Pastoral Nomadism in the Andes'
In this sense,
byDAVID L. BROWMAN
Models of pastoralism have failed to take New World
patternsintoaccount. Althoughexamples of camelid (llama
and alpaca) pastoralism have been reported, they have
largelybeen ignored. In this sense, this paper establishes
a newcase of pastoralnomadism,integratingarchaeological,
historical,and ethnographic data. It details the evidence
for seminomadic pastoralismin the Jauja-Huancayo basin
in the Andes of central Peru. The discussion is divided
into three sections: a generalized model for pastoralism
in the central highlands,a summaryof the archaeological
data for earlypastoral groups in the Jauja-Huancayo area,
and a surveyof theethnohistoricand ethnographicevidence
on the present pastoral patternin the Andes.
THE GENERALIZED MODEL
In the Andean area, the general assumptioq has been that
older patternsof nomadic wanderingassociated withhunt-
ing_andgatheringwere supplanted,by 1500 B.C., by seden-
tary agricultural villages. In the Jauja-Huancayo basin,
however, the inhabitants maintained an emphasis upon
seminomadicpastoralismeven when theirhighland neigh-
bors had been sedentary, fully agricultural, and even
urbanized for nearly 2,000 years. The configurationof
exploitativeactivitiescharacteristicof the basin up to about
A.D. 500 indicatesa dependence upon the domestic alpaca
and llama, limitedwet-seasonhorticulture,and the gather-
ing of wild plant foods and the hunting of a varietyof
animals. An estimated 50% or more of subsistence was
based upon domesticanimals. Settlements,generallysmall,
were seasonally occupied for a number of years and then
abandoned.
A distinctivecharacteristic
of llama and alpaca pastoralism
is that it is integrated into and generally maintains the
structureofthe huntingand gatheringecosystemintowhich
it is introduced. Innovation in this case is a conservative
process,the initialeffectbeing to preservethe formerways
of life under the stressof changing environmentalcondi-
tions. The step from hunting wild guanaco to herding
domesticated llama and alpaca is simply one of making
the animals more available to be hunted when needed.
Small population units are exploiting wide expanses of
land that have a high wild-foodproductivitywith respect
to herd animals.
Camelid pastoralismrepresentsa culturaladjustment to
a semiarid grassland ecosystem that can support grazing
animals but is poorly suited to cultivated crops. In the
centraland southern highlands of Peru, herding of llama
and alpaca is the most effectiveform of land use and
resource exploitation.Pastoralism,though just one set of
potentialsolutions,seems to be the one best suited to the
puna biotope. As long as thereis sufficientspace, the grasses
and herbs whichsustainthe pastoral economycan recuper-
ate between periods of heavy use. Pastoralismhas tended
'Fieldwork on which part of this paper is based was carried
out withfunds provided by the National Science Foundation. An
earlier version of the archaeological portion of the paper was
presentedat the 37th annual meetingsof the SocietyforAmerican
Archaeology in Miami and an earlier versionof the ethnographic
portion at the 71st annual meetings of the American Anthro-
pological Association in Toronto. I am gratefulfor the helpful
comments made on various portions of the evolving manuscript
by Elizabeth Wing, Thomas Patterson,Richard MacNeish, Patty
Jo Watson, John Bennett, Edward Montgomery,and Jane Brow-
man.
188
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to induce and maintain areas of short grass.
the pastoral Andean with his llama herds has become a
member of the grazing succession, not in conflictbut in
cooperation withthe wild camelids and deer.
The yearlyrainy season is of crucial importance in the
regeneration of pastures for the hunter or herder and
in the maturationof crops for the farmer. In the Jauja-
Huancayo basin, the rain varies greatlyfrom year to year
in its inception,duration, location, and value. The yearly
variation is normally about +20% from the average of
740 mm(from580 to 890 mm),but thearea also experiences
abnormallywet years, with as much as 270% of normal
precipitation(2,000 mm), and years of extreme drought,
with as little as 19% of normal precipitation(140 mm).
Effectiveresourceutilizationin such a variableenvironment
places a premiumbothon mobility, whichfavorspastoralism
as a subsistence mode, and on a diversityof resources,
which favors the development of secondary subsistence
modes such as horticulture.
The transitionfrom hunting to pastoralisminvolved a
gradual change in resource extraction and procurement
systems,regulated (Flannery 1968) by the mechanisms of
seasonality and scheduling. In contrast to the nomadic
hunter,the pastoralistmust consider the need for grazing
or browsing areas and plentifulwater supplies; he must
practiceresource controlthrough herdingand husbandry,
the control and nurture of the animals, and the building
up of herd capital and the formation of profit. The
pastoralist'shusbandry confers control over herd repro-
duction; in contrast,the hunter, as a predator, tends to
be nonselective,removinganimals fromall age-classes and
all ranges of variation(Paine 1971).
In nature, the adjustment of numbers of animals is a
homeostatic process, an automatic self-rightingbalance
betweenpopulationdensityand resources(Wynne-Edwards
1965, Dasmann 1964). The pastoralist is an agent of
instabilityin camelid populations. He removesthe previous
limit to the number of adults permitted to breed. He
removes competitivepredators.Withthe increasinganimal
densitieshe nurtures,the incidenceof diseases and parasites
increases(Street 1969). The pastoralistacts as an artificially
applied selectivepressure. Whetherby simplyslaughtering
undesirable animals for food, withdrawingmales fromthe
breeding pool to act as pack animals,or protectingdeviants
and mutants that under natural conditions would not
survive,or by exercising more conscious control such as
by castration or selective breeding, the pastoralistexerts
influence on the genetic history of the breed (Downs
1960:24). Having once upset the natural situation, the
pastoralistmust continuallyattemptto protecthis animals
fromdisease, weather,and other selectivepressures.
In the pastoral situation there are two main strategies
for survival.The firstis to maximize the number of herd
animals as crisis capital. (Parentheticallywe should note
that such maximization is incompatible with long-range
stability.)The second is to maintainsecondary exploitaEive
techniques such as horticultureand trade.
The investmentvalue of herd animals is not only in
providing a reliable food supply, but in constitutinga
preservable food surplus which can be readily mobilized.
In the Andes, herds of llama and alpaca served as a reserve
against droughts, freezes, and other calamities; in such
crises the herds could be either utilized directlyor ex-
changed withneighboringgroups for necessaryfoodstuffs.
Moreover,a reasonable amount of wealthcould be accumu-
lated, as the animals not only themselvesconstitutewealth,
but also serveas pack animals to transportadditional goods.
Though slight,the llama will carry loads of 45 kg and
more and requiresno fodderotherthanthegrassesavailable
in the highlands.
CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY
 The optimizationof animal resources is controlled by
constraintsof the sociocultural environment,such as the
regional demographic structure,and constraintsof the
physio-biotic environment, such as behavioral charac-
teristicsof the flocks, distributionof pasture and other
resources, disease, etc. (Salzman 1971). Change in either
of these bringsabout disequilibriumregulatingpopulation
density.It is erroneous to assume that human populations
will fill the ecological space to the point of equilibrium,
forman is continuallydespoiling and upsettingthe balance
withnature.The adjustmentor balance achievedbya group
of pastoralistsis not a stable equilibrium,but a dynamic
one that is often disrupted by natural and human factors.
