time, the likeliest suspect was the president
himself, Ferdinand Marcos, who had reason to silence his staunchest and most vocal critic.

Conspiracy theorists have also linked the following personalities to the murder: General
Fabian Ver, head of the Armed Forces of the Philippines during President Marcos’ term; Eduardo
“Danding” Cojuangco, cousin of Ninoy and a known Marcos crony; and even first lady Imelda
Marcos.

While the killer, the mastermind, and the motive behind the murder remains a mystery to
this day, Ninoy’s death served as catalyst for Filipinos to take to the streets and reclaim their
freedom and democracy.

 STAND POINT
………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………
Benigno Simeon "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. is considered a great hero. When I read his bios, I
admire the courage that he did. Even with him in the brotherhood of former President Ferdinand
………..
Marcos, he sided with the truth. He loved his country more than his friend (Ferdinand). He was
willing to die for the people (Hunger Strike Incident). He was tortured, imprisoned because of
disclosure of the truth of Marcos government. He was thinking on what will be the condition of
the country, what might happen if he did not make a way for it to stop. But unfortunately he died
after his return to his country. Many now want to imitate him, his courage and wisdom and
especially the love for their country. He was a good example. It is appropriate that we remember
him in his upcoming death anniversary.

P a g e 25 | 32
 GENERAL ANTONIO LUNA
Shot and stabbed numerous times by the men of General Emilio
Aguinaldo

That dramatic assassination scene in the movie Heneral Luna is hard to watch, but it’s
based on historical accounts. In June 2, 1899, Luna received a telegram from General Emilio
Aguinaldo, requesting his presence to help form a new Cabinet. Elated, Luna made the arduous
journey from Bayambang, Pangasinan to Cabanatuan, Nueva Ecija.

Upon his arrival three days later, he chanced upon Kawit Battalion commander (and old
foe) Pedro Janolino, who told him that Aguinaldo had left for another town. A heated exchange
ensued, whereupon Janolino struck his sword at Luna, the first of 30 wounds endured by the
general. Soldiers then fired and stabbed at Luna, who yelled “Traitor!” as he tried to defend
himself. Luna’s lifeless body was quickly buried in the churchyard.

It’s natural to assume that Aguinaldo was behind Luna’s assassination—after all, the deed
was done by his soldiers. But historians, notably De La Salle University professor Xiao Chua, said
there is no concrete proof to back this up.

 STAND POINT
………………………………………………………
………………………………………………………
The fact that Filipinos themselves have killed our own fellowmen and even the most capable
hero in war, General Antonio Luna, made me realize to see humans, but no humanity. Indeed, we
had a ………..
greater foe than Americans, and that is ourselves. General Luna’s death was horrendous,
and should always be acknowledged, in order to prove how faithful he was towards the country.

P a g e 26 | 32
THE MARCOS AND EARLY POST-MARCOS ERA

In November 1965, Ferdinand E. Marcos was elected to the presidency. His administration
faced grave economic problems that were exacerbated by corruption, tax evasion, and smuggling.

In 1969 Marcos became the first elected president of the Philippines to win reelection. His
campaign platform included the renegotiation of major treaties with the United States and trade
with communist countries. These promises reflected a change in the self-concept of the country
during the 1960s. The idea of the Philippines as an Asian outpost of Christianity was increasingly
supplanted by a desire to develop an Asian cultural identity. Artists, musicians, and writers began
to look to pre-Spanish themes for inspiration. More important was the trend toward seeking
cultural identity through the national language, Pilipino. English, however, remained the language
of business, of most government documents, and of the greater part of higher education. Demands
that the government meet the social and economic needs of its citizenry continued.

A short-lived sign that the Filipino political system was again attempting to respond
constructively to those needs was the choosing in 1970 of a widely representative Constitutional
Convention in one of the most honest and peaceful elections in Philippine history. Large student
demonstrations urged the convention to undertake a fundamental restructuring of political power.

Marcos, who was approaching the end of his constitutionally delimited eight years in
office, had narrower goals: he pressed for the adoption of a parliamentary style of government,
which would allow him to remain in power. He feared that the new constitution would not come
into force before he lost the advantages of incumbency. At the same time, foreign investors,
predominantly American, felt increased pressure from economic nationalists in the legislature.

