The structure of pueblos de indios in !he Philippines during !

he Spanish Colonial Period

The structure of pueblos de indios in the

Philippines during the
Spanish colonial period *
Luis Ángel Sánchez Gómez

Colonial Laws clearly mandated the colonizers to congregate the natives in a peaceful manner
since this was the best way to convert them into Christianity. Success in creating new villages in the
Americas and in the Philippines varied Generally though, violence was not used in creating settlements
of Christianized natives in the Philippines . There were , however exception , mainly in the case of
hostile and faithless towns 1 .

In the coastal areas and plains of the main islands -except the most lslamized ones in the
south- the missionaries' task of creating settlements of Christianized natives were achieved due to
the novelty and attractiveness of the ceremonies introduced to the towns. Likewise, illustrious natives
cooperated and acted as middlemen. They used their influence in convincing the rest of the inhabitants
to transfer and build new homes. The last two decades ofthe 161h century experienced the beginning
of these new villages which continued throughout the entire 171h century. In the 181h century, new
villages were established (already in a lesser quantity than in earlier times) mainly because of the
separation of barrios and visitas from their respective cabeceras or matrices. During the 19th century,
this last system became the general rule , limiting the authentic creation of new pueblos to sorne
reduced communities of faithless people.

The missionaries chose the lands where the pueblos were to be erected and were responsible
for its spiritual administration. They only consulted with the illustrious natives when they consiclered
it convenient. The legislation stipulated that the lands should have sufficient resources of water,
wood and cultivable land available and with communa'I land of a mile in radius around the pueblos
intended for the use of grassland and wood. This ordinance would bring about considerable problems
between neighboring pueblos in the 181h and 191h centuries dueto the greater density of the population.

* Published in Rodao, F,, España y el Pacífico, Madrid: A.E.C .I,, A.E.E.P,, 1989
1
Phelan (1967:44-49) briefing of sorne of the problems surged after the relocation of the population . Tbe different
reactions that took place in the different areas of the islands during this process are compiled in a series of studies ,
particularly in those approaching the local and provincial issue (thematic) , prepared during the last twenty years

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The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

1. Terminology of the new pueblo settlements

lt appears evident that befo re the Spaniards ' arrival to the Philippines , no other term existed
-except for dialect variations- in referring to the village settlements asid e from balangay or barangay
lt defined population groupings of not more than 200 or 300 inhabitants (except in the islamized
a reas where its number could be greater) with the usual figure being around 100 Obviously, the new
villages could not acquire that name because they should have gathered a notably superior number
of inhabitants , among other reasons . In this way, the term pueblo (pueblo de indios) was used (like
in America) to name the new villages .

However, the plan of creating dense pueblos was not attained. This also occurred in many
American territories . The Philippines' uneven geography, the difficulty in communication, the reduced
number of religious people and the opposition of many natives in abandoning their homes (situated
beside cultivable land) were the reasons why a relatively reduced number of people lived in pueblos .

Many of the inhabitants who moved to reside in the new pueblo did not leave their original
homes permanently. These were used during sowing and harvest time during the three centuries of
Spanish presence. Moreover, as PHELAN (1967:47) indicates, a big number of homes in the towns
during the first decades of the hispanization process were exclusively occupied during the important
events of the Christian calendar: the feast of the patron saints , Holy Week and Corpus Christi2.

The impossibility of gathering the entire population of an area to the new pueblo, made the
term pueblo acquire a more administrative character than a territorial one. In effect, both the parish
priest and the governor will always be responsible not only for the pueblo's inhabitants in its restricted
sense , but also for many other residents of far away areas, but always outside the center of the
villcige . The word pueblo , therefore , connotes that total civil and religious entity, without referring to
the central area . This would assume the name cabecera 3 during the entire Hispanic stage , although
in the last decades of the 191h century it was used with an identical meaning with the terms población
and matriz. Outside the cabecera , the natives could reside in bigger or smaller village settlements at
a distance from each other. The ones of greater entity and relatively near location were called barrios ,
although this term is also applied to the sectors in which the cabecera could be divided into, basically
for reasons known only by the local government. The importance of the barrios in the configuration of
the pueblos was (and is) of vital importance beca use of the number of inhabitants they take in as well
as the quantity and quality of the lands under their jurisdiction . Normally, the inhabitants of the barrios
would go to the parish of the cabecera for the Eucharist celebrations . lf the distance was far,
absenteeism in the ecclesiastic ceremonies was significantly high .

2
This practice was recognized and allowed as the judge (oidor) of the Audience of Manila -D. Juan de Ozaeta y Oro­
ordered during his visit lO different ~agalog provinces in 1696, when he writes "Shall all the natives live inside the town
but only during the sowing and harvesting seasons because of the many inconveniencies that otherwise idolatry
brings , and which is still practiced in many parts (c.f. Historia de la provincia de Batangas escrita por D. Pedro Andrés
de Castro y Amadeo en sus vieges y contraviages en toda esta provincia, año 1790. Mss, AHN-Codices , 1270 b (doc.
Nº 7)
3
The term "cabecera " will be also used during the whole Hispanic era , to name the capitals of the provinces.

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 The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

When the separation of these dispersed villages with respect to its matriz was very notable ,
chapels wou ld be built to which the parish priest of the cabeceras 4 would come to during special
days . These villages , normally with a lesser population and located in less accessible land than the
barrios , were called visitas (dueto the visits made by the friars)

An inferior category of the visita is the sitio , which initially appears to have the same
characteristics , but lacks a chapel. PHELAN (1967 184 , note 16) points out not having documented
the term sitio in early accounts . For my part, 1should point out that 1only encountered references to
sitios in a manuscript in 1877, where the term , as well as that of visita are vaguely used , although
there is no indication if they had chapels 5

For the faithless villages and , in sorne cases , for isolated homes in semi-Christian areas , the
word ranchería will always be used.