There is an optimal herd size that allows maximal
production without sacrificingherding efficiency.As a
capitalresource,the herd is vulnerableto reductionthrough
disease, animals of prey, inclementweather,and the ten-
dencyto revertto the wild stateas well as reductionthrough
use for food or'for social purposes (Leeds 1965). One
of the primarysymbolicvalues of the animals is theirability
to confer prestigeand power on theirowners and provide
them with the means to participate in social reciprocity.
Some cultural constraintsare thus placed on herd size,
as thepastoralist'scapitalis easilystolenor dispersed. Where
limiteddistributionof pasture, water,and other resources
places the group in direct competitionwith others, there
are also demographic constraintsupon herd size.
Maintenance of secondary exploitativetechniques leads
to more stable group parameters and permanent political
authority roles and is the economic basis for pastoral
chiefdomssuch as those found in prehistoricPeru (Salzman
1967, Murra 1968). The economies of the pastoral nomads
were necessarilymulti-resource-based.A flexible mix of
cultivationand pastoralismwas environmentallyadaptive
in thecentraland southernhighlandsof Peru; a willingness
to move in eitherdirectionalong thisbehavioral continuum
was apparently an indispensable strategyfor survival. In
Peru, the multi-resourcebase included pastoralism,hunt-
ing, horticulture,and trade.
Due to the uncertaintyof adequate precipitation,poten-
tiallyarable land in the Jauja-Huancayo basin is limited.
Planting was confined to stream floodplains, margins of
lakes, and alluvial and colluvial fans. Enormous reserves
of uncultivated land were thus available for herding as
a complementarysubsistencemode. Horticultureis more
closely tied to the functioningof the natural husbandry.
Though both horticultureand herding extractmore from
thegrasslandecosystemthantheyreturn,theyare in general
more conducive to long-range stabilitythan agriculture,
which is characterizedby the destructionof natural vegeta-
tion (Smith 1972:102; Sears 1972:132).
Though both herd animals and crops were susceptible
to yearlyweathervariation,togethertheyprovided a better
adaptive approach than either alone. While the herds
provided a more secure food base for years of drought,
these resources were much more severelystrainedby lean
years; a herd reduced in numbers took several years to
recuperate, whereas recuperation was possible in a single
season withcrops. There was littleconflictbetween herding
and other resource procurement systems. The lack of
specialized agricultural tools during early time epochs
indicates that littlecare was given the crops; fields were
leftfor long periods while the people grazed theiranimals
in distantpastures.
The Andean llama herders maintained the same four
equilibrium relationships that Barth (1961:113) has de-
scribed for Persian nomads. They maintaineda short-term
ecologic balance by seasonal migration and dispersal,
wherebythe intensityof utilizationof pastures is adjusted
to the seasonal rejuvenation of grasslands at different
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elevations.Economicbalance withothergroupsand markets
was achieved through secondary techniques such as wet-
season horticultureand trade. Politicalbalance was main-
tained by the pastoral chiefdomsthatwe have hypothesized
for early periods and can demonstrate for later ones.
Demographic balance was presumablymaintainedthrough
nutrition,disease, warfare,birthcon-
differentialfertility,
trol and infanticide,etc. These "balances" are all only
short-term;in termsof a long-rangeview, the steady state
does not exist. The pastoral system must be viewed as
a dynamicsystem,not a stable one.
THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA
The Jauja-Huancayo sectorof the Mantaro River drainage
comprisesa natural basin some 3,500 m (11,000 ft.) above
sea level. At the timeof the Spanish conquest-nearly 1,000
years after the Huari conquest that had changed the
economic base from pastoralismwith secondary hunting
and horticulture,as just described, to agriculture with
secondary herding-the Jauja-Huancayo sector still had
large herds ofllamas and alpacas. Earlychroniclersreferred
frequently(Vega 1968:257, 259; Ramirez 1936:35; Gutier-
rez de Santa Clara 1963-64, vol. 167:108) to large numbers
of alpacas and llamas on the hills surrounding the valley,
and the Jauja-Huancayo area was one of the few areas
outside of the Lupaqa region in Peru where the households
paid theirtributein camelidsas well as othergoods (Jimenez
de la Espada 1965).
When the Inca were forced by Pizarro's forces to quit
Jauja, they left behind more than 15,000 cargo llamas
(Zarate 1886:483); an additional 100,000 cargo llamas were
available to theInca elsewherein thevalley(Rivera Martinez
1968:62). In the census of 1571, each Huanca household
paid one llama a year in tribute,in addition to various
items of produce and local manufacture; 30,000 head of
llama were paid in tributeannually in this manner. Addi-
tionally, each guaranga (a unit of approximately 1,000
tributepayers) was required to keep a herd of 300 llamas
for the mamakunaof the Temple of the Sun, yielding
another 10,000 head.
Further evidence on the size of the llama and alpaca
herds comes from reports of the curacas of the Huanca
(Espinoza Soriano 1972). In the first15 years of Spanish
domination (A.D. 1533-48), the curaca of the Hatun-Jauja
sayareportedgivingthe Spanish 58,673 llamas and alpacas,
while the curaca of the,Lurin-Huanca sayareported giving
542,614 animals, including an initialextraordinarygiftof
514,656 animals in October, 1533. In addition to the
domesticherds,therewas a sizeable numberofwildanimals;
in a hunt held in the basin in 1534 by Manco Inca in
honor of Pizarro, some 11,000 herd of guanaco, vicunia,
and deer were taken.
Thus we may estimate a minimum of 150,000 llamas
and alpacas in the Jauja-Huancayo area for state and
religious purposes alone. No figuresfor privateherds are
available, but, if we may judge fromreportsof the period
for the Lake Titicaca area (Diez de San Miguel 1964),
there were probably another several hundred thousand
privatelyowned animals,yieldinga total population of half
a million. This figure seems reasonable in terms of the
available pasture. Even today, in spite of the conversion
of much land to agricultureby new irrigationprojects and
industrial technology, the basin and surrounding puna
support 675,000 head of stock,includinga small remnant
herd of llamas (Lewis 1954:54).
At the time of the Spanish conquest, the Huanca groups
had controlof a numberof verticallysituatedenvironmental
zones. Landholdings were exploited in several different
189
 biotopes where specific varied resources were available.
Frequentlylandholdingswere separated fromone another
by lands belonging to other ethnic groups, giving some
zones mosaic multiethnicconfigurations(Murra 1972).
