2018 Subtler Yogic Consciousness

THAI PRAJÑĀ
International Journal of Indology and Culture
Volume II
Editor-in-chief
Chirapat Prapandvidya
Editor
Narasingha Charan Panda
Sanskrit Studies Centre,

in collaboration with
the Department of Oriental Languages
and the Faculty of Archaeology,
Silpakorn University,
Bangkok, Thailand
2018
THAI PRAJÑĀ
Volume II
Editor-in-chief
Editor
Narasingha Charan Panda
Sanskrit Studies Centre,

in collaboration with
the Department of Oriental Languages
and the Faculty of Archaeology,
Bangkok, Thailand
2018
THAI PRAJÑĀ
Advisory Board:
Phra Rajpariyattimuni Director, Sanskrit Studies Centre
(Ven. Thiab - Thailand) (Asst. Prof. Chainarong Klinnoi)
Dean, Faculty of Archaeology Head, Dept. of Oriental Languages
(Asst. Prof. Chawalit Khaokiew) (Mr. Utain Wongsathit, Ph.D.)
Silpakorn University
Prof. Ram Nath Sharma (USA) Mr. Ashwin M. Kotnis (Counsellor,
Prof. Ramesh Kumar Pandey (India) SEC, The Embassy of India, Bangkok)
Sathit Kumar (Thailand)
Susheel Kumar Dhanuka (Thailand)
Editor-in-chief: Joint Editors:

Asst. Prof. Chirapat Prapandvidya Asst. Prof. Sombat Mangmeesukhsiri
Asst. Prof. Chainarong Klinnoi
Editor: Associate Editors:

Prof. Narasingha Charan Panda Assoc. Prof. Samniang Leurmsai
Visiting Professor of Sanskrit Assoc. Prof. Paramat Kham-Ek
Peer Reviewers’ Board: Computer Graphics

Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri (India) Mr. Chalermchai Maleerod,
Prof. Radhavallabh Tripathi (India) Nititham Press
Prof. John Huben (France)
Published by Sanskrit Studies Centre and Department of Oriental

Languages, Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn University
Sponsored by: The Ministry of Culture, Government of India

(Through The Embassy of India, Bangkok)
First Edition: 200 copies in February 2019
Printed at: Nititham Press. 76/251-3 Soi Watphrangern Kanchanapisek Road,

Bang Maung Sub-district, Bangyai District, Nonthaburi Province 11140
Tel./Fax. 0-2449-2525 email: niti2512@hotmail.com
ISSN 2586-9671
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DEAN’S MESSAGE
I am very glad to hear that the second and third volume of

the Thai Prajna: The International Journal of Indologys and
Culture is going to be published and planned to be released in the
International Conference on "Hinduism and Buddhism in
Southeast Asia" (with special reference to Rāmāyana) organized
by the Sanskrit Studies Centre (SSC) and the Department of
Oriental Languages, Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn
University, Bangkok, in association with Thai-Bharat Cultural
Lodge Association, Bangkok, Thailand and the Ayodhya Research
Institute, Department of Culture, Government of Uttara Pradesh,
India at Sanskrit Studies Centre, Silpakorn University, Bangkok,
Thailand, on March 2-3, 2019.
Since the Faculty of Archaeology always supports SSC to be

the world standard institution, thus I am very much pleased to see
the present attempt of publishing which is leading the SSC to be
internationally recognized.
I congratulate the Editorial Broad of the Journal and convey

my best wishes for all to continue the valuable journal and bring
it to the world of academic in the future. I am very much
appreciated with the progressive steps.
Asst. Prof. Chawalit Khoakhiew

Dean,
Faculty of Archaeology
Silpakorn University, Bangkok, Thailand
(6)
Foreword
After the successful attempt in bringing out the first

volume of The Thai Prajna, the International Journal of
Indology and Culture, by Sanskrit Studies Centre (SSC),
Faculty of Archaeology, Silpakorn Universty, through
commendable strenuous effort of Prof. Narasingha Charan
Panda, Visiting Professor of Sanskrit at SSC and the Editor,
Vol. II of the same journal will be brought out in February
2019. The first volume of the journal gained wide international
acceptance as can be assessed from the fact that more and
more scholars of international calibre are willing to have
their articles published in it. The articles received are too
large that we decided to publish them in two volumes, that is,
vol. II and vol. III.
On behalf of SSC, I appreciated hard work of
Prof. Panda and the editorial team without which this volume
may not appear in the literary world. I also thank Government
of India for the Grant in Aid supporting the publication of
the journal.
Asst. Prof. Chirapat Prapandvidya,

Editor-in-Chief
Ph.D.; Hon. D. Litt. (Vidya Vacaspati);
Former Director and Present Advisor of SSC;
Fellow of the Royal Society of Thailand.
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Message
Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri

New Delhi, India
My dear Dr. Panda,

Thank you for your kind e-mail I am very happy to note
that Volumes II and III of Thai Prajna, the International Jour-
nal of Indology and Culture of the Sanskrit Study Centre of the
Silpakorn University are ready and are likely to be brought out
by first month of the next year (2019). Thanks to your indefat-
igable efforts the research journal is maintaining its continuity.
This provides a forum to the teachers and the research scholars
of the Centre as also scholars from outside to have their contri-
bution made public.
Here there is a suggestion. Please do have in the journal
a book review section, if you do not have it already. This will
keep the scholars abreast of the latest publications in the field.
Since the Journal is being brought out from Bangkok it
is pertinent that it should have a special focus on Thai studies
with particular reference to India.
As one who is deeply in love with Thailand I wish the
Journal being brought out from there all success.
With Regards.
Yours Sincerely,
Satya Vrat Shastri
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Hon’ble Chancellor
Prof.
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Messages
It gives me immense pleasureMessages
to learn that Thai Prajna vol-II is going to be released very
soon. The Sanskrit Study Centre of Silpakorn University at Bangkok is doing tremendous
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Res./Office: Tapasya, 331/A, Shri Aurobindo Nagar,road no-4, Chandrashekhar Pur,
Bhubaneswar-751016
Mob: 9439917506, Email: prof.prafullam@gmail.com
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Res./Office: Tapasya, 331/A, Shri Aurobindo Nagar,road no-4, Chandra
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Message
Dear Professor NC Panda,

I am happy to receive a copy of ‘Thai Prajñā›- 2018:
The international Journal of Indology and Culture, edited
with you in the lead, from Sanskrit Studies Centre, Silpa-
korn University, Bangkok, Thailand. I appreciate your effort
in bringing out such a publication, first of its kind, from
Thailand (Suvarna-Bhoomi), connecting the common
heritage of Bharath aka India, highlighting the shared civi-
lizational patrimony of these two nations. Please accept my
hearty congratulations for such wonderful initiative.
‘Yoga’ is the core ideal and practice-platform that
has shaped the cultural heritage of Bharat and Thailand. Yoga
is a living heritage in both nations. Samskrutham (Vedic term:
Vak-Yoga) is the voice and languages of Yoga’s. The social
and spiritual leadership of Yoga-Masters and Kings of the
two lands, namely Sri Rama and Buddha has shaped the
heritage, culture and values of both nations. The ideals
promoted by these illustrious Yogi’s is a living reality, the
Prajñā›- ‘Conscious Awareness of people of Bharat and
Thailand.
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Yoga means Togetherness; Samskrutham means
Unified for Excellence. Yoga-Samskrutham means cultured
togetherness. The goal is cultured togetherness for Peaceful
Productivity and Prosperity. The measure of this yoga-samskruth-
am infusion in the culture of nations is reflected in the qualia
of leadership, policies and measures to ensure Total Wellness
of Citizens of Nation.
I have perused the programs offering at Sanskrit
Studies Centre, Silpakorn University. They are well balanced
to the needs of the nation and bring out pride of Thai heritage,
especially in Buddhist studies. The teaching and research
work being carried out through the qualified faculty is
making significant contribution for academic advancement of
Samskruth studies.
I hope that under your able editorship, the journal
will continue to carry excellent, well researched, scholarly
and valuable articles, in Samskrutham, and Thai languag-
es, highlighting the heritage pride of nations and quenching
the thirst of researchers.
11 Dec 2018
Dr. BVK Sastry
Vice Chancellor
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Message
Sanskrit is indispensable for deeper understanding of

culture, religion, and philosophy not only in Southeast Asia,
but in a larger canvas by China, Japan, and the entire Asia.
The contribution of Sanskrit as a treasure of knowledge and its
concern of human soul and welfare of mankind is tremendous
through the ages. The Sanskrit Studies Centre is promoting
Sanskrit through M.A & PhD courses in Sanskrit in the Silpa-
korn University, Bangkok, Thailand, since last two decades.
This Sanskrit Studies Centre for the first time has
published an International Journal of Indology and Culture
(Thai Prajna) Volume-I, in January 2018. This Internation-
al Research Journal provides a platform for world-wide In-
dological Researchers to communicate their valuable findings
in various disciplines. It will also extend the textual citations
to the scholars of Sanskrit throughout the globe. The publica-
tions of Research papers in the field of Veda, Sanskrit, Yoga,
Epic, Puranas, Ayurveda, Vastu, (Art & Architecture) & Indian
Culture may also provide to the Researchers as well as the
general readers to know the old traditional knowledge and tra-
dition of India.
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Thus, it is an endeavour to propagate the old tradi-
tional Indian ideal and sacred knowledge through Research
publications by the Sanskrit Study Centre, Silpakorn
University, Bangkok. However, the editing work of Second
and third Volumes of Thai Prajna is going on and will be
published in February 2019. So, I am extending my sincere
thanks to the whole Editorial board of these Volumes. Be-
sides, I too congratulate to the Editor Prof. N.C. Panda,
ICCR Chair Visiting Professor of Sanskrit, Silpakorn
University, Bangkok, for his sincere effort for bringing out
these Volumes to promote Research activities in the Sanskrit
Studies Centre.
I hope this Research publication work should continue
in future too.
(Dr. Bal Mukund Pandey)

Organising Secretary,
AKhil Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojna,
New Delhi, India
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Message
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LETTER OF CONGRATULATIONS
Sādhu, sādhu, sādhu! How pleasing to see that the San-

skrit Studies Centre, Silpakorn University, Bangkok, Thailand,
is now publishing the second and third volumes of the Inter-
national Journal of Indology and Culture (Thai Prajna). Just
as the younger brother Kṛṣṇa outshone Balarāma and Arjuna
could out-compete his senior, Yudhiṣṭhira, so too may these
new volumes outdo even the first volume, excellent as it was.
How pleasing, also, to see so many scholars from Main-
land Southeast Asia, a treasure trove of historical Indic culture,
philosophy, religion and literature, contributing to the interna-
tional scholarly conversation with their learned contributions.
I am extending my warmest congratulations to the
editors, contributors and publisher of these Volumes. I, for
one, am looking forward to being nourished and sustained by
these volumes, just as the cātaka-birds of Sanskrit poesy seek
nourishment from raindrops during the monsoon.
Dr. Mc Comas Taylor

Associate Professor and Reader
Head of Sanskrit Program
The Australian National University,
Canberra, AUSTRELLIA
McComas.Taylor@anu.edu.au
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From the Desk of the Editor
Prof. N.C. Panda
The contribution of Sanskrit as a treasure of knowledge

and its concern of human soul and welfare of mankind is tre-
mendous through ages. Sanskrit Language is unique among
the languages of the world, ancient or modern. It preserves the
earliest specimens of the literary art and humanity. The Vedas
are earliest literary records of Sanskrit language that has now
spread particularly all over the world. The influence of the Ve-
das in Asia Minor in the second millennium before Christ and
Buddha is well known. The influence of Sanskrit continuous-
ly spread later to the North, to Tibet to China and also East
in Cambodia and South to Thailand & Indonesia. Brahman-
ism and Buddhism spread to the South East Asia. The Vedas,
Vedāngas, Itihāsa & Purānas, Sanskrit poetry and many types
of literature are found reflected in the literary and Archaeolog-
ical remains of those regions.
In Southeast Asia, as attested by literary evidence of a
few centuries BCE and artefacts of early CE, was strongly im-
pacted by Sanskrit and other different forms of Indian culture
from early time.
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However, Sanskrit represents a way of life and a sub-
lime value system. For generations it has inspired the peo-
ple to higher values. The messages of the Ancient texts are
“Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam”—the entire humanity is in one
family. It is time this message is propagated all around, so
that we could dream of a society free of discrimination, ex-
ploitation and violence. Let our knowledge of Sanskrit lead
us to wisdom and sublimity, so that we set an example of
holistic approach to all the problems faced by the world.
However, it is a matter of great joy today that the modern
European researchers are in favour of Sanskrit and Indological
Studies than any other Indian subjects. They are truly devoting
time to read and write on Indological subjects with positive
interest. So, our duty is to pay respect and appreciate their
works & devotion towards Sanskrit & Indian Culture. Besides,
we are also trying to motivate them to visit India to know more
and more about India’s old culture and tradition, so that further
research works on Sanskrit and Indology would be carried out
by them in near future.
The International Journal for Indology & Culture really
promotes the Indian sacred knowledge throughout the World.
The contributors have contributed learned papers for the ben-
efit of general readers in various fields. I congratulate all con-
tributors for their good and positive effort.
However, it is a great pleasure & favourable moment for
me that the Second (2018) & Third (2019) Volumes of the
International Journal of Indology & Culture (Thai Prajñā)
are being published from the Sanskrit Studies Centre, Faculty
of Archaeology, Silpakorn University, Bangkok, Thailand, af-
ter a long strenuous effort.
Hence, I would like to express my sincere thanks to
the Embassy of India, Bangkok, for providing us the finan-
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cial support for publishing these Volumes. Besides, I take
this opportunity to express my sincere thanks to H.E.
Mrs Suchitra Durai, Ambassador and PR to UNESCAP,
Mr. Abbagani Ramu, Deputy Chief of Mission and Dep-
uty PR to UNESCAP, Mr. Ashwin M. Kotnis, Counsellor
(Science, Education & Consular) & Mr. Naresh Kumar,
Attaché (SEC), Indian Embassy, Bangkok, Thailand, for
their kind support and necessary suggestions. I am also
extending my hearty tanks to the respected members of
Advisory Board, Peer Review Board, Editor in Chief, Joint
Editors, Associate Editors, and the learned contributors of
these Volumes.
Dated: 12. 02. 2019
Prof. N.C. Panda

Editor of Thai Prajñā (Vol. II & III),
ICCR Chair Visiting Professor of Sanskrit,
Sanskrit Studies Centre, Faculty of Archaeology,
Bangkok, Thailand
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Contents
page
Message of the ICCR President, Delhi, India (3)
Message of the Ambassador of India to Thailand (5)
Message of the Dean (6)
Foreword of Prof. Chirapat Prapandvidya (7)
Message of Prof. Satyavrat Shastri, Delhi, India (8)
Message of Dr Prafulla Kumar Mishra, Chancellor, India (9)
Message of Prof. Ramesh Kumar Pandey, VC, Delhi, India (10)
Message of Dr. BVK Sastry, VC, USA (11)
Message of Prof. SP Bansal, VC, India (13)
Message of Prof. Gopabandhu Mishra, VC, India (14)
Message of Prof. Rajaram Shukla, VC, India (15)
Message of Prof. Shrinivasa Varakhedi, VC, India (16)
Message of Prof. Baidyanath Labh, VC, India (17)
Message of Prof. Shankerji Jha, DUI, PU. CHD, India (18)
Message of Dr. Sujit Ke Ghosh, Kolkata, India (19)
Message of Dr. Bal Mukund Pandey, Delhi, India (20)
Message of Prof. Susmita Pandey, Delhi, India (22)
Message of Sunil Ku. Singh, Director, Georgetown. Guyana (23)
Message of Dr. Mc Comas Taylor, Australia (24)
Message of Prof. Radhamadhab Dash (25)
Message of the Editor – Prof. Narasingha Charan Panda (26)
Indian Sources of Thai Rāmakian 1
• Chirapat Prapandvidya
The Sanskrit Tradition between Vedic Memetics and 17
Literary Culture
• Prof. Jan E.M. Houben.
The philosophy of Water in Vedic literature 47
• Prof. C. Upender Rao
The Concept of Tapas in the Ṛgveda and later vedic 59
texts – A STUDY,
• Dr. Bibhuti Bhusan Mohapatra
Contribution of Ram Gopal as a Vedic interpreter 77
with special reference to the notes on ‘śipra’
• Dr. Paramba Shree Yogamaya.
Ecology in Vedas: In the present prospective, 95
• Prajna Panda
Technical Nyāya (axioms) in Nāgeśa’s 102
Paramalaghumañjūṣā: a study,
• Dr. Shankarji Jha
Subtler yogic consciousness as soteriological 128
power of jñāna,
• Dr. Nina Budziszewska, Ph.D.
The Essence of Human Resource Development in 154
the Bhagavad-Gītā
• Dr Balakrishnan Muniapan
Significance of Yogic Philosophy in Purāṇas : 164
Its present Relevance,
• Prof. NC Panda.
Concept of Samādhi in the Purāṇic Literature, 179
Dr. Adrish Brahmadatta,
Provenance, Journey and Present status of the Buddha’s 187
Alms-Bowl: A Brief Note on Cunningham’s Research
and Further Reflections,
• Professor Siddharth Singh
Human Body as a Meditation Object in Early Buddhism, 200
• Rev. Dr. Wadinagala Pannaloka
BUDDHIST TRADITION AND MANUSCRIPTOLOGY 223
(With Special Reference to Palm Leaf MSS)
• Dr. Sashibhusan Mishra
The Concept of Poetry in Modern Sanskrit Poetics, 238
• Prof. Hari Dutt Sharma
KAUṆḌINYA: A Living Linkage between India and 248
Southeast Asia
• Prof. Sachchidanand Sahai
Barays in Angkor: Stanzas about taṭāka, which contain 279
the names of kings, and mebon,
• Keiko Sato. JAPAN
Plurality of Religions in the Globalised Thai Society 330
• Dr. Sophana Srichampa
Sanskrit Studies in Thailand: Past, Present and Future 349
• Sombat Mangmeesukhsiri, Ph.D.
Indian Sources of Thai Rāmakian
Abstract
The epigraphic evidence confirmed the arrival of the
Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas in the reign of
King Bhavavarman I, the first king of Chenla, the pre-Angko-
rian Khmer kingdom (around the end of 6 century to beginning
of 7th century CE) and the endeavor to popularize them was
also made by everyday recitation of those texts. Illustrations
of the Rāmāyaṇa in the form of bas-reliefs found in Thailand,
Cambodia and Vietnam indicate that the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa
was known in the region as early as 11 century CE, if not
before. It was still popular in Cambodia till the reign of King
Jayavarman VII (1181-cir.1218).
The Thai version of the Rāmāyaṇa known in Thai
as Rāmakian which is the Thai pronunciation of Sanskrit
Rāmakīrti, was composed by Phra Buddhayodfa Chulalok,
Rama I (1782-1809), the first king of Chakri dynasty of
Bangkok, was not derived directly from the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa,
as there are a large number of diversions. This paper seeks
to sort out some of the diversions in the Thai Rāmakian.
Keywords: Rāmakian, Kanba, Vālmīki.
Introduction
The epigraphic evidence confirmed the arrival of the
Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas in the reign of
King Bhavavarman I, the first king of Chenla, the pre-Angkorian
Khmer kingdom (around the end of 6 century to beginning of 7th
century CE) and the endeavor to popularize them was also made
by everyday recitation. (Majumdar 1953: 18-19; Sarkar 1986:
1
60). Illustrations of the Rāmāyaṇa in the form of bas-reliefs
found in Thailand (fig.1 and 2), Cambodia (fig.3) and Vietnam
(fig.4, 5 and 6) indicate that the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa (Henceforth
VR) was known in the region as early as 11 century CE, if not
before, (Varasarin 1986: 33 ff.) and it was still popular in Cam-
bodia till the reign of King Jayavarman VII (1181-cir.1218) as
attested by several bas-reliefs being carved at several temples
(fig. 3).
The Thai version of the Rāmāyaṇa known in Thai as
Rāmakian (henceforth TRK) which is the Thai pronunciation
of Sanskrit Rāmakīrti, was composed by Phra Buddhayodfa
Chulalok, Rama I, the first king of Chakri dynasty of Bangkok,
was not derived directly from the Vālmīkirāmāyana, as there
are a large number of diversions. The following are some of
the diversions:
Influence from northern, eastern and northeastern
India
The Episode of Maiyarābṇ (Mahirāvaṇa)
According to the TRK, Phra Rām (Rāma) after having
crossed the bridg built by the army of monkeys laid siege of Lan-
ka. Dośakaṇṭh (Rāvaṇa), sought this relative Maiyarabṇ, who
was the king of Pātāla for his help. Maiyarabṇ was possessed
of all kinds magical power learnt from his preceptor, Sumedh
Muni, who helped to remove his heart (soul) and turn it into a
bee and hid it in the Mount Trikūṭa. He, thus, virtully immune
to death. Maiyarābṇ used herb and his magical power to make
everybody in Rāma’s army including Rāma himself fell deeply
asleep in spite of the fact that Hanumān kept in his mouth the
pavilion where Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa stayed (fig.7). Maiyarābṇ
carried Rāma to Pātāla and kept him in an iron cage.
Hanumān, after being freed from the effect of Maiyarābṇ’s
magic, went to Pātāla to rescue Rāma, passing through vari-
2
ous obstructions on the way. He met his son, Macchānu, who
guarded one of the outposts to Pātāla. Hanumān, with the help
of Bilākuan, Maiyarābṇ’s elder sister, who told him the secret
about Maiyarābṇ’s invulnerability, succeeded in slaying the
demon and rescuing Rāma. (Satyananda Puri 1998: 66-70).
The episode does not exist in the VR but it appears in
Śiva Purāṇa (Prapandvidya 2016) and in Ramlilamrita where
the name of the demon is Ahi-Mahi Rāvaṇa who abducted
both Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa. (Naidu 1971: 34-35). It also exists
in Madhav Kandali’s Ramayana in Assamese language and
in the Krittivasi Ramayan in Bengali language. The word
Maiyarābṇ may be the result of the phonological change from
Tamil Mayaliraban. ๖(Satyananda Puri 1998: 70).
Influence from southern India

The names of the characters in the TRK Several names
of the character in the TRK are similar to the Tamil names. The
following are some examples:
Anomātan was the first king of Ayudhyā (VR- Ayodhyā).
The last syllable ‘an’ of the name seems to be of South Indian
origin. The origin of the king according to the account given in
the TRK (King Rama I Book I 1964, 4 ff.) is as follows: The TRK
begins with Hirantayakṣ (Skt. Hiraṇyākṣa) who rolled the earth,
kept it under his armpit and went to Pātāla, the nether world.
The gods rushed to Phra Isuan (Skt. Īśvara) at Mount Krailās
(Skt. Kailāsa) for rescue. So Phra Isuan ordered Phra Nārāyaṇ
(Viṣṇu) to rescue the earth from the hand of Hirantayakṣ. Phra
Nārāyaṇ took the form of a boar, went to the nether world, killed
him and rescued the earth. Phra Nārāyaṇ returned to his abode
at the Milk Ocean and began to recite the Vedic mantras. As
a result, a lotus in full bloom with a child in it appeared from
his belly. Phra Nārāyaṇ took the child and presented it to Phra
3
Isuan. Phra Isuan commanded Phra Indr (Skt.Indra) to found
a city for the child. Phra Indr then ordered Phra Viṣṇukarm
(Skt.Viśvakarman) to use his divine power to build a city and he
did accordingly and named it Śrī Ayudhyā Dvārāvadī (Skt.
Dvārāvatī). Phra Isuan named the child Anomātan and put him
on the throne of Ayudhyā as the first king. He ruled for a long
time and begot a son named Ajabāl (Skt. Ajapāla) who succeeded
him. King Ajabāl had a son named Dośaroth (VR- Daśaratha)
who also succeeded him.
The beginning of the TRK seems to have been taken by
the narrator from the accounts in a distorted form from the Viṣṇu
Purāṇa. (Wilson 1980, Vol. I, 38 ff.; Vol. II 537 ff.)
Trībūram (King Rama I Book I 1964, 57 ff.) is a demon
in the TRK. The name Trībūram sounds like Tamil. Apparently
it is derived from the word Tripura which is the name of three
fabulous cities built by Maya for three demon brothers, sons
of Tārakāsura, namely Kamalākṣa, Tārakākṣa and Vidyunmālī.
(Mani 1993: 793-794) Trībūram acquired the boon from Phra
Isuan (Śiva) to the effect that no one even Phra Nārāyaṇ (Viṣṇu)
can killed him. With that invincible power he wreaked havoc
in the three worlds. Eventually he was killed by Phra Isuan by
combining powers from various gods.
Kuperan in the TRK is the son of Lastian (King Rama
I Book I 1964: 75), King of Longkā (Skt. Laṅkā). Apparently
Kuperan which sounds like Tamil must have derived from Ku-
bera, son of Pulustya. Lastian must have probably been changed
from a postulated form Pulastyan. Pulastya had a son named
Viśravas who had two wives named Kaikasī and Devavarṇinī.
Kubera was born of Devavarṇinī whereas Rāvaṇa, Kumbha-
karṇa, Vibhīṣaṇa and Śūrpanakhā were born of Kaikasī. (Mani
1993: 612).
The other names of characters in the TRK that show
4
traces of Tamil language are Kalaikot (VR-Ṛṣyaśṛṅga), Suman-
tan (VR-Sumantra), Kukhan is Guhan in Kamba Ramayana
(henceforth KR), Mālīvarāj is Malliyavan who was Ravana’s
grand father in the KR, Mangkorkanth is Makarakannan, Kha-
ra’s son in the KR etc. The city name Māyan in the TRK also
sounds like Tamil.
The Episodes Peculiar to the TRK

The Previous Life of Dośakaṇṭh (Rāvaṇa)
On Mount Krailās (Kailāsa), Nonduk (Skt.Nandaka),
a certain demigod, was given the charge of washing the feet
of the gods who came to pay homage to Phra Isuan (Śiva). He
became the object of constant pranks of those gods who pat on
his head or pulled his cheeks or plucked his hair until his head
became bald. He was very anguished about his plight hence he
asked Lord Śiva for a boon. Lord Śiva granted the boon to him
that whomever he would point his finger at would instantly
drop death. He became so puffed up with his newly acquired
power and played havoc to gods and men. Gods approached
Lord Śiva to help. Lord Śiva asked Viṣṇu to destroy Nonduk.
Viṣṇu appeared as beautiful celestial nymph before Nonduk who
became enamoured with the nymph. Viṣṇu in disguise expressed
her reciprocal feeling on condition that Nonduk must beat her
in a dance contest. He agreed and danced imitating her dance
movement. In the course of the dance the nymph pointed her
finger at one of her leg. Nonduk, on following the movement,
caused his leg to be broken by his own finger, then Viṣṇu turned
back to his original form. Nonduk rebuked Viṣṇu for resorting
to unfair means to destroy him. Viṣṇu, before slaying him, told
him that in the next life he would be born as human being with
one head and two hands and would kill him when the demon
would be born with ten heads and twenty hands. Thus Nonduk
5
was reborn as Dośakaṇṭh (Rāvaṇa) and Viṣṇu incarnated as
Rāma. (Satyananda Puri 1998: 10-11; King Rama I Book I
1964: 76 ff.).
This episode in the TRK is evidently the adoption of
the story of Bhāsmāsura in the Śivalīlāmṛta in Marāthī. (Mani
1993: 127)
The Birth of Sītā