The terms that we have presented were used in the Philippines during the entire 191h century
and at least during the second half of the 181h century The lesser development of villages during the
161h and 17 1h centuries could ha ve simply meant that there was a lesser variety of terms . Sin ce 1 ha ve
not done research on these two centuries, 1will try to analyze the possible variations using PHELAN 's
( 1967 124) studies as basis . The author presents the following diagram of the administrative
terminology on village settlements in the Hispanic stage 6

Pre-hispanic Term Old Spanish Term Modern Spanish Term

(16 1h - 171h centuries) (18 1h -19 1h centuries)

1. Ranchería Sitio
2. Barangay Visita Barrio

Barangay Barangay

3. Ca bacera Población
4. Pueblo Municipio
5. Ciudad Ciudad
6. Alcadía Mayor Provincia
7. ·Corregimiento

As we said earlier, we cannot make a reliable critique regarding what is referred to as the
terms during the 161h and 17 1h centuries However, we do not think itas appropriate to give the same

4
References of Barrios distan! from the cabeceras with churches which were equally visited by the priests on certain
days have been found by the 19'" Century.
5
(Raised in the civil town of the barrio Masantol and its four sitios. independently from the mother town Macabebe -
Pampanga-) AHN-U , file 5238 , doc. 98 (no 39 in red )
6
Apparently, Phelan uses the terms "Early Spanish " and Late Spanish ' to refer 16'"-17'" and 18'"-19'" Centuries ,
respectively .

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The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

meaning to the terms barangay and visita . The barangay, as an administrative entity, refers to the
group of people under the guardianship and the tributary control of the head of the barangay. During
those first centuries, the barangay preserved its territorial character, something that would be lost in
later decades , turning into a mere relation of inhabitants who do not share the same place of residence.
This is the reason why the term barangay would be much closer to the term barrio during the 16'h
and 171h centuries (which Phelan does not record for this period), and not that of visita, which appears
to have always referred to a small village with a chapel.

We can draw nearer to the terminology of the 181h and 191h centuries with greater accuracy that
what we presented in the previous page , and which represents sorne variations with respect to
Phelan 's work . First of ali , Phelan does not include the term visita which will be much more used than
that of sitio . and in the 191h century it will even make reference to villages without chapels. Neither
does he record rancherías, des pite the fact that -as we saw it- this was named after isolated villages
and not exclusively that of faithless ones .

Phelan includes barrio and barangay in a leve! superior to that of sitio. We have already explained
the meaning of the barrio. During the 181h and 191h centuries, it did not coincide at ali with that of
barangay7 A barrio -and even a visita- normally had severa! barangays , although the territorial
character of these were -as we already pointed out- minimal. But in addition , the proper use of the
term barangay is remarkably derived from the two centuries that we studied what is preferred is that
of cabecería , which is already documented in the ordinances of the good government of Cruza! 1696
(chapter 3) The cabecería, therefore , is the authentic basic unit of the administrative network of the
Spanish government in the Philippines . Only the rancherías of the faithless and the less inhabited
Christian sitios 12.ck cabecerías . The rest of the population entities , from the visita to the cabecera ,
are organized in multiple cabecerias . in sorne cases grouped in barrios , in others each one of them
can form an isolated visita . Therefore , when PHELAN (1967 124) states that there could be more
than one baranq-ªY_ in the cabecera ( .) but, general/y, there was only one in the visitas-barrios , we
believe that he committed an error. Surely not even during the village's first moments of resettlement
were these circumstances presented , although it is very probable that in the first two centuries , even
afterwards in isolated cases, the cabecerías did not gather the ideas number of 40 or 50 tributes , but
a much smaller number.

Continuing the analysis of the terminology Phelan prepared , we can point out that the word
pob/acion does not appear to be used in a profuse manner, the term cabecera was more common
This entire population entity formed the pueblo de indios , a term that is combined with that of the
municipio indígena since the second half of the 191h century . Although there were legally no real
municipalities (with the juridicial responsibility this word carries) until 1893, one cannot liken it to
peninsular municipalities.

In terms of what is referred to as ciudades, there would not be any in the Philippines besides
Manila . The ciudades were composed of a population of Spaniards, not of natives, and although

7
The mistakes in the identification of barrio and barangay have been repeated by different authors quoting Phelan ,
being Bruce L. FENNER one of the more recen!. (1985 :53) .

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 The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippin es during the Spanish Colonial Period

sorne were created during the first moments of colonization . they soon lost that standing and turned
into simple and more or less important pueblos . This is what happened with the ciudades of Santo
Niño (Cebu) , Villa Fernandina (Vigan) , Arévalo, Nueva Cáceres and Nueva Segovia

The terminology that we have used could be schematized in the fol lowing diagram , although
we would like to stress that it is applicable on ly for the 191h and at least the second half of the 181h
centuries , we do not intend to extend it to earlier times .

PUEBLO DE INDIOS
M =Matriz V V s
B =Barrio
V= Visita
~ D
S =Sitio B

C = Cabecería

M tE B
e
tE
1
B­
B s
D
tE
Note What is marked down as territorial cabecerias existed until the 181h century
and was legally reestab lished in 1893. During the intermediate stage they lost their
territorial character.

2. The inhabitable constructions of the pueblos

We will now refer to the types of housing and its urban planning that could be found in the new
villages . What is written is applicable to the extent of the entire Spanish colonial period , however our
information is placed in the context of the 191h century.
We can distinguish two big edification categories public and domestic. The public buildings
are the following : the church , the parish house (also called convent) , the court of justice (local
government building) , schools and bantayan (watch post) . Sorne important villages also relied on
buildings of military character, and the house of the mayor or the governor and the administrative
and government offices were situated in the province cabeceras. The homes of the dwellers were
obviously included in the category of private buildings , with sorne differences observed among these
dueto the greater size and the lavishness (at the same time a better location) of the homes belonging
to the illustrious inhabitants.

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The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

2. 1 The Domestic Residence

Generally, one could affirm that the structure and the . materia Is of the Philippine traditional
home varied very little during the entire Spanish era. Even today, the practica! totality of the rural
population conserves the architectural typology of previous eras 8 . This does not mean that there are
no differences among the types of homes that can be seen in the Philippines. Differences exist and
are very notable , especially if we compare models of homes of different ethnic and religious groups
However, in the entire Christianized native population , similarity is the norm .

We have already stated that the balance of form and types is divided into the house of a pueblo
on flat ground and the house belonging to the illustrious . During the end of the 191h century, the
differences are even more pronounced. Sorne of the illustrious natives were economically stronger,
and the rich mestizos especially would have homes constructed with resistant material (stone or
brick) , in which luxury and ostentatiousness were evident.