The flat floodplain of the Jauja-Huancayo basin, at
roughly 3,300 m, was primarilyutilized by this time for
agricultural products, including tubers such as potatoes,
oca, olluco, and mashuaand grains such as maize, quinoa,
and caniihua(Vega 1968:252; Browman 1970). The herds
of llamas and alpacas were pastured on the surrounding
hillsidesand valley-rimpuna some 600 m higher. Grazing
areas a day or two away may have been shared with the
Yauyos group (Browman 1970). The Huanca were repre-
sented in several multiethniclowland montafiasettlements
producing coca, aji, yuca, gourds, and other selva products
(Vega 1968; Espinoza Soriano 1963). In the coastal Chillon
Valley, the Huanca appear to have established colonists
among the coastal peoples for the production of maize,
cotton,and other coastal products.
A tuber surplus was readily obtainable; for example,
a typicalcurrentyieldper hectareof potatbesis 7,000-9,000
kg, while a typical yield for corn is only about 15-20%
of this,1,200-1,600 kg per hectare.Olluco, oca, and mashua
seem peculiarly adapted to cold and semiarid environs,
maturingone to two months more rapidly there than in
moisterand slightlywarmer environs (Lewis 1954). These
root crops keep in their natural state 12 months or more
at this altitude and, if freeze-dried (chuiio), can be kept
considerablylonger. Because of the relativelylittleattention
theyrequire during the growingperiod and theirrelatively
high yield,theycan be produced and stored in significant
quantities withoutapparent stresson a seminomadic life-
style.
The preferenceforhuntingand herdingover agricultural
pursuits until the Huari conquest produced settlement
patternsconsistingof nonpermanent,perishable dwellings,
easilytransportable,withonly seasonal occupation of dwell-
ing sites, throughout the Early Intermediate Period (A.D.
1-550).2 The typical Early Horizon settlements(10001
B.C.) were small villages,seasonally occupied, situated near
a spring,stream,or other major water resource supplying
sufficientwaterforthe herds and suitableland forwet-sea-
son horticulture.The largestvillagesduring the wet season
mayhave had a fewscoresemisubterraneanor subterranean
pithouses,withpopulations generallybetween 40 and 100
persons.Other seasons ofthe year saw dispersalintosmaller
groups; singleisolated estanciasor herder camps have been
located.
Though the evidence indicates an economy based pri-
marilyupon pastoralismand hunting,there was a limited
amountof horticulture,as indicatedby mortarsand milling
stones,rockermills,digging-stick weights,and some limited
tooth wear on the human teeth. A reasonable amount of
mercantileexchange, both on the ideological and on the
material level, took place. Ceramic design concepts and
actual vessels were exchanged between the selva, the coast,
and other highland localities. Ecuadorian Spondylusshell,
coastal seashell pendents, whale vertebrae,polished stone
points,and copper goods also indicatefairlyextensivetrade.
The copper trade may have been relativelyimportant;the
firstdemonstrableinfluence from the selva and from the
central coast is closely associated with mining of copper
in the area, and the firstcontacts with the south coast
correspond withthe introductionof copper there.
During the Early Intermediate Period, a new dwelling
typeand a new settlementpatternappeared. Small hamlets
2 For amplificationof this and other time-period terms, see
Lanning (1967). Briefly,"horizons" alternate with "periods," the
formerassociated with empire and the latter with political frac-
tionation.
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occur on hillsides and hilltops in potentially defensible
positions,each seeminglyassociated withonly one of three
or four valley-floorsettlementswhich were recurrently
occupied and may have served as ceremonial and admin-
istrativecenters. Settlementpatterndata show the move-
ment of peoples verticallyas well as horizontallyduring
alternatingperiods of stress and relative stability.As in
the rest of Peru, Early Intermediate Period occupations
seem to be phases of internecinehostilitiesand isolation.
The typicalhillside or hilltop hamlet consisted of from
3 to 15 house platforms,ratherrandomlygatheredtogether.
The dwellings were constructedof a perishable material,
with the doors opening uphill. Ceramics indicate that the
occupation of these house platformswas short,presumably
only one season or so. Each cluster of these sites was
associated with a larger, valley-floorsite, which had large
quantities of refuse from most or all phases. Semisubter-
ranean pithouses continued to be built and used only at
these valley-floorsites. Population estimatesfor these val-
ley-floorsitesrange from40 to 200 persons,while estimates
for the smaller group hillside and hilltop retreats range
from 15 to 75 persons. In the dry season, groups of 3-7
dwellings associated in herding units make up the local
camps; at other seasons of the year, camps are larger,
usually numbering 10 to 40 dwellings.
Nearly all of the human and animal figurines found
come froma fewvalley-floorsites; thiscannot be explained
solely in termsof a differencein occupation intensity,but
must be correlatedwithfunctionaldifferencebetween the
hillsitesand the valley-floorones. The distributionof these
lattercentersappears to reflecttribalor ayllu sociopolitical
organization. For the firsthalf of the Early Horizon, only
one such center has been identified; in the second half,
a second was established. By the early part of the Early
IntermediatePeriod, threesuch centerswere present,with
a fourthcenterestablishedby the second halfof thatperiod.
The Huari conquest (A.D. 550) marks an intensiveand
extensivesocial, economic, political,and religious crisis in
the Jauja-Huancayo basin. The Huari empire completely
reshapes the lifeways.The basic economic patternabruptly
changes so that the primarydependence is upon agricul-
ture; stone hoes appear for the firsttime and become
quite numerous later on. Artifactsassociated withhunting,
previouslysignificant,occur only rarelyin the firstphases
of the Middle Horizon and then disappear. Herding now
becomes a secondary exploitativetechnique.
Stone architectureappears and becomes characteristic
of all occupation sites. The firsturban planning occurs,
many sitesbeing laid out on grid networks.In conjunction
with the larger population centers,elaborate temple pre-
cinctsare developed, includinga branchof the Huari oracle
at Huariwilka. Storage colca, the economic backbone of
the later settlements,firstappear in association with some
of the administrativecenters.
Much morestratification and rankingis evident,primarily
in burial goods, and thereis good evidence for permanent
full-timeartisansand craftsmen.Not only do we have the
introductionof such "prestige"wares as Huari polychrome
and Cajamarca-Huamachuco cursive,but thereis a marked
change in the everydayutilityware of the lower classes,
the local ware being supplanted by local copies of Huari
utilitywares. In other words, the entire class structureof
the Huari heartlandwas imposed upon theJauja-Huancayo
sector,with the priestsand politicalelite being privileged
to utilize the prestige ware and the commoners adapting
the utilitywares of the commonersof the Huari homeland.
(In a sense, the utilityware of the Huari may also be
considered a prestigeware, as it obviouslycarriessufficient
prestige to become more desirable than the indigenous
C U R R E N T A N T H RO PO LO G Y
 Priorto the Middle Horizon, the population of the valley
was relatively small and stable. The Middle Horizon,
however,seems to mark the beginning of rapid demogra-
phic increase. Early pastoral population centers represent
transienthamlets and villages, the largest supporting no
more than 200 to 250 persons (the upper range observed
for seminomadic pastoral populations). Town sizes in the
Middle Horizon are minimallydouble this figure,ranging
from 500 to 800 persons, and by the end of the Late
IntermediatePeriod (ca. A.D. 1450) townsare approaching
2,500 to 5,000 persons. Under the pastoral regime prior
to the Huari conquest, population sizes increased in an
arithmeticprogression;fromthe Huari conquest on, there
was a geometricprogressionin population size, associated
withthe new agriculturalregime.