When King Dośaroth (VR-Daśaratha) requested Sage
Kalaikot (VR- Ṛṣyaśṛṅga) to perform the rite for getting his
heir, a being appeared out of the sacrificial fire holding a tray
of 3 divine sweet balls, the fragrance of which went as far as
Lanka, the capital of Dośakaṇṭh (Skt.Daśakaṇṭha, VR-Rāvaṇa).
Moṇḍo (VR-Mandodarī), Daśakaṇṭh’s queen, had a strong desire
to eat the sweet ball. So Rāvaṇa sent Kākanāsura (Skt-Kākānana-
Asura?), a demoness, to bring the sweet-meat for her. She took
the form of a crow and flew to Ayodhya but she succeeded in
stealing only one half of a sweet ball. Moṇḍo eat the sweet-meat
and became pregnant. She, later, gave birth to a girl who was
actually the incarnation of Lakṣmī, Goddess of Fortune.
As soon as she was born the child cried out “destroy
whole race of the demons; destroy whole race of the demons.”
After learning the prediction from Phiphek (VR-
Vibhīṣaṇa), the astrologer, about the destructive consequences
indicated by ominous cry, Rāvaṇa decided to discard the baby by
putting it in a casket and letting it float along a river. The casket
containing the child was found by Sage Janok (VR-Janaka) who
was the king of Mithilā but left the throne to practice austerity.
Thinking the baby should not come in the way of his practice
of the austerity, he buried the casket with the baby and prayed
to gods to protect it.
After sixteen years the sage decided to return to his
6
kingdom and wanted to take the baby with him. He ploughed
the whole ground to find the baby and he found a full grown
beautiful girl. He named her Sīdā (VR- Sītā) as she was found
from the furrow and adopted her. (Satyananda Puri 1998: 24-26)
The birth of Sītā in the TRK is, faintly similar to the
accounts given in the Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the Kamba
Rāmāyaṇa, the Ananda Rāmāyaṇa and the Adbhuta Rāmāyaṇa.
(Mani 1993: 721-722)
The stealing of the sweet ball or pāyāsam by Kākanāsura
does not occur in the VR. (Rajagopalachari 1986: 3). Kākanāsura
in the TRK is Tāḍakā in the VR. (Satyananda Puri 1998: 27-29)
The above-mentioned Sage Kalaikot, the deer-headed
ascetic, who was invited by King Dośaroth to perform the cere-
mony (putrakāmeṣṭi yajña) for getting an heir is undoubtedly the
same as Kalaikoṭṭu Muni of South Indian Rāmāyaṇa depicted in
the Paintings of Māliruñcolai Temple (fig.8 and 9). (Rajarajan
2017).
There is a mural painting depicting the story of Sage
Kalaikot being seduced by Princess Arunvadi (Skt.Aruṇavatī),
daughter of King Romabat at the northern hall on the premises
of the Mandapa shrine of the Buddhist monastery named Wat
Phra Chetupon (Pali-Jetavana), popularly known as Wat Pho,
to the south of the Grand Palace, Bangkok.
The Episode of Phra Lak (Lakṣmaṇa) being tied by

serpent noose.
According to the TRK, in the battle between Phra Lak and
Inthorachit (Indrajit), the latter shot the Nāgapāśa arrow and it
became serpents that coiled around Phra Lak and all monkey
soldiers. They became unconscious as if they were dead. Rāma
had to shoot an arrow to call Garuḍa to the rescue. When Garuḍa
came all the serpents fled.
7
According to the VR both Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa were tied
by Nāgapāśa (serpent noose) which agreed with the bas-reliefs at
Phimai temple (fig.1) and at other places belonging to the same
period. Garuḍa came on his own accord by which the serpents
fled. (Sen: 516-524).
According to the KR only Lakṣmaṇa was tied by
Nāgapāśa and Garuḍa also came on his own accord by which
the serpents fled. (Sundaram: 327-331).
The TRK seems to be more closer to the KR.
The Episode of Benyakāy

When the monkey army of Phra Rāma (Rāma) was
camping on the seashore preparing to cross the sea to Laṅka.
Dośakaṇṭh wanted to deceive Rāma that Sītā was death. He
asked Benyakāy (Skt.Pañcakāya), Bibhek (VR-Vibhīṣaṇa’s)
daughter, to transform herself to be Sītā and to act as dead
body floating in the river near Rāma’s camp. On seeing the
dead body of Sītā, Rāma and Phra Lak (Lakṣmaṇa) lamented
greatly.
When he saw Hanumān Rāma he became angry, think-
ing that Hanumān’s burning of Laṅkā was the instigation
that prompted Dośakaṇṭh to take Sītā’s life. When Hanumān
observed with keen eyes that the body floated upstream he
knew immediately that the body was fake one. Consequently, he
burnt the body to test whether the dead body was real. Benyakāy
flew away but Hanumān followed and caught her. Hanumān
courted her, and intimate relation followed. As a result a son
was born of Benyakāy. He was named Asuraphad. (Satyananda
Puri 1998: 61-62; Satyavrat 1990: 222-223).
The episode does not exist in the VR. The name
Benyakāy seems to be confused with Atikāya, son of Rāvaṇa,
born of Mandodrī. (Mani 1993: 612).
8
The Episode of Suvaṇṇamacchā
From Dośakaṇṭh’s sexual relation with a fish, a daughter
with half top part of beautiful girl and lower part of fish was
born. He named her Suvaṇṇamacchā (Skt.Suvarṇamatsyā).
At the time when Rāma built a bridge to Laṅkā Dośakaṇṭh
ordered his daughter and the school of fish under her leadership
to remove all the building materials thrown into the sea by the
monkey army with the intention to obstruct the construction of
the bridge. Hanumān dived into the sea to find out the cause
of the disappearance of the building materials. He found the
mermaid and flirted her. It ended up with the intimate rela-
tion between the two. As a result a son was born without the
knowledge of Hanumān. He was brought up by Maiyarābṇ (Skt.
Mahirāvaṇa) the king of Pātāla, the nether world, who named
him Macchānu (Skt.Matsyā+hanu). Macchānu found his real
father when Hamumān went to Pātāla to rescue Rāma who was
carried away to Pātāla while he was asleep by Maiyarābṇ and
was kept there in an iron cage. (Satyananda Puri 1998: 66-67;
Shastri 1990: 223)
Conclusion
1. The VR must have existed in the early period in the
region that include present Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and Viet-
nam till around 13th century CE.
2. The main plot of the VR was maintained by King Rama
I, the author of the TRK, but the details of the story greatly
differed from the former.
3. From the above-mentioned account one can see that
Śiva was given highest position among the gods including
Viṣṇu. This is one of the indications that the TRK leans towards
9
South India where Śaivism has been prominently present since
long past.
4. Other indications that show the close link between
TRK and South India are the names of characters and place
names which sound like Tamil.
5. The account also shows that the TRK was composed
from the account given by narrators who must have been
originally from South India or must have been the descen-
dants of south Indians like most of the present Thai Brahmans
who are the descendants of southern Thailand’s Brahmans
whose ancestors in turn were from South India.
Bibliography
Edgerton, Franklin. 1972. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and
Dictionary, Volume II: Dictionary. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
Majumdar, R.C.1953. Inscriptions of Kambuja. Calcutta: Asiatic Society.
Mani, Vettam, 1993. Puranic Encyclopaedia, reprinted. Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass.
Naidu, S Shankar Raju. 1971. A Comparative Study of Kamba Ramayanam
and Tulasi Ramaya. Masdras: University of Madras.
Prapandvidya, Chirapat. 2016. Lord Śiva’s Avatāra (incarnation) as
Hanumān and Its Linkage with the Thai Rāmakien (Rāmāyaṇa),
A paper presented at World Ramayana Conference, at Jabalpur,
India, 2016.
Rajagopalachari, C. 1986. Rāmāyaṇa. 24th edition. Mumbai: Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan.
Rajarajan, R.K.K.2017. The Rāmāyaṇa Paintings of Māliruñcolai Temple
Nationalism under spell of Regionalism, a paper presented at the
International Conference “Connecting Cultures: Rāmāyaṇa Retell-
ings in South India and Southeast Asia, Bangluru, India, September
13-15, 2017.
The Ramakian (Ramayana). 1982. Mural Painting along he Galeries of the
Temple of the Emerald Buddha. 3rd edition. Bangkok: Government
Lottery.
King Rama I, Book I. 1964. Rāmakian (Ramakirti). Book I. Bangkok:
Sueksaphan Panich.
King Rama VI. 1977. Bokerd Ramakirti (Origin of Ramakirti). Bangkok:
10
Nakhon Thon Publishers.
Sattar, Arshia, trans. 1996. The Rāmāyaṇa Vālmīki. New Delhi: Penquin
Books.
Sarkar, H.B. 1986. “Rāmāyaṇa in Southeast Asia: A General Survey” in
SVTBCL.
Shastri, Satyavrat. 1990. Śrīrāmakīrtimahākāvyam. Bangkok: Mulamalla
Sachdev Foundation; Amarnath Sachdev Foundation.
Souvenir Volume of the 2nd International Ramayana Conference. 1986. Orga-
nized by Thai-Bharat Cultural Lodge in Bangkok in 1986 (SVTBCL).
Bangkok: Thai-Bharat Cultural Lodge.
Satyananda Puri, Swami. 1998. The Ramakirti (Ramakian), the Thai Ver-
sion of the Rāmāyaṇa. third edition. Bangkok: India Studies Centre,
Thammasat University.
Sundaram, P.S. trans. 2002. The Kamba Rāmāyaṇa. New Delhi: Penquin
Books India.
Sheel, Benimadhab. Krittivasi Ramayan. Calcutta: Akshoy Library.
Varasarin, Uraisi.1986. “The Rāmāyaṇa Story from Phnom Rung and Phimai
Temples,Thailand” in SVTBCL.
Wilson, H.H., trans.1980. The Viṣṇu Purāṇa. Vol. I.-II. Delhi: Nag Publishers.
11
th
Fig. 1Fig. 1 A relief at the temple of Phimai (cir. 11 cent. CE),
A relief at the temple of Phimai (cir. 11th cent.
ma a being tied by
Nakhon Ratchasima, northeastern Thailand, depicting
CE), Nakhon Ratchasima,
(See Sattar 1966: 550-551; Sen: 516-524)
northeastern Thailand, depicting Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa being tied by Nāgapāśa
from Indrajit’s arrow. (See Sattar 1966: 550-551; Sen: 516-524)
Fig. 2 A relief at the temple of Phanom Rung (12th cent.CE), Buriram, northeastern Thailand,
Fig. 2 A relief at the temple of (See
Phanom Rung (12th cent.CE), Buriram,
Sattar 1996: 229-232)
northeastern Thailand, depicting the abduction of Sītā by Virādha. (See
Sattar 1996: 229-232)
12
Fig.
Fig. 33 AArelief
reliefatatthethe temple
temple of Banteay
of Banteay ChmarChmar
(cir. 12(cir.
th 12th cent.CE),
cent.CE), north-
north-western Cambodia, depictin
western Cambodia, depicting ya a.the beginning of The Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa.
The bearded figure may be identified - with Bhāradvāja, Vālmīki’s disciple,
bow with the hunter. (See Sattar 1996: 11-12)
the headless figure with Vālmīki, four-faced figure with Brahmā, the two
birds with Krauñcas, and the figure with bow with the hunter. (See Sattar
1996: 11-12)
Fig. Fig.
4 Rāvaṇa lifting
4 R va a lifting the
the Mount Mount
Kail Kailāasa
asa in the Museum in the
of Danang, Museum of Danang, Vietnam
Vietnam
13
Fig. 5Fig.
Rāvaṇa lifting the Mount Kailāasa in the Museum of Danang, Vietnam
5 R va a lifting the Mount Kail asa in the Museum of Danang, Vietnam
Fig. 6 Rāvaṇa lifting the Mount Kailāasa at My Son, Vietnam

Fig. 6 R va a lifting the Mount Kail , Vietnam
14
Fig. 7 The mural painting at the temple of the Emerald Buddha in the Grand
Palace,
Fig.Bangkok, depicting
7 The mural painting Hanuman
at the temple keeping
of the Emerald Buddha inthe pavilion
the Grand wheredepicting
Palace, Bangkok, RamaHanuman
and keeping
Laksmana stayed
the pavilion in his
where Rama and mouth to protect
Laksmana stayed them
in his mouth from
to protect themMaiyarabn.
from Maiyarabn.
Fig. 8 koyil) in ya country

Fig. 8 Painting at Māliruñcolai Temple (folk: Alakarkoyil) in southern Pāṇḍya
(now in Tamil Nadu), depicting Kalaikottu Muni being brought to Ayodhya to perform Putrak me i
country (now in Tamil Nadu), depicting Kalaikottu Muni being brought to
Ayodhya
yajña (theto perform
sacrifice Putrakāmeṣṭi
to obtain a son)
yajña (the sacrifice to obtain a son)
15
(now in Tamil Nadu), depicting Kalaikottu Muni being brought to Ayodhya to perform Putrak me i
yajña (the sacrifice to obtain a son)
Fig.9 9Kalaiko
Fig. Kalaikoṭṭu Muni performing the sacrifice for King Daśaratha for
obtaining a son.
16
The Sanskrit Tradition between
Vedic Memetics and Literary Culture1
Jan E.M. Houben
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
PSL, Paris
ABSTRACT
In the elaboration of a new, global, integrative human-
ism, Sanskrit will evidently have an important role to play, next
to the three classical languages of medieval and early renais-
sance humanism, Latin, Greek and Hebrew, and next to other
important classical languages of the world such as Arabic and
Chinese. It will therefore be useful to look at the nature and
history of this important classical language, Sanskrit, which is
among the very few ancient ones with a continuous evolution
and tradition – not without significant transitions and ruptures
– to the present day. In this article this is done by revisiting
the theme of “Ideology and Status of Sanskrit” which was the
subject of a conference organized almost 25 years ago, on 17-19
November 1994, at the International Institute for Asian Stud-
ies (IIAS), Leiden, the Netherlands, and which was also the
title of the volume with proceedings that appeared two years
later, in 1996 (new edition with new preface: Delhi, 2012). The
present article updates and extends this discussion. It is finally
argued that the edifice of a complex system of, at the oldest
stage, Vedic rituals with mantras as ‘memes’ at their basis, and
the construction of a remarkably efficient grammar by Pāṇini,
re-adapted to the need of the time by later grammarians,
were crucially important assets to the “biological organ-
ism” or rather “memetic organism” of Sanskrit language and
literature, which helped it, and can be expected to continue
to help it, at least to marginally survive and in some periods
1 This is an updated and expanded version of an essay that appeared earlier
as Houben 2012 (preface to the new edition of the volume Ideology and
Status of Sanskrit, Leiden 1996) and Houben 2014 (article in Portuguese).
17
and contexts even to thrive, through the ages. Finally, the main
points of the conclusion are summarized in a Sanskrit verse in
the Mandākinī metre.
KEY WORDS: History of Sanskrit, Ideology and
Status of Sanskrit, antiquarianization of Sanskrit, Language of
the Gods, Pāṇini, cosmopolis, sociolinguistics, family model,
field model, wave model, linguistic area, language and reality,
orality, writing, mantras, memes.
1.1 In the elaboration of a new, global, integrative
humanism, Sanskrit will evidently have an important role to
play, next to, from a European perspective, the three classi-
cal languages of medieval and early renaissance humanism,
Latin, Greek and Hebrew, and next to other important classical
languages of the world such as Arabic and Chinese.2 From
an Indian perspective, the classical languages for humanist
education could be different, but should include Sanskrit,
Persian and Arabic, in accordance with the recommendation
once formulated by Mahatma Gandhi3; and from a Japanese
2 The availability of basic and advanced study tools for all these classical
languages and the availability of modern means of communication make
the elaboration of a new, global, integrative humanism altogether possi-
ble. The ever increasing pace of exchange of isolated elements of infor-
mation creates a need for meaningful integration and communication, for
which familiarity with major classical languages of the world can provide
indispensable conceptual tools and frameworks. The educative value of the
study of classical languages does not diminish the practical need and cul-
tural value of the study of regional and national languages independently
of the extent of their attested written and/or oral history.
3 Mohandas K. Gandhi 1940 in his Autobiography: the story of my ex-
periments with truth (transl. from Gujarati by M Desai), Part I, chapter
5: “It is now my opinion that in all Indian curricula of higher education
there should be a place for Hindi, Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic and English,
besides of course the vernacular. This big list need not frighten anyone. If
our education were more systematic, and the boys free from the burden of
having to learn their subjects through a foreign medium, I am sure learning
all these languages would not be an irksome task, but a perfect pleasure. A
scientific knowledge of one language makes knowledge of other languages
comparatively easy.” Quoted from the online version at www.mkgandhi.
org.
18
perspective classical Chinese, Sanskrit and Latin could be the
classical languages in humanist education. From each of these
regional perspectives it is useful to look at the nature and history
of this important classical language, Sanskrit, which is among
the very few ancient ones with a continuous evolution and
tradition – not without significant transitions and ruptures – to
the present day.4 I propose to do this by revisiting the theme
of “Ideology and Status of Sanskrit” which was the subject of
a conference I could organize more than 20 years ago, on
17-19 November 1994, at the International Institute for
Asian Studies (IIAS), Leiden, the Netherlands, and which was
also the title of the volume with proceedings (to which we
will refer here as ISS) that appeared two years later, in 1996.
The aim of the volume was to contribute especially to the
social and sociolinguistic history of Sanskrit. In 2012, a new
edition appeared in India (see References, under ISS), with a
new Preface that gave an update to the theme by discussing
three relevant publications. The present article updates and
extends this discussion.
4 In the Atlas des Langues du Monde (Breton 2003), Sanskrit appears on

p. 12 as an ‘extinct language’, together with languages such as Avestan,
Sogdian, Gothic, Latin and Hittite, and on pp. 40-41 as a language with an
ancient written corpus (together with Chinese it is said to have a written
corpus going back to the second millennium BCE). On pp. 54-55 San-
skrit appears in a section devoted to the “Indian world” and is represented
as a small circle tagged “60.000” within a bigger circle representing 410
million speakers of Hindi in India (in 2003). As the number of those with
Sanskrit as mother tongue – whatever that may have meant to the respon-
dents – was 49.736 according to the Census of India of 1991, “60.000”
is probably erroneous for “50.000”. In the Census of 2001 the number of
respondents indicating Sanskrit as mother tongue had dropped to 14.135
(censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/ Census_Data_Online/Language/
Statement1.htm accessed in January 2012).
19
1.2 Unlike the large majority of language names, the
name ‘Sanskrit’ is not the name of a people or country or
nation. 5 The name saṁskṛta, which literally means “polished,
well-formed”, points to its socio-linguistic position throughout
the ages: it was the cultured language of the well-educated,
of the social and religious elite. The term Sanskrit properly
applies to the regulated language which developed some
centuries after Pāṇini’s grammar, and access to which was
not limited by ethnicity or belief system (Brahmanism,
Buddhism, Jainism, Cārvāka, etc.). By extension, however, it
refers to closely related earlier forms of the language which are
used in Vedic texts (cf. Whitney 1888: xi-xv; Thieme 1994).
Certain attestations of the name saṁskṛta with reference to
language and usually in opposition to prākṛta and apabhraṁśa6
appear relatively late, in texts that date from around
the beginning of the Common Era. From then on to the present
5 Renou 1956: 6: “Le mot « sanskrit » est ainsi l’une des rares désignations
de langue qui ne soit pas de provenance ethnique.” At least, the ancient and
modern, indigenous and external names of most well-known languages,
English, French, German, Dutch, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Hindi, Marathi,
Hindustani etc. are either derived from or identical with the names of a
people, country or nation. (These proper names may next have well-es-
tablished or uncertain etymologies as significant words.) I did not try to
verify this for the more than 6900 languages listed in the last edition of the
Ethnologue (Lewis 2009). Notable exceptions from South Asia, apart from
Sanskrit, are the literary languages Prakrit, the religious language Pali, the
commercial lingua franca Urdu. More recent times saw the construction
of languages such as Esperanto and Interlingua which are from the begin-
ning meant for communication between people of different mother tongues
and which have significant names not derived from the name of a people,
country or .
6 See also Aklujkar 1996 and Houben 1996b.
20
day,7 Sanskrit has been participating in complex, multilinguistic
contexts. At present, Sanskrit is a major medium of expression
in sacred literature in three world religions, Hinduism, Jainism
and Buddhism. It is also one of the languages in which an
early nineteenth century translation of the Bible exists (acc. to
the Ethnologue, s.v. Sanskrit: dating from 1822).
Regarding the history of the Sanskrit language, Louis
Renou observed that “the questions posed by [its] development
... and the almost paradoxical conditions of its survival have
not yet been tackled in detail” (1956: 18). This is as much
true now as it was almost sixty years ago. Even if significant
contributions have been made to various crucial aspects, we
still have to confirm that “... the time has not yet come (if it
would ever come) for a definitive work in this area. Too many
preparatory studies are missing, too many elements remain
unknown” (Renou, ibid.9).
7 The Ethnologue (Lewis 2009), under the lemma ‘Sanskrit’, informs the
reader that Sanskrit is a language of India and that a surprisingly high num-
ber of 2950 persons registered as first language speakers in the 2001 Cen-
sus. More credibility can be accorded to the number of second language
speakers, which is said to be 194.433. The comment is added that it is a
“Classical language of learning, liturgical language.” It is unclear why the
Ethnologue mentions only “Sharada, Sinhala” as its scripts, skipping sev-
eral other old scripts formerly used for writing Sanskrit and omitting the
script that is dominantly in use for this purpose at present, Devanāgarī. The
new edition (February 2017) has: “208,100 in India, all users. 14,100 (2001
census). 194,000. Total users in all countries: 211,100 (as L1: 14,100; as
L2: 197,000).” This edition also adds Devanāgarī, Myanmar (Burmese)
and Newa to the list of scripts used for Sanskrit.
8 “On n’avait pas encore abordé avec quelque détail l’ensemble des ques-
tions que pose l’évolution de cette langue, les conditions presque paradox-
ales de sa survie.”
9 “Sans doute le temps n’est pas venu (s’il doit jamais venir) pour une oeu-
vre définitive en ce domaine. Trop de travaux préparatoires manquent, trop
d’éléments resteront inconnus. Jusqu’ici on a surtout éclairé les débuts,
les origines indo-européennes, la structure des hymnes védiques, certains
points de l’usage ultérieur.”
21
In his review of the IIS volume,10 the Spanish linguist
E.R. Luján remarked that “since Renou’s (1956) Histoire de la
langue sanskrite there has not been any booklength study deal-
ing with the history of Sanskrit. Besides, linguistic thought
has changed to a great extent since the date of publication of
Renou’s book; accordingly, it was high time to undertake a
profound revision of the ideas on the history of Sanskrit.” The
contributors to the volume ISS took up for discussion several
problematic points pertaining to the early beginnings, the de-
velopment and stabilization and to the latter days of what we
may call the “Sanskrit tradition” – if, for the sake of simplicity,
we are ready to use a term that leaves implicit the internal het-
erogenity and dynamics of what could also be referred to in the
plural as “Sanskrit traditions.”
Three publications are central among the updates that
can be made to the ISS volume. One appeared actually a few
years before the publication of ISS, in 1989, two appeared 10
to 15 years later.
2.1 The volume Dialectes dans les Litératures In-

do-Aryennes (“Dialects in the Indo-Aryan Literatures,” ed. C.
Caillat 1989) was the outcome of an international Colloquium
organized in Paris in 1986. Several articles of this volume
were referred to in contributions in ISS. A contribution that
has turned out to be particularly influential is Michael Witzel’s
“Tracing the Vedic Dialects,” which forms a series with oth-
er publications by the same author on this subject and in the
same line of approach: “On the Localization of Vedic Texts
and Schools” (1987), “Notes on Vedic Dialects (1)” (1991)
and “Notes on Vedic Dialects (2)” (2005).
10 Other reviews that came to my notice are: Colas 1998, Goldman 1997,
Jamison 1997, Patyal 1997, Polomé 1999, Scharf 1997, Smith 2002,
Squarcini 2002, Verpoorten 1998.
22
Before the publication of “Tracing the Vedic Dialects”
the consensus was that the Vedic texts in general and the gve-
da in particular show a strong presence of linguistic norms and
little dialectal variety.11 Michael Witzel, however, summa-
rizing and adding to dispersed research results of preceding
decades, posited the existence of localized dialects in Vedic,
which can be traced through the available Vedic texts. In the
domain of Vedic studies, his article contained the promise of a
new, fruitful direction of research. Witzel sketched the consen-
sus and his new departure as follows:
It is believed ... that the Vedic language had no dia-
lects. One usually admits that the archaic poetic language
of the gveda is a mixture of many dialects which had in-
fluenced each other. On the other hand, the educated speech
of post-gvedic times, found in the prose texts, the so-called
Brāhmaṇas, is regarded as the contemporary, the living lan-
guage of the priests and other well-educated men, while the
rest of the population spoke various degrees of early Mid-
dle-Indian, i.e., archaic Prākṛts. But this is as far as one will
go. My contention will be that even this standard North Indian
Koine, “Vedic”, which does not seem to have regional vari-
ations at all, shows traces of the local dialects – if only one
looks carefully enough. (Witzel 1989: 99).
The divergent linguistic features, for instance regarding
euphonic combination, can usually be understood from differ-
ent theoretical perspectives. Those of Middle and Late Vedic
texts seem most promissing with regard to dialectal differenc-
es. However, “especially Renou and Caland regarded many of
the variations in grammar, to be treated below, as mere vari-
ations in the style of Vedic viz. of the various Vedic schools”
11 Cf. Renou 1956: 10 on the gveda: “Bien que dû à des auteurs multi-
ples, préparé dans des localités séparées, il ne présente guère de diversité
dialectale. Autrement dit, nous avons affaire dès l’origine à une sorte de
norme linguistique.”
23
(Witzel 1989: 99 n. 3).
2.2 Of special interest is the attribution of a quite distinct

mode of recitation, with two instead of three basic pitches, to
a specific text, the Śatapatha-brāhmaṇa (ŚB).12 This could
have confirmed the existence of different dialects in Middle
and Late Vedic. However, the relationship beween other Vedic
ways of accentuation and the one of the Śatapatha-brāhmaṇa,
which is described in a short treatise called the Bhāṣika-sūtra,
remains unclear and difficult to analyze. B.B. Chaubey (1975,
1978) and George Cardona (1993) devoted important studies
to the accentuation of the ŚB. Especially the detailed proposal
by the latter is not convincing to Witzel.13
On the basis of an overview of the available evidence
and arguments brought forward till now, including some that
have been unduly neglected in recent discussions, it becomes
clear, however, that the accent system represented in the Bhāṣi-
ka-sūtra, while perfectly valid for the later tradition of ŚB rec-
itation (in Benares), does not correspond to any early dialectal
development in Vedic Sanskrit – least of all to a dialectal de-
velopment of major teachers of the ŚB such as Yājñavalkya
(Houben, forthcoming). This removes a crucial argument for
accepting “Vedic dialects” (Witzel 1989 and 1997), which are
rather to be considered regional variations of a “sociolect” or
of a language belonging to a particular sociological stratum of
ancient Indian society. As for the Bhāṣika-sūtra, from the point
of view of the literature of the Śukla-yajurveda tradition to
which it belongs it is an appendix to an appendix (a pariśiṣṭa
12 The other major accented text of the Śukla-yajurveda, the Vā-
jasaneyi-saṁhitā, follows a system of accentuation that corresponds to that
of most other available accented texts of the Veda such as the gveda.
13 After having expressed his doubt on the technical aspects of Cardona’s
account, Witzel adds: “The exact mechanism of the Eastern dialect’s sub-
stitution of a low tone for an originally rising tone of the more Western
Vedic dialects cannot be described here in detail” (Witzel 1997: 327).
24
of a pariśiṣṭa14), not mentioned in the traditional list of supple-
mentary Śukla-yajurveda texts. It therefore cannot have been
an important ancient text in this tradition as Chaubey and Car-
dona proposed. It was probably written in Benares and it need
not be earlier than the 16th century Common Era.
Earlier grounds for scepticism on the reality of “Vedic
dialects” brought forward by, among others, Caland, Renou
and Minard, are still valid. The results from “dialectic,” “sty-
listic” and school differences and the role of social strata can
hardly be distinguished. In view of the strong suggestion of a
settled speaking community that is associated with the term
“dialect” and in view of the “habitual travelling” of Brahmins
of which also Witzel is well aware (e.g., 1989: 231), it is better
to speak of a bhāṣā and of early and late Vedic as “sociolects”
with regional variations, with dynamic change over time.
Area-wide convergence covering Witzel’s three centres, Ku-
rukṣetra, Pañcāla and Kosala-Videha, was here more import-
ant than regional divergence. The great sage of the Vājasaney-
ins, Yājñavalkya, may have used a Brahminical koinē without
recognizable accent; and if he had any accent, this had nothing
to do with the accentuation-system as described in the much
later Bhāṣika-sūtra. It is to be noted that grammarians who
together cover an early period of around a millennium, from
Patañjali (2nd BCE), his predecessor Kātyāyana (3rd BCE), and
the authors of the Kāśikā-Vṛtti (7th cent. CE) and their com-
mentators, are otherwise aware of the smallest particularities
in the form and accent of a word and take also into account
variations attested in different Vedic schools. However, they
show not the slightest awareness of the accentuation-system
described in the Bhāṣika-sūtra, even where this interferes with
grammatically relevant accent patterns such as a word having
the raised accent on the first or last syllable (ādyudātta, an-
14 Pt. Yugal Kishore Pāṭhaka in his edition of the Vājasaneyi-prātiśākhya.
Benares 1888, p. 412.
25
todātta).
Also at the early Vedic stage, Sanskrit or rather its pre-
decessor therefore formed a language for which “ideology
and status” were more important than variations according to
geographical localization. Witzel’s conclusion in these arti-
cles regarding the localization of schools and texts are more
convincing than his proposal that it was the Vedic language
itself which had specific dialects. Regional linguistic variations
were there and they may be attributed to underlying early Mid-
dle Indo-Aryan dialects, “Vedic Prakrits” or “proto-Prakrits”,
and even to Dravidian and Austro-Asiatic languages; but on
the level of the learned and sophisticated, priestly language of
the Vedas and Brāhmaṇas the dominant characteristics were
homogeneity and convergence.
2.3 The difficulties with respect to our judgment of sys-

tematic distinctions well-known since the times of Wackema-
gel, Caland and Renou – whether we have to attribute them to
stylistic variation, to sociolinguistic differences, to differences
in the transmission through various schools, or, as Witzel
proposed, to geographically localizable dialects – cannot be
separated from theoretical choices that are necessary in our
understanding of languages in general and Indian languages in
particular. In one way of thinking about Sanskrit it is a discrete
unit that forms a ‘node’ in a tree of related languages, with, for
instance, ancient Persian and esp. the language of the Avesta
as ‘sister’ language, and Hindi, Urdu, Marathi, Oriya, etc. as
‘daughter’ languages of Sanskrit. Since M.B. Emeneau and
F.BJ. Kuiper, a ‘field’ approach to languages of India including
Sanskrit (see Hock 1996) has received some attention, but as a
secondary model, superimposed on a classical ‘family’ model.
Basically, we have to decide whether we want to see languages
as particles (discrete units), waves, or fields. As we know
from physics, in some experiments light appears to be a wave
26
phenomenon, in other experiments, equally convincing,
and equally repeatable, it consists of particles. The status of
exclusive ‘truth’ can be claimed by neither of these two distinct
and seemingly mutually contradictory ways of understanding
light. Recently, the following methodologica1 observations
have been made regarding fundamentally different ways of
seeing languages.
Scho1ars are recognizing that languages are not always
easily nor best treated as discrete, identifiable. and countable
units with clearly defined boundaries between them .... Rather,
a language is more often comprised of continua of features
that extend across time, Geography and social space. There
is growing attention being given to the roles or functions
that language varieties play within the linguistic ecology of
a region or a speech community. ... Languages can be viewed,
then, simultmeously as discrete units (particles) amenable to
being listed and counted, as continua of features across time
and space (waves) that are best studied in terms of variational
tendencies as examples of ‘change in progress’, and as parts of
a larger ecological matrix (field), where functional roles and
usage of the linguistic codes for a wide range of purposes are
more in focus. (Lewis 2009)
Madhav Deshpande (2006: 141) rightly explains that:

[t]he notion of language family implies that languages B and
C are branching of a common ancestor A, and this fact of
a genetic connection accounts for certain features. On
the other hand, the notion of a linguistic area implies that
languages A and B, though belonging to different lan-
guage families and originally possessing different linguistic
features come to share some of each other’s features over
a long period of time through intense contact.
Here too, however, the ‘linguistic area’ model (in which
languages appear in a ‘field’) is superimposed on a ‘family’
model (in which languages are discrete units generating new
units over time). However, the latter’s priority cannot always
27
be taken for granted. Recent researches suggest that within the
period that interests us, from the second millennium B.C.E.
till the present, Vedic and classical Sanskrit evolved from
‘linguistic area’ to ‘linguistic area’ (with several shifts of the
geographical point of gravity, from the northwest of the In-
dian subcontinent to the central Gangetic plains, and India’s
southern states). Under some conditions it may be appropriate
to attribute primary status to a model of ‘family’ relationships
between languages as ‘particles’ or discrete units, for instance
with regard to relatively stable languages in mountainous ar-
eas.15 For languages that flourish in areas of intensive contacts
a simple genetic model may be entirely inadequate, especially
when the ‘linguistic area’ applies also to what can be recon-
structed for earlier periods (cf. Pinault 2002).
3.1 As Sanskrit had its place in a ‘linguistic area’ from

ancient times onwards, it needs to be investigated also from
the point of view sociolinguistics. An important recent publi-
cation demonstrates, moreover, how the dichotomy between
a carefully maintained priestly language and the language of
daily use emerges from a belief system that attributes high-
est value and even soteriological efficacy to “the words of the
gods”. Alexis Pinchard’s Les langues de sagesse dans la Grèce
et l’Inde anciennes (2009, based on a thesis defended in 2005)
studies this dichotomy not only from an Indian perspective
but from a comparative Indo-European one (see also Watkins
1994 and 1995), with special emphasis on ancient Greece. In
15 As for instance the Himalayan languages investigated by G. van Driem
and his team: van Driem 2001; on the Basque language surviving in a
mountainous region at the foot of the Pyrenees in France and Spain: Mor-
van 1996, Allieres 1998 (p. 3: “Non, le basque n’est plus isolé, et ses rac-
ines paraissent bien plonger dans les profondeurs de la préhistoire eurasiat-
ique.” [“No, the Basque language is no more isolated, and its roots appear
very much to dive into the depths of Eurasian prehistory.”]), Vennemann
2003.
28
India, the dichotomy has been subject to a continuous ‘infla-
tion’ that can be easily traced back to its initial stage. At first,
the “secret names or footsteps of the cows” are preserved in
‘human’ hymns addressed to the gods. Subsequently, the entire
‘human’ hymns, skillfully composed by trained poets, acquire
the status of divine texts which through their metre etc. are
demarcated from all other language use, including the com-
ments and explanations of difficulties associated with these
divine texts. The next stage is the acquisition of divine status
of both the hymns and their explanations, the stage reflected
in the dictum mantra-brāhmaṇayor veda-nāmadheyam “Man-
tras and Brāhmaṇas have the designation ‘Veda’ ” (Āpastamba
Śrauta-sūtra 24.1.31). The auxiliary disciplines such as gram-
mar, etc., which develop in order to bridge the increasing dis-
tance between the language of the Veda and even the polished
language of daily life, are the next candidates to receive divine
status; the last observed stage is the attribution of divine sta-
tus not only to Vedic literature and its auxiliary disciplines but
to the entire Sanskrit language, a view which we find already
clearly formulated by the 5th century grammarian-philosopher
Bhartṛhari, but which remained in his time far from uncontest-
ed (Houben 1996b).
Problems such as those analysed by Ashok Aklujkar
(1996) and in subsequent studies (esp. Aklujkar 2003 and
2009), appear in a different perspective both in the light of the
‘inflation’ of divine status, and in the light of Vedic thought and
Indo-European comparison applied to philosophy (and vice
versa) according to the methodology proposed by Pinchard.
Whereas the results for Indian thought have our first interest
here, the starting point of Pinchard is the philosophy of Plato
and the Sophists, and their common indebtedness to the Mys-
teries, especially those of Orpheus and Eleusis. For several of
the steps taken on the way of tracing back philosophical chal-
lenges implicitly accepted by Plato, Socrates and the Sophists,
29
Pinchard points to parallels with elements in Indian thought.
In case of the Mysteries, these parallels are found in the rituals
of the gveda. The importance of Pinchard’s work – a work
which searches system rather than new data16 – lies not only in
the substance of the collection of materials (in ancient Greek,
Sanskrit and Vedic texts), but also in the method developed to
address the problems. The work helps to make visible broader
parallels for seeming anomalies in Indian cultural history. For
instance, the almost obsessive preoccupation with memoriza-
tion in ancient India – we can truly speak of an ancient Indian
“memory culture” (Houben & Rath 2012) – is clarified by the
glorification of memory as a path to knowledge by Plato. The
other side of the coin is the avoidance of the use of writing
for significant literature, not only religious but also legal.17 “It
should by no means surprise us, therefore, that the evidence of
a refusal of writing by members of the priestly or divinatory
class in Indo-European civilizations is so abundant, even when
writing was often known and used in other contexts. Such a
refusal is merely a matter of recognizing the natural impossi-
bility of wisdom to be passed on as a book. Wisdom is what
it is only as long as it establishes by itself its distance from
writing.”18
16 The author sees himself in the “tradition française d’un comparatisme
indo-européen à fonction systématisante plutôt qu’archéologique” (Pin-
chard 2009: 129).
17 For the legislator Lycurgus, education of the citizens was the only thing
that can guard important matters for the common wealth, but he refused to
put into writing the details of litigations (Pinchard 2009: 306).
18 “Point ne doit nous surprendre, donc, que les témoignages d’un refus de
l’écriture par les membres de la classe sacerdotale ou divinatoire dans les
civilisations indo-européennes soient si nombreux, alors même que l’écri-
ture y était souvent connue et utilisée dans d’autres contextes. Un tel refus
ne fait que prendre acte d’une impossibilité congénitale, pour la sagesse, de
se transmettre comme on transmet un livre. La sagesse n’est ce qu’elle est
qu’autant qu’elle instaure elle-même son écart face à l’écriture.” (Pinchard
2009 : 306)
30
3.2 Another important problem area that appears in a
new perspective is that of the relationship between language
and reality (or: word and object), discussed in ISS by J. Bronk-
horst and later on in Langage et Réalité: sur un épisode de la
pensée indienne (Turnhout 1999). Whether Sanskrit is consid-
ered a divine language (by Brahmanical thinkers) or not (by
Buddhist thinkers), one property of the ancient Indo-European
“language of the gods” is attributed to its words: the capacity
to express the true, though perhaps not ultimate, nature of the
object.
Pinchard’s book raises anew the old question of In-
do-European and other relations that link Indian cultural and
intellectual history with the world beyond the Indian subcon-
tinent. In ISS, H.H. Hock advocates further research in the di-
rection of the thesis of pre-historic convergence of Dravidian
and Indo-European languages. The importance of linguistic
substratum is recently more and more recognized, but not only
Dravidian substratum. In this light, the underlying Indo-Euro-
pean thought-constructs posited by Pinchard are probably too
monolithic even if they remain undetermined in detail. It is to
be noted that the two civilisations which provide the best illus-
trations for his philosophical Indo-European thesis are at the
boundary of the Indo-European expansive “wave” where they
are in contact with various highly developed non-Indo-Euro-
pean civilisations. Recognizing Indo-European parallels and
patterns does not imply the acceptance of massive invasions
of Aryan tribes, or in some other way massive displacements
of genetic material. The basis is rather a “memetic” expansion,
rendered possible by the “memory culture” referred to above.
Ritual played an important role as medium – transmitting both
canonical and performative messages which could not be ex-
pressed otherwise – among the Vedic people from the middle
of the second millennium BCE onwards when they were lo-
cated, roughly, in the north-west of the Indian subcontinent:
31
Houben 2010, 2011, 2012, 2016b. The exceptional resilience
of Vedic ritual and its interaction with a changing ecological
and economic environment over the millennia can be profit-
ably dealt with in a ‘cultural evolution’ perspective in which
the Vedic mantra is the ‘meme’ or unit of cultural replication:
Houben 2002.19 The cultural ‘phenotypes’ or ‘organisms’ in
which the mantra manifests, survives and continues itself are
the ritual performances (Vedic sacrifices). At this level there
is interaction with other ‘phenotypes’ and with the social, po-
litical and natural environment. The mantras and ritual rules
are all for the sake of the creation and recreation of that ‘or-
ganism’, the performance. The Vedic tradition itself contains
statements pointing to the performance of Vedic rituals as that
for which the tradition is meant. Thus, for instance, in the
Yajurvedic Jyotiṣa-Vedāṅga 3, it is said: vedā hi yajñārtham
abhipravṛttāḥ “For the Vedas are engaged in for the sake of the
sacrifice” (Thibaut 1877: 413, my translation).20
It is in any case recommendable to avoid the controver-
sial period of the third millennium B.C. (which is studied in the
19 The term ‘meme’ points to a rich biological-cultural parallelism (gene-
meme) in a perspective of cultural evolution but there is no claim that this
suffices to turn ‘memetics’ into a ‘science’: with regard to Vedic ritual it
is rather an extended metaphor useful to address both large-scale and mi-
cro-scale aspects of the phenomenon and their interrelation that remained
hitherto out of view. Even then, the domain of Vedic ritual should be able
to fulfil to a large extent the three challenges posed by B. Edmonds (2002
and 2005). The specificity of the conditions under which the phenomenon
of Vedic ritual emerged and thrived but also, except for marginal survivals,
largely subsided already long ago, shows that the ‘meme’ is rarely part of
an ‘organism’ that in its complexity would be somewhat comparable to eu-
karyotic life in biology. In the world of social media only the viral ‘meme’
is well-known. The ‘memetical engineering’ of viral codes by hackers is
comparable to the ‘genetic engineering’ of viruses in biotechnology.
20 Cf. also Bhartṛhari’s Vākyapadīya 1.6: ... karmaṇy ekatra cāṅgatā ...
tasya [vedasya] śākhāsu dṛśyate “it is seen that the Veda, in its (numerous)
branches, is subsidiary to a single ritual.”
32
context of the Indus or Sarasvatī Civilization21) and to put the
earlier limit of the accessible history of Sanskrit to ca. 1500-
1750 B.C.E. It is the period in which we find Vedic tribes in the
north west of the Indian continent. From wherever they may
have arrived there and whatever their genetic make-up, they
start to spread throughout, first, the north of the Indian sub-
continent, later throughout the Indian subcontinent. Although
the earliest expansion of the semi-nomadic Vedic people is
not recorded in the form of, for instance, remains of pottery
identifiable as Vedic, they did leave their trace in the sava-
na-like land suitable for agriculture and urbanization (Houben
2011, 2016b). In the first phase of their expansion they were
clearly in a progressive r-strategy mode. After a transitional
phase towards the beginning of the Common Era, however,
their ecological and economic niche had transformed to such
an extent that they had to adopt a niche-exploiting K-strategy
mode, which is the situation still applying to Vedic ritualists at
the present day.
It is here to be noted that Vedic ritual and its study and
criticism were underlying in the development, more than two
millennia ago, of disciplines such as grammar, phonology, and
metrics; through the centuries and in fact till the present day
Vedic ritual has provided symbols of social status and political
power22; it still provides a large amount of prayers and ritual
models in modern Hinduism,23 and it provided starting points
21 Direct evidence for the use of Sanskrit or its immediate predecessors is
here absent.
22 A most tangible illustration of the currency of these symbols of social
status and political power is provided by the “currency” in the form of
coins commemorating the performance of a royal horse sacrifice or Aś-
vamedha, as in the case of the Gupta Aśvamedha coins: cf. Altekar 1954:
38-49, Raven 1994: 38 with note 2.95.
23 As I could observe and occasionally film, this also applies to modern-
ized Hindu rituals in Mangal Karyalayas (ceremonial halls for marriage,
Upanayana, etc.) and for rituals performed by woman priests in Maharash-
tra (cf. Manjul 1997).
33
for antagonism to Buddhism and Jainism, both of which re-
tained many of its structures, ideas, and presuppositions even
when offering their criticism.24 For several millennia the Ve-
dic ritual system has thus been of great direct and indirect im-
portance in the cultural history of the Indian subcontinent and
neighboring areas such as Indonesia and mainland South-East
Asia.
Of special interest in this regard is the work of Madhav
Gadgil et Ramachandra Guha, This Fissured Land: An Ecolog-
ical History of India (1992; new edition 2013). We find in this
book, inter alia:
– a theory of ecological conditions both for Vedic cul-
ture and for the emergence of Buddhism, ca. 500 BCE, as a
relatively “egalitarian” religion, which, after 1500 years, dis-
appeared from India but continued in South East Asia and else-
where;
– a theory to explain several features of the caste sys-
tem, which, according to the authors, has its origins in a large
ecological transformation in India in the period of about BC
700-500 AD; next big transformation / ecological catastrophe:
in the colonial period (a theory which invokes neither God nor
race nor genetics as an explanatory factor);
– an original reading and interpretation of some pas-
sages in the Mahābhārata as reflecting this ancient ecological
transformation;
– and (a sketch of an) analysis of the history of the
world which should interest both Marxist historians and non-
or anti-Marxist historians: more “materialistic” than Marx, the
analysis takes as starting point the mode of resource use (rather
24 Both early Buddhist texts (e.g., Aṅguttaranikāya 2 and 4) and early

Jaina texts (e.g., Uttarādhyayana-Sūtra chapter 25) engage in explaining
who is a “real” Brahmin and what a “real” offering (yajña) is; in other
words, they promulgate their own system partly by reinterpreting (ethically
and environmentally updating) crucial concepts in the Brahminical system.
34
than the mode of economic production).
4.1 The third recent publication which deserves a brief

discussion in connection with the theme of “Ideology and Sta-
tus of Sanskrit” is Sheldon Pollock’s awe-inspiring The Lan-
guage of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and
Power in Premodern India (2006). As it basically concerns a
later period than Pinchard’s book, there is only little chrono-
logical overlap (beginning of the first millennium). There is
nevertheless unexpected mutual complementarity with Pin-
chard’s book (which, as thesis, was finalized in 2005). Both
deal with the “language of the gods” but Pinchard studies it
in the context of poetry and philosophy, with little attention
to politics – about which, in the mainly pre-historical periods
which interest Pinchard, no direct information is available.
Pollock, on the other hand, studies the instrumentality of a
well-defined Sanskrit, accessible through various grammars,
in the worlds of politics and religion. In two major parts of his
book, Pollock studies two processes. In Part 1: “The Sanskrit
Cosmopolis” (pp. 39-280, chapters 1-7), Pollock deals with
the adoption of Sanskrit (at the cost of early “inscriptional”
Prakrits) roughly in the first millennium common era and not
only in India but also in large areas in Southeast and East Asia.
Part 2: “The Vernacular Millennium” (pp. 283-494, chapters
8-12), deals with a process which presupposes the preceding
one: the adoption of vernaculars – or rather, one should say,
heavily sanskritized vernaculars – at the cost of Sanskrit in
the same areas, in the course of the second millennium. The
first process is the formation of the Sanskrit cosmopolis. The
second process is India’s and Asia’s vernacularization. At the
end of each of these two parts, resp. chapter 7 and chapters
11-12 provide a comparative background by discussing pro-
cesses that are similar and yet in important ways different from
India’s and Asia’s turn to Sanskrit and their vernacularization:
35
the latinization and the subsequent vernacularization of Eu-
rope. These two Parts are followed by Part 3: “Theory and
Practice of Culture and Power” which reflects on theoretical
issues in connection with the origin and disappearance of civ-
ilizations and on the regrettable absence of Indian data at the
basis of current theorizations of vernacularism.
The central problematic of Pollock’s important book is
the relationship between culture and power, and between lan-
guage and literature, in South Asia and against the compara-
tive background of European history of language and litera-
ture. Pollock’s contention is that “[T]wo key inventions, the
second a subspecies of the first, marked the commencement of
the cosmopolitan era in the literary-cultural domain and would
continue to mark its expansion: kāvya, or written literature,
and praśasti, or inscriptional royal panegyric” (p. 12). This
is the starting point for a fascinating, richly documented ex-
ploration of one and a half millennium of literary production
(in the form of poetical works and inscriptional panegyrics) in
South Asia and beyond. Pollock argues that the inscription and
panegyric of Rudradāman found in Junāgaṛh of 150 C.E. is not
just accidentally the oldest Sanskrit inscription that has been
found – after around four centuries of inscriptions, from Aśoka
onwards, in which no Sanskrit is used but middle Indo-Ary-
an: Rudradāman’s inscription constituted indeed the first be-
ginning of a new employment of Sanskrit and a new domain
for its political use. In the analysis of the rapid spread of this
new use of Sanskrit, the “World Conquest and Regime of the
Cosmopolitan Style” (title of chapter 3) and its establishment
far beyond South Asia, many ideas are expanded which were
already clearly pronounced in Pollock’s “cosmopolis” article
in ISS. For the analysis of its subsequent interaction with local
languages and the “creation of regional worlds,” Pollock con-
centrates, in Part 2, on the case of the emergence of Kannada
literature. The “memory culture” referred to earlier is from now
36
on accompanied and partly superseded by a remarkably long-
lived “manuscript culture” which makes South Asian literary
cultures in Sanskrit and (sanskritic) vernaculars possible. A
rich overview of Sanskrit literary culture and the South Asian
literary cultures in other languages is provided by the authors
of the volume Literary Cultures in History – reconstructions
from South Asia (Pollock 2003). This volume breaks away
from earlier “histories of Indian literature” in not starting from
a monolithic, dominant Sanskrit literature but from the plural-
ity of literatures in globalizing and vernacularizing languages.
This throws into sharp relief the interaction between Sanskrit
and vernacular literary cultures and, perhaps unexpectedly, the
continuous importance of the former for the latter.
4.2 Sheldon Pollock’s achievements are monumental
both from the perspective of the exploration of primary sourc-
es and from the perspective of the theorization of civilisational
processes and transregional cultural formations.25 The book
which identifies ruptures in South Asian history that have been
entirely overlooked by generations of previous researchers can
be regarded as a rupture and writing the history of Sanskrit
literature should never be anymore as before.
In contrast with the solid and well-researched central
parts of Pollock’s work, the beginning sections present a not
entirely satisfactory sketch of the conditions of Sanskrit in the
time before Rudradāman’s “turn to Sanskrit” (chapter 1, espe-
cially the section “Precosmopolitan Sanskrit: Monopolization
and Ritualization”; chapter 2 sections 1 and 2). In this sketch
concerning the centuries before C.E., evidence of later peri-
ods (especially from works in the school of Mīmāṁsā of the
25 G. Fussman (2008: 163) considers it the most important Indologi-

cal work in the last 50 or even 100 years: “un des plus grands livres, le
plus grand livre peut-être, d’indianisme écrit dans les cinquante (cent?)
dernières années.” Further reflections on Sanskrit and vernacularization in
South Asia in the review by H. Tieken 2008.
37
fourth and seventh century C.E.) is too easily used. It is to
be noted that Pāṇini’s grammar (4th century B.C.E.) already
testifies to a definite emancipation of Sanskrit from the ritu-
al domain, which must have applied to Pāṇini’s immediate
predecessors as well. This becomes clear in contributions in
ISS (the contributions, from diverse theoretical perspectives,
of Aklujkar, Kelly and Houben). Indeed, in the sociolinguistic
conditions which we can reconstruct for Pāṇini and the ear-
ly Pāṇinīyas (for which Deshpande’s studies, 1979, 1993, are
still foundational), it is likely that Pāṇini’s grammar was not
an instrument for monopolization and ritual restriction of the
bhāṣā ‘language’ (as could be understood from Pollock’s brief
presentation in the introductory sections), but rather a confir-
mation of the secular domain it already occupied next to its
continued ritual relevance. This confirmation gave the bhāṣā
‘language’ a significant and, in its time, unique tangibility that
allowed it, in turn, to expand further and to become politically
and culturally instrumental.
Neither Pāṇini nor his successors worked in a vacuum
but were presupposing a “public” of users of the grammar.
When Pāṇini’s grammar was used for a statement from current
usage (see my brief remark in Houben 2009: 14), we should
imagine a user of the language who wants to “polish” a sen-
tence the “correctness” of which might have varied from fully
“Pāṇinian” to that of the usage found, for instance, in an in-
scription of Aśoka, dhramacaraṇaṁ pi ca na bhoti aśilasa.26
The latter is regarded as a different language by us, but was
not necessarily so considered by contemporaries. (Cf. Houben
1996b for the non-perception of strict divisions of languag-
es in sociolinguistic circumstances such as those apparently
pertaining in ancient India.) This user must have possessed
26 Bloch 1950: 100. dhrama- may have been a scribal mistake at some
point in the transmission between royal decree and incision in the rock.
Parallel inscriptions read dhaṁmacaraṇaṁ and dhaṁmacalanaṁ.
38
sufficient active and passive knowledge both of what we con-
sider Sanskrit and of Aśokan dialects and must have been well
familiar with the procedures of Pāṇini’s grammar27 in order
to take this sentence as a starting point, understand bhū as the
root semantically and formally closest to bhoti and, answering
the semantic and syntactic questions asked by the grammar
with reference to the word and the preliminary sentence, to
derive the ‘polished’ form bhavati; the same procedure is to be
followed for other problematic words to arrive at the saṁskṛta
version of the quoted line, dharmacaraṇam api ca na bhavati
aśīlasya “The very practice of religious law is impossible to
someone without virtue.”
5.1 Although clapping is never done with a single hand,

from the current perspective we perceive for over around two
millennia a single ‘Sanskrit’ hand clapping. 28 From the clap-
ping itself we have to infer that there was, according to time
and circumstances, another ‘proto-Prakrit’ or ‘Prakrit’ or ‘ver-
nacular’ or ‘hybrid Sanskrit’ hand clapping of which we some-
times have no direct information at all, sometimes only very
limited information, and only for later periods in the course
of the second millennium C.E., when the regional languages
such as Kannada are formed, somewhat detailed information.
The extrapolations to which this uneven distribution of the ev-
idence continuously invites us are unavoidably informed by
our understanding of linguistic processes in better documented
areas and periods. Hence, we cannot afford to neglect either
the exploration of primary sources, or the reflection on funda-
27 To us these requirements may seem to be difficult to meet, but for

well-educated (śiṣṭa) users of grammar in Pāṇini’s environment, they must
have been by no means extravagant.
28 In the final discussion of the ISS seminar in 1994 it was, as far as I re-
member, Professor H.H. Hock who used this metaphor for the relationship
between Sanskrit and a not always easily recognizable other language or
other form of linguistic usage with which it interacts.
39
mental theoretical issues connected to their interpretation.
A very ancient time which can only be approximately
determined saw the emergence of Sanskrit oral traditions and
later on of Sanskrit literary culture and of (often Sanskritic)
vernacular literary cultures in South Asia which have con-
tinued – not without significant transitions and ruptures, and
often, as today, only marginally – till the present time.
Ever since Sanskrit was discovered in the West ca. two
centuries ago (Caland 1918), it was studied and admired on
account of its antiquity and the richness of its ancient litera-
ture. Although at the moment of its discovery Sanskrit was
definitely in active use, the Western passion for the antiqui-
ty of Sanskrit led to its antiquarianization and to a denial of
its current use, although this ‘current use’ went on through-
out these two centuries to the present day. Sanskrit came to be
studied for its archival function only, with an almost complete
neglect of its communicative function, which it had and has
maintained all the time. Whether we like it or not, whether
we see it as a blessing reaching us from ancient Seers or as
an ineradicable disease, Sanskrit and ritual complexes (Vedic,
Tantric, Hindu, Buddhist, Jaina) with which it was associated
have been able to reproduce themselves and have been able to
create new niches for themselves even after the most profound
upheavals in their environment. The edifice of a complex sys-
tem of, at the oldest stage, Vedic rituals with Vedic mantras as
‘memes’ at their basis, and the construction of a remarkably
efficient grammar by Pāṇini, re-adapted to the need of the time
by later grammarians such as Nārāyaṇa Bhaṭṭa of Melputtūr
(Houben 2015) and Bhaṭṭoji Dīkṣita (Houben 2008), were cru-
cially important assets to this “biological organism” or rather
“memetic organism” which helped it, and can be expected to
help it, to thrive or at least to marginally survive, in whatev-
er concrete form and in whatever concrete configuration, as
long as there are people, and social and political groups, that
40
are interested in the symbolic power of a highly prestigious
language with a magnificent, monumental literature testifying
to humanity’s capacity for brilliant creativity and profound,
original, multi-perspective philosophical analysis over several
millennia.
5.2 Sanskrit is therefore a classical language not only of