We will begin , however, describing a popular model home, as done by BUZETA and BRAVO
(1850, 1 245-246) :

The construction of the houses better cal/ed natives' barracas, is very easy,
maintaining some relative difference depending on the wealfh ofthe peop/e residing
in it. The bigger part consists of palm branches and lea ves, bound or tied up with
rattan , resting over four or more pillars (aliquis) depending on the barraca 's size.
These pillars are made of incorruptible wood such as molavin, banava and others.
the poorer peop/e 's barracas are only eight to ten feet squared and are made with
brava palm, which does not last long. At four feet above the ground, /eaning on the
pillars or the foundation of the house, they form a bamboo flooring which is he/d up
by trunks. In these little houses an ordinary mat is laid down, and this becomes the
common bed where the man, the woman , the children and elderly, and in a few
cases even the friends , lay in total nudity There, they smoke their cigars, chew
what remains of it, and spend the night.

The barraca has some fruit-trees around it anda little piece of land surrounded by a ,
fence made of a special type of bamboo, which is very strong and very thick in the
;
/ower part, and which is used far planting vegetab/es. The domestic trousseau
consists of a mortar, which is a/ways found at the en trance of the pati_o an.d is used
to crush rice to make the huskjump out, bamboo shoots that serve severa/ purposes,
as coconut cups, spoons and pots, which can be substituted with the shell of.green
coconuts where rice can be cooked without the need of water, one of those knives ~
cal/ goloc, some benches against the wall; a type of low bench which serves as a
table, a Chinese receptacle far coconut oil .a nd an oil lamp made of mud called
tinghoy by the natives; sorne crooked torches made of resin can, an image of the
Virgin , a Crucifix, some mats, a basket made of betel lea ves; areca nut and lime; a
mortar and general/y a flute ora guitar

8
A brief description of rural housing of this century's 60's can be found at WERNSTEDT and SPENCER (1967 : 158­
163) .

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 The structure of pueblos de indios in the Phi/ippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

The extensive previous reference is justified by its quality, since it reflects both the exterior and
the interior of these homes of "cane and nipa" with sufficient accuracy. (See figures 1 to 4, pp . 91 and
92).

The homes of the illustrious natives could obviously vary depending on its owners ' economic
leve!. In a good part of the pueblos and even the cabeceras of the less developed provinces , those
buildings did not stand out excessively over the rest. lt was the homes of the rich mestizos that stood
out the most, since many of them were constructed with strong material. In many cases , the illustrious
natives were content with wide and more luxurious homes than the common ones , but were built with
perishable material. MONTANO (1886 :75-76 ) describes , far example , the house of the governor of
Balanga (province of Bataan) and refers to it with terms that are very far from being considered
luxurious . The furniture is made of cane and is of scarce value and the(e are sorne votive images
and pious books. However, the practica! totality of the homes of the illustrious natives , however
modest they may be , had one or more severa! objects that were especially valuable the pianos were
(like in the house visited by Montano) one of the useful guides (as a traditional archeologist would
say) which shows us that an important person lives there . When the main owner of the house already
enjoys a notable economical status. those goods are multiplied , reaching very considerab le monetary
value : there are pianos, armchairs , tables , mirrors. cande labra , lamps , china , etc.

In terms of the structure of these homes, we can once again resort to the brief but well­
conceived description made by fathers BUZETA and BRAVO (1850 :240) :

The we/1-to-do or rich people had the most spacious home, which were wel/
designed, better furnished, painted and decorated with luxury The roof, like that of
others, is made of nipa. but the outer part is made of.metal plates. The props or
wood that serve as a base always came in pairs, and were therefore more in number
the bigger house was. The wall partitions were made of wood, with doors made of
narra, red wood or malavin, which , just like shells, is indestructible by humidity or
drought, and is unassailable by the white ant cal/ed anay

The main rooms of this house consist of a dining room (ecuda) , a living
room, a bedroom, a sma!I waiting room or bench and the kitchen which is located
outside the house. The room with secure flooring which is not occupied serves as a
basement ( ..) The entire interior of the homes were divided with wooden boards,
which coated with fresh paint attracted the traveler who arrived in the Philippines.
These houses were said to be made of tabla and nipa, while some nails and pieces
of iron contributed to its greater steadiness.

The house that were as sol id as a rock generally belonged to the mestizos and to the country's
white children . (See figs. 5 and 6, p. 93).

2. 2 Public buildings

We.have already stated which were the pueblos' most typical -and practically their only- publ'ic
buildings : the church , the parish house . the court of justice , the schools and bantayanes. The prison ,

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The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

the quarters, the governor's house (of the provincial head) and the supraprovincial government
offices were only found in the cabecera , except in sorne important localities where a specific building
for the prison would be built by either the municipal court or sorne quarters. Except for the
aforementioned buildings, the rest were to be paid for and built by the community. The quality of
these constructions would, therefore, depend on the economic power of each population and the
interest of its inhabitants. Beginning the 171h century and most especially beginning the 181h century,
most of the churches -except for the ones in poorer pueblos or those recently established- were just
like the convents, made of stone , although in a lesser scale, sorne of them being made of light
material until the 191h century. On the other hand, courts of justice and schools were built as a
general rule , out of wood, cane and nipa, while the buildings made of strong material were very
scarce. The state of the conservation of these buildings was, in the same way, significantly worse
than that of the religious buildings. In several cases it simply consisted of a wooden or bamboo
structure covered with cane, with no more extensions. Lastly, the bantayanes or watch posts, are
small and simple structures made of light materials that served as a shield for the watchmen.

The church

The initial moments during the Christianization of the Philippines experienced the erecting
-together with important native villages- of small buildings in the center of the pueblos destined to the
cult, which would gradually grow until reaching considerable proportions, going from light materials
to stone, and from austerity to almost ostentation in sorne cases.

Until the end of the 191h century, however, examples were preserved in visitas and small
pueblos of churches made of light material, surely very similar to those built during the 161h century
The print found in the work of RIENZI (1845:281) -representing the Bacoor Church in Samar-(see fig.
7, p. 96) and the one .reproduced by JAGOR (1875:210) -which represents ,the public squara.and
public buildings of Loquilocum (Samar)-(see fig. 8, p 96), were good examples of what we are
referring to. A very similar edification was seen in the Retiro Park in Madrid in 1887, in the occasion
of the Philippines' General Exhibition held that year (see fig. 9, p. 97).

Lastly, the lithography found in La /lustración Española y Americana (t. 131h, p.221 ), which
created a reproduction of the Binobusan church (Lian, Batangas) is also very significant (see fig. 1O,
p. 97).