ETHNOHISTORIC AND ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA
Ethologyof thedomesticcamelids.The Andean camelids are
sympatricmembersof the puna biotope of the centraland
southernAndes. The puna, withits poor pasture and low
temperature,is not conducive to high-yieldmeat produc-
tion,but does offerconditionsfavorableforthe production
and exploitation of wool animals. The camelids have a
high efficiencyin convertingthe harsh,dry vegetationinto
carbohydratesforenergyand metabolicwater.High hemo-
globin counts also appear to be an adaptation to high-alti-
tude microzones (Fernandez Baca 1971:38; Gilmore
1950:436; Flores Ochoa 1968:109).
The wild relatives of the alpaca and llama ar-e found
most of the year in small herds consistingof females and
young witha single dominantmale. Supernumerarymales
are driven out and form their own groups, sometimesup
to 300 males in a group. Occasionallylarge compositeherds
are found between calving and rutting.In the domestic
herds, the females and young also are herded separately
from the males (Maccagno 1932:51; Cardozo Gonzalez
1954:68-69).
Fertilityin llama and alpaca is low, presumablybecause
of poor pasture, problems of climate and altitude, and
increased sublethal genetic load due to selective breeding
for recessive traits. The right uterine horn is usually
atrophied (Maccagno 1932:24), reducing the chances of
gamete fertilization,and there is some suggestion of dif-
ferential fertilityat differentaltitudes (Fernandez Baca
1971:19). Selection for fleece traitssuch as albinismsurely
introduces and niaintains larger sublethal genetic loads.
Abortions and stillbirthsare frequent in contemporary
herds (Flores Ochoa 1968:111; Fernandez Baca 1971:28-
29).
Ethnohistoricsources also report low fertility.For the
communal flocks of the Lurinsaya of Chucuito, curaca
Martin Cusi estimates 120 births per year for a herd of
450. His principalherder gives the herd size as some 500
female llamas and alpacas, which some years have as few
as 60 to 80 offspringand other years perhaps as many
as 160, the low birthratebeing attributedto sterility,still-
births,abortions, etc. (Diez de San Miguel 1964:30, 79).
The carryingcapacity of the puna grasslands is rated
by Maccagno (1932:14) at 100 to 300 sheep-equivalents
per square kilometer. Maccagno gives the average flock
compositionof camelidsas 18.8% less thanone year,26.3%
one to three years, 45.0% three to six years, and 9.9%
more than seven years old. One yearlingalpaca or llama
is considered equivalent to one sheep, a juvenile in the
one-to-three-yearrange equivalent to two sheep, and a
fully mature adult equivalent to three sheep (Maccagno
1932:14, 34). Hence a square kilometerof puna should
support 50-125 alpacas. Maccagno points out that the
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fenced haciendas withgood bottom lands have a carrying
capacity of about twice as much; it seems reasonable to
assume that when these lands were available in precon-
quest epochs, theypotentiallysupported equivalentlylarge
camelid populations.
The alpaca prefersmarshyand swampy areas, particu-
larly because of the softer vegetation; the llama prefers
drierareas (Maccagno 1932:15; Cardozo Gonzalez 1954:66,
94). During the wet season, the animals are kept at the
lower elevations, partly for better protection against in-
clement weather, partly because the vegetation is easier
forthe newbornand young to handle, and partlyto permit
the herder to plant some minimalcrops. In the dry season,
the animals move up into the hills, moving from pasture
to pasture depending on water and grass conditions.
There is considerable anxiety about loss of animals by
theftamong modern herders in the Jauja-Huancayo area.
However,loss throughdisease and weatheris mostfrequent,
with some attritiondue to the use of animals to fulfill
social obligationsand for meat as well. Among the mature
animals,ectoparasitesand endoparasites cause the greatest
losses. Llama mange or scabies, caused by the llama itch
mite (Sarcoptesscabieivar. auchenidae),takes a heavy toll;
mortalityis estimatedat 60% of infectedanimals (Maccagno
1932:39). Garcilaso de la Vega (1966:53) reportsa particu-
larlysevere mange epidemic in 1544-45 in whichtwo-thirds
of the llamas and alpacas were lost. Distomatosisor liver-
fluke infestationsalso sweep through the herds in epi-
demics, witha mortalityrate estimatedat 30% (Maccagno
1932:39; Cardozo Gonzalez 1954:22 1). Among the animals
under one year of age, septicemiaand pyosepticemiacause
a veryhigh mortality, estimatedat 25 to 40% of live births
by Maccagno, 50% by Cardozo Gonzalez, and as high as
50 to 90% by Flores Ochoa. Loss by freezes and snows
and through drought and consequent pasture failure also
runs high in some years. Several of Diez de San Miguel's
16th-centuryinformantsreported losses of animals killed
by freezes and heavy snows; the Lurinsaya of Acora claim
the loss of the entirecommunal herd of 1,000 in a freeze
in 1565 (Diez de San Miguel 1964:99). Even though the
wet season is the summer season, at the high elevations
(4,000 m and above) the rain turnsto snow,whichprevents
theflocksfromfindingforageand causes high losses among
the weaker newborn animals. Diez de San Miguel's infor-
mants similarlyreport (p. 163) herd losses in some years
because of the lack of rain and failure of pasture. Loss
throughpredators seems to be relativelyminimal.
Herd numbers.Herd sizes range from a few animals to
hundreds, withsome households having no animals at all.
In the village of Paratia, where only llamas and alpacas
are herded, Flores Ochoa (1968:120) findsa fewindividuals
withherds of 300-500 animals, but the median familyhas
a herd of 70 or more; poor individuals,who lack animals
or have only a few, work as herders for the rich or on
haciendas to earn cash to buytheirown herds.An arithmetic
mean (Flores Ochoa 1968:31, 143) gives 125-135 animals
per household.
For the herders of Salinas Pichupichu on the Puna de
Moquegua, Nachtigall(1966:218) liststhe two largestherds
as having 400 and 390 animals, the former having 200
llamas, 180 alpacas, and 20 sheep and the latter180 llamas,
110 alpacas, and 100 sheep. The economically acceptable
minimumwas given as 55 animals-30 llamas, 15 alpacas,
and 10 sheep-but Nachtigall notes that several families
had only 3-5 llamas and 3-5 alpacas, and the males in
these families worked as herders or drovers to gain the
necessarycapital to purchase more animals.
For Q'ero (Nunez del Prado 1958:19), the arithmetic
mean herd size is 68, 38 llamas and alpacas and 30 sheep
and other European-derived stock. At the southern end
191
of the llama and alpaca distribution,in Catua, northwestern
Argentina,Nachtigall (1965:206) reports the herd size of
the richest man as 100 llamas and 200 sheep and goats,
while his main informant,whom he believes to be about
average, has 80 llamas and 20 sheep and goats. Nachtigall
estimatesthatthesevillagersare generallyricherin animals
than the herders of the Puna de Moquegua.