MARTIAL LAW
In September 1972 Marcos declared martial law, claiming that it was the last defense
against the rising disorder caused by increasingly violent student demonstrations,
the alleged threats of communist insurgency by the new Communist Party of the Philippines
(CPP), and the Muslim separatist movement of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). One
of his first actions was to arrest opposition politicians in Congress and the Constitutional
Convention. Initial public reaction to martial law was mostly favourable except in Muslim areas
of the south, where a separatist rebellion, led by the MNLF, broke out in 1973. Despite halfhearted
attempts to negotiate a cease-fire, the rebellion continued to claim thousands of military and
civilian casualties. Communist insurgency expanded with the creation of the National Democratic
Front (NDF), an organization embracing the CPP and other communist groups.

P a g e 27 | 32
 Under martial law the regime was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect unregistered
firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas. At the same time, a series of
important new concessions were given to foreign investors, including a prohibition on strikes
by organized labour, and a land-reform program was launched. In January 1973 Marcos
proclaimed the ratification of a new constitution based on the parliamentary system, with himself
as both president and prime minister. He did not, however, convene the interim legislature that
was called for in that document.

General disillusionment with martial law and with the consolidation of political and
economic control by Marcos, his family, and close associates grew during the 1970s. Despite
growth in the country’s gross national product, workers’ real income dropped, few farmers
benefited from land reform, and the sugar industry was in confusion. The precipitous drop in sugar
prices in the early 1980s coupled with lower prices and less demand for coconuts and coconut
products—traditionally the most important export commodity—added to the country’s economic
woes; the government was forced to borrow large sums from the international banking community.
Also troubling to the regime, reports of widespread corruption began to surface with increasing
frequency.

Elections for an interim National Assembly were finally held in 1978. The opposition—of
which the primary group was led by the jailed former senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.—produced
such a bold and popular campaign that the official results, which gave Marcos’s opposition
virtually no seats, were widely believed to have been illegally altered. In 1980 Aquino was allowed
to go into exile in the United States, and the following year, after announcing the suspension of
martial law, Marcos won a virtually uncontested election for a new six-year term.

THE DOWNFALL OF MARCOS AND RETURN OF

DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT
The assassination of Benigno Aquino as he returned to Manila in August 1983 was
generally thought to have been the work of the military; it became the focal point of a renewed
and more heavily supported opposition to Marcos’s rule. By late 1985 Marcos, under mounting
pressure both inside and outside the Philippines, called a snap presidential election for February
1986. Corazon C. Aquino, Benigno’s widow, became the candidate of a coalition of opposition
parties. Marcos was declared the official winner, but strong public outcry over the election results
precipitated a revolt that by the end of the month had driven Marcos from power. Aquino then
assumed the presidency.

Aquino’s great personal popularity and widespread international support were instrumental
in establishing the new government. Shortly after taking office, she abolished the constitution of
1973 and began ruling by decree. A new constitution was drafted and was ratified in February
1987 in a general referendum; legislative elections in May 1987 and the convening of a new
bicameral congress in July marked the return of the form of government that had been present
before the imposition of martial law in 1972.

Euphoria over the ouster of Marcos proved to be short-lived, however. The new
government had inherited an enormous external debt, a severely depleted economy, and a growing
threat from Moro and communist insurgents. The Aquino administration also had to weather
considerable internal dissension, repeated coup attempts, and such natural disasters as a
major earthquake and the 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo. The resumption of active partisan
politics, moreover, was the beginning of the end of the coalition that had brought Aquino to power.
Pro-Aquino candidates had won a sweeping victory in the 1987 legislative elections, but there was
P a g e 28 | 32
less support for her among those elected to provincial and local offices in early 1988. By the early
1990s the criticisms against her administration—i.e., charges of weak leadership, corruption,
and human rights abuses—had begun to stick.