In the four cases cited, we encountered structures made of wood and cane (except for
Binobusan, where a good portian is erected with stone) roofed in dos aguas. Similarly, all coincide in
providing an isolated tower, built over one or various wooden beams, over which the platform from
where the bell is located rests (except in the case of Bacoor), covered by a top made of straw a
cuatro aguas.

This type of church contrasted remarkably with what could already be encountered since the
171h century in Manila and other important provinces cabeceras, where the stone imposes its
roundness. The Philippine churches constructed in this material were characterized both by its baroque
style (with orientalist elements, due to the participation of Chinese craftsmen and artists in the
decoration) as well as its heavy forms , designed to prevent as much as possible the damages that

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 The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippin es during th e Spanish Colonial Period

the frequent earthquakes could cause. Examples of these edifications can be found throughout ali
the islands . (see figs . 11 and 12, p. 98) .

The parish house

Ali the travelers -both Spaniards and foreigners- who have written abo11t the Phiiippines, have
aiways referred to the convent or the parish house as the vital center of the pueblos in thei r accounts .
From an architectural point of view, the convent was the building of largest dimensions and entity,
after the church, and where the travelers found more comfort than in the courts of justice, which also
served as lodging houses.

The parish house, as the residence of the parish priest, represented the only residence inhabited
by a Spaniard in a very high percentage of pueblos, andas such , it brimmed with importance compared
to any other building , however notable it may be. The parish priest did not only welcome visits from
travelers and province heads to his home , but also the native heads and the important people close
to him , who could inform him of what was happening in the pueblo. At the same time, the service
personnel (cooks, cleaners·; etc) who attended to the parish priest in his residence could act as
information providers to the outside about what occurrec;Linside .

The convent was always buiit beside the church , many times directly connected to it. lts structure
and the quality of its materials were closely linked with that of the church . The residence of the parish
priest in visitas and in newly established pueblos had to be made of light materials . lts construction ,
just like the church , the court of justice and the schools , was of vital conside ration in granting a
staturs of an independent civil pueblo to the visita or barrio who would request it.

The modest parish homes during the 191h century were much less built with strong material. lts
structure was very similar to what we saw in the homes of the illustrious natives, although bigger in
size . lt normally consisted of two or three rooms, a living room anda kitchen . The most simple ones
can be seen in the corresponding prints of Loquilocum and Binobusan (see fig . 13, p. 99) .

The majority of the pueblos, however,-beginning the 18 1h century and most of ali in the 191h­
will have convents constructed with strong material. There would be great variety both in the size
and in the quality , depending on the economic power of its parish . In severa! cases, however, the biii
of the convents would amount to really imposing proportions (see fig. 14, p. 99) .

The court of justrce

The buildings of the tribunals in the Philippines had a triple function 1) to serve as a place for
work, meeting and justice administration to the governor and the other local authorities; 2) to take in
as the pueblo's prison , and 3) to serve as a lodging house in case of visits by travelers or provincial
authorities.

Unlike the convents , few courts of justices were built of stone beca use of the pressure exerted
by the parish priest so that it will be made of the strong material was much less than the pressure he

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The structure of pueblo s de indi os in the Philippines during th e Spanish Colonial Period

exerted with respect to the construction of the parish house , among other reasons . In many cases,
its situation was very precarious lt is especially serious when the courts of justice gave shelter to
the local prison , since the humidity and unhealthy conditions made the precincts an,.)uninhabitable
place , and its fragility prevented .the safe custody of the prisoners

The court of JUStice should ha ve been the center from the pueb/o 's civil life would be organized
and controlled . However. legal limitations which cut down the governor's authority such as the
parish priests' intervention in secular issues , made it not turn out this way. This limited field of
performance and the tribunal 's physical configuration was described by JOSE RIZAL ( 1909, 3rd
ed .: 151 ) with remarkable sharpness in his Noli me tan gere

lt was a living room of 12 to 15 meters in /ength by eight to te n in width . lts wa lls,

whitened with lime , were co vere d with drawings made with coa/, more or less ugly,
more or less indecent, with inscription s that comple ted its meaning In a comer
/eaning neatly against the wa ll. there were around ten old rifles between rusty sabers
and ceremonia/ swords. the armament of the group le aders.

In a far end of the living room decorated with dirty red curtains, a portrait of Your
Excellency hung hidden on the wall. Below the picture, overa wooden platform, and
old armchair opened its broken arms. In front, a /arge wooden table, stained with
ink, perforated with hales and carved with inscriptions and monograms ( .) Benches
and chairs, ci/ready broken-down, complete the furnishing.

Despite the fact that the quality in the construction of the courts of justice was less than what
is seen in the parish houses 9 , notable differences also existed . The most simple styles can be seen
in the courts built in the racherías of the faithless (which had a governor and justice ministers, not
necessarily converts of the Christian faith) and in the most recently established pueblos Constructions
were made following each of these characteristics in the Exhibition of the Philippines in Madrid ,
1887. (see figs . 15 and 16, p. 100). JAGOR 's work on the visita of Loquilocum (Samar), which we
have already reproduced , showed a similar court of justice.

The most important province cabeceras and pueblos had the courts of justice with the largest
dimensions, sorne of them built with strong material. One of these, seen in Dumaguete (Negros)

9
The orde rs of good governmen t of RAON (1768) gives an idea of thi s 'ea lity in chapter 92 which sa ys
And because there is a notorious excess of sumptuousness in the houses of the doctrine Ministers, convents or parish
houses, on the contra ry, th ere is an extreme abandonment in the roya l Cour1 Houses, which canno t be inhabiled
because they are uncomfortable and ruined, and /he Spanish passengers have to tolera/e many works in here, and
the Majors being unable to pass to some of the pueblos of their j urisdiction due to the lack of a royal House as no 6 ft.
feeling comfortable livin g in what is ca lled conven t due to some indisposition with the doctrine Minfster living in it which
res ult in furth er indisposition. when some of the Ministers of this Royal Audience visit the provinces ar goes in a
commission. On one hand. lodging in one of these houses which cannot be inhabited is unbe coming to his condition
and dangero us to his health. On the other hand. they are forbidden to stay at Religious convents. accordrng to law 89 .
chapter 16. book 2. every to wn (pueblo). especial/y /he cabeceras, is orde re d to build their own na tural royal House s.
decent and comfo rtable. adapted from the blueprin t give n by /he High Government. and in there . /he ·Gobernadorcillos
mus/ ha ve /he court and jail to keep the prisoners. trying to keep the lea ks and other da mages fixed so that they will
not become a majar ruin anda maj ar expense (RODRIGUEZ SA N PEDRO . 1865-1869m 1.267).