The best published ethnohistoricdata come from the
area around Lake Titicaca. In the visits of Diez de San
Miguel in 1567, various informantsgave size ranges for
flocks (1964:46, 55, 80, 92, 97, 108, 114). A small herd
was judged to range from 3 or 4 animals to 10 or 20:
an average-sized herd was thoughtto be 50 to 80 animals
and a large herd 100 to 200 animals,thoughsome individu-
als had herds of several hundred or more. Using the census
data given by Diez de San Miguel (1964:74-66, 204-6)
in conjunction with the data given by Gutierrez Flores
(1964) in 1574 on the richestherd owners in the province,
we see that only 2.5% to 3.5% of all tribute payers or
households had herds in the range of 80 to 200 head,
and only 1% of the households had herds of more than
200. The six richestindividualshad herds of 1,700, 1,370,
1,217, 920, 900, and 800 animals; the 1,247 rich herders
listed had a total of 155,292 animals, or a mean of 125
animals per herder.
In addition to individuallyowned herds, during the Inca
empire there were separate flocks owned by the state,
importantshrines,and thecommunityas a corporategroup.
State flocks were apparently kept in large part for the
maintenance of pack animals to use in provisioning the
army on its campaigns (Murra 1956:97) and as rewards
to be distributed among the various members of the
hierarchyof the armyaftera successfulcampaign (Maccag-
no 1932:44). Shrine herds of several hundred were not
uncommon. Herders were provided by the ayllus (Murra
1956:111), as in the case of communityherds (Diez de
San Miguel 1964). Albornoz (Duviols 1968:38) notes that
animals in shrineherds could be distinguishedfromother
flocksbecause their fleece was unshorn.
Communityflocksare reported from the central to the
southern Andes. They were used to provide animals for
important fiestas,to provide the meat to be distributed
to the poor at these fiestasand other occasions, to provide
wool for tributeto the ruler and the gods, and to be sold
or traded for foodstuffsfor the poor in timesof drought,
freezes,and other calamities(Diez de San Miguel 1964:23,
30). Animals were given in tributeto the curacas of various
ethnic groups for the same purposes. The flocks of the
community,the curaca, his principales,and the widowed
or infirmwere sometimes herded together (Diez de San
Miguel 1964:78), making approximation of community
herd size difficult.The difficultyis compounded by the
factthatfear of excessivetaxationsometimesled 16th-cen-
tury informantsto underestimate their individual and
communityholdings(Murra 1965:196). The bestdata come
fromquipu records forvarious Lake Titicaca area commu-
nities(Diez de San Miguel 1964:88, 112, 122). Using these
data, a reasonable estimate seems to be some 200 to 500
animals for each ayllu in each community.
Herdingmethods. Alpacas are divided into age-grades of
young less than one year, juvenile animals of one and
two years, mature animals of three years and more, and,
occasionally,old animals of seven to ten years or more.
After the third year, animals are furthersubdivided ac-
cording to fleece color, sex, and breeding potential. Some
of the males are castrated, either by biting the testicles
off or by using a stone knife. Normally one intact male
is retained for each 10 to 20 females (Fernandez Baca
1971:17; Maccagno 1932:35; Nachtigall 1966:315). Cas-
tratedmales are sometimesseparated fromthe uncastrated;
192
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females with young are separated from sterile females.
Male and female alpacas are not herded together as a
rule; occasionally castrated males are herded with sterile
or aged females. Females of more than one owner may
be herded together, and female llamas may be herded
withfemale alpacas. In communitieswhere alpaca herding
is a major component of the economy, such as Paratia
(Flores Ochoa 1968), the herders control the total process
of reproductionand personallybreed each alpaca pair.
Llama husbandryis much more casual than that of the
alpaca; the 16th-century regulationscitedby Polo de Onde-
gardo are, however, more rigorous than those applied
today. Divisions may still be made using criteria of age,
sex, and breeding potential, but seem less universally
applied. Breeding appears in general not to be controlled,
although in most cases the females are kept separate from
the males except during the preferred breeding period.
In some peripheral areas, such as Catua, northwestern
Argentina (Nachtigall 1965:206), animals of both sexes
graze togetherand may be let to roam at will for periods
up to a month.Male llamas are castratedin thesame manner
as alpacas, principally for better wool and better meat.
Additionally,mostsourcesindicatethatthecaravan or pack
llamas were castratedmales; butforthe modern community
of Paratia, Flores Ochoa (1968:117) assertsthatintactmales
are believed to be bettercargo animals.
Ear tassels and ear-marksare the common branding or
identifyingtechniques. The tuftsof brightlycolored wool
tied to the ears are multipurpose.Not onlyare theirvarying
colors propertymarks,but theyserve as good-luckamulets,
intended to procure the increase of the animals (La Barre
1948:181) and for other magical manipulations,and also
for purely esthetic purposes (Flores Ochoa 1968:115).
Nachtigall (1965:204) reports the use of multihued ropes
around the neck instead of ear tasselsas propertymarkers
at Salinas Pichupichu. Young alpacas may also have small
bags of herbs withmagicalqualities tied around theirnecks
to protectthem fromdisease, weather,and other dangers
(Flores Ochoa 1968:113).
The maximum herd size that a single herder might
manage seems to have been between 200 and 300 animals.
In the 16th-century data fromthe Lake Titicaca area, one
informantreportsthata herder and his wifecould manage
250 animals (Diez de San Miguel 1964:164), and another
reportsthe use of three herders for a flockof 657 animals
(p. 88), an average of 219 animals per herder. On modern
haciendas, shepherds have flocks of 150 to 300 animals
(Cardozo Gonzalez 1954:73; Maccagno 1932:33). Most
individualshad much smallernumbersof animals; individ-
uals withlarger flockshired additional herders.
Flocks were and are generally herded by the young.
In Inca and pre-Inca times, youth of.three age-grades
participatedin the herding,sometimesfortheirimmediate
familiesand sometimesto workoffthereciprocalobligations
of their ayllu or kin group (Murra 1956:91; 1965:188).
Contemporaryherders follow a similar pattern,with the
care and management of the stock requiring the partici-
pation of the entire family-the young usually doing the
daily herding while the women make the textilesand the
men make periodic caravan trips to retail the products
(Nachtigall 1966:226; Flores Ochoa 1968:115). Villagers
500 years ago also had obligationsto herd flocks for the
widowed, elderly, and infirm,for the various religious
shrines,for theircuraca (including the communityflocks),
and, during the Inca occupation, for the Inca state. Today
reciprocalpatternsof obligationcontinue,withthe villagers
usually herdingand doing other labor forhaciendas which
hold tidleto theland on whichthe herdershave traditionally
run theirflocks.