 STAND POINT
The narrative of Marcos’s dark years has been said and spread over the years. There is
however an opposite narrative that recalls those like the golden years. The golden narrative paints
a Smiling Martial Law that gave the Filipinos a peaceful society. The Philippines experienced a
boom of roads, bridges, schools, hospitals, and other facilities for the people. Scholarships were
made available. Food, health, and agricultural programs were also launched. This formed the
backbone of the so-called golden years. It must be remembered though that most of these were
funded by loans from organizations like the World Bank and the United States. There were projects
proscribed by the said organizations. One must also remember the allegations that several funds
were either diverted or pocketed by the regime. It was also at this time that the rumors of the
Marcos and crony wealth began to grow. A white paper on the wealth of Marcos, his relatives,
and his crony was published and distributed by photocopy. The term crony capitalism came about.
Despite this of course the regime made sure the services were delivered and the infrastructures
built — BLISS, KADIWA, MASAGANA, and NUTRIBAN became part of nostalgia.

P a g e 29 | 32
 THE OLD LADY THEY COULDN’T BREAK

In 1896, the Katipunan was discovered by the Spanish colonial government, thanks to the
confessions of one of its members to a Spanish priest. The discovery prompted Andres Bonifacio
to launch the Revolution during the Cry of Balintawak. Melchora Aquino was there, supporting
them. But it also marked the start of sufferings that she would undergo in the hands of the
Spaniards.

The confession of Teodoro Patino resulted in the Spaniards raiding everything that had
connections with the secret society. They raided hideouts, printing presses, and houses, not leaving
a stone unturned. They confiscated secret documents, maps, and plans of the Revolution. One of
the casualties of the discovery was 84-year-old Melchora, who paid heavily for her actions.
The Spaniards immediately targeted the old woman. They knew that she was a top figure who
knew intricate details of the Katipunan’s plans: its members, its officers, its hideouts, its financers,
how it operated, and more.

On August 29, 1896, just six days after Melchora participated in the tearing of cedulas in
the Cry of Balintawak, the Spaniards collected her without regard for her age or frailty. She was
shaken, but not afraid. A day later, she was transferred to Bilibid Prison in Manila. There, she was
aggressively interrogated, under threat of imprisonment and death, but she refused to divulge any
information about the Katipunan. To punish her, they deported her to Guam where she was forced
to work as a household helper.

Perhaps the Spaniards thought the elderly woman would succumb to her situation,
expecting her to die in time, but the old Melchora simply had no intention of giving up. Having
lost everything she had – her family, her house, her country – she gave the Spaniards one last
laugh: she outlived the Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines.

After seven years of exile, on February 26, 1903, the Great Old Woman of the Revolution
was allowed to return home to the Philippines where she received a grand welcome by her children,
her neighbors, and the former Katipuneros she sheltered.

The American government offered to give her pension and monetary rewards for her
sacrifices but she declined the offers, saying she was content with the fact that she helped the
Revolution’s cause. She lived out her life until her death on February 19, 1919 at the impressive
age of 107.

In 2012, Melchora’s remains were transferred from Himlayang Pilipino to its current
resting place in Tandang Sora Shrine along Banlat Road, Quezon City.

P a g e 30 | 32
  STAND POINT
Even when struggling because of her old age (she was already 84 when the Philippine
Revolution broke out), she effectively served her fellowmen in the midst of revolution outbreak.
Despite being recognized as a great contributor to the Philippine’s victory against the Spaniards,
Melchora Aquino refused to accept any material recognition from the government and decided to
live even with great poverty. Her good morality when she treated the Katipunan was also an
essential recipe for Katipueros’ success. She provided support to them by lending them their
necessities and serving them with all her capability.

P a g e 31 | 32
https://filipiknow.net/historical-controversies-philippines/

https://www.britannica.com/place/Philippines/The-period-of-U-S-influence

Source: Compilations and Research, Harnessed by Different Conduits of THE ROYAL

MAHARLIKHANS PRIESTHOODaa
Published By: Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) Ad
https://workmall.com/wfb2001/philippines/philippines_history_historical_setting.html

https://baratillo.net/2018/09/recollections-and-reflections-of-the-marcos-years/

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0retract.&text=First%20was%20the%20copy%20of,said%20that%20it%20was%20lost.

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