national, Indian relevance, but of global and universal impor-
tance, just like other classical languages of the world (bhūlok-
abhāṣ) such as Ancient Greek, Latin and classical Chinese.
In keeping with our conclusion in the preceding paragraph this
can be expressed not only in the form of English statements
about Sanskrit but also in Sanskrit. Accordingly, I composed
the following verse to underline some aspects of the univer-
sal nature of Sanskrit. Starting with a reference to the Vedic
statement nālpe sukham asti, bhūmaiva sukham (Chānd. Up.
7.23.1; applying Pāṇinian accentuation: nlpe sukhám asti,
bhūmaívá sukhám), it highlights the phonetic beauty of San-
skrit, its importance in logic and other knowledge systems,
and its capacity to provide literary visions (dh) and brilliant
emotions (rājád-rasā) to all readers, in short, its capacity to
inspire, uplift and cultivate (saṁskāríṇī) its students. The verse
is composed in the simple and beautiful though not very com-
mon Mandākinī metre, which follows the metric formula ta-
ma-ya-ra-ta-ga with four caesurae (Mandāramarandacampū,
p. 18 line 14: mandākinī tmayartā go vedair vedayatir bhavet),
equivalent to 4x(ta-ga), that is, four times ga-ga-la-ga.
नाल्पे॑सु॒खं भू॒मा सु॒खं भू॑लोकभा॒षा संस॑ क् त॒ ृ म्
नो स्नि॑ह्यते॒ वाग् भार॑ती माव॒धिष्वा॑नन्त्य॒जित् ।
सा श॑ब्दमात्रानन्द॒दा यान्वी॑क्षिकीशास्त्रीय॒वाक्
सर्वस॑ य् धीमन्दा॒किनी॑ रा॒जद्र॑सा संस्का॒रिणी॑ ॥
41
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2nd ed. Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
Witzel, Michael. (2005). Notes on Vedic Dialects (2). In: Indogermanica.
Festschrift Gert Klingenschmitt. Indische, iranische und indoger-
manische Studien dem verehrten Jubilar dargebracht zu seinem
fünfundsechstigsten Geburtstag (ed. G. Schweiger). Taimering:
Schweiger-VWT-Verlag: pp.733-743.
46
The philosophy of Water in
Vedic literature
Prof. C. Upender Rao,
Professor of Sanskrit and Pali,
School of Sanskrit and Indic Studies,
Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi -110067
Abstract:
The ancient Hindu scriptures such as Vedas, Upaniṣads
reveal the most scientific outlook of ancient Vedic seers who
possessed the highest wisdom and highest vision. With their
subtlest thinking power and scientific attitude they had thor-
oughly examined the energy element which may be the cause
of this creation and in this process they had examined the five
gross elements which include the water element.
Water was worshipped in India from times immemorial.
The entire Hindu life moves around water. The 16 Saṁskāras
which are essential for every Hindu are linked with water. They
are performed by using water. In fact no holy activity of Hindus
is performed without the water. Every initiated Hindu performs
daily prayer usually performed during the down and dusk with
the help of water. According to Ṛgveda if something existed
before the creation of the universe, it was the water. Ancient
seers saw that water was divine and the source of life and energy
for all beings. This research paper tries to explain the scientific
and spiritual assessment of water performed by ancient Vedic
seers as found in their literature.
Key words: Water, Upeniṣdas, Varuṇa, Hindu philoso-
phy, Veda. Apas, Ṛgveda.
47
Introduction:
I am very happy to present this paper on Vedic cosmology
and on the concept of water in Vedic literature. Vedas hold the
ultimate wisdom when there was no formed creation and the
entire space was filled with inert cosmic particles in which all
activity was inherent.1 The ancient Hindu scriptures such as
Vedas, Upaniṣads reveal the most scientific outlook of our an-
cient Vedic seers who possessed the highest wisdom. With their
subtlest thinking power and scientific attitude they had examined
energy element in the creation and they had examined the five
gross elements, which include the water element.
Water is essential component for life like air. It is a
compound of hydrogen and oxygen. It contains two parts of
hydrogen and one part of oxygen by value, which is generally
explained as H2O. Water is regarded as a universal solvent. Air
dissolves itself in water enabling aquatic animals to breathe in-
side the water. Water is a liquid which is not easily evaporated,
by which soil retains moisture for a longer period and trees and
plants are benefited.
Science says that pure water with H2O is free from dissolved
matter optically void is available only in laboratories. Such water
could be without colour, smell and would have PH value of 7.0.
Hindus say that this kind of water is Āntarikṣam, “Pānīya-
maṁtarikṣam anirdeśyarasamamṛtaṁ Jīvānām tarpaṇam
dhāraṇam Āsvāsajananaṁ Śrama-klama-pipāsā mada-
mūrcchā-tandrā-nidrā-dāha-Praśamanaṁ” 2
Having been produced by clouds, when water starts
dropping down on earth, it neither possesses taste nor odour.
Such water is beneficial for beings living on earth like nectar.
1 Bambawale , T. A. ( 1942) (1950), Veda Rahasya, (4 p. 8) 94/19,
Erandwana, Poona-4.
2 Suśruta Saṁhitā (2012) Sūtrasthānam, (45. 3) Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi, India.
48
It gives benefits, sustains life, quenches the thirst and cures
wounds caused by weapons etc. It revives the consciousness
of those people who fall faint due to fatigue and gives a clear
knowledge by removing drowsiness.
According to Ṛgveda if something existed before the
creation of the universe, it was the water, which had vast and
limitless appearance like oval in the universe3. The water which
contained an egg from which everything else emanated had
existed before the creation4
Modern science says that a single celled bacteria and
stromatolite colonies flourished in primitive oceans some 3.5
billion years ago. The statement of modern scientists is quite
similar to the statement of seers of Ṛgveda who said that life
started from first egg. The perception of ancient seers of Bhārata
(India) regarding water can be seen in Ṛgveda where they
conceived water as an extraordinary and omnipresent element
in the universe. Water is the source of all lives and saviour of
everything. It is the protector of both living and dead on the earth.
According to the concept of our Ṛgvedic seers the water
was divine and source of life and energy. They described the
water is of two kinds terrestrial and celestial. In fact in Ṛgveda
several deities are attributed to water. Generally Varuṇa is the
God of water in Vedas and also in later Vedic literature. But
‘Āpas’ also was the deity of water, who is invoked in four
Ṛgvedic sūktas. Apart from these two, there are other deities
of water like Indra and Parjanya.
In Persian language ‘Ab’ was the word used for water. In
fact ‘Ab’ is not only similar to Sanskrit ‘Ap’ but it is the same
Vedic term, used by Persians. In Vedas the ‘Ap’ was also called
3 Ṛgveda with commentaries of Skandasvāmin (1964) Part V-VII
(X.30.10) Udgītha, Veṅkaṭamādhava and Mudgala, Vishveshvaranand
Vedic Research Institute, Hoshiarpur, Punjab.
4 Ibid (1964) (X.82.5) Hoshiarpur, Punjab.
49
‘Āpas’. God ‘Āpas’ was described as the mother in Vedas. In
some hymns ‘Āpas’ was invoked as woman and in some other
hymns as a lord. It is clear that depending on various utilities
and capabilities of water, Vedic seers invoked it with various
names and various forms.
Deity ‘Āpas’ always blesses those pious humans, who
worship the omnipresent creator through the performance of ‘
Yajñas’ (Sacrifices). Lord Indra who holds weapon Vajra in his
hand and who never diverts from his path had created a path
for water. The water in a deity form had been prayed in Ṛgveda
as follows-
“The water-streams, with ocean as their chief, proceed
from the midst of the firmament, purify, and flow unceasingly.
The resplendent and the possessor of the adamantine power, digs
channels of these rivers. May these water-streams protect me.
May the water-vapours, that are in the sky, or those that
condense and shower on earth, and those, whose channels have
been dug, or those that have sprung up spontaneously, and those
that are speeding to the ocean, -- all are pure and purifying. May
these water-streams protect me.
Those, amid whom the venerable sovereign of cosmic
waters passes in the middle sphere, again, the one who is dis-
criminator of man’s truth and falsehood, and those who are
shedding sweet showers – all are pure and purifying. May these
water-streams protect me.
May they (the waters), over which their king, the ven-
erable Lord of cosmic waters, rules, and in which the sap of
bliss abides, from whom Nature’s bounties receive strength and
vigour, and into whom the cosmic universal fire enters -May
these water-streams protect me.”5
5 Ṛgveda (2012) VIII-XI (7. 49) trans. by Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati,
DAV Publication division, Delhi-110034.
50
We can see the description of water in ancient scriptures
in various ways. The destination of water is the ocean and it
purifies the world and always flowing. Mitrāvaruṇa its compan-
ion. Water keeps an eye on good and evil deeds of the people.
In Ṛgveda water was considered as a mother of fire (Agni)
therefore according to Vedic seers water produces the fire- The
water which is created in the universe, the water which flows in
the form of river etc., the water which comes from the digging
of the wells, canals etc., the water which is self-
Created in the form of waterfalls etc, which enters into
the ocean and which is pure and full of light, which is full of
divine characteristics, may help me in this world and may it be
received by me.6
He, whose destination is the ocean, who purifies the
world, is always flowing, such water lives in the middle of the
Universe. Indra, who possesses ‘Vajra’ and rains the desires,
broke opened a path for these divine waters. May these waters
help me and be received by me.7 and the waters which are sent
to the middle of the universe by king Varuṇa after checking
the true and untrue (deeds) of human beings, the water which
distils sweetness, full of light and is the great purifier, which is
full of divine values, such water helps me in this world and be
received by me.8
6 Yā āpo divyā Uta Vā Sravanti Khanitrimā uta vā yāḥ swayaṁjāḥ |

Samudrārthā Yāḥ śucayaḥ pāvakāstā āpo Devīriha Māmavantu || Ṛgveda
(2012) VII.49.2 by Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati, DAV Publication di-
vision, Delhi-110034.
7 Ṛgveda (2012) VII.49.1 by Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati, DAV Publi-
cation division, Delhi-110034.
8 Ṛgveda (2012) VII.49.3 by Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati, DAV Publi-
cation division, Delhi-110034.
51
Varuṇa:
In Vedic age, Varuṇa was the God of water and ocean,
Varuṇa also was the God of law in water. A Makara (crocodile)
is his vehicle.
We find several legends
of Varuṇa in Rāmāyaṇa and
Mahābhārata. In Rāmāyaṇa
we come across an incident of
Rama’s victory over Varuṇa.
Lord Rāma performed a pen-
ance for three days and three
nights to please Varuṇa, who
is the Lord of Oceans. When Varuṇa has not responded Rāma
begins attacking the ocean with celestial weapon Brahmāstra.
Varuṇa respects Rāma and comes out of the oceans and bows
down to Rāma. This episode was well depicted in a painting by
a famous painter ‘Ravi Varma’.
Water was worshipped in India from times immemorial.
The entire Hindu life moves around water. The 16 Saṁskāras
which are essential for every Hindu are linked with water. They
are performed by using water. In fact no holy activity of Hindus is
performed without the water.
Every initiated Hindu per-
forms the Sandhyā-vandana
(daily prayer usually per-
formed during the dawn and
dusk) with the help of water.
The following hymn is recited
in Sandhyā-vandana of all
traditions within Hinduism.
52
Āpohiṣṭā mayobhuvastāna-ūrje dadhātana Mahe-raṇāya
cakṣase -1
Yo vaḥ śivatamo rasastasya bhājayate ha naḥ uśatīriva
mātaraḥ -2
tasmā araṇgamāya vo yasya kṣayāya jinvatha āpo jan-
ayathā ca naḥ-3 etc.
It means, Since, O, water, you are the source of happiness,
so please grant us energy-giving food, and an insight to enjoy
your divine splendor.
Like affectionate mother, you may bless us that we enjoy
in this life your sweetest love. We may, O water, quickly come
to you for food, shelter and procreant, strength, which you
are always pleased to bestow upon us. May the divine waters
be propitious to us, for the fulfillment of desires, and for our
drinking. Let them shower on us joy and fearlessness. O water,
sovereign of precious treasures, and granter of habitations to
men, I solicit of you medicine (for the cure of my infirmities).
Wise men have acclaimed that within the waters dwell all balms
that heal, the waters contain all healing herbs, and also the fire,
the benefactor of the universe.9
Varuṇa’s name in modern age:

Two ships in the United States Navy have been named
USS Varuṇa after the name of Varuṇa, who is a Vedic God of
oceans and rivers and INS Varuṇa is a sail training vessel of
the Indian Navy. In Vedas we find that king of all deities was
Indra, who is the God of rain. Thus treating Indra, who is the
God of all other deities and worshipping him through yajña
is not based on imagination or blind tradition in India. Indra
was worshiped because the Vedic seers of Hindu culture were
completely aware of the importance of rains. He gives the
9 Ṛgveda (2012) (10. 9) trans. by Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati, DAV
Publication division, Delhi-110034.
53
water for earth and therefore it forms the responsibility of human
beings to satisfy Indra through Yajña.
In a great poem ‘Raghuvamśa’ (written by great poet
Kālidāsa) we find a beautiful description of how in ancient
period kings used to perform sacrifices in order to invoke the
God of rain and how God of rain too in response used to bestow
rains for nurturing the crops on earth.
Dudoha gāṁ sa yajñāya sasyāya maghavā divaṁ
Sampadvinimayenobhou dadhaturbhuvanadvayam10
In fact Vedic seers knew the hydrological processes and
measurements which are linked to water. The importance of
hydrology was explained in various hymns of Vedas and Upa-
niṣads. This is continued in Purāṇas and even in Mahābhārata.
In Bṛhat-samhitā of Varāhamihira the importance of water
including its hydrological utilities are explained at length.
As the Vedic literature developed, so the scientific explanation
of water became clearer or rather understandable to the people
of that generation. But in the Vedas this explanation is
interpreted in the form of prayers and invocations to various
deities in ancient
Indian style, which is not easily understandable to the
general people, who do not possess the knowledge of Sanskrit
and Indian culture.
Vedic hymns contain many valuable references on hy-
drological cycle of water. According to the description of the
Vedic hymns, water is never stationery, but it continuously gets
evaporated and due to smallness of particles we cannot see the
up going water particles. Śvetāśvataropaniṣad describes that fire
resides inside water like God resides in universe. Referring to
the scientific factor of ocean where fire resides in ocean (water).
This fire according to Hindu culture is called “Baḍabāgniḥ”
10 Veḷankar, H. D. (2011) Raghuvaṁśa, edited (I. 26) Rāṣtrīya Sanskrit
Sansthan, New Delhi 110067
54
eko haṁso bhuvamāsyāsya Madhye
sa evāgniḥ salile saṁniviṣṭaḥ
tameva viditvātimṛtyumeti
nānyaḥ panthā vidyate’yanāya”11
Therefore only after knowing God an individual soul
crosses the death, there is no other way for salvation.
Water is one of the five great elements among air, water,
fire, earth, and ether. Water is also intermediate between all per-
vasive air and localized earth. Agni Vaiśvānara is the universal
God, who it is said entered into the heart of waters and spirit of
Waters. He thus is called apāṁ napāt. Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad
relates arka (fire) and āpaḥ (water) in the following way: There
was nothing whatsoever here in the beginning. It was covered
only by
Death (Hiraṇyagarbha) or Hunger, for hunger is death.
He created the mind, thinking, ‘Let me have a mind’. He moved
about worshipping (himself). As he was worshipping, water was
produced. Since he thought ‘As I was worshipping (arkate) water
sprang up’, therefore Arka (fire) is so called. Water (happiness)
surely comes to one who knows how Arka (fire) came to have
this name of Arka.
Water is the source of universe:

Vedas revealed their important ideas on cosmology.
Upaniṣads also presented their own philosophical interpreta-
tion regarding the theories of creation. Among the principal
Upaniṣads, Praśna, Munḍaka, Māṇḑūkya, Taittirīya, Aitareya,
Chāndogya and Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣads had presented
the numerous theories on the formation of creation. But the
Śvetāsvataropaniṣad gave the theistic idea of creation.
We find two kinds of views in Upaniṣads regarding
the creation, philosophical and materialistic. The philosophical
11 Śvetāśvataropaniṣad (1995) (6.15) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.
55
view holds that the universe to originate from Supreme Being,
but the materialistic view indicates the five elements to be the
root of this materialist creation. In Ṛgveda we can find the
Nāsadīyasūk12 where very interesting investigation of Vedic
seers can be found. What is the beginning of this universe?13 was
the question which was raised. The 1st hymn of Nāsadīyasūkta,
10th Maṇḍala, Ṛgveda is as follows:
Nāsadāsīnno sadāsīt tadānīṁ nāsīdrajo no vyomā paro yat
Kimāvarīvaḥ kuha kasya śarmannambhaḥ kimāsīdghanaṁ
gabhīram
In reply to this question we find that there was darkness
everywhere hidden by darkness and water all around. “Tama āsīt
tamasā gūḷhamagre’praketaṁ Salilaṁ sarvamā idam” (3rd hymn
of Nāsadīyasūkta, 10th Maṇḍala, Ṛgveda) Śvetāsvataropaniṣad
poses a question from whom are we born, in whom do we live?
A Greek philosopher Hosiod puts the same question “who made
all this and how did he make them?” Answering this question
Aitareya Upaniṣad states that “In the beginning only absolute
self was there. He created the Ambhas, Marīci, Mara and āpaḥ.”
Sa imā’llokānasŗjata, ambhomarīcirmaramāpo…14
The element beyond the heaven is ambhas (water). Heav-
en is its support, sky is Marīci, earth is mara. The world, which
is below is āpaḥ. Although the universe is constituted of the five
elements, due to the great importance of water, Āryans used
the synonyms for water as Ambhas, Marīci, Mara, and Āpaḥ.
Thus this Ap-tattva (water element) receives much attention
perhaps due to the fact that the Vedic sages were frequently
affected by floods.
12 Ṛgveda (2012)10th Mandela, 1-3, Swami Satya Prakash Saraswati, DAV
Publication division, Delhi-110034.
13 Kuta Ājātā kuta iyaṁ vai sŗṣṭiḥ - Ṛgveda (2012) Nāsadīya sūkta (10-
8.129.6), Ibid.
14 Aitareya Upaniṣad (1995) (1.1.2.) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.
56
The Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa which belongs to the
Śuklayajurveda refers to water as the first creation. “In the be-
ginning there was only a creator from whom the water formed,
from it, the foam was formed.
Prajāpatirvā idamagra āsīt,
tasmātpuruṣāttaptāpo jāyante,
apāṁ taptānāṁ pheno jāyate15
The Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad too points out the water as
the base of the world. “In the beginning there was nothing, entire
universe was enveloped by death alone. He produced the mind,
He worshipped himself. As he was worshipping himself, water
was produced16. Same Upaniṣad further states that the earth is
only the froth of water hardened. Āpo vā arkaḥ tadyadapāṁ
Śara āsīttamahanyata sā pṛthivyabhavat17. The ‘Atharva-veda’
too states that earth was formerly water upon the ocean of space
“yārṇave rdhiṁ sacilamagra āsīt”18.
In the Brihadāraṇyakopaniṣad, we find a passage which
states that in the beginning water alone had existed and later
from it truth, from truth Brahman and from him Prajāpati were
born. Prajāpati produced the Gods and these Gods worship truth
alone. “Āpā-evedamagra āstu tā āpaḥ” etc. these references
explain the view of Vedic seers who believed that water existed
in the beginning and everything came later. Scholars compared
it with the views of Thales, a Greek Philosopher who considered
water to be the source of creation discarding the belief in God
as a creator of water19. A Sacrifice named Kārīrīṣṭi is prescribed
for rains. Usually kings used to perform this sacrifice. Thus
15 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa 1995) (VI-1.3) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.

16 Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad (1995) (1.ii.1.) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.
17 Bṛhadāraṇyakopaniṣad (1995) (1.2.2.) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.
18 Atharva-veda kānḍa (1995) (XII.8) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.
19 Ranade, R.D. (1986). A constructive survey of Upaniṣadic philosophy
(p.56). Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay.
57
we can find the importance of water given in Vedic literature.
All this reveals that the ancient Vedic seers were well aware of
the importance and scientific nature of the water. If we try to
understand these statements of ancient seers, undoubtedly we
will be able to understand the various strengths of water in our
present age. By this we can find solutions for various problems
related to water in our present society.
Bibliography:
Bambawale, T. A. (1942). Veda Rahasya, Bambawale, 94/19, Erandwana,
Poona 4.
Śvetāśvataropaniṣad (1995). Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.
Nigamāgrmakalpataru (2011) (Part-I: English-Sanskrit) General
Editor: Kireet Joshi, Pub. Sanskrit Seva Samiti, Ahmadabad.
Mitra, Jyoti, Sushruta Samhita (2012) 3 Vols. (Text with English Translation)
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, India.
Veḷankar, H. D.(2011) (edited) Raghuvaṁśam, Rāṣtrīya Sanskrit Sansthana,
New Delhi -11006.
Apte, V.S. (2001). The Practical Sanskrit English Dictionary, Motilal
Banarsidass private Ltd. Delhi.
Ṛgveda with commentaries of Skandasvāmin (1964). Udgītha, Veṅkaṭamādha-
va and Mudgala (Part V-VII), Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research
Institute, Hoshiarpur, Punjab.
Satya Prakash Saraswati, Swami (2012) (translated) Ṛgveda (Vol VIII-XI)
DAV Publication division, Delhi-110034.
Ranade, R.D. (1986) A constructive survey of Upaniṣadic philosophy,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay.
58
The Concept of Tapas in the Ṛgveda
and later vedic texts – A Study
Dr. Bibhuti Bhusan Mohapatra

Department of Sanskrit
Rajdhani College, Bhubaneswar-03 Odisha, India
mohapatrabbibhuti@gmail.com
Abstract:
The word tapas are a meaningful word in Vedic context.
The word chronologically developed from Saṁhitā to Upaniṣads
and the meaning of this word is change from content to content.
In this paper the author has tried to give a detail contextual
meaning of this word from Ṛgveda to different Upanishads.
In the original and basic meaning of tapas is derived from the
deep notion of sacrificial energy which, endlessly circulated
between the creator and the creatures, causing the one to become
multiplicity (first aspect) and multiplicity the one (second
aspect). The Ṛgveda emphasizes the first aspect whereas,
through a change of mentality in Indian religious history, the
Upaniṣads, and still more subsequent traditions, emphasize the
second.
Key Words: God, tapas, sacrifice, creation, mind, body,
speech, cosmic power, divine power & cosmic energy.
Generally, tapas can be done in three ways, i.e. 1. mind,

2. speech, & 3. body. By the practice of austerity or by tapas an
aspirant can control the above three folds and goes towards the
divinity. Tapas, a Vedic terminology implies a cosmic power, a
creative force, and the energy by which one can able to authen-
ticate himself. Besides this, it also refers to human sacredness.
It is a quality, which shows eternity or austere devotion, which
requires to be inculcated by a person aspiring to achieve the
59
transcendental status of salvation. Thus, the element of tapas
is a practice of austerity with the help of which, an aspirant can
control the mind, the speech and body. Thereby, it brings about
physical and mental power for a man to gain the self-realization.
But, in the Vedic context, the features of tapas may be found
differently.
The term Tapas is variously meant as: warmth, heat, fire, pain,
penance, meditation, virtue, merit, special duty.1 Even, many
Upaniṣadic texts express these meanings of tapasi, whether it to
be a verb or a noun. Mostly in ṚV both verbal and noun forms
of the term tap are found. These are mentioned below:
Tapa: II.23.14, III.18.2, VI.5.4; 22.8
Tapaḥ: VII.82.7, X.109.1; 154.2; 167.1
Tapaḥ’jān: X.154.5
Tapaḥ’bhiḥ: VII.1.7
Tapat: I.162.20
Tapata: VIII.89.7
Tapatam: VII.104.1
Tapati: II.24.9, III.53.22, X.60.11
Tapatu: VIII.18.9, X.16.4, 182.3
Tapanaḥ: II.23.4
Tapanāḥ: X.34.7
Tapanī: II.23.14
Tapantaḥ: V.43.7
Tapantam: IX.107.20
Tapanti: I.105.8, III.53.14, VI.59.8, VII.34.19, VII.83.5,
X.27.23, 33.2
Tapasaḥ: X.129.3, 183.12, 190.1-34
Tapasā: VI.5.4, VIII.59.6, 60.16, IX.113.2, X.16.4, 83.2,3,
87.14, 154.22, 169.2
Tapase: X.109.4
Tapasva: X.16.4
1 V.S. Apte. (1978).The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary, MLBD,
New Delhi, p.468.
60
Tapasvataḥ: X.154.4, 5
Tapasvān: VI.5.4
Tapāti: V.79.9
Tapiṣṭha: VI.5.4-50
Tapiṣṭhāḥ: X.87.20
Tapiṣṭhām: III.30.16
Tapiṣṭhena: IV.5.4, VII.59.8, X.89.12
Tapiṣṭeiḥ: IV.4.1, VII.15.13
Tapuḥ: II.4.6, VI.62.8, VII.104.2-60
Tapuḥ’agrābhiḥ: X.87.23
Tapuḥ’jambha: I.36.16
Tapuḥ’jambhaḥ: I.58.5
Tapuḥ’jambhasya: VIII.23.4
Tapuḥ’pā: III.35.3
Tapuḥ’mūrdhām: VII.3.1, X.182.3
Tapuḥ’vadhebhiḥ: VII.104.5
Tapuṣaḥ: III.39.3
Tapuṣā: II.30.4, 34.9, VIII.23.14-72
Tapuṣim: I.42.4, III.30.17, VI.52.3
Tapūmṣi: IV.4.2, VI.52.2
Tapo Iti: III.18.12
Tapoḥ: IX.83.12
Taptaḥ: V.30.15
Taptam: I.112.7, 118.7, IV.1.6, X.39.9
Taptāḥ: VII.103.9
Tapyatuḥ: II.24.9
Tapyate: I.164.13, X.34.10, 95.17
The statements of some Upaniṣads are given here.
1. Kena Upaniṣad : tasyei tapo damaḥ karmeti pratiṡṫhā
vedā sarvāṅgāni satyamāyatanam
//4.8//
2.Kaṭha Upaniṣad : yaḣ pūrvam tapaso jātam... //1.2.6
3. Praśna Upaniṣad : ...tapasā brahmacaryeṇa śraddhayā saṁ-
vatsaram saṁvatsyatha... //1.2//
61
...tapasā brahmacaryeṇa śraddhayā ātmānaman-
viṣyādityamabhijayante//1.10 //
...teṣāmeveiṣa brahmaloko yeṡām tapo brahmacaryam
yeṣu satyam
pratiṣṭhitam //1.15
...sa tatra tapasā brahmacaryeṇa śraddhayā saṁpanno
mahimānamanubhavati //5.3//
...annamannādvīryam tapo mantrāḥ karmalokā lokeṣu
ca nāma ca //6.4//
4. Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad : tapasā cīyate brahma tato`nnamabhi-

jāyate... //1.1.8//
yaḥ sarvajñaḥ sarvavidyasya jñānamayam tapaḥ ...
//1.1.9//
tapaḣ śraddhe ye hyupavasantyaraṇye śāntāvidvāṁso
bhaikṣacaryām
carantaḥ ...//1.2.11//
...prāṇāpānau vrihiyavau tapaśca śraddhā satyam
brahmacaryam vidhiśca //2.1.7//
puruṣa evedam viśvam karma tapo brahma parāmṛ-
tam...//2.1.10//
satyena labhyastapasā hyeṣa ātmā ...//3.1.5//
...nānyeirdeveistapasā karmaṇā vā ...//3.1.8//
na ca pramādāttapaso vāpyaliṅgāt ...//3.2.4//
5. Taittirīya Upaniṣad : tapaśca swādhyāya pravacane ca ...tapa

iti tapo nityaḥ pauruśiṣṭiḥ /
swādhyāyapravacana eveti nāko maudgalyaḥ/ taddh-
itapastaddhi tapaḥ //1.9.1//
sa tapo`tapyata / sa tapastaptvā //2.6.1,3.1.1, 3.2.1,
3.3.1, 3.4.1,3.5.1
tapasā brahma vijijñāsasva/ tapo brahmeti //3.2.1,
3.3.1, 3.4.1, 3.5.1
62
6. Chāndogya Upaniṣad : ...tapa eva dvitīyaḥ... //2.23.1//
atha yattapo dānam... //3.17.4//

7. Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad : sa tapo`tapyata //1..6//
...medhayā tapasā janayatpitā //1.5.1//
...tapastapyate bahūni varṣasahasrāṇi... //3.8.10//
...yajñena dānena tapasā’nāśakena //4.4.22,
... yajñena dānena tapasā lokānñjayati...6.2.16//
etadvai paramam tapaḥ... //5.11.1//
8. Śvetāśvetara Upaniṣad : ...satyeneinam tapasā yo`nupaśyati
//1.15//
...ātmavidyātapomūlam... //1.16//