Overgrazing is an ever-presentproblem,leading to fre-
C U R R E N T A N T H R O PO LO G Y
 quent intercommunity and intracommunity squabbles. Pas-
ture is divided into communal areas, around important
water sources, and inheritable grazing areas, but during
years of drought traditionalgrazing privilegesmust yield
to the good of the community.Thus, in years of sparse
pasture, the firstindividual to arrive at a spot each day
has firstclaim to grazing privileges (Ylores Ochoa 1968;
Nachtigall 1966). There are age-old rivalriesover pasture,
going back long before the Inca occupation (Murra
1965:96). Overgrazing similarly is a problem of great
antiquity.One ofDiez de San Miguel's informants(1964:40)
reportedthattherewas insufficient pasture forthe animals
they had during and prior to the Inca conquest in the
Lake Titicaca area; and there is evidence in the Jauja-
Hilancayo basin dating back 2,000 years of severe erosion
believed to be in part due to overgrazing(Browman 1970).
Acquisition of rightsin animals has been discussed for
the southern Andean area by Flores Ochoa, Nachtigall,
and Nuiiez del Prado; presumablya similar patternholds
for the entire puna biotope region over time. Every child,
male or female, receives one or more female animRls at
birth through the institutionof compadrazgo. At other
ritesof passage, such as the naming, the firsthair cutting,
and the firstnail cutting,the child may receive additional
giftsof animals, so that by the time of coming of age
or marriage he has accumulated from 12 to 18 animals.
Males usuallyhave accumulated more animals than females
by the time of marriage. Even the combined herd of 25
or 30 animals of a newlymarried couple is not sufficient
socially and economically, and the couple must seek to
increase the herd size through natural reproduction,pur-
chase of additional animals, and inheritance of animals
upon the death of a relative. Means of earning funds to
purchase animals varyfromcommunityto community,but
generallyturn around work done on haciendas, work for
lower-elevationagriculturalists,or trading.Young, unmar-
ried men often work as herders for the rich herders in
their own villages; payment includes not only food and
clothing,but generallyone young female animal per year.
Utilizationofcamelidproducts.The primarymaterialvalue
of the animals is in their wool-producingcapabilities and
their ready conversion into other resources; their social
value is largelyin the provisionof access to the social fabric
of the community. The fleece of the alpaca is more
importantthan that of the llama, being larger and having
finerand longer fibers.In Inca times,animals were ideally
shorn only once every four or five years (Diez de San
Miguel 1964:148) to obtain the maximum fiber length,
although the Spaniards indicate that shearing usually took
place closer to once everythree years (pp. 152-57). Today
alpacas are ideally sheared at the age of two years, and
every two years afterward,during the rainy season (Mac-
cagno 1932:35); llamasare sheared everyyearor two.Flores
Ochoa (1968:115) indicates that the ideal pattern is fre-
quently not achieved, the herders shearing most animals
each year when the wool is urgently needed to sell or
to make textiles.
Wool production varies not only with species, but with
age and pasture quality. Among the alpaca there are two
main breeds-the suri, which has a long and luxuriant
fleece, and huacaya or common alpaca, whose fleece is
about halfthesize ofthe suri's.The suri,however,is delicate
and subject to illness and weather,while the huacaya can
withstandcold and sickness (Cardozo Gonzalez 1954:77;
Fernandez Baca 1971). Fleece weightsamong alpacas gen-
erally run 3 to 5 kg, if sheared every two years, and in
some cases up to 8 kg (Fernandez Baca 1971:38; Cardozo
Gonzalez 1954:95; Flores Ochoa 1968:115; Maccagno
1932:25). The fleece weight among llamas is less, even
though the animal is larger, since the fiber is shorter; it
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ranges from 1.8 to 3.5 kg when shorn every two years,
with an average of 2.5 kg (Cardozo Gonzalez 1954:186;
Nachtigall 1966:221; Maccagno 1932:28). Immature ani-
mals, shorn at two years, yield about half the fleece of
a mature animal; and in both alpaca and llama, females
yield significandlyless wool than males. In areas where
the grasses are harder and less succulent and there is
insufficientwater, the wool is shorterand thinner(Flores
Ochoa 1968:115).
In addition to the wool produced and used for clothing,
bags, ropes, slings,etc., the camelids provide meat; skins
for sandals, sleeping robes, and rawhide ropes; sebo or
tallowforsacrifice,medicine,and incense; bones for weav-
ing and leather-workingtools, flutes,etc.; taquia or dung
for fuel; aborted fetusesand adult animals withparticular
fleece colors or other attributesfor sacrificesand other
magico-religiouspurposes; and transportationfor goods
in yearlytradingcaravans. Though thefemales,when fresh,
may produce up to 500 cc of-milk in a 12-hour period
(Flores Ochoa 1968:109), milk and milk products do not
appear to have been utilized in the past. The occasional
verified reports of riding are all postconquest with the
singleexceptionof rare Moche depictions(Nachtigall 1966:
fig. 194; Vela Lopez 1913: fig. 2; Benson 1972:91-92;
Anton 1972: fig. 118) of individuals lacking feet,presum-
ably through amputation, who are shown riding llamas,
seated on blankets and using ropes through the llamas'
ears as reins.
Consumptionof themeatofdomesticcamelidsis reported
as low in all writtensources,ethnohistoricand ethnographic.
Archaeological data indicate, however, that when human
population densities were lower, meat consumption was
much higher. In Paratia, the family of little economic
resourceseats threeto fouralpacas a year,whilethe average
familywillconsume one a month (Flores Ochoa 1968:41).
In Pichupichu, a llama will provide a normal familywith
meat for three to four months, while a rich familywill
eat four to five llamas a year (Nachtigall 1966:229). In
Huancabamba, the average familyis said to consume five
to six llamas a year (Cayon Armelia 1971:150).
The meat of a llama is considered equivalent to the meat
of two alpacas, historically(Diez de San Miguel 1964:90)
as well as today. The live weight of alpacas is 45 to 85
kg; the male alpaca yields 18 to 24 kg of meat, the female
10 to 18 kg (Cardozo Gonzalez 1954:98; Fernandez Baca
1971:12; Gilmore 1950:442). Live weightof llamas ranges
from 75 to 125 kg; as in the alpaca, about 30% of the
live weight, or about 25 to 46 kg, is meat. The meat is
sometimes dried in the sun alone, sometimes dried and
salted, and sometimesfreeze-dried.The blood is used in
a number of dishes, the hooves and legs are roasted, and
various tripe dishes are made.
Before slaughteringan animal, or before shearing its
fleece or making other use of it, a pago, a propitiatory
rite to the guardian spirits or "owners" of the animals,
dwelling among the mountain peaks, is necessary. The
animals slaughtered are old females beyond bearing age
or castratedmales thathave similarlyoutlivedtheiruseful-
ness; some meat also comes from animals that die from
natural causes or are killed by predators.
Caravans. In pre-Inca epochs, as today among groups
stillprimarilydependent upon camelids, caravans or pack
trains were formed during the dry season for trading
venturesof three or four months'duration. Caravans were
made up exclusivelyof male llamas called huacayhua(Mac-
cagno 1932:44; Monzon 1965:234). These burden-bearing
llamas were commonly castrated, since it was held that
castration yielded a stronger and more suitable caravan
animal; femaleswere not used because it was feltthatsuch
work would make them sterile(Cayon Armelia 1971:150).