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 The structure of pueblos de indios in the Phi/ippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

(see fig. 17, p. 101) -although of light material and in very bad condition-were reproduced .

Lastly, as an example of a court of justice of considerable size constructed with a lime and
stone base. we reproduce the one of Tuguegarao , the cabecera of Cagayan 10. (See fig . 18, p. 101 ).

Befare ending this section , we should mention that, because ofthe state of ruin or the inexistence
of courts of justice in sorne pueblos, the homes of sorne of the illustrious natives of the !ocality were
used instead.

Theschools

During the early part of the Spanish conquest, a legislation stipulated the need of schools in ali
the pueblos to teach girls and boys the Christian doctrine and the Spanish language. This ordinance
was theoretically fulfilled in most cases, but the problem usually was the low turn up of students
compared to the total child population.

Regarding the buildings, we can state that the immense majority lack the minimal conditions
far admitting students. In many cases, it consisted of simple compartments , without walls nor floors ,
which only gave protection -in a bad way- from the sun . One can assume that the provision of
furniture and other materials was very deficient. Not even in few occasions were classes held in
private homes. The exceptions we refer to can be graphically illustrated with examples of the schools
in Univay (lloilo) and Tuguegarao (Cagayan) (see figs. 19 and 20 , p. 103).

Other public constructions , such as that of cemeteries , generally lack any type of structure
and planning . We are once again in a predicament in presenting the exception to the rule witM. the
example of the cemetery of Univay (lloilo) (see fig. 21 , p. 103)

As a culmination of the paragraphs that we have been dedicated to public buildings , 1 will
include two lists of the pueblos of the province of Batangas in 1892, in reference to the state of its
public buildings , the number and quality of its private homes , its inhabitants , etc 11 . One can deduce
obvious conclusions from analyzing the lists the scarce number of homes built with strong material ,
meaning , those who pay taxes (table A) , and the ruined state of the non-religious public bui ldings
(table B) , which the author attributes to the excessive bureaucratic centralization, which prevented
fast action for its preservation.

10
The photograph from where this engraving has been taken belongs to the A/bum de la provincia de Cagayan (s/a, s/f.
s/I) , now at the National Museum of Ethnology.
11
Conditions taken from Memoria de Batangas, redactada por el Gobernador Civil, Don Manuel Mariano y Vivo
(handwritten copy), August 1", 1892, AHN-U , file 5348 , doc. 634 .

- 201 ­
The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

TABLE A

-,
Pueblos lnhabitants Houses that Houses Number of 1 D1stance to the
1 1 1 1
capital pay laxes made of nipa barrios to the capital
1 1 1 1 1

Batangas 30, 125 74 5,632 44

1
Bauan 36,478 46 4,714 58 7
1
Cuenca 6,488 16 1,089 8 20
1
San Luis 6,817 - 718 26 25
1
Taal 24.408 75 2,894 68 26
1
Lemery 16,775 31 . 2,999 35 27
1
Ca laca 11,986 12 1,547 9 40
1
Balayan 19,319 33 2,824 ,25 50
Tuy 11 ,590 23 1.759, 17 59
Lian 4,031 10 517 8 64-69-73
Nasugbu 8,481 9 2,092 5 76
Calatagan 2,388 1 332 4 71-74
San Jose 1O,125 35 1,709 21 15
Lipa 40 ,599 177 6,069 46 28
Tanauan 19,659 19 2,895 26 44
Talisay 7,753 4 1,143 13 60
Sto . Tomas 11 ,359 10 1,976 20 46
Ybaan 8,731 8 1,232 22 12-2.3
Taysan 6,361 1 1 207 15 23-17
Lobo · 6,083 1 8 1,113 16 23-25
Rosario 12,907 1 10 1,965 35 1 28-37
San Juan 10,776 1 15 1,913 23 1 37-57

Note. Distance is in kilometers. So rne pueblos provide more than one distance if there are different routes leading to
the capital.

\'

- 202 ­
 TABLE B

Pueblo Church Convent Court of Justice Schools Quarter houses

Lipa magnificent, made same as church ruined and made of s.m.,

of s.m . and in g.c. unusable awaiting repair

1 -i
::r-
CD
(/)
Bauan very good , made same as church ruined almost in unusable ­
of s.m . and in g.c. condition , partly
2
(")
2
occupied by the ca
'>
court of justice o-.,
"O
e
ro
Rosario almost ruined ,
awaiting repair
good , made of s.m . ruined ruined made of l.m . and in a.c.
I! ro

I~
Batangas* made of s.m. and ruinous , but currently ­
N
o(.;J undergoing repair inhabited
:o
s:CD
Nasugbu averege, ruined and unusable made of s.m . made of l.m,
lJ
made of s.m . arid in g.c , recently built ::r­
occupied by the -6'
-o
guardia civil ':i
CD
(/)
Q

I~
Balayan made of s.m. ve'ry good and made of s.m. ruined and abando ned

and in g.c. sarne as church and in a.c.

::r-
CD
(/¡
Taal rnagnifi cent , good , made of s.m . made of s.m ., made of s.m. arid in g.c. ­ -o
Q)
made of s.m. and in g.c. recently re stored ¡¡:;
and in very 'g c. ::r­
()
o

I~
San Juan under construction same mad e of 1m , made of lm , situated in the old pu eb lo ,
in a.c. recently constructed to be transferred to new site
<:!?
,, ¡ O
~-

Q
 Pueblo Church Convent Court of Justice Schools Quarter houses 1 ;!
CD
(/)

Tana uan good , of s.m. and good and of s.m. ruined and ruinous and ­ 2
(")

currently with an un usable abandoned 2"

~
extension being built o......
Lemery very good, of s.m. mc:gnificent. - made s.m. even the same as the schools "O
e
and in g.c. the same as church if roof is made of nipa, Cll
o-
in g.c. o
(/)

c..
Cll

I~
Ca laca good , under · good made ofl.m . ruined and ­
restoration and in a.c. abandoned (/)

s·
Lobo good, of s.m. good, of s.m. made of s.m. - ­ s
CD
and in a.c. and in g.c. even if roof is \)
:::l­
made of nipa, .g
'b
normal c. s
CD
(/)

1~
N
o.¡:. Calatagan made of s.m., made of l.m., made ofl.m., the same as the ­
in a.c. in equa l c. in equal c. court of justice (Q

s
CD
Taysan regular, of s.m. good, recently buiit good , of s.m., made of s.m., roof of ­
roof made of nipa nipa recently restored IW¡;:;
:::l-

I~
Tuy under construction under repair made of s.m . made of s.m.m roof of ­
and in g.c. nipa recently restored

~
\)
San Jose good, made of s.m. very good, deteriorated and - ­ CD
'.:::!.
recently restored awaiting repair o
o.