9. Maitrāyaṇyupaniṣad : sa tatra paramam tapa āsthāya //1.2//
...tapasā prāpyate sattvam... //4.3//
yastapasāpatapātmā ...
vidyayā tapasā cintayānopalabhyate brahma //4.4//
All these words, whether nouns or verbs, carry the mean-
ing “to burn” or “to heat” something. Such an action of burning
or heating refers especially to the Sun and Agni. It is usually
used in the transitive sense, wherein the object heated being a
person, an enemy, the sacrificial vessel, heaven and earth as
well. Here, the action of heating is related to the production
of energy. Thus, the root tap in the sense of ‘heat’ indicate the
power of Agni and Indra in the Ṛgveda. To quote:
a) udasya śocirasthāddidiyuṣo vyajaram /

tapurjaṁbhasya sudyuto gaṇaśriyaḥ //ṚV. VIII.23.4
Agni’s imperishable lustre and radiance rise high. His
bright blazing teeth like flames are glorious among all the people.
agnim vo devamagnibhiḥ sajośā yajiṣṭham dūtamadhvare
kṛṇudhvam /
yo marttyeṣu nidhṛviṛṛtā vā tapurmūrdhā ghṛtānnaḥ
pāvakaḥ //ṚV.VII.3.1
63
Oh! most adorable Agni, consentient with other cosmic fires,
may you appoint the terrestrial fire as the messenger at the fire
ritual. The fire is established firm for the benefit of mankind; it
is the observer of natural laws, is crowned with flames, is the
purifier, and is fed upon sacred butter. Therefore, these gods are
invoked to slay or to burn up enemy or the demons with their
power of heat.2 To burn an object means to destroy, and in this
sense, the use of tapati is frequent in rituals wherein, the purpose
is either to destroy the enemy or demon or at least to ward off
their destructive activities. It is clear from the mantras below:
indrāgnī tapanti māghā aryo arātayaḥ/
apadveṣāṁsyā kṛtam yuyutam sūryādadhi //ṚV. VI.59.8
Oh! Lord of Cosmic light and lighting, murderous, ag-
gressive, enemies harass us. May you drive away our advertises
and keep them after from the light of the Sun.
b) indravaruṇābabhyām tapanti māghānyaryo

vanuṣāmarātayaḥ /
yuvam hi vasva ubhayasya rājatho’dha smā no’vatam
pāye divi //
ṚV.VII.83.5
Oh! Lord of resplendence and venerability, wickedness
of my adversaries and the feeling of my hatred in the heart of
my assailants’ trouble me very much. In both of your phases,
you are the lords over celestial and terrestrial wealth; therefore,
may you grant your protection to us at the time of trial (i.e. on
the day of battle).
In contrast, the root tap is used in the sense of ‘to create’
or ‘to give life to an object’ to confer on it the power to achieve
the goal of its nature. The earth’s products need heat to ripen,
rains need heat to shower and procreation needs heat to take
2 Cf. Ch. Blair., (1961), The Heat in the Ṛgveda and Atharvaveda, N.
Heaven, Connect, American Oriental-Society, Delhi, p.54
64
place.3 Thus, to heat heaven and earth means to create them. In
this context, the following mantras may be read:
a) saṁpaśyamānā amadannabhi svam payaḥ pratnasya
retaso dughānāḥ /
vi rodasī atapad ghoṣa eṣām jāte niḥṣṭhāmadadhurgoṣu
vīrān// ṚV. III.31.10 //
Meditating on their own recovered cows of wisdom and
bestowing the milk of prolific knowledge of their progeny, the
sages feel highly delighted; their shouts of joy spread through
heaven and earth, body and mind. They put their faith on the
recovery of the lost wisdom and keep constant vigilance to
sustain it.
b) devānām māne prathamā atiṣṭhan kṛntatrādeṣāmuparā

udāyan /
trayastapanti pṛthivīmanūpā dvā bṛhūkam vahataḥ
purīṣam //ṚV. X.27.23//
At the creation of Nature’s forces, the cosmic waters are
born first; form their further division, the water from the rain
comes forth. The three cosmic powers with their co-ordinated
efforts, warm the earth; two of them convey the all delighting
moisture to the Sun’s sphere.
c) yam devāso janayantāgnim yasminnājuhabubhurva-
nāni viśā
so arciṣā pṛthivīm dyāmutemāmṛjūyamāno atapanma-
hitvā // ṚV. X.88.9
Agni, whom the enlightened sages generate, in whom,
all beings offer oblations, and who is ever straight-going, he by
his radiance and grandeur, warms the earth and this heaven too.
Further, it is worthy of note that the production of heat
is vital aspect in Vedic fertility and other rites. However, in
the Vedic rituals, the activities like heating the gharma (ritual
vessel), cooking the food, boiling the milk and so on, are the
3 Ibid.,p.116
65
part and parcel thereof. During the heating of the gharma in a
rite addressed to Indra, the Marutas are besought to heat, i.e.
to energise and make effective the hymns in praise of the God.
To quote:
āmāsu pakkvamairaya ā sūryam rohoya divi /
gharmam na sāmantapatā suvṛktibhirjuṣṭam girvaṇase
bṛhat //ṚV VIII.89.7
In the raw cow, you produce the ripe milk. Then you cause
the Sun to rise to heaven. Oh! Priests, please invoke the Lord,
Indra with your praises as the milk-pot is heated with sacred
Sāman hymns and also sing the Bṛhat Sāman to him who loves
to listen to praise-songs. Here it should be noted that the term
tapat means to give more energy to utter the hymns and make
it bearing the fruit.
Similarly, there is another Vedic reference conveying
that, with a view to producing the heat. Agni induces the gods to
come down for the performance of the sacrifice. That particular
mantra runs thus:
agne ghṛtasya dhītibhistepāno deva śociṣā
ā devānvakṣi yakṣi ca // ṚV. VIII.102.16
Oh! Agni, blazing with radiance through our oblation of
pure ghee, bear our ritual to Nature’s bounties and honour them.
Thus, it is evident that the energy produced by heat facilitates
the sacred ritual to achieve the goal. This boosts the point that
the term tapas is essentially linked with the sacrificial fire rep-
resenting energy giving action.
As a matter, the term tapas occur more often in the Ṛgve-
da. The contexts, in which it is read, may be classified as below:
1. Tapas against enemies and demons
2. Tapas for ritual purposes
3. Tapas as an essential quality of Ṛṣis and Pitṛs
4. Tapas as a productive power
It may be noted here that the term tapas in the first and
second meaning is found in the former portion of the Ṛgveda,
66
i.e. upto the hymn X.87; while it is found in the third and fourth
meaning in the later portion of the Ṛgveda, i.e. X. 109 onwards.
Moreover, tapa in the first meaning is in harmony with the
essential meaning of the verbal root. Tapas is the burn to be
inflicted on the enemy in some rites. To illustrate the mantra:
yadā balasya pīyato jasum bhed bṛahaspatiragnitapo-
bhirarkeiḥ /
dadbhirna jihvā pariviṣṭamādadāvirnidhīṅrakṛṇodusri-
yāṇām //ṚV X.68.6
When the Supreme Lord with his rays; burning like fire,
demolishes the weapons of the malignant dark demon. He di-
vorces him together with his followers as the tongue; consumes
all that comes under the teeth. Finally, he reveals the hiding
place of the kine.
viśwā agne’pa dahārātīryebhistapobhiradaho jarūtham /
pra nisvaram cātayasvāmīvām // ṚV. VII.1.7
“Consume, O effulgent Lord, all my evils with those strong
flames, with which you consume old famished things. May you
all drive away all feral diseases?”
It is further conveyed that the Tapas is the energy, which
stretches out the ritual. Thus declares the mantra:
indrāvaruṇā yadṛṣibhyo maniṣām vāco matim śṛtama-
dattamagre /
yāni sthānānyasṛjanta dhīrā yajñam tanvānāstapas-
ābhyapaśyam // ṚV.VIII.59.6
“O Lord of vitality and virtues, as I see, you have been
giving divine speech, wisdom and fame to the sages. I would also
see the places which the ancient sages prepare for themselves,
as they spread the web of sacrifice with holy austerities.”
ā pavasva diśām pata ārjikātsoma mīḍhvaḥ /
ṛtavākena satyena śraddhayā tapasā suta indrāyendo
parisrava// ṚV.IX.113.2
67
“O the elixir of the life-force, lord of the four regions,
bestower of blessings, flow between the banks of a river,4 flow
from a pure heart. You have been invoked and invoked in divine
words with truthfulness, austering and intent devotion to adopt
truth alone for life. May you flow O elixir for the self.”
Here, another mantra conveys that it is the heat or power
created by enemy’s rite against the priest:
na tamam ho na dūritāni martyamindrāvaruṇā na tapaḥ
kutaścana /
yasya devā gachatho vītho adhvaram na tam martasya
naśate parihvṛtiḥ //
ṚV.VII.82.7
“O Lord of resplendence and venerability, sins do not
contaminate, difficulties do not assail, and distress5 does not
afflict that mortal any time, whose worship you, divines, approve
and whom you bless. No adversity inflicts any injury on such
a mortal.”
ajo bhāgastapasā tam tapasva tam te śocistapatu tam
te arciḥ /
yāste śivāstanvo jātavedastābhirvaheinam sukṛtāmu
lokam // ṚV.X.16.4
“O Agni! Let your radiant flame and your glowing splen-
dour makes the imperishable soul pure and bright; and with the
auspicious body, which you provide to him, may you convey
him to the region of the virtuous.”
Here, tapas (heat), Śocis (pure) and arciḥ (flame) refer
to the positive, comparative and superlative radiance of Agni.6
Tapas and tapati, in fact, both suggest such an idea of dynamic
and energy giving power, which is essential to any sacred action
and even to any kind of magic spell. Actually, in such contexts,
4 Arjīkāt- On the bank of a river (the Vedic name); later on given to a re-
gion along the river known as Beas in Punjab.
5 Here tapaḥ is understood in the sense of satāpa.
6 Cf. tayaḥ śociḥ arciḥ jvalanto nāmadheyāni // Yāska, Nighantu, I.17
68
the heat produced by the sacrificial fire by the offerings burn in
it and by the ritual power of the officiating priest has a particular
importance; it is an energy with a power to act both in the so-
called ‘natural’ world as well as in the so-called ‘supernatural’
one: it is tapas which renders the sacred action efficacious.
Sacrifice is the connecting link between spirit and matter,
heaven and earth, gods and men, Creator and the creatures. It is
the focal point around which the infinite and the finite revolve,
meet and fuse into one another. It symbolizes the vertical di-
mension of man which brings him into contact with the ultimate
and through which the grace of “God” (or of the “gods”) is
channelized down to him. It is through the sacrifice that Ṛta (the
universal order and harmony) is preserved, sunrise regularly
assured, rain called down and fertility granted. In a word, the
sacrifice is the means available to man by and through which
he can control the dynamism of creation, insert himself into the
cosmic energy and perhaps even revitalize it.
All these elements point to a very essential of the sacrifice:
man’s active and conscious participation in it. It is necessary
that man be fully aware of the action he performs, dominate it
and lead it towards the aim, he himself intends to achieve. In
order, then, that the sacred action be effective, it is necessary
that the same value be attached to the object offered in the fire,
to the word (brahman) pronounced during the rite and the man’s
power. The three have to be equally present and proportionately
balanced. Even where we find that, the outward mechanical
action assumed a preponderant place in the personal power of
the officiating priest, which more or less magically, is said to
guarantee the efficacy of the sacrifice.7

But the question arises here is - how can this personal
power of the officiating priest be acquired, or at least, increased?
7 Cf. N.G. Shidhe. (1952), The Religion and Philosophy of the Atharvave-
da, Poona, p.82
69
Tapa, in point of fact, is not only the creative energy of the sac-
rifice but also is the human effort to concentrate such energy.
Like in a circle where - as always in religions matters
- a ‘before’ and an ‘after’ lose their meaning, the heart of the
sacrificial fire increases in man, by its action on his physical
body, his energy - giving power and, at the same time, the heat
of man, visibly indicated by his sweat, increases the heat of the
sacrificial fire . Tapas has therefore a personal character and
it can hardly be separated from the human effort of man. It is
produced by an “objective” and by a “subjective” act.
This connection of tapas is precisely with both the ener-
gy-giving power of the sacrificial fire and the human effort to
concentrate such a power that allows us to hit upon the inner
core in its deep dynamic meaning.
Since in the sacrifice heaven and earth are thrown wide
open to one another and God man interpenetrate one another,
the energy, which emerges from it, must belong to both heaven
and earth to both God and man. The Vedic seer had realized that
the energy or power he experienced during sacred performance
is originated from the sacrifice itself, for which he did tapas.
devā etasyāmavadanta pūrve saptaṛṣayastapase ye
niṣeduḥ /
bhīmā jāyā brāhmaṇasyopanītā durdhām dadhāti
parame vyoman //
ṚV.X.109.04
“The ancient divine powers again speak about her; the
seven adoring all Gods; he becomes a portion of the Gods;
therefore, the Great Priest, the Lord Supreme, obtained his
wife, brought to him first by Divine Love (Soma), as the Gods
receive an offering.”
Thus, by entering into communication with God, man
not only becomes a partaker of divine energy but also begets
the power to revitalize such energy.
70
Tapas is a creative activity, born of karma; it is a creativity
which belongs to the Ultimate Reality and to the seer as well
who is both tapasvato (tapas-possessing) and tapojan (tapas-
born). Thus the particular mantra declares.
sahasraṇīthāḥ kavayo ye gopāyanti sūryam/
ṛṣīn tapasvato yama tapojāṅ api gachatāt // ṚV.X.154.5
(O departed soul), in your new life, may be reborn in the
family of seers, notable for their austerity, who keep the light
of knowledge burning, and are the leaders of thousands, who
are intelligent.
When man begins to develop an inquisitive conscious-
ness and starts asking questions about the “Divine”. “What is
it?” of rather, (because, after all, the “scientific” inquiry is, at
least in the beginning, still died up with an attitude of reverse
and adoration). “What is it that we can adore it?”, he can do no
better than express ‘’the Divine” in the power he experience
during his “sacred action.
nāsadāsīnno sadāsīt tadānīm nāsidrajo no vyomā paro yat /
kimāvarīvaḥ kuha kasya śarmannambhaḥ kimāsīdgah-
anam gabhīram //
ṚV.X.129.1
“Neither there was non - existent, nor the existent; nor
there was any realm or region. How could there be existing this
unfathomable profound plasma?”
tama āsīt tamasā gūḷhamagre’praketam salilam sarvamā
idam /
tuchhyenābhvapihitam yadāsīt tapasstanmahinā-
jāyataikam //
ṚV.X.129.3
“Darkness was there; covered by darkness, a plasmic
continuum, in which there was nothing distinguishable. And
thence, an empty (world), united under a casual covering came
out on account of the austere penance (of that Supreme One).”
71
The superhuman energy hidden in the sacrifice, which
man can reproduce in himself through ritual efforts of concentra-
tion, is precisely that energy, potentially hidden in the “Chaos”,
which enables the “Non - Existent” to come into Existence.
It is therefore by the power of tapas that the one came into
being; it is by the self-same power or energy, that the principal
foundations of the Universe were laid:
ṛtam ca satyam cābhīddhāt tapaso’dhyajāyata /
tato rātryajāyata tataḥ samudro arnnavaḥ // ṚV.X.190.1
“The eternal Law and Truth are born of arduous penance,
and thence is night generated, and thence also the space-param-
eter, the plasmic ocean.”
Thus, tapas was also revealed as an essential feature of
the Divine, as the potentiality imbided in the First principle
indeed as the First Principle itself.
As far as sacrifice’s code is concerned, the sacrificial ac-
tivity though performed on the terrestrial region, was never tied
down to the mundane existence alone, with its material gains in
view, as can be noticed in the fruits of the Kāmya-iṣṭis. How-
ever, it was more than this for the ritual thinkers, who wanted
the sacrifice to emerge as a ‘better’ man after performing the
sacrifice, relating himself to the Divine level. For this, a defi-
nite code of conduct, having the rules of consecration (dikṣā),
toiling (tapas, which could be understood as fervour or austere
devotion, as Eggeling has taken,) giving gifts (dakṣiṇā-s), etc.
was there.
In view of sacrificer’s code of tapas, the activity of tapas con-
veys a devotional quality of him. In the rite of tānūnapātra agni
is said to be tapas (fervour) and consecration (dikṣā) is said to
be tapas (Śat.Br. III.4.3.2, 10). In the context of the Agniṣṭoma
sacrifice, the rite of Upasad-s the arthavāda states that the world
is conquered by austere devotion (tapas). His tapas (austere
devotion) become ever and ever wider and he conquers an ever
more glorious world and becomes better in this world.
72
In the night previous to the New-moon and Full-moon
sacrifices, the sacrifice has to sleep in the house of the Āh-
vanīya fire (āhavanīyāgni) or in the house of the Gārhapatya
fire. When he has entered the vow, he has approached the gods
and he should sleep in the midst of those very gods. He has to
sleep on the ground, far from below, one servers one’s superior
(Ibid.I.1.1.1.1). The thought stated here is obviously of observing
decorum or modesty by a junior person when his superior or
elders are around.
In addition, the Śaunaka’s Bṛhaddevatā refers to noun and
verbal forms of tapas in the sense of austerity, supra-power. The
myth of Romaśā and Indra8 (ṚV.I.127136). the myth of Agastya
and Lopamudrā9 (ṚV.I.180-191) the myth of Gṛtsamada and
Indra10 (ṚV.III.1.6), the birth of Agastya and Vasiṣṭha11 (ṚV.
VII.1), story of Apalā12 (RV.VIII.91), the value of penance in
the dialogue between Indra and the seer13 (ṚV.IX.112), story
8 dṛṣtvā tuṣṭāva tānidras te cendramṛṣayo’bṛvan /

teṣāmagastyaḥ saṁvādam tapasā veda tattvataḥ // Bṛhaddevatā IV.47
9 viditvā tapasā sarvam tayorbhāvam riramsatoḥ /
śrutveinaḥ kṛtavānasmi brahmacāryuttame jagau // Ibid., IV.59
saṁyujya tapasātmānam aindram bibhranmahadvapuḥ //
adṛśyata muhūrtena divi ca vyomni ceha ca // Ibid., IV.66
10 varam gṛhāṇa mattastvam akṣyayam cāstu te tapaḥ /
prahvastam pratyuvācarṣir asmākam vadatām varam //Ibid., IV.71
11 sarvatra puṣkaram tatra viśwe devā adhārayan /
uthāya salilāttasmād atha tepe mahattapaḥ // Ibid., V.155
nāmāsya guṇato yajñe vasateḥ śreṣṭhyakarmaṇaḥ /
adṛśyamṛṣbhirīndram so’paśyattapasā purā // Ibid., V.156
12 tapasā bubudhe sā tu sarvamindracikīrṣitam /
udakuṁbham samādāya apāmarthe jagāma sā // Ibid., VI.100
13 tānindrastvāha sarvāstu tapadhvam sumahattapaḥ /
na hṛyute tapasaḥ śakyamidam kṛchram vyapohitum //
atha te vai tapastepuḥ sarve swargajigīṣavaḥ /
tataste tapasogneṇa pāvamānīṛṛco’bṛavan //
anasūyuradhīyānaḥ śuśrūṣustapasānvitaḥ //
daśapūrvāparān vamśyān punātyātmānameva ca//Ibid., VI.140-142
73
of Ghoṣā14 (ṚV.X.45-46)- these portions of the Bṛhaddevatā
propounds the importance of tapas.
It would certainly relevant here to draw attention, the fact
that many religious and philosophical movements reached inde-
pendently the same conclusion. One could recall, for example,
the primordial significance attached to fire by the Zoroastrian
reform, the pre-Socratics’ (particularly Heraclitus’) conception
of Fire as the “Primum Principium” and old to unify its idea of
the divinity especially in Agni, the Fire: it is he, who is most
often referred to as one.
For the believer, however, it is only because God is already
“power” that he could experience and express him as such. To
say that it is the other way round would be, according to him,
seer nonsense and gross blasphemy. Man can only apply to
God what essentially belongs to him already. God must retain
absolute priority.
To conclude, tapas is the power of concentrating energy
causing the Un-manifested to manifest itself, the one to become
multiplicity. In other words, tapas is what causes creating, But
the aspiration and ultimate of this multiplicity cannot be other
than to regain its lost unity. It means to achieve this by none
other than tapas itself. In this effort to return to God, man cannot
utilize the selfsame power by which God had descended down
to him. In addition, the locus of this encounter between God
and man is the sacrifice, Man understood, in fact that by such
a sacred action, the “above” became accessible to him and that
he could gain supra power of transcendental level.
When, in the Upaniṣadic times the material performance
of the rite begins to lose more and more of its importance and to
yield it to the inner efforts of man, the meaning of tapas begins
14 prājāpatyāsurī tvāsīd vikuṇṭhā nāma nāmataḥ /

sechantīndrasamam putram tepe’tha sumahattapaḥ // Ibid., VII. 49
74
to be gradually detached from the former to be attached to the
latter. Man now strives to interiorize his offering to God and
his attempts to reach him. All material instrumentality is slowly
being done away from him.
But tapas, as seen, are born of activity and are therefore,
essentially tied up with an external and material act. Concen-
tration of energy requires a physical effort. Hence, when the
external and material sacrifices were replaced by the internal
effort of man, tapas automatically took the form of mere physical
exercise of concentration of the mind, of the speech and of the
body.
In the original and basic meaning of tapas is derived from
the deep notion of sacrificial energy which, endlessly circulated
between the creator and the creatures, causing the one to become
multiplicity (first aspect) and multiplicity the one (second as-
pect). The Ṛgveda emphasizes the first aspect whereas, through
a change of mentality in Indian religious history, the Upaniṣads,
and still more subsequent traditions, emphasize the second. With
the lapse of time, the emphasis of the second aspect became so
strong that it almost totally eclipsed the first. Yet, the concept
of tapas remains at inaccessible height in its entity.
Select Bibliography:
Ch. Blair, (1961), The Heat in the Ṛgveda and Atharvaveda, N. Heaven,
Connect, American Oriental-Society, Delhi.
Macdonell, A.A. (Ed.2006), The Bṛhaddevatā, Shivalik Prakashan,
New Delhi-7.
N.G. Shidhe, The Religion and Philosophy of the Atharvaveda, Poona.
Pathak, Jamuna. (Ed.2016), Aitereyabrāhmaṇa with Sāyaṇa’s Commentary,
Choukhamba Vidyabhavan, Varanasi-221001.
Roth, Rudloph. & Bohtlingk, Otto., (1990), Sanskrit Worterbuch, MLBD,
New Delhi.
Sashtri, Jyana Prakash (Ed.2013), Ṛgbhāṣya Padārtha Koṣaḥ, Parimal
Publication, New Delhi.
75
Sontakke, N.S., & Kashikar., C.G. (Ed.), (Reprint-2014), Ṛgveda Saṁhitā
with Commentary of Sāyaṇācārya, Vaidik Samsodhan Mandala,
Pune-411 037
Suryakant (1981), A Practical Vedic Dictionary, Oxford University Press,
Bombey
V.S. Apte, (1980), The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary, MLBD,
New Delhi.
Williams, Monier, Monier. (2008), A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Asian
Educational Services, New Delhi.
76
Contribution of Ram Gopal as a Vedic
interpreter with special reference to
the notes on ‘śipra’
Dr. Paramba Shree Yogamaya,
Lecturer, P.G. Teaching Dept. of Sanskrit,
Shri Jagannath Sanskrit Vishvavidyalaya,
Shri Vihar, Puri, 752003, Odisha, India.
E-mail: parambasam@gmail.com
Abstract
Vedic exegesis includes many aspects for fixing and de-
termining the meaning. Grammar, Niruktam or science of ety-
mology, the accents etc. are the major parameters for defining
the meaning of the mantras. Vedic language is a free language
with so many grammatical exceptions. It’s the duty of the
contemporary researchers to study both oriental and western
scholars while analyzing Vedic interpretations.
A number of western scholars increased who study
the Vedas with a greater amount of objectivity. In many cas-
es when they fail to interpret any Vedic word or passage ac-
cording to their set scheme of interpretation, they resort to the
emendation of the Vedic text to suit their convenience. Some
western scholars have taken strong exception to this question-
able practice of emending the Vedic text to escape from the
real difficulty of interpretation. The tendency of some western
scholars is the literal translation of the Vedic texts at the cost
of clarity. In some cases, the literal translation fails to convey
the sense of the original text. To illustrate the point, Ram Go-
pal has tried his best in his new interpretation of the Ṛgveda
upto 4th Maṇḍala which is published in three parts from VVRI,
Hoshiarpur, Punjab, India.
77
Ram Gopal has opposed emendation and of the opinion
that the short-comings of both the systems, Indian and Western
should be avoided and the best features of both should be syn-
thesized to arrive at the exact meaning of the Vedas in a sys-
tematic manner. The author has presented a lucid, consistent
and rational translation of the Ṛgveda with a critical review of
important interpretations ancient and modern after a thorough
and minute examination of all the relevant Vedic passages. For
example, the word ‘śipra’ is taken in this paper as interpreted
by Ram Gopal.
Keywords: Ṛgveda, Vedic interpretation, exegesis,
emendation, śipra, Classical Sanskrit, Vedic words, Vedic lan-
guage.
Introduction:
The scope of discussion regarding Vedic language and
interpretation may be confined into three periods, namely the
earliest period, middle period and final period. The earliest
phase is represented in the Ṛgveda, the middle one in the later
Saṁhitās, the Brāhmaṇas and the Āraṇyakas including some
older Upaniṣads and the final one is the later Upaniṣads, the
Vedāṅgas and other ancillary works belonging to the Sūtra pe-
riod. So, the evolution of Vedic language is from ṚV to that of
Vedāṅgas.
The scope of a language is determined by the nature of
its contents. For instance, the language of geometry is bound
to differ in scope from that of poetry. Since the Ṛgvedic hymns
composed by the seers in praise of gods and personifying var-
ious aspects of Nature represent a religious poetry.
We find in the later Saṁhitās and Brāhmaṇas a tenden-
cy to convert consonant stems into vowel stems, e.g. dvāra for
dvār, māsa for mas, dharma for dharman, iḍā (iḷā) for id, jara
for jaras, pura for pur, yama for yaman and viṣṭapa for viṣṭap.
78
In the middle phase of the evolution of the Vedic lan-
guage the use of the periphrastic future (luṭ) has increased.
Again the gerundives āyya, enya and tva have become almost
extinct; and two new gerundives anīya and tavya make their
first appearance in the language of the later Saṁhitās and grow
in use in the Brāhmaṇas.
In the final phase of its evolution the Vedic language is
marked by a phenomenal increase in the formation of second-
ary nouns and pronouns and the use of secondary suffixes in
this period has increased manifold in comparison with their
position in the Vedic Saṁhitās and the Brāhmaṇas. Even the
names of important authors of the Sūtra works are formed with
Taddhita suffixes i.e. Āśvalāyana, Kātyāyana, Baudhāyana,
Lāṭyāyana and Śāṅkhāyana.
Words are used to designate objects of everyday life in
the world on account of their comprehensiveness and minute-
ness. They are also used in respect of deities as in the case of
men. On account of impermanence of human knowledge the
Mantra in the Veda is the cause of accomplishment of actions.
puruṣavidyā’nityatvāt karmasaṁpattirmantro vede.11
Role of accent marks while fixing a meaning:

It is no exaggeration to state that a person ignorant of Ve-
dic accent cannot understand correctly the meaning of a single
Vedic word. Some examples are here to illustrate the point.
If the word ‘Brahman’ is accented on its first syllable, it is in
neuter gender and means ‘prayer’. But the same word would
be in masculine gender and would mean ‘the doer and knower
of prayer’ when the word Brahman is accented on the final syl-
lable. Another compound ‘rājaputra’, if accented on its final
1 Sharma, M.M. Pandit Sri Mukund Jha. (2002). Niruktam of Yāska Muni
(ed. with the ‘Niruktavivṛti’ based on Durgācārya and exhaustive notes).
(I/1/3) (p. 9). Delhi: Chaukhamba Samskrita Pratishthan.
79
syllable, it means ‘the son of king’, but means ‘the father of
a king’ (literally means one having a king as his son) ;when it
bears accent on its first syllable. Further, the famous example
is the word ‘indraśatruḥ’ regarding accuracy of accent for the
correct meaning is given in the Pāṇinῑya Ṥikṣā.
mantro hῑnaḥ svarato varnato vā
mithyāprayukto na tamarthamāha /
sa vāgvajro yajamānam hinasti
yathendraśatruḥ svarato’parādhāt//2
Such a minute distinction of accent according to the
meanings of words shows the high standard of development
achieved by the Vedic language in its earliest period.
Reason for indirect approach:

The fondness of the Vedic seers for figurative and enig-
matic expressions prompted the authors of the Brāhmaṇas to
coin the phrase parokṣapriya iva hi devā bhavanti pratyakṣa-
dviṣaḥ3 which means the gods love equivocation and abhor
direct statements.
The process of evolution of the Vedic language shows
that it was not artificial creation of the priestly class but a
living speech which underwent numerous changes in course
of time in pursuance of the linguistic tendencies of the age,
evolved new terms in keeping with the times, discarded many
old words, coined new terms in keeping with the growth
of new ideas and absorbed new words from the spoken di-
alects of the times. Further evolution of the Vedic language
led to the development of Classical Sanskrit, Apabhraṁsa and
2 Ghosh, Mnmohan. (1991). Pāṇinῑya Ṥikṣā (Text and Translation
critically ed.). (verse no. 20 with the Paῆjikā)(p. 21). Delhi: V. K. Publishing
House.
3 Devi, Pragya & Devi, Mala (1999). Gopatha - Brāhmaṇa - Bhāṣyam
(Gop. Br. I/2/21) (p. 121) Varanasi: Chaowkhamba Surabharati Prakashan.
80
Modern Indo-Aryan languages. Thus the languages that we
speak now-a-days have descended from the Vedic language,
but the long process of evolution has brought about so many
changes in them that it is difficult for a layman to recognize
the connecting link.
Both the Vedic language and Classical Sanskrit could
be understood better if their relationship is viewed in historical
perspective; if the definite grammatical principles governing
the Vedic language are clearly grasped; and if the old notions
of anomalousness about peculiar Vedic forms are discarded.
A systematic and historical study of the development of
Sanskrit language right from the Ṛgveda to Kālidāsa is a
rewarding experience which affords an insight into the
continuity as well as growth of this language and widens the
intellectual horizon of the student.
Role of Niruktam and Vyākaraṇam while fixing the meaning:

The scope of grammar is limited to only analyzing the
formation of words, whereas the Niruktam goes much deeper
and explains the method of determining the meaning of such
obscure Vedic words as defy grammatical analysis. So Yāska
declares that the Niruktam is complementary to grammar
‘tadidam vidyāsthānam vyākaraṇasya kārtsnyam’4. It is also
an independent branch of knowledge. Yāska cautions an
etymologist against placing undue reliance on grammar;
because the usages of Vedic words are obscure ‘viśayavatyo hi
vṛttayo bhavanti’5. Although we cannot go into the details of
the Niruktam in this work, it is important to mention here that
Yāska is the first author to draw a line of distinction between
4 Sharma, M. M. Pandit Sri Mukund Jha. (2002). Niruktam of Yāska Muni
(ed. with the ‘Niruktavivṛti’ based on Durgācārya and exhaustive notes),
(I/5/15) (pp. 37-38). Delhi: Chaukhamba Samskrita Pratishthan.
5 Ibid. (II/1/1) (pp.57-58)
81
the Vedic language and the spoken language of his times, and
therefore he applies to them the terms Anvadhyāya and Bhāṣā
respectively.
Problems of Vedic Interpretation:

Discussion regarding the chronology of the Ṛgveda
cannot stand the test of traditional or modern critical scholar-
ship. There are many other instances of this type in the com-
mentaries of ancient Indian scholars. The lack of consistency
is another serious drawback in the commentaries of ancient
Indian Vedists. They do not hesitate to explain one and same
word in one sense in one passage and in quite another sense
in another similar passage without much justification. Even
the same form of a word is subjected to different grammati-
cal explanations in different passages in the commentaries of
Sāyaṇa and other ancient Indian commentators. For instance,
the Rgvedic word araik is explained by Sāyaṇa as a form of
Imperfect tense (laṅ) on ṚV I.113.1 and as a form of the Aorist
(luṅ) on ṚV III.31.2. The instances of such inconsistencies are
numerous. Could these inconsistencies be accounted for on the
assumption that all the commentaries attributed to Sāyaṇa do
not actually belong to him and might be the works of different
Vedic scholars who remained anonymous working under the
supervision of patronage of Sāyaṇa? Another defect in the an-
cient Vedic commentaries is that when the commentators are
not certain about the meaning of a difficult Vedic word or pas-
sage, they advance a number of alternative conjectures about
it, but they do not plead their total ignorance about the meaning
of such words or passages. An unfounded and wrong conjec-
ture about the meaning of a word prejudices the later scholars
in favour of that explanation and interferes with the freedom
of their judgment. Thus a wrong and baseless conjecture acts
a drag on Vedic exegesis. In spite of such shortcomings, the
82
commentaries of ancient Indian Vedic scholars are a must for
every student of the Vedas, and deserve to be consulted in ev-
ery case.
In making a comparative assessment of the works of
ancient Indian and western exegesis of the Vedas, it has to be
borne in mind that the western scholars have profited, in no
small measure, by the experience as well as mistakes of their
Indian predecessors. The Indian exegetes of the Vedas were
the real explorers of the path of Vedic exegesis, whereas the
western scholars have attempted to consolidate that path with
modern tools of research.
The number of western scholars increased who study
the Vedas with a greater amount of objectivity. In many cas-
es when they fail to interpret any Vedic word or passage ac-
cording to their set scheme of interpretation, they resort to the
emendation of the Vedic text to suit their convenience. The
number of such emendations runs into hundreds. Even some
western scholars like Loius Renou have taken strong excep-
tion to this questionable practice of emending the Vedic text to
escape from the real difficulty of interpretation.
The tendency of some western scholars to resort to ex-
cessively literal translation of the Vedic texts at the cost of clar-
ity is not quite appreciable. In some cases the literal translation
fails to convey the sense of the original text. To illustrate the
point, Ram Gopal quotes the lines of translation by Oldenburg
of the following Mantra.
prajāṁ tvayi dadhāmi pasūṁstvayi dadhāmi tejo brah-
mavarcasaṁ tvayi dadhāmi /
(Kausitaki-Grhyasutram I/2/3)6
6 Maharshi Mahesh Yogi. Kauṣitaka-Gṛhyasūtram, Kalpaḥ, Vedic Liter-
ature Collection, Maharishi University of Management. Retrieved from
http://peterffreund.com/Vedic_Literature/kalpa/grihya/kaushitaka_grihya_
sutram.html
83

Oldenburg’s translation: Offspring I put into thee, cattle
I put into thee, splendor and holy luster I put into thee.7 Here,
what the line ‘cattle I put into thee’ would mean? The transla-
tion suggested by Ram Gopal for the same part of the mantra
is ‘I bestow cattle (wealth) on you’; then it would be quite
clear and logical. There are many instances of absurdities of
only literal translation of Vedas by western scholars. There is
no doubt that the western scholars have made a very import-
ant contribution to Vedic exegesis; but their works are not the
models for Vedic interpretation.
Ram Gopal has the opinion that the short-comings of
both the systems, Indian and Western should be avoided and
the best features of both should be synthesized to arrive at the
exact meaning of the Vedas in a systematic manner. In order
to achieve this maximum aid must be derived from the ancient
Indian works which sometimes throw a good deal of welcome
light on the interpretation of obscure Vedic passages. In all the
cases of interpretation maximum reliance must be placed upon
the parallel passages, phrases and ideas found in the Vedic text
itself, and no attempt should be made to project the ideas of
later Indian works. In order to resolve the difficulties arising
from the doubtful form of a Vedic word, one should neither
rely upon the explanation of ‘vyatyayo bahulam’8 or ‘chan-
dasi bahulam’9 offered in the works of ancient Indian com-
mentators, nor to the ingenious escape of ‘emendation’ adopt-
ed in the works of some western scholars. Such Vedic forms
7 Max Muller. (1980). Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 29, The Grihya-Sutra:
Rules of Vedic Domestic Ceremonies (p.22). New Delhi: MLBD.
8 Mishra, Srinarayana. (1998). Aṣṭādhyāyῑsūtrapāṭaḥ by Maharṣi Pāṇini
(With ‘Ābhā’ Hindi Cmmentary) (III/1/85) (p. 50). Varanasi: Chaukham-
bha Publishers.
9 Ibid. (II/4/39) (p. 39), (II/4/73) (p. 42), (II/4/76) (p. 42) (III/1/85) (p. 50)
(III/2/88) (p. 60).
84
should be explained according to certain definite norms of
Vedic grammar observable in the language of the Vedas. The
literal translation of the Vedas seldom succeeds in conveying
the exact meaning. Attempt should be made to elucidate the
exact acceptance of Vedic words which are in most cases used
in a figurative sense. The terminology of the Vedas should be
explained in its own special sense and it should not be
confused with similar words of the later language.
Vedic Interpreter Ram Gopal:

Professor Ram Gopal, former Vice-Chancellor of
Maharshi Dayananda University, Rohtak, Haryana and for-
merly Kālidāsa Professor of Sanskrit and Head of the Depart-
ment of Kālidāsa Chair, Punjab University, Chandigarh, is an
eminent Sanskrit scholar of international repute. He has an
acknowledged authority on the Vedic language, literature and
culture. His outstanding and original research works include
India of Vedic Kalpa Sūtras, Vaidika Vyākaraṇa (in two vol-
umes), Vaidika – Vyākhyā – Vivechana, Vedārtha – Vimarśaḥ,
The History and Principles of Vedic Interpretation, Kālidāsa:
His Art and Culture, The Vedic Language and Exegesis, Vedic
Heritage and his latest work is the interpretation and translation
of the Ṛgveda up to Maṇḍala IV in three volumes (incomplete).
His interpretation and translation is fresh with a review of
important interpreters ancient and modern.
In recognition of his outstanding contributions to the
realm of Sanskrit Studies he was awarded the Independence
Day Award, Certificate of Honour in Sanskrit by the Presi-
dent of India in 1971. And in the same year he was honored
by the Haryana Govt. also with the State Literary Award in
Sanskrit. The Ministry of Education and Culture, Government
of India awarded him a literary price in appreciation of his
reputed research work Vaidika Vyākaraṇa (in two volumes).
85
He was honored by Sāndipanī Rāṣṭrīya Veda-Vidyā Pratiṣṭhā-
nam, Ujjain with a citation and cash award in 2003. He has
chaired several seminars, symposia and conferences connect-
ed with Vedic Studies. He was the President of the Vedic Sec-
tion of All India Oriental Conference in 1966.
Suggestions of Ram Gopal regarding Vedic Interpretation:

Difficulty in determining the correct meaning of the
Vedas is largely due to three main factors – first, the archaic
nature of the Vedic Language containing a large number of
rare and obscure words and obsolete grammatical forms which
is not met with in Classical Sanskrit. Secondly, the use of
common words in a figurative sense in the Vedas; and thirdly,
a wide hiatus between the ideas embodied in the Vedas and
those contained in the later works.
1. The interpretation of the Vedas posed a prob-
lem to the Indian scholars prior to Yāska. The Nighaṇṭu
represents the earliest lexicographical attempt to tack-
le the problem of Vedic interpretation in a systematic
manner. Similarly the authors of the Padapāṭha, the
Prātiśākhyas and the Niruktam have made significant
contributions to the linguistic interpretations of the
Vedas. The origin, development and characteristic fea-
tures of different schools of Vedic interpretation and the
contributions made by the ancient and mediaeval Veda
Bhāṣyas to modern Vedic interpretation is discussed in
detail by Ram Gopal in his book The History and Prin-
ciples of Vedic Interpretation.
2. His work The Vedic Language and Exegesis
makes an original approach to the understanding of
Vedic language and to the problem of Vedic interpre-
tation. He traces the evolution of the Vedic language
from its earliest phase represented in the Ṛgveda to its
86
final phase represented in the Vedāṅgas and offers con-
crete suggestions for making a systematic and historical
approach to the Vedic language.
After dealing with the various methods of teach-
ing the Vedic language, the book presents a compara-
tive view of the ancient Indian and western methods of
Vedic interpretation, highlights the merits and demerits
of both the systems, and accepts the unexceptionable
and sound principle that the Veda must shine with its
own light. In other words, the difficult and doubtful
Vedic words and passages must be interpreted with the
help of undoubtedly unambiguous Vedic passages. His
thoughts and narrations shine in the book in pursuance
of flawless principle of Vedic interpretation.
3. After the discussion of the theoretical part of
Vedic interpretation Ram Gopal visualizes the theory
by attempting for a fresh interpretation and translation
of the Ṛgveda. His translations with exegetical notes
on Ṛgveda are available up to 4th Manḍala in three
volumes.
The volumes of Ṛgveda with Ram Gopal’s
translation blaze a new trail in the interpretation of
the Ṛgveda, the oldest and outstanding work of world
literature, which has influenced the religion, philosophy,
law, literature and culture of India. In order to dispel
the confusion and misconceptions arising from the
diversity of arbitrary and inconsistent commentaries and
translations of this sacred text, the author has presented
a lucid, consistent and rational translation of the Ṛgveda
with a critical review of important interpretations ancient
and modern after a thorough and minute examination of
all the relevant Vedic passages. In his interpretation the
87
author follows the guiding principle that the Veda must
shine with its own light, without any prejudice and pre-
dilection. In the exegetical notes appended to the trans-
lation, the author refers to divergent views of the an-
cient Indian commentators and modern Vedic scholars
on the interpretation of obscure and rare Rgvedic words
together with his own conclusions on the subject. Be-
sides, the doubtful grammatical forms of the relevant
Rgvedic words have also been discussed in the notes.
Prof. Ram Gopal opposes the emendation in interpre-
tation which is mostly attempted by the western scholars.10
He gives emphasis to original organic interpretation and
translation of the Veda. In his exegetical notes he has referred
to some of such attempts of emendation by some modern
scholars. He has discussed the matter in his book The History
and Principles of Vedic Interpretation.11

Bergaigne, Max Muller and Renou are opposed to the
tendency of text-emendation12 whereas Oldenburg, Giles etc.
supports and have attempted the meaning emendation. 13 Ram
Gopal is of the view that “As we do not approve the attempt of
some scholars to read their own preconceived notions into the
Veda, we have here attempted the interpretation of the Ṛgveda
in accordance with the principle that the Veda must shine with
its own light which means that the Veda must be its own inter-
10 Ram Gopal. (1997). A Comparative Study of Ancient and Western
Methods. The Vedic Language and Exegesis (p. 75). Rohtak: Spellbound
Publication Pvt. Ltd.
11 Ram Gopal. (1983). The History and Principles of Vedic Interpretation
(p. 180). New Delhi: India Concept Publishing Company Pvt. Ltd.
12 Ram Gopal. (2003). The Ṛgveda (trans.) Vol. I (pp. xiii-xiv). Hoshiarpur
: Vishveshrananda Vedic Research Institute
13 Ram Gopal. (1997). A Comparative Study of Ancient and Western
Methods. The Vedic Language and Exegesis (pp. 74- 75). Rohtak: Spell-
bound Publication Pvt Ltd.
88
preter. In other words, the obscure words and passages of the
Veda must be explained with the help of those passages whose
meaning is clear beyond a shadow of doubt”.14
Ram Gopal, the modern Vedic scholar is of the view
that meaning of a same word in the same text can’t be changed
completely. In other words we can say a reasonable and clear
cut meaning is necessary which has its uniform applicability
all through the text without any prejudice or biasness in in-
terpretation. To witness the interpretation of Ram Gopal upon
Ṛgveda the word śipra is taken here for illustration.
The word śipra :

Mostly, the word śipra is used for Indra and Marutas
[ṚV I.9.3(suśipra); I.29. 2(śiprin); II.12.6(suśipraḥ) etc.]. Ac-
cording to Niruktam the word śipra means two jaws or two
nostrils.
śipre hanū nāsike vā/ (Niruktam VI/4/17)
The Nighaṇṭu (IV. 3)15 includes its dual form śipre in
the list of difficult Vedic words for which Niruktam explains
it as śipre hanū nāsike vā 16. Veṅkaṭamādhava interprets śipra
as a jaw 17, Sāyaṇa as beautiful jaw or beautiful head ‘śobha-
nahanuḥ suśῑrṣako vā…’18 Wilson is of the view ‘of goodly
14 Ram Gopal. (2003). The Ṛgveda (trans.) Vol. I (p. xiii). Hoshiarpur :
Vishveshrananda Vedic Research Institute.
15 Sarup, Lakshman. (2009). The Nighaṇṭu and The Nirukta of Ṥrῑ
Yāskācārya (Eng. Trans.), Part III. (p. 22). Delhi: MLBD.
16 Sharma, M. M. Pandit Sri Mukund Jha. (2002). Niruktam of Yāska
Muni (ed. with the ‘Niruktavivṛti’ based on Durgācārya and exhaustive
notes), (VI/4/17) (p. 306). Delhi: Chaukhamba Samskrita Pratishthan.
17 Pati, Niranjan. (1994). Veda o Vaidika Prakaraṇa (in Oḍiā). (p. 197).
Cuttack: Vidyapuri.
18 Chaubey, Braj Bihari. (1997). The New Vedic Selection, Part I (ṚV
II/12/6) (p. 96). Delhi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan
89
features’19 and Griffith translates it as ‘fair-faced’20. But in
some cases where this meaning does not suit the context, they
suggest another meaning. For instance, this meaning does not
suit the context in the interpretation of ṚV V/54/11. So, Skan-
da on ṚV I/29/2 explains śipra as śirastrāṇa and Veṅkaṭa also
offer a similar interpretation there. Modern Vedic scholars are
also not sure of its meaning and advance various conjectures.
In many cases they follow Sāyaṇa and translate it as a jaw,
but differ in the interpretation of many Vedic verses. Roth in-
terprets śipre as cheeks in some passages, and Grassmann as
lips in some passages and as visors of a helmet in other pas-
sages. Geldner does not stick to any single interpretation of
this world. He translates it as lip in some passages, tooth in
others with a question mark and suggests nostrils as its alter-
native meaning in place of teeth in a few passages. This word
has also been interpreted as ‘a helmet’ by Ludwig and some
other scholars. Though Macdonell translates śipre as lips in
the Vedic Reader and as lips and jaws in the Vedic Mythology,
he observes in the Vedic Reader: “It can hardly mean anything
but lips or moustaches as it could not well mean jaws which
are hanū.” The simultaneous use of both hanū and śipre in
the same verse (ṚV V/36/2) clearly corroborates Macdonell’s
view. Macdonell interprets fair-lipped for the word suśipraḥ
in ṚV II/12/6 21. S. A. Dange interprets śipra as a horn. None
of the above – mentioned meanings of śipra suits the context
equally well in all the Vedic verses where it occurs. It is im-
portant to note that the ṚV employs the word śipra in the de-
19 Wilson, H. H. (2001). Ṛgveda Saṁhitā, Vol. II (RV II/12/6) (p. 28).

Delhi: Parimal Publications.
20 Griffith, R. T. H. (2004). The Hymns of the Ṛgveda, (Book II, Hymn
XII, Verse 6) (p. 137). Delhi: MLBD.
21 Macdonell, A. A. (1970). AVedic Reader for Students, (p. 49). Madras:
Oxford University Press.
90
scription of only Indra and the Marutas.
It’s a matter of investigation whether Rgvedic usage pro-
vides any clue to its meaning. According to ṚV V/54/11 golden
śipras are spread over the heads of the Marutas. The same idea
is again expressed in ṚV VIII/7/25. The epithet hiraṇyaśiprāḥ
is applied to the Marutas. Similarly Indra is praised with the
epithets suśipra, śiprin, śipravat and śipriṇīvat. The last epi-
thet is explained by most of the modern scholars as śiprāvat
or śipravat and thus the meaning of its first member śipriṇī is
overlooked, because its genitive plural form occurring ṚV I.
30. 11 also pose the problem of interpretation. Roth proposes
to emend śipriṇīnām as śipriṇīvan. Griffith following Benfey
translates it ‘of lovely featured dames’. Sāyaṇa explains it as
dīrghābhyāṁ hanūbhyāṁ nāsikābhyāṁ vā yuktānāṁ gavāṁ
samūhaḥ. It may be pointed out that the sense of ṚV I/30/11is
completed by the following verse:
asmākaṁ śipriṇῑnāṁ somapāḥ somapāvnām / sakhe va-
jrin sakhῑnām//22

The epithet śipriṇīvat points to Indra’s lordship of śi-
priṇiḥ. Since the genitive plural form of this feminine word
corresponds to similar form of the feminine ap ‘water’ and
Indra is praised as apāṁ netā, this correspondence between
śipriṇīnām and apām suggests that śipriṇī denotes rain-waters
caused by Indra from śipras.
Since the use of the word śipra is confined to the glori-
fication of Indra and the Marutas, and the spehre of their activ-
ities falls within the atmosphere, śipra naturally denotes some
particular aspect of the atmosphere. Moreover, the use of its
dual form śipre in connection with Indra further restricts its
meaning to that aspect of the atmosphere which is described in
22 Ṛgveda Saṁhitā (1995) with the Commentary of Sāyaṇācārya, Vol. I (p.
217). Pune: Vaidika Saṁśodhana Maṇḍala.
91
the dual number in the ṚV. We see that a number of Rgvedic
verses (I/160/4; IV/42/3, 6; VI/9/1; 15/9; VII/80/1; 99/1) use
the dual form of rajasī to denote the lower and upper strata of
the atmosphere and the three-fold division of the atmosphere
is mentioned in many other verses. So the obvious inference
is that the dual form śipre stands for the lower and the upper
strata of the atmosphere and the plural form śiprāḥ denotes the
three strata of the atmosphere. This meaning of śipra suits the
context in all the Vedic verses where this word occurs, as we
shall see in the translation of these verses by Ram Gopal.
Conclusion
● The attempt of Ram Gopal for a new and fresh
translation and interpretation synthetically is a new
light in this regard. Basically his interpretation is
a review of previous important interpretations.
● Vehemently he has opposed the emendation in
interpretation. Rather he gives emphasis upon reali-
ty, purity, unambiguity, critical review attitude for a
fresh approach of interpretation of the Vedas on the
basis of their own light.
● He has taken both Indian and western scholars to
synthesize their ideas to unfold the still concealed
meaning of the Vedas.
● He has addressed the archaic nature, the figurative
senses of common words and the hiatus of Vedic
language while interpreting.
● In some cases Ram Gopal excels with a samanvita
vyākhyā or balanced synthesized interpretation but
in some cases he is unable to surpass Wilson whose
translation is based on Sāyaṇa’s Veda Bhāṣya.
92
● He has paved a path and developed the theory for
further addition for the exegesis of Vedic language
and any other welcoming Vedic interpretation.
● Vedic interpretation requires the accomplishment of
the seers to reach that conscious level for the actual
understanding of the language.
Bibliography
Chaubey, Braj Bihari. (1997). The New Vedic Selection, Part I. Delhi: Bhara-
tiya Vidya Prakashan.
Devi, Pragya & Devi, Mala (ed. with Hindi translation). (1999). Gopatha -
Brāhmaṇa Bhāsyam. Varanasi: Chaowkhamba Surabharati Prakashan.
Ghosh, Manmohan (Text & Translation critically ed.). (1991). Pāṇinῑya
Ṥikṣā. Delhi: V. K. Publishing House.
Griffith, R. T. H. (2004). The Hymns of the Ṛgveda. Delhi: MLBD.
Macdonell, A. A. (1970). AVedic Reader for Students. Madras: Oxford
University Press.
Maharshi Mahesh Yogi. Kauṣitaka-Gṛhyasūtram, Kalpaḥ, Vedic Literature
Collection, Maharishi University of Management. Retrieved from
http://peterffreund.com/Vedic_Literature/kalpa/grihya/kaushita-
ka_grihya_sutram.html.
Max Muller. (1980). Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 29, The Gṛhya-Sūtra:
Rules of Vedic Domestic Ceremonies. New Delhi: MLBD.
Sharma, M.M. Pandit Sri Mukund Jha (ed. with the ‘Niruktavivṛti’ based on
Durgācārya and exhaustive notes). (2002). Niruktam of Yāska Muni.
Delhi: Chaukhamba Samskrita Pratishthan.
Mishra, Srinarayana (with ‘Ābhā’ Hindi Cmmentary). (1998). Aṣṭād-
hyāyῑsūtrapāṭaḥ by Maharṣi Pāṇini. Varanasi: Chaukhambha Pub-
lishers.
Pati, Niranjan(in Oḍiā). (1994). Veda o Vaidika Prakaraṇa. Cuttack: Orissa,
India. Vidyapuri.
Ram Gopal (1983) History and Principles of Vedic Interpretation. New
Delhi: Concept Pub. Company Pvt. Ltd.
Ram Gopal (English translation). (2003).The Ṛgveda Vol. I. Hoshiarpur:
Punjab, VVRI.
Ram Gopal. (1997). The Vedic Language and Exegesis. Rohtak: Spellbound
Publication Pvt. Ltd.
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Sarup, Lakshman (Eng. Trans.). (2009). The Nighaṇṭu & Nirukta of Ṥrῑ
Yāskācārya, Part III. Delhi: MLBD.
Sontake, S. N. & Dharmadhikari, T. N. (ed. with the Commentary of
Sāyaṇācārya.(1995). Ṛgveda Saṁhitā, Vol. I. Pune: Vaidika
Saṁśodhana Maṇḍala.
94
Ecology in Vedas: In the present
prospective
Miss Prajna Panda
P.G Diploma in Yogic Science & Ayurveda,
Mahidol University, Salaya, Bangkok, Thailand.
D/o Prof. N.C. Panda, Silpakorn University, Bangkok
32 B, Oak Tower, President Park, Sukhumvit 24 Road,
Bangkok, Thailand-10110
Abstract:
The Vedas are considered the earliest literary record
of Indo- Aryan civilization. It is the most sacred scriptures of
India. The Vedas help human beings to know their essential
nature, and return from their embodied, limited state as bound
souls (jivas) to their eternal state as liberated souls. They also
help men to invoke the power of gods to deal with the prob-
lems of the mortal world, death and disease. In the Vedas, sev-
eral times, more emphasis has given for the protection of air,
water and fire. Now a day’s air pollution is a great problem for
the society. Ecology is an inter-disciplinary field that includes
Biology and Earth science. Ecology is the study of environ-
mental systems or as it is sometimes called, the ecology of na-
ture. Environmental usually means relating to the natural, ver-
sus human made world; the ‘systems’ means that ecology is,
by its very nature, not interested in just components of nature
individually but especially in how the parts interact. It can be
said that ecology is the science which deals with atmosphere,
which influences or affects all living beings in their day to day
activities In this paper the ecology as depicted in the Vedas
will be discussed in a proper way.
95
Key Words: Ecology, Environment, Biology, trees &
plants, earth science, medicinal herbs, earth, water, fire, air,
pollution, Vedas, human life, prāņayāma, etc.
It is widely known that the Vedas are the oldest scrip-