193
 During Inca timesand earlycolonial epochs, trade caravans
were frequentlyquite large, consistingof as many as 1,000
to 2,000 llamas (Acosta 1954:136; Cobo 1956, vol. 91:367;
Garcilaso de la Vega 1966:513). During the 16th-century,
350,000 llamas and more were reserved solely for the
transportof precious metals (Maccagno 1932:49); large
mining centers such as Potosi annually consumed more
than 800,000 loads of llama dung in the smeltingof ore
(Troll 1958:30).
Loads todayvaryaccordingto the distancesto be covered;
they generally range betwcen 25 to 60 kg, with smaller
loads on long tripsand largerloads on shorttrips.Distances
traveled in a single day similarlyvary; on long trips,only
about 15 to 20 km a day can be covered, since the drovers
must stop early enough in the evening on such a trip to
let the llamas find their own forage. On journeys of a
week or less, the animals may be driven more than 30
km a day. In unusual circumstances,the pack llama is
said to go up to five days withoutfood and as many as
threedays withoutwater(Gilmore 1950:438; Flores Ochoa
1968:118; 130; Nachtigall 1966:223; Maccagno 1932:48).
The number of drovers varies. Cobo (1956, vol. 91:367)
suggests that there was one drover for every 12 animals
in the Inca state, and Nachtigall (1966:224) reports that
currentlyon the Puna de Moquegua there is one drover
for every 10. However, Garcilaso de la Vega (1966:515)
reportsthattherewas only one drover forevery25 animals
among the Inca, and Flores Ochoa (1968:118) asserts that
in Paratia the average drover handles 20 to 30 animals
and a verycapable one as many as 40 or 50.
Archaeology,ethnohistory, and modern ethnographyall
indicate a conservativepattern of trade routes and goods.
The highlanders of the Lake Titicaca area had regular
trade routes reaching the Bolivian yungas to the south
and east, the Cuzco area to the north, and the coastal
Arequipa-Ilo area to the west (Diez de San Miguel 1964).
Contemporarystudies indicatethe same patterns,attenuat-
ed in the last few decades with the increasingimportance
of motorized transport (Nachtigall 1966, Flores Ochoa
1968). A typical drover has traditionaltrading partners
at each stop along the route; privileged relationshipsare
passed down fromfatherto son. The relationshipis basically
one of compadrazgo, with certain rightsand obligations,
such as the concessionof lodging,reservingone's bestwares,
granting favors during hard times, etc. (Flores Ochoa
1968:135).
The drovers generallystartout fromtheirown commu-
nitywith textiles,dried meat, fat, hides, wool, and chuiio
and other tuber products. Along the way they may pick
up agriculturalproducts,pottery,metalgoods, etc.,to trade
with villages farther on. Formerly trips to the montania
to pick up oranges, coca, corn, and other selva products
were frequent,but competitionfrombuses and truckshas
put the drovers out of business. Trips to the coast for
salt,dried fish,grapes, apples, and other fruitsand vegeta-
bles, both for personal consumptionand fortrade to other
highland regions, still occur (Flores Ochoa 1968:130-32).
Caravans are recruited by kinship,with part of the pack
animals carryingall the f od, fuel, and shelterneeded.
Caravan tripswere more frequentduring and prior to
the Inca conquest, withsimilargoods traded. Occasionally
goods were transportedacross Lake Titicaca by balsa raft,
since it was cheaper and quicker (Diez de San Miguel
1964:223). In years of bad weather, the highlanders ex-
changed the pack llamas themselvesdirectlyfor foodstuffs
(Diez de San Miguel 1964:57, 120, 247).
The greathunts.Most sources (Cobo 1956, vol. 92:269;
Gutierrez de Santa Clara 1964, vol. 166:236; Zarate
1886:468; Cieza de Leon 1967:50; La Bandera 1965:193;
194
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Ramirez 1936:18; Acosta 1954:135; Garcilaso de la Vega
1966:326; Estete 1924) report the same general pattern
for the great chacosor hunts. Great drives were held, with
thousands of drivers surrounding areas sometimes more
than 30 km in diameter, driving the animals towards a
centralcorral. Usually 10,000 to 15,000 head were captured
bythisprocedure; Cieza de Leon (1967:50) reportscaptures
of up to 30,000 animals. The vicuiia were shorn of their
fleece and released. Guanaco females were also shorn and
released; the best and largest males were released as
breedingsires(Garcilaso de la Vega 1966:326), while others
were caught and bound with ropes and halters brought
for this purpose and taken away to be domesticated,
particularlyfor use as pack animals (Gutierrez de Santa
Clara 1964, vol. 166:236; Browman 1972a), and others
stillwere simplyslaughteredfor the meat.
The primaryobjective of the hunt appears to have been
wool; hunts are said to have been held in the same area
only approximatelyeveryfour yearsto let the fleece attain
itsmaximum(Garcilaso de la Vega 1966:326). The acquisi-
tion of meat was also important; most sources mention
the thinningout of wild herds by killingold animals and
animals with undesirable traits. In addition to the wool,
meat, hides, and pack animals derived during these hunts,
the gastric calculus or bezoar was a highly sought prize.
The bezoars of the vicuiiaand deer taken were more highly
valued than those of the llama and other camelids. The
bezoar was valued not only for its magico-religiousvalue
forhumans,butalso because itwas believedto be efficacious
in preventingabortions, illness, mange, and accidents in
domesticanimals (Cobo 1956, vol. 91:128; Duviols 1968:18;
Acosta 1954:135).
Most reported hunts appear to have been held in the
spring,when the herders were bringingtheirown animals
in for shearing. One interestingaspect is the apparent
amount of herd management the puna people exercised
over the wild camelids, with the selection of males to be
released in termsof characteristicsof size and fleece, the
elimination from the breeding pool of other males who
lacked these qualities or exhibited other traitsheld to be
undesirable, the thinningof old animals from the herds,
the removal of a number of natural enemies, etc. These
man-applied selective factors,similar to those applied to
the domesticflocks,along withthe infusionof wild guanaco
into the potential domestic breeding pool in the form of
newlydomesticatedcargo animals and the occasional escape
of some of the domesticanimals to the feral state,account
for much of the, difficultythat zoologists have been
experiencingin distinguishingthevariousspecies in prehis-
toricepochs.
Agricultural-pastoralsymbiosis.The high Andean region
between2,500 and 4,000 m is not only the optimumhabitat
of the domestic camelids; it is also the region where there
was earlydomesticationof frost-resistant tubersand grains,
and where freeze-dryingpreservationtechniquesfor pota-
toes and meat,staples in Andean nutritionand economics,
were developed (Murra 1965:188).