Talisay regular, made of s.m. same as the church - - made of s.m. , roof of
nipa recently built

San Luis
 Pueblo Church Convel}! Court of Justice Schools Quarter houses

Ybaan ruin ous and currently made of s.m . ruined and ruined and abandoned
under repair and in g.c. abandoned

Lian regular, made of s.m. made of 1.m., made of l.m ., a.c. made of l.m. , in a.c.
good , recently bu ilt
;:!
Cb
(/)
Cuenca made of s.m., same as the ruined and ruined and abandoned
and in g.c. church , in g.c. abandoned
2
C)
¡::­
;:¡¡
s.m. = strong material o
......
-o
l.m. = light material e
ro
O"
g.c .= good condition o
(J)
a.c. = average condition a.
ro
::::¡
*Has a governor's house made of s.m . and is in average state of preservation. Also has government offices made of s.m. and in g.c. built in part from a.
N 5·
e the old prison . The administration house is ruined and abandoned, having been transferred to !he lower part of !he government house. The prison is (J)
!JI
':5"
made of s.m . bu! does not provide good living conditions for the prisoners, even if it is recently constructed .
s:
Cb
Source : Copy of the Memory of Batangas, written by Civil Governor Don Manuel Mariano y Vivo , Batangas , August 1, 1892. AHN, 5348, 634.
~

f
Cb
(/)

o.
e:
:::i .
::;
(Q

s:
Cb

~
tll
::;
e;;·
:::;­
()
o
o::;
~
~
g
o.
The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

Urban planning

The pueblos de indios -especially its cabeceras- were organized and built under the direction
of the parish priest. following plans already u sed in America . The objective was to create standardized
village settlements with a central public square where the church , the parish house , the court of
justice and , sometimes, the schools were located . lt was also an almost general norm that the fa cades
of the houses belonging to the pueblos's illustrious natives faced the square.

This ordinance is theoretically common in ali the cabeceras, visitas or barrios that were organized
by the parish priests . However, there existed a number of pueblos with more dispersed populations
in which those barrios and visitas lacked ali types of planning .

lllustrative examples of the urban planning system we have referred to are the plans that we
reproduced , ali of them from the second half of the 19th century , whose models could also apply to
the 171h and 181h centuries (see figs 22 to 27 , pp . 109 to 115).

In ali the cases except for one (the Alang -Alang pueblo in Leyte) it deals about visitas that
requested a rise to the category of a civil pueblo , in this way . to avail themselves their own governor
and justice ministers . The building of an independent spiritual pueblo -with a res ident parish priest­
was almost always requested after the creation of a civil pueblo , fo llowing a different procedure As
we earlier mentioned , for this request to be accepted , it was necessary that the inhabitants first
construct all the public buildings . The case of the Ponong visita in Leyte -whose plan was one of
those we reproduced- departs from this norm . A Spaniard had settled down (Don Pascual Anton io) ,
who through share-cropping system , and by paying the inhabitants' taxes managed to create a
flourishing agricultura! co lon y from the visita , financing the construction of ali the public build in gs
from his own pocket (see fig. 22 , p. 109) .

Other places were apparently not so fortunate and lacked any preestablished urban planning .
The sketch that represents nine barrios in Balayan (Batangas), which requested for their own civil
and spiritual jurisdiction in 1865, is a good example of what we refer to (see fig . 23 , p. 11 O) .

In it, one can observe the total absence of planning the barrios -who neither appear to be
clearly delimited- group their homes throughout t.he length of the Calzada Real and the rivers In the
same plan . one can appreciate more significant data . We are referring to the distances that exist until
the boundary of the cabecera , marked by the bantayan or the watch post, which surpasses four
leagues (almost 30 kilometers) in its most extreme point. As we have already mentioned earlier, the
creation of settlements of Christianized Philippine natives was always very far from being cons idered
optima l. 1n many a reas , the heightened dispersion of barrios and visitas would crea te serious problems
for a correct civil and religious administration of the pueblos The large distance to the cabecera was
always one of the main reasons why the visitas and barrios were supported in their aspiration to
enjoy their own jurisdiction .

The urban planning of the pueblos de indios will not be lim ited to the lineal design of its streets
A very important issue, which affects all the village settlements in the Philippines was the easy
combustion of their homes dueto the materials they are made of and the inexistence -in the practica!
totality of ali cases- of safety spaces between the buildings

- 206 ­
 The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

The 181h and 191h centuries produced repeated mandates far the prevention of fire . but these
were seldom followed beca use the authorities did not implement it, among other reasons. Therefare ,
the municipal ordinance far the good ru le and government of the province of llacas established in
1743 by Judge Don Joseph Ignacio Arzadun and Rebolledo, states in its 49 1h chapter 12

Having acknowledged that the frequent tires that hit the pueblos of this province
were general/y caused by the fault and negligence of its inhabitants; to remedy this,
I arder and command that houses and other buildings be made of wooden boards,
canes and sacote. The inhabitants of the house on fire will remain responsible far
the damages that will occur, and will be punished by the mayor The construction of
other specia/ buildings beside the Royal and Community Houses, the Court of Justice
and Churches wil/ not be allowed. Every resident should ha ve a ladder, and 1Oar12
cylinders made of cane, always filled with water The courts of justice should ha ve
tour or six oxes with some men, anda cart loaded with cylinders of water. Al! should
to turn up in the place of fire and help out in dousing it. Those who do not fu/fil/ the
above will be penalized.

The ordinances of the good government of Raon of 1786, refer to fire prevention in its 83'd
chapter in the same way , but in a more general framework which commands the mayors to give
more zeal in the creation of settlements of Christianized natives , to try to end with the enormous
dispersa! of a good part of the population The abovementioned chapter states that

The arder of the houses in the pueblos and the lack of zeal and care given in
estab/ishing Christian settlements, as commanded by the laws of these Kingdoms
and repeated by the Royal decrees, are not the least damage that these islands
experience in terms of what is spiritua/ and temporal.

The consequences of this are non-assistance to churches and schools , the deprivation of
sacraments , lack of accuracy in the tax-payers ' register , etc. Definitely, the dispersa! makes the
natives /ive . notas Christians, but as barbarians, without government norpo!icies .

The dispersa! of the Philippine habitat which one would want to created into Christian
settlements , at least in paper- was a constant which remained as such during the entire Hispanic
period and which still exists until today. In January 1897, amidst a war-like environment, the dispersa!
clearly beca me a negative factor far the interests of the Spanish military . Governor General Polavieja
would refer to this issue in the fa llowing terms n

In the regions where public arder has been disrupted, it was necessary to help the
deve/oping energetic military action, by destroying those hidden inhabited settlements,

12
Reproduced in Copias de Diligencias remitida s por el Lizenciado D. Félix de Zouza, Juez Pesquisidor nombrado
contra Dn. Pedro Neuado Alcalde mayor de la provincia de Y/ocas (1770-1801 ), 2'º piece , ff. 114-114v. AHN­
Consejos , file 21020.

13
Personal letter from Governor General Polavieja to the Minister of Overseas , Man ila as of January 2, 1897 (copy).
AHN -U file 5361 .

- 207 ­
The structure of pueblos de indios in the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period

which the misuse of old and wise ordinances had consented and allowed to multiply
To accomplish this, this Governor General has issued a decree which I senda/so to
Your Excel/ency in which , respecting al/ the legitima te or va/id rights which ha ve
arisen from the unfulfilment of laws and ordinances still in force, / arder the
concentration of al/ settlements and barrios of /esser population, located in lost places
and which used to serve as support to the rebel factions , into pueblos or /arge
bamos .

Bibliography:
Seep . 116

- 208 ­
Estructura de los pueb los de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

Bibliografía:

ALBUM - de la provincia de Cagayán (s.a. , s. 1. , s.i.). (Se conserva en el Museo Nacional de Etnología). S.f.

BU ZETA, Fr. Manuel, y Fr. Felipe Bravo. Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de las Islas Filipinas.

Madrid, 1851 , 2 vols.

FENNER, Bruce Leonard. Cebu Under the Spanish Flag, I 521-1896. An Economic and Social Hist01y. Cebu

City, 1985. San Car los Publications.

GARCÍA LLANSÓ, Antonio. El Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar. Barcelona, 1897. Tipog. de Luis Tasso.

JAGOR, J. Viajes por Filipinas. Madrid , 1875. Aribau y Cía.

LAUREANO, Félix. Recuerdos de Filipinas. A/bum-libro útil para el estudio y conocimiento de los modos y

costumbres de aquellas islas con treinta y siete fototipias tomadas y copiadas del natural, por - . Barcelona,
1895. A. López Robert, impresor.

MONTANO, J. Voyage aux Philippines et en Malaisie. París, 1886. Hachette et Cie.

PHELAN, John Leddy. The Hispanization ofthe Philippines. Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses (1565­
1700). Madison, 1967. University of Wisconsin Press, 2.ª ed.

RIENZI , L. D. Historia de la Oceanía o quinta parte del mundo. Barcelona, 1845. Imp. Del Fomento, vol. l.

RIZAL Y MERCADO, José. Noli me tangere (Novela tagala). Barcelona, 1909. Maucci, 2 vols.

RODRÍGUEZ SAN PEDRO, Joaquín, y otros. Legislació Ultramarina. Madrid, 1865-69. Estab. T ipog. de
José Fernández Cancela. Desde el vol. 6.º, Imp. De Manuel Minuesa. 14 vols. + 2 de apéndices.

WERNSTEDT, Frederick L. y J. E. Spencer. The Philippine lsland World: A physical, cultural and regional

geography. Berkeley, 1978 . Univ. of California Press.

WORCESTER, Dean C. The Philippine Jslands and their people. New York, 1898. The Macmillan Co.

- 116 ­
 Estructura de los pueblo s de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

l . Man il a, una casa de nipa en el barri o de Sam paloc. la Ilustración Española y Americana ( 1871:589).
A house made of nipa , Barrio de Sampa loc, Manila . La ilustración Española y Americana (1871 :589)

2. Cavite , carretera Real de Nas ugbú. la !lustración Española y Americana ( 1897:40)

Carretera Real de Nasugbu , Cavile . La /lus tración Española y Americana (1 897:40)

- 91 ­
Estructura de los puebl os de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa espaíiola

3 . Camino del Cementerio, Tansa, Ilo-ilo. (LAUREANO, 1895).

Camino del Cementerio , Tansa , llo-ilo . (LAUREANO , 1895).

4. Calle sin identificar en Ilo-ilo. (LAUREANO, 1895).

Unidentified street in llo-ilo . (LAUREANO , 1895)

- 92 ­
 Esrmcrura de los pueblos de indios 1:'11 Fil1pi11us dun111f<! la l'!Opa l:'spoiiolu

5. Vista de la calle del Progreso, llo-ilo. (LAUREANO, l 895:1ám. 22).

View of the Calle del Progreso , llo-ilo. (LAUREANO , 1895 22)

6. Calle del Arsenal, Cavite. La !!11s1rució11 Española y Americano ( 1897 :88). (Fotog. Laureano).
Calle del Aresenal, Cavile . La ilustración Española y Americana (1897 88)

- 93 ­
Estructura de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

7. Visita de Bacor, Sa mar. (RIEN ZI, l 845: lámina 78).

Visita de Bacor, Samar (RIENZI , 1845 78)

8. Visita de Loquilocum , Samar. (JAG OR, 1875:2 1O).

( 1) Iglesia (2) Casa parroquial (3) Campanario (4) Tribuna l (5) Casa de un mesti zo

Visita de Loquilocum , Samar (JAGOR , 1875 210)

(1) Church (2) Parish house (3) Bell Tower (4) Court of Justice (5) House of a mestizo

- 96 ­
 Es1ruc111ra de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas duran/e la e1apa española

9. Iglesia del pueblo montado en la Expos ición de

Filipinas de Madrid, 1887.