Nutritionally,the highland herders today enjoy a higher
subsistencelevel thanagriculturalvillagersat loweraltitudes
in the Andes. Pastoralismpermitsincreased animal-food
intake;thefreeze-drying of potatoesand othertubersmakes
it possible to obtain more calories per unit of bulk from
these foods; and the cultural isolation of the remaining
herdershas led to a greaterretentionof not only chuino-style
prepared tubers, but also the high-protein native seed
plants, caiiihuaand quinoa (Mazess and Baker 1964:350).
(The latteryieldan average of 17.6% and 13.8% raw protein
respectively[Institutode Nutrici6n1961] .) Though maize
will not grow well above 3,300 m, tuber cultivationhas
C U R R E N T A N T H R O PO LO G Y
 a limit of nearly 4,200 m, and quinoa and caiiihua will
grow up to the snow line (La Barre 1948:12; Papadakis
1958:105).
Though some communitiesat altitudeswhere agriculture
is inappropriate appear to be exclusively pastoral, the
nutritionalbases of their life-styleare agricultural.Where
transhumanceis notpossible,theherdersmaintainintensive
trade networks with agriculturaliststo obtain vegetable
foods.
The Andean camelids are a major strategic resource.
Their energy (as caravan animals) and products (such as
wool, meat, cloth, etc.) are readily convertible in both
Andean and industrialeconomies. Murra (1968:120) has
suggested that this convertibilitymakes pastoral resources
more importantthan agriculturalones. Lack of ownership
of llamas and alpacas is a social disabilityas well as an
economicone (Mur*a 1965:192j; Being herdlesslimitsone's
access to the cloth, maize, beer, and other hospitalityand
prestige goods needed in a social systempredicated on
institutionalizedreciprocity.
Transhumance and verticalcontrolof differentenviron-
mental microzones is much less today than at the time
of the conquest and earlier. Murra (1972) has shown,
throughfiveInca-contemporaryexamples, thatin general,
thepre-Hispanicpeoples of the centraland southernAndes
controlled resources in several differentzones, the larger
groups controllingresourcesten or more days distantfrom
theirnuclei. Sierra nuclei generallywere in zones between
3,000 and 4,000 m and controlled tuber cultivationand
camelid pastoralismat that level; at the same time, they
had colonists in multiethniccommunities on the coast,
throughwhom theyobtained access to maize, cotton,fish,
and other coastal products, and colonists in multiethnic
communitiesin the montafiato provide them with coca,
wood, manioc, aji, and other products of the selva. The
transhumanceof the modern communitiesof Q'ero (Nunez
del Prado 1958), Paratia (Flores Ochoa 1968), and Pichu-
pichu (Nachtigall 1966) is much more limited in scope,
with resource control generally within one or two days'
distancefromthe nucleus. Thus today'spastoral communi-
ties representseverelyatrophied remnantsof an elaborate
preconquest system.
Prehistoricherdsizesin theJauja-Huancayobasin.My inter-
pretation of the ethnohistoricand contemporaryfigures
is thata reasonable estimateof an economicallyand socially
viable herd size in the Jauja-Huancayo basin, after the
agricultural reorganization under the Huari conquest,
would be 50 to 80 animals. With an average herd of 70
animals (as in the contemporarycommunitiesof Q'ero and
Paratia), relativelyfewanimals are available to be consumed
or exchanged if the herder wishes to maintain a steady
statein herd number. Using either Maccagno's population
distributionfiguresor Diez de San Miguel's 16th-century
birthratefigures,we should expect only 12 or 13 live births
a year for an average herd. Maccagno (1932) estimates
average mortalityof animals a year and older at 5% and
of animals under a year at 30%. Thus, of the newborn,
only 8 or 9 willsurvivethe firstyear,and mortalityamong
older animals will claim 2 or 3 animals a year, leaving
the herder with a margin of 6 or 7 animals a year to
slaughter, trade, or use for other social and economic
purposes. Given the average of 4 or 5 animals currently
consumed each yearand an average of an additional animal
a year expended in exchange relationships,it is evident
thatonlythroughverycarefulhusbandrymay an individual
maintainand increasehis flocks,meet his social obligations,
and stillenjoy a modest meat supplement to his vegetable
diet.
The Jauja-Huancayo basin and valley-rimpuna would
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support between 125,000 and 625,000 animals, using a
carrying-capacity figureof 50 to 125 camelids per square
kilometer,or betweek,250,000 and 1,250,000 animals,using
Maccagno's higher estimatefor betterpasture lands. Since
this area supports some 675,000 animals today, in spite
of the major shiftin emphasis to agriculture,an estimate
of 750,000 animals would be quite conservative.
If a herd of 70 animalsyieldsonly6-8 expendable animals
a year, then prior to the Middle Horizon (A.D. 550), when
pastoralism provided an estimated 50% or more of the
nutritionalbase, herds musthave been much larger.Studies
on caribou and reindeer (Burch 1972) have suggested that
an animala week is requiredforpeople primarilydependent
on the animals fornutrition.Thus, forour case, an estimate
of 25 animals a year should be a minimum number.
Assumingthe same low fertility and high mortalityas today,
a minimal sociallyand economicallyviable herd would be
150-200 animals. The 750,000 animals in the area would
have supported 4,000 to 5,000 households. At the time
of the Spanish conquest there were some 30,000 Huanca
households; at the time of the Huari conquest, I have
estimated (Browman 1970) by other means about 6,000
households in the area. If my calculations are reasonable
approximations,then the maximum carryingpotential of
the area under primarypastoralismwith secondary horti-
culturemusthave been reached or surpassed shortlybefore
the Huari conquest. The ready acceptance of agriculture
withonly secondary herding at that time should be inter-
preted in part as due to the strain on the resource base.
The Huari conquest marks,then,the reductionof individ-
ual herds and changes in ecosystemrelationships,in addi-
tion to other cultural readjustmentspreviouslyoutlined.
Later, at thetimeof the Spanish conquest,when a typical
villagehad about 200 households, the individual,commun-
al, shrine,and stateherds were stillnumerous (some 15,000
animals for a village of this size, assuming 70 animals per
household and a combined state, shrine, and communal
herd of 500 to 1,500 animals).
SUMMARY
The pastoral system represented here, like all human
subsistence or ecological systems,was unstable and had
its recurrentcrisesand subsequent adjustments.Too often
we have put an overemphasison homeostasisin ecosystem
analyses.Likewise,the ethnicgroups did not occupy distinct
microenvironmentalzones, but overlapped, blended, and
combined them. This too is the norm rather than the
exception.
Alpaca and llama pastoralism in the Andes has had a
duration of 7,000 years or more. In the Jauja-Huancayo
basin, thereare two discretepatterns:in the earlier pattern
(up to about A.D. 500), pastoralismprovided 50% or more
of subsistencewithhorticultureand huntingbeing second-
ary; in the later pattern, carried on into contemporary
communities,agricultureis the major subsistencebase, with
herds more importantfor long-terminsurance functions,
for pack animals and goods in trade networks,and for
the means to participatein the institutionalizedsystemof
reciprocitythan for meat.
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