La Ilustración Espaí1ola y Americana ( 1887: 180).

Church of the pueblo set up in the Exhibition of the

Philippines in Madrid , 1887. La /lustración Española y
Americana ( 1897 221)

10. Iglesia, torre y casa parroquial de Binobusán, Liang (Batangas).

La Ilustración Española y Americana ( 1897:22 1).

The church, tower and parish house of Binobusan , Liang (Batangas) La Ilustración Española y Americana (1897 221 )

- 97 ­
Estructura de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

11. Iglesia de Tumauini (Cagayán). La !lustración Española y Americana ( 1877:388).

Tumauini Church , Cagayan. La Ilustración Española y Americana (1877:388)

12. Iglesia de Lallo, Cagayán.

La !lustración Española y Americana
(1877:388).
Lallo Church , Cagayan. La /lustración Española y
Americana (1874:637)

- 98 ­
 t:structura de los puebl os de in dios en Filipinas durante la etapa espaiiola

13. Casa parroqui al de Binobusán. Junto a ell a, la to rre de la igl es ia.

La !lustración EspaPíola y American a ( 1897:22 1).

Parish House of Binobusan . Together wit h it, the church tower. La Ilustración Española y Americana (1897 22 1)

14. Igles ia de Mal olos, Bu lacán , donde se apreci a la imponente casa parroqui al.

La !lustración Española y Americana ( 1877:388).

Malolos church in Bulacan , where one can appreciate the imposing parish house.

La /lustración Española y Americana (1877 :388)

- 99 ­
 Esrrucrura de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas duran/e la erapa española

15. Tribunal de la ranchería montada en la

Exposició n de Filipin as de Madrid, 1887.

La !lustración Española y Americana ( 1887: 180).

Court of justice of the racheria set up in the Exhibition of .

the Philippines in Madrid, 1887. La /lustración Española y
Americana ( 1887 180)

16. Tribunal del pueblo montado en la Expos ición

de Filipinas de Madrid, 1887.

\{r

·­ (GARCIA LLANSO, 1897)

Court of JUst1ce of the pueblo set up 111 the Exhib ition of

the Philippines in Madrid . 1887

(GARCIA LLANSO , 1897)

- 100 ­
 Estructura de los pu eb los ele i ndi os en Fiíipinas d urante la e1apa espoñola

J 7. T ribunal de Dumaguete, Negros. (WORCEST ER, 1898 257)

Court of justice of Dumaguete , Negros. (WORCESTER , 1898 257)

J 8. T ribunal de T ug uegarao, Cagayán. la !/ustracián Española y Americana ( 'l 877:388).

Court of justice of Tuguegarao , Cagayan La Ilustración Española y Americana (1877 388)

- 101 ­
 Estructura de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

19. Escuelas de Univay. la !lustración Española y Americana (1885: 164).

(El nombre correcto es Janivay, Iloilo)
Schools of Univay. La /lustración Española y Americana (1885:164) .
(The co rree! name is Janivay, lloilo).

20. Escue la de Tuguegarao (Cagayán) . A/bum

de la provincia de Cagayán (s .a., s. 1. , s. i.)
(hacia 1877).
Schools of Tuguegarao (Cagayan).
Photo a/bum of the province of Cagayan.

21. Nuevo cementerio de Univay (sic). (Se trata

de Janivay, Iloilo). la !lustración Española y
Americana ( 1885: 164).
The new cemetery of Univay (lloilo).

La /lustración Española y Americana (1885:164).

- 103 ­
 Estructura de los pueb los de indi os en Filipinas duran te la etapa española

22. Visita de PONONG (matriz Leyte, provincia de Leyte).

AHN-U , leg. 5254, exp. n.0 2 (años 1881-1884).
Visita de Ponong (Leyte matriz, province of Leyte) (yrs . 1881-1884).

- 109 ­
Estructura de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

,;¡¿;/'/Í'

''I
l

23. Nueve barrios de Balayán que pretenden erigirse en pueblo civi l (provincia de Batangas).
AHN-U , leg. 5202, exp. n. 0 9 (año 1860).
The nine barrios of Balayan which aspire to rise in category into one civil pueblo (province of Batangas) (yr. 1860) .

. 110 ­
 Estru ctura de los pueb los de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

24. Nuevo sitio para el pueblo de Alang-Alang (Leyte). AHN-U , leg. 5287, exp. 23 (años 1883-1888).
A new sitio far the pueblo of Alang Alang (Leyte) (yrs . 1883-1888).

- 111 ­
Estructura de los pueblos de indios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

25. Barrio de Alonguisan (matriz Pinamungajan, Cebú). AHN-U, leg. 5255, exp. 26 (años 1883-1885).
Barrios de Alonguisan (Pinamungajan matriz, Cebu) (yrs. 1883-1885).

- 112 ­
 Estructura de los pueblos de indio s en Filipinas durante la etapa española

=
\¡ -i.
~'
I·
\ ~ .

----­ -~ ;;:·~

26. Visita de Ynolinan (matriz Liloan , Leyte). AHN-U , leg. 5266, exp. 8 en azul (años 1884-1887).
Visita de Ynolinan (Liloan matriz, Leyte) (yrs . 1884-1887)

- 113 ­
 Estructura de los pueb los de ind ios en Filipinas durante la etapa española

En la región donde se ha perturbado el orden público, era necesario coadyuvará

la enérgica accion militar que se está desarrollando, destruyendo esos ocultos
caseríos habitados, que el desuso de antiguas y sabias disposiciones había por
desgracia consentido y multiplicado, y para conseguirlo, este Gobierno General
ha dictado el decreto que adjunto remito también á VE., en el cual, respetando
todos los derechos legitimas ó atendibles, siquiera hayan nacido del incumplimiento
de leyes y disposiciones todavía vigentes, se ordena la concentración en los pueblos
ó grandes barrios de todos los caseríos y barrios de menor cuantía, situados en
parajes extraviados que sólo servían de núcleo y apoyo á las partidas rebeldes.

27. Visita de Pintoyán (matriz Li loan, Leyte). AHN -U, leg. 5266, exp. 8 en azul (años 1884- 1887) .
Visita de Pintoyan (Lil oan matriz) (1884-1887)

- 115 ­