tures in the world. These are known as the divine or origin.
These Vedas contain systematic scientific knowledge as well
as knowledge of the creation of the world. Every type of eter-
nal knowledge is available in these Vedas. Hence, Manu says:
sarva jňānomayo hi sah.1 It is known from the ancient Vedic
times that the nature and human being form an inseparable part
of life support system. This is what that reflects the concept
of the present day Ecology. The world Ecology means the re-
lation of plants and living creatures to each other and to their
environment. It is the study of relationship between plant and
all living organisms and their environment. So, ecology is the
scientific analysis and study of interactions among organisms
and their environment. Besides, it is the science that deals with
the interrelations of plants and animals together with their en-
vironment.
Ecology is an inter-disciplinary field that includes Biol-
ogy and Earth science. Topic of interest to ecologists include
the diversity, distribution, amount (biomass), number (popula-
tion) of organisms, as well as competition between them with-
in among eco-systems are composed of dynamically interact-
ing parts including organisms, the communities they make up,
and the non-living components of their environment.
Ecology is not synonymous with environment, envi-
ronmentalism, natural history or environmental science. It is
closely related to evolutionary biology, genetics and ethology.
1 Manusmŗti, 2.7.
96
However, Ecology is a human science as well. There are many
practical applications of Ecology is conservation biology,
natural resource management, city planning (urban ecology),
community health, economics, basis and applied science, and
human social interaction, i.e., human ecology.
Ecology is the study of environmental systems or as it is
sometimes called, the ecology of nature. Environmental usual-
ly means relating to the natural, versus human made world; the
‘systems’ means that ecology is, by its very nature, not inter-
ested in just components of nature individually but especially
in how the parts interact. More properly ecology is used only
in the sense that it is an academic discipline, no more evalua-
tive than mathematics or physics. In addition to these, ecology
is usually considered from the perspective of the specific geo-
graphic environment that is being studied at the moment. The
subject matter of ecology is the entire natural world, includ-
ing both the living and the non-living parts. Bio-geography
focuses on the observed distribution of plants and animals and
reasons behind it. More recently ecology has included increas-
ingly the human dominated world of agriculture, grazing lands
for domestic animals, cities and even industrial parks.
It can be said that ecology is the science which deals
with atmosphere, which influences or affects all living beings
in their day to day activities, i.e, external and internal activities.
Since Vedas are the first oldest written documents of the world,
they contain basic principles regarding the ecology and preser-
vative methods for protecting the environment. Environment
includes its surroundings and atmosphere. Many aphorisms
from Rigveda speaks about the physical factors and abiotic
factors of present day ecology, e.g. fire (agni), light (surya),
water (jala) and precipitation or rain (varshā), air (vāyu), riv-
ers and flow of water.
97
There are a number of hymns in the Vedas that contain
the special importance of the atmosphere, its pollution details,
methods for protecting the atmosphere from being polluted
etc. The Vedas speaks about the method how to check the air
pollution, water pollution, earth pollution, sound pollution,
etc. Air is one of the essential properties of human life. So,
protecting the life of all living creature we should protect the
source of life, i.e, air. Our Atharvaveda says about the great-
ness of air and sun.2 At another place in the Atharvaveda it is
said that the air is performing double duties, viz. prāņavāyu
and apānavāyu. As prāņa-vāyu it provides the source energy
for human being as apānavāyu it discards all the unwanted
elements from the body. Hence, the air is called viśva-bheşaja,
as it destroys and discards all rough physical elements from
the body.3 In the Rigveda, vāyu or air is known as nectar as it
gives energy to live. Without air no one can live in this world.
So this vāyu is known as the medicine of all diseases.4 Now
a day, we practice prāņayāma for keeping our body healthy
and fresh. So, in this modern age prāņayāma is very famous
for eradicating all diseases. Besides, in the Rigveda, it is also
advised to protect the air pollution for the benefit of people.5
In the Atharvaveda, there are number of verses, which tell us
the means and methods for cleaning the environment.6 In a
Rigvedic verse, it is said that the God has bestowed man with
too much of gifts. Among them the earth, where there are so
many precious everlasting sources of wealth. The protector of
this never ending wealth is the trees, medicinal herbs, waters
and the forest. The real meaning of this Rigvedic verse is that
2 Atharvaveda, 4.25.3
3 Ibid., 4.13.3
4 Rigveda, 10.185.1-3
5 Ibid., 10.186.3
98
this wealth of earth, i.e. gems, gold, petrol, coal, etc. For their
protection depend on trees and plants. If we protect those we
can make use of the wealth or otherwise all those wealth will
leave us once for all.7
An Adharvedic mantra speaks about the importance of
protecting our environment. It says where the environment in
pure, there the human beings, birds and even animals live hap-
pily and peacefully.8 In the Rigveda and Atharvaveda, there
are mantras, which describe the ozone layer, which protect the
earth. In Rigveda, the good similar words used are ‘mahad
ulba’. The word ulba means membrane, which protects the
fetus in the mother’s womb. Here, the earth is considered as
the baby remaining in the uterus and the ozone layer, which
protects the earth as the membrane.9 This ozone layer absorbs
99% of heat coming out from the sun and thus protects the
trees, herbs and living beings from being destroyed into ashes.
So, this Ozone layer places a prominent role in protecting the
earth.
In the Vedas, several time more emphasis in given for
the protection of air, water and fire. Now day’s air pollution
is a great problem for the society. The Vedas advised to clear
the air through sacrifices and other means, so that our prāņa-
vāyu (internal breath) will be protected. The earth is known
as the mother of beings. According to the Atharvaveda, the
earth adorns us with wealth of plants, green vegetation, trees,
etc.10 Likewise, in the Yajurveda, it is also said that the dyuloka
(heaven) gives us medicinal herbs with force and water with
strength. Hence, in this way the atmosphere, earth, water and
herbs provide us different type of beneficial energies.11 Now
7 Rigveda, 3.51.5
9 Rigveda, 10.52.1. cf. Atharvaveda, 4.2.8
11 Yajurveda, 29.53
99
we shall discuss about the water pollution, as it is known that
water is the prime source of living. One third of this earth is
full of water. If the water will be polluted then a number of
diseases will come out and put harm to the beings of the earth.
Hence, the Vedas say that the water should be treated as nec-
tar (amŗta) as the plants, herbs and being get proper energy
from the water to live in this earth. In the Atharvaveda, it is
said that the seas are the source of gems and wealth. They are
also source of rain, electricity, etc.12 In the Rigveda, it is said
that among the protectors of human beings, water, medicinal
plants, trees and mountains play a prominent role. Hence, it is
clear that if we do any harm to these above things, then it will
definitely make us suffer a lot to live in the society.13
However, to check earth, water, air and sound pollution
it is properly advised in the Vedas that one should perform
sacrifice. Through the sacrifices, protection of the whole en-
vironment, purification of the atmosphere, destruction of the
diseases, enlistment of mental and physical health of all living
beings and destruction of all evil thoughts from the minds of
all human beings can be occurred. As the sacrifice is known
as a scientific process by which the elemental equilibrium of
the oxygen and carbon-dioxide is produced. The nature has
the status of a circle through this each and every object attains
its source place. This circle is called sacrifice or yajňa. From
this sacrifice rain occurs and from rain the cultivation grows.14
Hence, the Yajurveda says that it is essential to perform sacri-
fice for getting proper rain, cultivation, energy, food, purity of
trees and medicinal plants, intellectual control and the attain-
ment of peace and happiness. It can be said that the sacrifice
is beneficial to both individual and the community. As it helps
13 Rigveda, 5.41.11
14 Yajurveda, 18.9
100
in minimizing air pollution, increasing crop yield, protecting
plants from diseases, as well as help in providing a diseases
free, pure and energized environment for all, offering peace
and happiness in mind.
Conclusion:
Finally, it can be said that the Vedas are the main old-
est literature, which contain the basic principles regarding the
Ecology and preventative methods for protecting the environ-
ment. The Vedic verses are more scientific even today. Not
only these Vedic verses will help us to stay away from the var-
ious pollutions, but also these mantras will definitely, protect
our physical bodies with good mental stability and happiness
forever. Hence, the most scientific and sacred Vedas are the
source of all type of happiness for all human beings. The entire
human creation should follow the real advises of the Vedas for
better spiritual, mental and physical happiness in life.
Bhagavad Gītā, translated into English by S. Radhakrishnan (1996). New
Delhi, An imprint of Harper Collins Publishers India Pvt. Ltd.
Eighth impression.
Bhāgavata Purāṇa: with English translation (1995). Gorakhpur: Gita Press
edition, 3 Volumes, 4th edition.
Manusmriti: edited with the comm. of Kulluka Bhatta, by J.L. Shastri
(1990). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, Reprint Edition.
Rigveda Samhitā: edited by S. Damodar Satavalekara(1985). Pardi,
Maharashtra, India: Svadhyaya Mndala, 4 Volumes.
Vedānta-sāra of Sadananda, translated by Swami Nikhilananda (1931).
Advaita Ashram, Mayavati, Almora, UP.
Yoga Sūtra with Vyasa Bhāsya: translated into English by Bangali Baba
101
Technical Nyāya (axioms) in Nāgeśa’s
Paramalaghumañjūṣā: a study
Dr. Shankarji Jha
Professor of Sanskrit & Dean of
University Instructions (DUI),
Panjab University, Chandigarh-160014.
shankarjijha@hotmail.com, shankarjijha@gmail.com
While going through the interpretative texts under gram-

matical and allied systems, one comes across certain special
axiomatic references/statements in connection with the reso-
lution of any issues. Being different from what is technically
known as paribhāṣā, these axioms, though limited in number
as far as I know, are popularly known as nyāyas and regard-
ed as respectable dictums. Most of these nyāyas are held to
have been rooted in the Mahābhāṣya, whereas, they do not
fall under direct purview of Pāṇinian aphorisms. A few
familiar specimens of nyāyas are as follows:
1. apadaṁ na prayuñjīta -- ‘One should not use a non-
word’, ‘One should not make any such expressions as is not
accepted to be a word.’
2. ananyalabhyo hi śabdārthaḥ -- ‘The meaning of the
word is that which is not secured through other sources.’
3. vivakṣātaḥ kārakāṇi bhavanti-- ‘’The cases are decided
by one’s own choice.’
4. uktārthānāmaprayogaḥ --’What is already expressed
should not be expressed again.’
5. na kevalā prakṛtiḥ prayotavyā na kevalaḥ̟ pratyayaḥ̣
-- ‘Neither the stem alone nor the affix alone deserves to be
used.’
102
As a subset of the large group of nyāyas, I have selected
the main nyāyas found in the PLM1of Nāgeśa and propose
to present below, in brief, the glimpses of the grammatical
discussions based on these axiomatic statements in the light
of the same text.
1. apadam na prayuñjīta2 -- ‘One should not use a non-
word.’
In his Paramalaghumañjūṣā, Nāgeśa mentions it twice
(in two different contexts) while referring to Mahābhās̟ ya as
its original source. Such as, apadam na prayuñjīta iti bhāṣyāt
asādhu idam iti cet na (PLM nāmārtha nirūpaṇam). There
arises a question about the correctness of the expression bhū
in the phrase bhū sattāyām (Dhātupāṭha of Pāṇini) where it
(bhū) is incorrect (asādhu) for not being a pada (usable form
of word). Here Nāgeśa suggests a special meaning of pada as
pariniṣṭhita with the definition— pariniṣṭhitatvañ ca apravṛtta-
nityavidhyuddeśyatāvacchedakā’nākrāntatvam3: that is, such
expression as does not fall under jurisdiction (anākrānta) of
any aphorism of nityavidhi (rule with no exception) not applied
thereto (apravr̟ tta) is called pariniṣṭhita. On the other hand, the
expression needing any application of the said aphorism is a
pariniṣṭhita. In the present maxim apadam na prayuñjīta, word
apadam means apariniṣṭhita, and the expression bhū under bhū
sattāyām is pariniṣṭhita as no any nitya-vidhisūtra is operational
here. Thus, in spite of being neither prātipadika nor pada, the
expression bhū is pariniṣṭhita and hence sādhu, correct one
(prātipadikatva-padatvābhāvepi bhū ityādi sādhu bhavatyeva,
vide, PLM, nāmārtha-vicāraḥ). This interpretation is made in
case of abhedavivakṣā, where anukaraṇa (imitation of sound)
1 Here-in after the abbreviated form PLM stands for Parama-laghu-mañ-
jūṣā by Nāgeśabhaṭṭa, Shastri, Kapildev (Ed.) (1975), Kurukshetra, (Hindi)
2 Ibid., p. 400, 420.
3 Ibid., p.400.
103
and anukārya (object able to be imitated) are maintained as same.
In another context, Nāgeśa mentions: kiñca samāse,
śaktyasvīkāre4……..
Argumenting against the view of logicians who maintain
that there is no śakti in samāsa, instead, the required meaning be
acquired through lakṣaṇā Nāgeśa says that lakṣaṇā functions
then alone when any word has its primary meaning through
śakti. This primary meaning is acquired through samāsa on a
compound word, by way of the aphorism kṛttaddhita samāsāśca5
(A 1.2.46). If the śakti or the meaning of samāsa is not accepted,
then the said aphorism will not function resulting in the
non-availability of su etc, hence even lakṣaṇā will not function
and according to the maxim apadaṁ na prayuñjīta, the use of
all samasta-padas (compound words) will cease to exist.
2. uktārthānāmaprayogaḥ6 (PLM samāsādivṛttyartha

-vicāraḥ)
‘What is already expressed should not be expressed again.’
Logicians and Mīmāṁsakas reject the power of Samāsa,
compound; instead they accept lakṣaṇā function of words to
yield a special additional meaning on compound words. Nāgeśa
writes: lakṣaṇayaiva uktārthatayā uktārthānāmaprayogaḥ
(PLM samāsādivṛttyartha -vicāraḥ). This statement is the part of
logicians’ view Nāgeśa puts up as pūrva-pakṣa (opponent’s view).
Logicians argue that in the compound words ghanaśyāmaḥ,
etc. (which means ghana iva śyāmaḥ) the meaning of particle
(nipāta) iva, etc is conveyed through lakṣaṇā and in consonance
with the axiom uktārthānāmaprayogaḥ, such expressions iva,
4 Ibid., p.420.
5 Here-in after abbreviated form A stands for Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini,
Jijñāsu, Brahmadatta (Ed.) (1974) Ramlal Kapur Trust, Sonepat, Haryana,
India.
6 PLM, (1975) p.411,433, Kurukshetra University edition.
104
etc are not used there (in compound ghanaśyāmaḥ), and even
the Pāṇinian aphorism vibhāṣā (A.2.1.11, which propounds
samāsās to be optional) will not be needed. On a vigraha-vāk-
ya (explanatory sentence for a compound) ghana iva śyāmaḥ,
the lakṣaṇā function will not be intended (i.e. the user will not
intend to apply lakṣaṇā there, as doing samāsā is not intended
in such cases according to the said aphorism).
3. anyāyaścānekārthatvaṁ7 (PLM dhātvartha-nirūpaṇam )

‘It is unjust to accept the many meanings of a word.’
This is as opposed to the maxim ekoyaṁ śabdo bahvarthaḥ ;
‘one word has many meanings’ as stated in the Mahābhās̟ ya :
ekaśca śabdo bahvarthaḥ8 (Mb. on A 1.1.64). Nāgeśa puts it
as follows:-
sa ca śatrādyante kartari śaktaḥ tibādyante kathaṁ
kr̟ tiṁ bodhayet? anyāyaścānekārtham iti nyāyāt9 (PLM dhāt-
vartha-nirūpanam). This is laid down in course of criticizing
logicians’ view-- lādeśas (verbal affixes) mean only krti (effort)
and not a kartr̟ (agent). In grammarian’s view lādeśas or lakāras
mean kartr̟ , etc. in accordance with the aphorism lah karmaṇi
ca bhāve cākarmakebhyaḥ (A 3.4.69).
Nāgeśa shows anomalies in the view of logicians.
Firstly, : if lakāras mean only kr̟ ti, then the meaning
of words yuṣmat (you) and asmat (I) cannot agree with that
of lakāras or verbal affixes, and the norms of ‘verbal forms
agreeing with the persons’ cannot be observed. The aphorism
yuṣmadyupa…(A 1.4.105), and asmadyu—(A 1.1.107) suggest
that on samānādhikaraṇa (same-locusness) between the mean-
ing of verbal affixes and that of words, yuṣmat and asmat, the
7 Ibid., p.433.
8 Ibid, p.164. (Abbreviated from Mb. stands for Mahābhās̟ ya of Patañjali,
Shastri, Guru-prasad (Ed.) (1339). Rajasthan Sanskrit College, Varanasi.
9 PLM, Ibid, p.164.
105
verb can take the form of respective persons. In other words, if
the meaning of the words yuṣmat or asmat, as well as, that of
the lakāras (sthānins) or verbal affixes should mean the same
element dravya, then alone the second and the first persons
be used as paṭhasi, paṭhāmi, etc. Here the sāmānādhikaraṇya
(same-meaningness) can be seen on the affix tiṅ alone that has
replaced the lakāras—the original forms (sthānins). In clear
terms, it can be said that the case propounded by the words
yuṣmat and asmat be the same as propounded by the tiṅ (verbal
affix), then alone the use of the verbal forms paṭhasi, paṭhāmi
is possible. In the view of the logicians, lakāras or tiṅs mean
only kr̟ ti (effort) not kartr̟ , agent, etc.), hence, the same-mean-
ingless in respect of the meaning of yuṣmat and asmat cannot
be established, because both these words mean second and first
persons, and, on the other hand, lakāras or the tiṅs mean kr̟ ti
(effort). Thus, there is no sāmānādhikaraṇya on account of the
separate meanings of these two, yuṣmat/asmat and tiṅ.
Secondly, same is the case with the aphorism laṭaḥ
śatr-śānacāvaprathamāsamānādhikaraṇe (A 3.2.124) where
affixes śatr̟ and śānac are introduced in place of lakāra. These
affixes always suggest kartr̟ and karman, and cannot suggest kr̟ ti
(effort). Even in the tenet of logicians sthānin is predominantly a
vācaka (denoting or speaker) and not the ādeśas (substitutions).
In this state of affairs, the logicians may take recourse to the
maxim ekaśca śabdo bahvyarthaḥ one word is used to convey
many meanings, and say that one lakāra may mean both on
separate occasions—cases on śatr̟ and kr̟ ti on general forms
(without ending with śatr̟)̟.
On this, the grammarians argue that this is also a nyāya
that anyāyaścānekārthatvam—acceptiṅg multi-meaningness is
but unjustified.
4. ekoyam śabdo bahvarthaḥ10 (PLM śakti-nirūpaṇam )
10 Ibid. p.39.
106
‘One word is used to convey many meanings.’
For this maxim, Nāgeśa uses the word vyavahāra, as
arthapadayostādātmyāt tattadarthatādātmyāpannaḥ śabdo
bhinna iti hetorarthabhedācchabdabheda iti vyavahāraḥ,
samānākāramātrena tu ekoyaṁ śabdo bahvarthah iti
vyavahāraḥ (PLM—śaktinirūpanam). It originates from the
Mahābhās̟ ya on A 1.2.64 as well as A 1.1.7 and A 1.1.20. The
relation of identity (abheda-sambandha) between word and
meaning has been accepted, hence, each word is held to be
separate from another words. On the basis of the difference of
meaning, all words are held to be separate from one another.
Hence, we have śabdanānārthavāda, the theory of the variety
of the words on homonyms, and there is convention arthab-
hedācchabdabhedaḥ (in consonance with the Mb. on A.1.1.7
and A. 1.1.20). Kaiyaṭa interprets here that someone maintains
separate words in case of the homonyms on the basis of the
variety in the meanings. But, the other scholars maintain only
one word in spite of the variety in its meanings. On the basis
of the bhedavādins (advocate of the theory of difference), Pa-
tañjali says: grāma śabdoyaṁ bahvarthaḥ’11 (Mb. on A 1.1.7
and A 1.1.20).
On the other hand, there is another theory śabdaikatvavā-
da—the theory of one word, in spite of the difference of mean-
ing as on homonyms where the form or the shape of the words
remain unchanged in conveying separate meanings. This theory
is pointed out by Nāgeśa in the line—samānākāramātrena tu
ekoyaṁ śabdo bahvarthaḥ—iti vyavahāraḥ. The same theory
is stated by Patañjali : ekasca śabdo bhavarthaḥ, akṣaḥ pādaḥ
māṣaḥ, (Mb on A.1.2.64). It means only one word—akṣa means
variously as bibhītaka (a specific fruit having medicinal value),
indriyas (sense-organs), axis of wheels, dice, etc. The words
pāda and māṣa also convey more than one meaning. Thus both
11 Ibid., p.39.
107
aforesaid theories—on homonyms, various words on account
of various meanings, as well as, only one word on account of
the sameness in forms, are in vogue or accepted. Bhartrhari has
also mentioned this fact as follows:-
Kāryatve nityatāyāṁ vā kecidekatvavādinaḥ, kāryatve
nityatāyaṁ vā kecinnānātvavādinaḥ.12(Bp.1.70)
5. sati tātparye sarve sarvārthavācakāḥ13 (PLM lakṣaṇā

and ākāṅkṣādi-vicāraḥ)
‘With a just purport, all words happen to convey all types
of meanings.’
or
sarve sarvārthavācakāḥ (PLM lakṣaṇā and ākāṅkṣādi-vicāraḥ)
14
‘All words are competent to convey all types of meanings.’

Nāgeśa mentions this maxim on two occasions.
First, on the criticism of lakṣaṇā function of words held by
logicians and secondly on the interpretations of ākāṅkṣā, etc.—
the accessory causes of the linguistic cognition (śābdabodha) on
a sentence. As a source of this convention, Nāgeśa refers to the
Mahābhās̟ ya— tanna, sati tātparye sarve sarvārtha vācakā iti
bhāṣyāllakṣaṇāyā abhāvāt iti bhāṣyameva gṛhāṇa, etc. (PLM,
lakṣaṇā-vicāraḥ). In fact, it is not found in the Mahābhās̟ ya,
but a similar maxim is available there: sarve sarvapadādeśā
dākṣīputrasya pānineḥ (Mb on A.1.1.19). Also Bhartṛhari opines
in this context: ekamāhuranekārthaṁ śabdamanye pariīkṣakāḥ,
nimittabhedādekasya sārvārthyaṁ tasya bhidyate15 (Vp.2-252).
The grammarians do not accept lakṣaṇā function of words. To
them, a word conveys two kinds of meanings – prasiddha (cele-
brated or familiar) and aprasiddha (unfamiliar). The logician’s
12 Quoted by Shastri, Kapildev (see footnote 1 ).
13 PLM p. 75,76,77.
14 PLM pp.122-123.
15 Same as footnote 12.
108
lakṣyārtha is aprasiddha (unfamiliar meaning). By such inter-
pretation, all words may convey only aprasiddha (unfamiliar
meaning). Patañjali promulgates the norm—sati tātparye sarve
sarvārthavācakāḥ, i.e. with a just purport, all words happen
to convey all types of meanings. Thus, when all the words are
supposed to convey all meanings, both meanings—familiar and
unfamiliar will be accepted to have conveyed through the main
or primary function abhidhā. Thus, lakṣaṇā, the additional
function is useless. Accepting dual śaktis also give rise to a
fault gaurava (extension). On this, logicians may question, why
does the pot not convey the meaning of a cloth? Grammarians
answer in the words of Patañjali sati tātparye etc. On the sec-
ond occasion, Nāgeśa uses this maxim on the discussion of the
tātparya, one of the four elements, ākāṅkṣā, etc. Nāgeśa defines
tātparya (purport) as – etad vākyam padam vā et al; i.e. ‘this
sentence or word should convey this meaning’, such divine will
or the will of god is tātparya. Hence all words do not convey
all meanings for the lack of the said tātparya (purport) that is
handed down to us, by the tradition, from godly personalities,
sages, conventional use, and ancient people.
6. phalamukhagauravaṁ na doṣāya.16 (PLM—dhātvar-

tha-nirnyaḥ)
‘Advantageous extension is not (for) a demerit.’
Nāgeśa puts up this maxim in the argument made on be-
half of the logicians in the matter of deciding the meaning of tiṅ
(verbal affixes). The text runs thus: nañu phalamukhagauravaṁ
na doṣāya iti nyāyena śatrādīnāṁ kartari śaktiḥ, tibādīnāṁ
kṛtāveva iti cenna (PLM dhātvartha-nirnyaḥ)17.
According to logicians the verbal affixes (tiṅs) means only
kṛti (effort) and not an agent (kartṛ). Here, in case of accepting tiṅ
16 PLM. (1975). page 164, Kurukshetra.

17 Ibid., p. 164.
109
to convey only effort, there will be a problem in case of the affix
śatṛ and śānac. According to the aphorism laṭaḥ śatṛ (A.3.2.124),
affixes śatṛ and śānac come in the place of original affix laṭ,
conveying present tense. As per the grammatical norm (called
a nyāya also) only ādeśa (substitution) is a denoter (vācaka) of
the meaning of its sthānin (original form to be substituted for),
Thus śatṛ and śānac are held as verbal affixes meaning only kṛti
(effort). In this circumstance, in the sentences like pacantaṁ
caitraṁ paśya, ‘see cooking Caitra’, and pacate devadattāya
dehi, ‘give it to cooking Devadatta’, affix śatṛ (used in respect
of the cases Caitra and Devadatta) can convey only kṛti (effort)
and not the cases karman (accusative) and sampradāna (dative),
because according to the view of logicians, the verbal affixes
mean only effort not the case. Trying to remove this anomaly,
the logicians argue that the verbal affixes mean effort except for
śatṛ and śānac to serve a special purpose or to gain an advan-
tageous end. In other words, the original affixes laṭ, etc. śatṛ
and śānac are ādeśas (substitutions) replacing the original form
(sthānin) laṭ; and it is also a fact that the sthānins are accepted
to be vācakas (denote) on account of being scant in number (thus
having shortness or easiness—lāghava) and ādeśas (tiṅ or śatṛ
and śānac affixes) are not so for being large in number) having
extension (lengthiness); thus according to the set norm lāghava
is a merit and gaurava is a demerit; the meaning of sthānin (laṭ),
effort is valid and acceptable. But to solve a special purpose, the
meanings of kartṛ and karman should also be included on the
sentence having śatṛ and śānac. This inclusion is following the
other maxim (nyāya) phalamukha-gauravaṁ na doṣāya—the
advantageous extension is not for the demerit. Hence, according
to the logicians, the affixes śatṛ and śānac in spite of being a tiṅ
for replacing laṭ stand valid and acceptable. Thus, the sentences
having śatṛ and śānac (held as tiṅ for replacing lakāra laṭ) will
mean more than one. This argument of the logicians is refused
110
by grammarians, showing the nyāya anyāyaścānekārthatvam’.
7. rūdhiryogārthamapaharati18 (PLM samāsādivṛttyar-

thaḥ )
‘Celebrity or the familiarity ceases the meaning of com-
pound (yoga).’
Nāgeśa calls this maxim as nyāya:-
nanu rathantara-śabdāt rathikasyāpi pratyayaḥ kinna
syāditi cenmaivaṁ, rūḍhiryogārthamapaharati iti nyāyāt (PLM
samāsādivṛttyarthaḥ). In Sanskrit Literature there are some
words where participatory or derivational meaning is ignored
and only specific meaning is admitted. Specific meaning is
caused by celebrity or rūḍhi also, whereas derivational meaning
is held to have been conveyed through yoga (compound) power
of abhidhā. But, in certain cases only specific meaning is ad-
mitted. These words are rathantara etc. Derivational meaning
is rathena tarati iti rathantaraḥ—one who crosses or goes by
ratha (car), i.e. rathika—the owner of the car. This meaning
is normally (in most cases in social practices) ignored, instead
it’s celebrated or famous meaning is accepted or widely used
as sāmabhedaviśeṣa—select or special types of hymns in the
Sāmaveda, one of the four-fold divisions of the Vedic hymnal
literature.
Here, the later meaning is established by the maxim—
rūḍhiryogārthamapaharati (Celebrity or the familiarity ceases
the meaning of compound, yoga).
8. padārthaḥ padārthena anveti na tu padārthaikadeśe-

na (PLM nipātārtha-vicāraḥ)
19
‘The meaning of a word agrees with the full meaning of

another one and not with the part of the same.’
18 Ibid., p. 429.
19 Ibid., p. 229.
111
This is laid down in the context of criticizing the view
of logicians on the interpretations of nañ, a particle (nipāta)
conveying negation (niṣedha).
In the sentences ghaṭo na paṭaḥ, and ghaṭah apaṭo bha-
vati, (having nañ in the form of na and a respectively), the
meaning becomes anyonyābhāva (reciprocal non-existence).
This anyonyābhāva is a suggested (dyotya) meaning, and the
mukhyārtha or vācyārtha is āropa (supposition). Nañ if used in
a compound word means atyantābhāva only; but in a non-com-
pound word it means atyantābhāva and anyonyābhāva both. In
the said context ghaṭo na paṭaḥ, ghaṭa is different from paṭa. In
other words, through the sentence ghaṭo na paṭaḥ, conveyed is
‘there is want of ghaṭatva (potness) in paṭa (cloth).Such want
(abhāva) is the want of tādātmya (identity or identicality), and
the want of identity is anyonyābhāva.
Here, the grammatical interpretation in the words of
Nāgeśa is: ghaṭo na paṭah ityatra ghaṭa-padasya ghaṭa-prati-
yogika-bhedāśraye aprasiddhā śaktireva lakṣaṇā, nañ-padaṁ
tātparya-grāhakam. It means: in the sentence ghaṭo na paṭah
word ghaṭa means ghaṭa ptratiyogika-bhedāśrayaḥ—one being
the substratum of difference in which ghaṭa is pratiyogin. Then
this meaning happens to agree with that of paṭa and tiṅ, the
verbal affix. Here, nañ is the revealer/suggester of this meaning
acquired by way of lakṣaṇā.
On the other hand, logicians interpret this sentence in their
own way by using lakṣaṇā twice. Accordingly, in the sentence
ghaṭo na paṭaḥ, word ghaṭa means ghaṭa-pratiyogin—want of
ghaṭa, through lakṣaṇā, as well as, word na (nañ), by way of
lakṣaṇā, means bhedavān—the one having difference. Thus,
there will be the final import of the phrase ghaṭo na paṭaḥ :
ghaṭa pratiyogikabhedavān paṭaḥ---the paṭa is having difference
where there is want of ghaṭa.
112
Grammarians, while showing fault in this interpretation
of logicians propound that by doing so, there will be anomaly of
violating the time-honored norm padārthaḥ padārthena anveti
na tu padārthaikadeśena. This fact is shown here in the argument
from grammarians that in the above view of logicians (where
lakṣaṇā is used twice, one on the word ghaṭa and the other on
the word na) the meaning of word ghaṭa being ghaṭa- pratiyogin
cannot agree with the full meaning of nañ---bhedavān, but, with
only bheda (difference) which is only a part of the same.
That is to say, the full meaning of nañ is bhedavān---one having
difference, and the meaning ghaṭa -pratiyogin (that is the mean-
ing of word ghaṭa) happens to agree with the meaning bheda
only, and not with the meaning bhedavān (i.e. word bheda is
only a part of the full word bhedavān, and so are their meanings
also). This is not a proper way, as there is nyāya---padārthaḥ
padārthena---. The statement of Nāgeśa runs: ‘bhedavati
nañarthe bhedasya ekādeśatvāt tatra ghaṭārthānanvayāpatteḥ,
padārthaḥ padārthenānveti na tu padārthaikadeśeneti nyāyāt’.
9. sthānyarthābhidhānasamarthasyaiva ādeśatā (sthāny-

arthābhidhānasamarthasyaiva ādeśatvam)20 (PLM śakti and
lakārārtha-nirūpaṇam)‘ādeśa (substitution) is that which is
able to denote the meaning of its sthānin (original form).’
Nāgeśa puts up above nyāya twice in two different con-
texts. In another context, it is laid down in association with
another axiom shown at serial no.10, with a slight negligible
variance as sthānyarthābhidhānasamarthasyaiva ādeśatvam.
Now, I take up the first context related to it, as follows:

At the very outset of the book PLM, Nāgeśa puts up this
nyāya in the context of justifying the division varṇasphoṭa.
Nāgeśa expresses his view thus: varṇasphoṭa or alphabetical
20 Ibid., p.10,167
113
sounds are intended for maintaining the śāstric or grammatical
process. (In fact, these alphabetical sounds, suffixes, substitutes
(ādeśas) etc are kalpita--- imagined or fictitious or fabricated.)
Accordingly, varṇasphoṭa or the division based on alphabeti-
cal sounds is intended to convey that stems and terminations
(prakrti and pratyayas) denote or covey their respective impli-
cations. Even the division of prefixes, nipātas, roots et al are but
fabricated matters. The ancients (sages like Pāṇini et al) have
stated the supposed or fanciful meanings of sthānins (original
forms— lakāras or any other types) through (in) their own
words. It implies that the aphorisms laḥ karmaṇi--(A 3.4.69) et
al that propound the supposed (kalpita) meanings of lakāras
laṭ, etc as karman and bhāva et al are directly stated. Ādeśas
(substitudes) have also certain meanings because in the light of
the nyaya (axiom) stated in the Mahābhās̟ ya, ādeśas are those
which are able to speak for the meaning of their originals, and
thus these ādeśas are accepted to be meaningful. In fact, all the
meanings (of sthānins or ādeśas) are imagined matters only.
(tatra rṣibhiḥ sthānināṁ kalpitā arthāḥ kanṭharaveṇaivoktāh.
Ādeśānāṁ tu sthānyarthābhidhānasamarthasyaiva ādeśatā iti
bhāṣyanyāyāt te arthāḥ.)
10. ākāṅkṣitavidhānaṁ jyāyaḥ21 (PLM lakārartha-vicāraḥ )

‘Justified is the vidhi of expected (ākāṅkṣita) matter’, or
‘it is justified to make a provision (vidhi) which is desired.’
This maxim is laid down in association with another
axiom presented just above. The text relating to the context of
criticizing logicians’ view on the meaning of tiṅs, goes thus:
śatrādīnāṁ sthānyarthābhidhānasamarthasyaivādeśat-
vam iti nyāyena sthānyarthena nirākāṅkṣatvāt ākāṅkṣi-
tavidhānaṁ jyāyah iti nyāyāt kartari kṛt ityanena śakti-
grahābhāvāt22.
21 Ibid., p.167.
22 Ibid.
114
Here, the two nyāyas are present simultaneously ādeśa
(substitution) is that which is able to say the meaning of sthānin
(original form)’; and another, ‘justified is the vidhi of expected
(ākāṅkṣita) matter, or it is justified to make a vidhi which is
desired’.
Objecting to the view of logicians in the matter of tiṅ or
lakāra, or affixes śatṛ and śānac, the logicians present a special
interpretation that the affixes śatṛ and śānac, according to the
aphorism kartari kṛt (A 3.4.67) will mean the cases that are sub-
stratum (āśraya) of kartṛ and karman, as well as, according to the
laḥ karmaṇi ca--- (A 3.4.69), the lakāras will mean kṛti (effort)
on kartṛ-vācya (active voice), and phala (product) on karma-vā-
cya (passive voice). Thus, there is solution to the anomaly as
put up by grammarians in the matter of śatṛ and śānac. Here,
grammarians contend that this solution is useless, because, the
word kartari is drawn from the aphorism kartari kṛt (A 3.4.67)
by the word ca present in the aphorism laḥ karmaṇi ca--- (A
3.4.69). Therefore, in the aphorism laḥ karmaṇi ca--- (3.4.69),
the word kartṛ (drawn from kartari kṛt) is dharma-pradhāna
or bhāva-pradhāna, and the same in the aphorism kartari kṛt is
dharmi-pradhāna (as propounded by logicians) is not plausible
or justified. Besides, if this interpretation of logicians is accepted,
then the question is: is the aphorism kartari kṛt is able/ competent
to decide the meaning of śatṛ and śānac? First thing, what is
the meaning of lakāra will have to be accepted as the meaning
of ādeśas, either tip et al or śatṛ and śānac. Otherwise (if it is
not accepted), the very ādeśa will lose its real implication—’to
speak for the meaning of its sthānin’. (The ādeśa which is not
competent to speak for the meaning of its sthānin is not called
ādeśa). Because, there is dictum of the ancient saying in the form
of a nyāya as sthānyarthābhidhānasamarthasyaivādeśatvam,
that which is able to speak for the meaning of the sthānin is
ādeśa, and none else. Therefore śatṛ and śānac too will mean
115
the same that is belonged to the sthānin laṭ or tiṅ or śatṛ. Thus,
when the meaning of lakāra is decided by laḥ karmaṇi -- as kṛti,
then ādeśas—affixes śatṛ and śānac become nirākāṅkṣā (with-
out expectancy) because of their meaning already propounded
by their sthānins, then, how will the nirākāṅkṣa matter (matter
without expectancy) be decided by the aphorism A.3.4.67 as
there is also another nyāya: ākāṅkṣitavidhānaṁ jyāyaḥ—vidhi
or provision is justified on requirement only?
There is another fault in this interpretation of logicians.
If the view of logicians is accepted in spite of violation of the
aforesaid nyāya (where meaning of śatṛ and śānac is decided by
kartari kṛt), there is anomaly on the sentences like – Devadattena
śayyamāne āsyamāne ca yajñadatto gaṭaḥ where affix śānac
is used for the meaning of bhāva as the kartari kṛt according
to logicians can do śānac only to convey kartṛ, not the bhāva.
Therefore, the meaning of śatṛ and śānac cannot be decided by
kartari kṛt because it is already decided by laḥ karmaṇi ca--,
hence, it is nirākāṅkṣa—without expectancy.
11. sarvaṁ vākyaṁ sāvadhāraṇam23 (PLM nipātārtha-nir-

nayaḥ).‘All sentences are with determination (avadhāraṇa),’ i.e.
‘even in or in spite of the absence of the determination word
eva (meaning ‘only’ in English) et al, and all sentences convey
determination.’
Nāgeśa calls it a nyāya and vṛddhokti: kvacit eva-śabdaṁ vināpi
niyamapratītiḥ. taduktaṁ Bhāṣye—abhakṣyo grāmya-kuk-
kuṭaḥ ityukte gamyata etat āraṇyo bhakṣya iti sarvaṁ vākyaṁ
sāvadhāraṇamiti nyāyāt,---- anayorarthayoḥ eva-śabdo dyo-
takaḥ. ata eva taṁ vināpi tadartha-pratītiḥ, sarvaṁ vākyaṁ
sāvadhāraṇam iti vṛddhoktaṁ saṅgacchate24 (PLM nipātar-
tha-nirnyaḥ).
23 Ibid., p.235.
24 Ibid., p.235.
116
Nāgeśa quotes a famous example from the Mb: abhakṣyo
grāmya-kukkuṭaḥ, the domestic cock is not eatable. This sentence
does not have the determination word eva (meaning only), still,
it conveys ‘only the domestic cock is not eatable’; and finally
suggests: ‘the wild cock is eatable’— āraṇyo bhakṣya iti. In the
Mb this fact is also referred to as the examples abbhakṣo vāyub-
hakṣa iti (Mb paspasāhnika). In fact this case is compulsorily
applied in Mīmāṃsā philosophy while interpreting the sentences
having different vidhis (provisions)—niyama, parisaṅkyā and
abhyanujñā. The avadhāraṇa word eva is missing in all the
sentences having these three vidhis. The above example put
up by Nāgeśa falls under the category of parisaṅkyāvidhi. The
famous example of this vidhi is pañca pañca-nakhā bhakṣyāḥ
(five animals having five nails are eatable)’, which is under-
stood as ‘only five animals having five nails (enumerated in the
scriptural texts) are eatable, not the other such ones’.
12. nahi sukhaṁ duḥkhairvinā labhyate 25 (PLM

lakārārtha nirūpaṇam)
‘Happiness (pleasure) cannot be derived without under-
going a suffering (pain).’
Nāgeśa calls it a nyāya. It has been a very popular maxim
among Sanskrit knowers. Its original source may be accepted a
lyrically versified work Śṛṅgāra-tilakam by Kālidāsa where it
is available as the last stanza of a verse. The full verse runs thus:
Ślāghyaṃ nīrasa-kāṣṭha-tāḍana-śataṁ ślāghyaḥ pracaṇdātap-
aḥ, Kleśaḥ ślāghyataraḥ supaṅka-nicayaiḥ ślāghyo’tidāhonalai-
ḥ. Yatkāntā-kucapārśvavāhulatikāhindolalīlāsukhaṁ, Labdhaṁ
kumbhavara! tvayā nahi sukhaṁ duḥkhairvinā labhyate.26
25 Ibid., p.306.
26 Śṛṅgāra -tilakam by Kalidasa Sastri, verse no. 10 V.L. (Ed.) (1910).
Nirnayasagar, Mumbai, (Available with Digital Library of India) (DLI).
117
While, interpreting the meanings of vidhi (provision)
under luṅ lakāra, Nāgeśa defines the three words: kṛitisād-
hyatā (possibility of accomplishment by the effort --- krti),
iṣṭa-sādhanatā (being the means to achieve the desired goal),
and balabadaniṣṭānanubandhitva (dissociation from the strong
and undesired elements---hindrances). The last point balaba-
da-- is defined by our author as: svajanya- iṣṭotpaṭti-nāntarīya-
ka-duḥkhādhika-duḥkhajanakatvam. Here, the remarkable
matter is: ‘dissociation from strong hindrances’, whereby it is
implied that the weaker hindrances that are inevitable or un-
avoidable---nāntarīiyakam (compulsorily attached) do come up
during the emergence (utpatti) of pleasure. The line of Nāgeśa
runs: ‘balabadaniṣṭāananubandhitvaṁ- tu svajanya-iṣṭotpat-
ti-nāntarīiyaka-duḥkhādhika-duḥkhajanakatvam; ‘nahi sukhaṁ
duḥ- khairvinā labhyate’, iti nyāyena nāntarīyakaṁ kiñcid
duḥkham avaśyambhāvi; tadatirikta-duḥkharāhityameva tat-
tvam’27 (PLM lakārārtha-nirūpaṇam).
13. nāgṛhīta-viśeṣanā buddhiḥ viśeṣye upajāyate 28

(PLM nāmārtha-nirūpaṇam)
‘The knowledge without grasping the attribute/ adjective
do not grasp the one attributed or qualificand.’
1. Nāgeśa has called this maxim as nyāya while presenting
it with the tenet of Mīmāṁsakas for the discussion in the context
of nāmārtha – meaning of a nāma or nominal base. Later on, the
same is presented with its purport (tātparya) while propounding
the tenet of grammarians. The debatable point is: ‘what is the
meaning of a nominal base---jāti (genus), vyakti (individual), or
both (jāti - viśiṣṭa -vyakti)? Mīmāṁsā philosophy holds only jāti
to be the meaning of a nominal base or a noun word. According
to the Mīmāṁsakas, the purport or implication of this axiom
27 PLM p.306, Shastri, Kapildev(1975). Kurukshetra.
28 Ibid., p. 378,382.
118
(as presented by Nāgeśa) is: a word primarily (through abhidhā
power of words) means adjective or attribute (viśeṣaṇa), i.e.
genus (jāti), and, secondarily means qualificand or something
qualified---vyakti ( something in individual or particular) only
through the secondary power lakṣaṇā śakti. In simple words, in a
nominal base---the word ghaṭa (pot), the adjective is jāti (ghaṭat-
va---potness), and the qualified element is vyakti (an individual
or particular ghaṭa ). In support of this tenet of Mīmāṁsakas,
the present axiom is laid down (as pūrva-pakṣa---opponent’s
view) along with its implication accepted or propounded by
Mīmāṁsakas. Now, Nāgeśa presents his own view on the impli-
cation of this axiom that goes in favor of the vyakti-śakti-vādins
(those who accepts the tenet of individuality). Nāgeśa opines
that there is no proof or supporting materials for (in favor of)
interpretation of this maxim advanced by the pūrva-pakṣins.
Rather, the axiom really implies that a word means vyaki that is
already upalaksita (introduced) by jāti (genus). Here jāti is not
a vācya (primary meaning), still it is upalakṣaka (introducer)
of vyakti, the vācyārtha , the way, ghaṭa (pot) is vācyārtha but
ghaṭa tva (potness) is not so is spite of its being an introducer
(upalakṣaka) of a ghaṭa (pot).And, ghaṭa is always conveyed
as introduced be its genus ghaṭatva. A ghaṭa without its genus
ghaṭatva is never conveyed. Thus, Nāgeśa presents many strong
arguments in favour of Vyatka vāda. Finally, Nāgeśa presents
the right tenet to be followed, and this is called the tenet of
grammarians. It is jāti-viśiṣṭa- vyakti (vyakti qualified by jāti),
or the vice-versa. For this the reference of Mahābhās̟ ya (on A
1. 2. 64) has also been presented with the plea that this very
fact is gained through the experiences (of the common people
or eye-brows), and this experience cannot be ignored. The text
runs: vastutastu nahyā kṛtipadārtha---. tathaiva anubhavāt,
anubhavasiddhasya apalāpānarhatvācca’29( PLM nāmārtha
29 Ibid.,p. 387.
119
vicāraḥ).
14. uttarapadārthaprādhānya nañ-tatpuruṣasya30

(PLM nipātārtha-vicāraḥ)
‘nañ-tatpuruṣa has pre-dominannce of the meaning of
subsequent (uttara) word.’
15. paryudāsaḥ sadṛggrāhī31 (PLM nipāta-nirūpaṇam)

‘paryudāsa type of nañ signifies the similarity.’
16. bādhakālikam icchājanyaṁ jnāñam āhāryam32 (PLM

nipāta-vicāraḥ)
‘Being at the time of (in spite of) annulment (badha),
the voluntarily caused knowledge/cognition is called ‘āhārya’
(synonym ‘āropa’).’
Our author presents the above three maxims in the same
context and name them as ‘sayings from ancients’( (iti bṛd-
dhāḥ, iti bṛddhoktam). Particle nañ is two-fold – paryudāsa
and prasajya-pratiṣedha. Here, the term paryudāsa is defined
as ‘āropa -viṣayatvam’, i.e. ‘being the subject of āropa, the su-
per-imposition (assuming the form of others)’. The implication
of the phrase ‘being the subject of super-imposition’ is –’the
word lying near (beside) it (nañ) is the signifier of the quality of
super-imposed object’ (It is in accordance with the original text
sva-samabhivyāhṛta-ghaṭā-dīpadānam-āropita-pravṛttiṅimit-
ta-bodhakatve tātparya-grāhakam). For example, the phrase
‘abrāhmaṇoyam’ (where nañ is in the form of a as the starting
sound of the word abrāhmaṇa) simply means: ‘this person is
not a brāhmaṇa (sharing a specific caste of the Hindus)’. But
in the light of the present special meaning of paryudāsa nañ
30 Ibid., p. 212.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
120
as ‘the subject of super-imposition’ this expression means:
‘the quality of brāhmaṇa is super-imposed or assumed on this
person’. And finally this expression conveys: ‘this person is in
fact not a brāhmaṇa by caste, but has the quality of the same,
hence maintained or accepted as a brāhmaṇa’. Such mean-
ing proves the validity of the time-honored maxim: uttara-
padārtha-pradhanyaṁ nañ-tatpuruṣasya. This interpretation,
I presume, may be the cause of keeping nañ samāsa under the
fold of tatpuruṣa type of compound where the meaning of the
subsequent word always stands predominant ( so runs a popular
maxim uttarapadārthapradhānaḥ tatpurusaḥ). Following the
dictum of this very maxim the words like atasmai and asaḥ
in the phrases atasmai brāhmaṇāya, asaḥ śivaḥ respectively
receive the grammatical operations befitting to sarvanāman
---substitutes smai and sa etc. Otherwise (in the normal cases)
the operations ordained for sarvanāman are not permissible on
sarvanāman words forming the compounds where the meanings
of the constituent words lose importance or predominance and
the specific meaning of samāsa (compound) stand the foremost
position.
Likewise, the super-imposition is permissible in the case
of similarity (between two similar things) only. It is, there-
fore, also maintained that the aforesaid interpretation has been
presented in compliance with the famous time-honored saying
paryudāsaḥ sadṛggrāhī. Thus, the lakārārtha above example
phrase abrāhmaṇoyam means: ‘this person is like a brāhmaṇa
for having the quality of the same.
In this very context Nāgeśa defines the technical term
āhārya or āhārya -jñāna (that is synonymous with the term
āropa also and is the main meaning of paryudāsa nañ) as:
bādhak ālikam icchājanyaṁ jñānam āhāryam. Concerning
the example phrase s it is to be noted that when someone says
‘abrāhmaṇoyam’ to mean ‘a kṣatriya having the quality of
121
brāhmaṇa; such knowledge or cognition of his is voluntarily
caused, in other words, he uses this phrase at his free will to say
kṣatriya as abrāhmaṇa (in the sense-- an appreciable kṣatriya
for being as sacred as brāhmaṇa), in fact he is aware of the fact
that such propounding by him is wrong or annulled. This is why
such knowledge or understanding of the speaker is ‘voluntarily
caused’ as propounded above.
Nāgeśa presents some more wise-sayings with the names
other than nyāya . I present a glimpse of these sayings.
17. jahatsvārthā tu tatraiva yatra rūḍhiḥ virodhini33

(PLM samāsaśakti-vicāraḥ)
‘The jahatsvārthā type of lakṣaṇā is accepted to be func-
tional in case of a contradictory rūḍhā (celebrated) meaning
(i.e. meaning coming from the word power rūḍhi ---celebrity,
a sub-division of the first word- power named abhidhā—de-
notation,); in other words, when the celebrated meaning is
contradictory to the yaugika meaning—meaning coming from
compound words.’
The word paṅkaja means ‘the lotus’ through yoga rūḍhi
power (specific compound—a combination the powers yoga and
rūḍhi both) of abhidhā. This is a yoga rūḍhā (with the power
yoga rūḍhi) type of word where both powers (yoga and rūḍhi)
are functional. This is not the case of jahatsvārthā lakṣaṇā in
accordance with grammarians as well as the above maxim.
The logicians stress on the lakṣaṇā power (jahatsvārthā type)
to gain the meaning ‘the lotus’ from the word ‘paṅkaja’. In
jahatsvārthā lakṣaṇā, the word loses its primary meaning in
to to, instead, it accepts another meaning; such as the present
case paṅkaja where the primary meanings of the words paṅka
and ja are left out and another meaning (other than those of the
existing words paṅka and ja) is accepted as ‘the lotus’. The
33 Ibid., p. 429.
122
above maxim suggests that jahatsvārthā is applicable in case of
a celebrated meaning (the lotus in the present case) contradicting
to yaugika one (paṅkaja—originating from mud, in the present
case). Here, the yaugika meaning is not contradictory, as the
lotus also comes from the mud; it is not a fit thing example of
jahatsvārthā lakṣaṇā. The fitting examples of this is the phrases
like karmaṇi kuśalaḥ (meaning, ‘proficient or dexterous at the
work’ as the celebrated meaning by way of jahatsvārthā lakṣaṇā)
etc. where the celebrated meaning ‘proficient’ is contradicting
to the yaugika one—‘one who fetches kuśa- a specific grass’.
Celebrated meaning ‘proficient at any work’ has no connection
with the yaugika meaning, hence the example of jahatsvārthā
lakṣaṇā, not the word paṅkaja.
18. prakṛtyarthānvita-svārtha bodhakatvaṁ pratyayasya34

(PLM lakārārtha nirūpaṇam)
“The affixes are meant to convey their own meaning in
agreement (anvita) with those of their prakṛtyarthānvita (roots
or stems to which the affixes are introduced).’
This is laid down in the context of dealing with the mean-
ing of nañ on the word on the phrase brāhmaṇo na hantavyaḥ (a
brāhmaṇa should not be killed), that is the form in passive voice
of the sentence brāhmaṇaṁ na hanyāt. Hanyāt is a verbal form
under the verbal affix liṅ that has a meaning balabadaniṣṭānan-
nubandhitva also along with other meanings discussed earlier.
In the present sentence, particle nañ is available in the form
of na providing with its own meaning niṣedha (prohibition).
Now, this ‘prohibition’ can be in concord with the one meaning
balabadaniṣṭānannubandhitva alone out of the other meanings
attributed to liṅ. Thus the implication of the present example
sentence becomes; ‘the killing of a brāhmaṇa is the cause of a
strong misfortune or ill-fate’.
34 Ibid., p.308.
123
Now goes the argument from Nāgeśa in favour of the
grammarians. Here, according to the present maxim prakṛty-
arthānvitasvārthabodhakatvaṁ pratyayasya, the affix conveys
the meaning agreeing to that of its root or stem. In the sentence
word hantavyaḥ (replacing the word hanyāt for the change of
voice) has the affix tavyat introduced to the root han, hence, it
is to convey the meaning agreeing to that of the root han, con-
sequently, it (affix tavyat) cannot go to agree to the meaning of
nañ staying comparatively afar. Hence, the meaning of nañ as
shown above (by the logicians) is not correct.
On this, logicians propound that this maxim is applica-
ble in the case of the meaning of other than liṅ. The text goes:
tathāpyanannyathānupapaṭyā etadatiriktasthale eva sa vyut-
pattiḥ35 (PLM nipātārtha vicāraḥ).
This maxim is again mentioned on the meaning of
samāsādi-vṛtti where it is used in favour of the grammarians’
tenet in the matter of the meaning of the compound words
upakumbham and ardhapippalī having the affixes am and su
respectively that convey the meaning agreeing to the stem or
base in its full form upakumbha and ardhapippalī (the stem is a
compound word---a combinations of two different words having
separate meanings). If this axiom is over-ruled then the affixes
am and su can be applied to the both parts of the compound base
upa and kumbha leading to the formation of undesired forms.
19. pratyayānāṁ sannihitapadārthagata svārthabodhakat-

vam36(PLM samāsādi-vṛtti vicāraḥ).
‘Pratyayas are meant to convey their own meanings
(number, case-karman, etc) in agreement (anvita) with those
of the words staying near to the former).’
35 Ibid., p.308.
36 Ibid., p.411,424.
124
This is laid down in favour of the argument of the logi-
cians on deciding the meaning of the compound ‘prāptodaka’.
Logicians stress on the use of lakṣaṇā on a compound to derive
the meaning. On the word prāptodaka, the lakṣaṇā be used on
the constituent word udaka only in concord with the axiom-
atic rule pratyayanaṁ sannihita---.Here, affix su conveys the
meaning agreeing to the word stationed near the same (affix).
Thus only the word udaka is associated with the affix su not the
other word prāpta (because lakṣaṇā is used on the word udaka
alone). Later on, finally Nāgeśa refutes this very axiom with
the plea that accep tiṅg it will cause problematic situation on
the meaning of the compounds upakumbham and ardhapippalī.
Hence, the axiom acceptable to the grammarians is pratyayānām
prakṛtyarthānvita sv ārthabodhakatvam already discussed. This
entails a long discussion about which I am not going to details
owing to the constraints.
Conclusion:
The scholars have termed such nyāyas as technical
nyāyas being different from laukika nyāyas’-- popular nyāyas37.
I think, all the nyāyas in general are the instances from social
norm or propriety where speaking incorrect or unnecessary
words is normally not recommended.Col. Jacob has presented
a good anthology of popular maxims with citations from orig-
inal sources where a few nyāyas found in grammatical texts
Mahābhās̟ ya etc. have also been presented. Here, there is not a
detailed form of Śāstric interpretations. A short anthology of the
same is published by Sir Bejai Singh. In Sanskrit, Chhavinath
Mishra’s Nyāyoktikośa presents the exegetical explanations of
some nyāyas found in Philosophical texts only.
37 Jacob, Colonel G. A. (1989) Laukika-nyāyāñjaliḥ; A handful of popu-

lar maxims current in Sanskrit literature. Niranjana Prakashana. Delhi.
125
In the present paper, a humble effort has been made to
present some specimen of the discussions where the aforesaid
nyāyas are used by Nāgeśa following in the footsteps of his
predecessors.
Nāgeśa in his PLM has called the aforesaid maxims as
nyāyas, besides, he uses some other words also viz. vyavahāra
(conventions), vyutpaṭti (wisdom) vṛddhokti (ancient sayings)
etc. I think all such words convey the meaning of social propri-
ety handed down to posterity right from the time immemorial.
Almost all systems of Indology have exploited these nyāyas
in support of their stand during fact finding discussions on the
subjects of their choice. It addition, such trend also corroborates
the fact that śāstric interpretation has all along been, and should
be, the staunch follower of social propriety and justice.
Bibliography:
Balasubrahmanyam, M.D. (1983) (reprint) Foreword to Laukika-nyāyān-
jalih; A handful of popular maxims current in Sanskrit Literature by
Colonel Jacob. Delhi: Niranjana Prakashana.
Chatterji, Kshitish Chandra. (1953) Mahābhās̟ ya of Paṭannjali. Calcutta:
A. Mukherjee and Co.
Jha, Shankarji.(1995) Sanskrit Grammar; Linguistic & Philosophical
Analysis. Chandigarh. Arun Publishing House.
Jijñāsu, Brahmadatta.(1974) Aṣṭādhyāyī Sūtrapāṭha (revised ninth edn).
Ramlal Kapur Trust. Sonepaṭ, Haryana.
Joshi, Bhargav Shastri.(1942) Siddhānta-kaumudī of Bhaṭṭojidīikṣita.
Nirnayasagara Press. Mumbai.
Iyer, Subramania, K.A. (1983) The Vākyapadīya of Bhartrhari, with
a Forword by A. N. Aklujkar. Motilal Banarsidass Delhi.
Pandey, Shrikant. (2005) Parama-laghu-mañjūṣā of Nāgeśa with own Hindi
commentary Sarala. Bhartiya Vidya Prakashan. Varanasi.
Pancholi, Balkrishna (1942) Siddhānta-kaumudī of Bhaṭṭojidīikṣita, with
his own Ratnaprabhā Hindi commentary: Chaukhambha, Varanasi.
Panasikar, Vasudev L. Shastri. (1910) Śṛṅgāra-tilakam of Kalidasa. 3rd
edn. Nirnayasagara press. Mumbai.
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Shastri, Guruprasada.(1939) Delhi Munshiram Manoharlal. Mahābhās̟ yam.
Rajasthan Sanskrit College. Varanasi.
Shastri, Kapildev. (1975) Parama-laghu-mañjūṣā of Nāgeśa, with his own
Hindi commentary. Kurukshetra University. Kurukshetra.
Pandey, Shrikant. (2005) Parama-laghu-mañjūṣā of Nāgeśa with his own
Hindi commentary Sarala. Bharatiya Vidya prakashan. Varanasi.
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127
Subtler yogic consciousness
as soteriological power of jñāna
{From the pre-classical notions of sāṃkhya-yogic
instructions in the Upaniṣads and in the
Mahābhārata (mahān ātman, budhyamāna and
kṣetrajña) to the classical teachings of the
Yogasūtras and the Sāṃkhyakārikā (Īśvara and jñāna)}
Dr. Nina Budziszewska, Ph.D.

Assistant Professor,
Department of Indology
University of Wrocław, Poland
nina.budziszewska@uwr.edu.pl
Abstract:
The objective of this paper is to study the diachronic
analysis of the primordial factor of Indian soteriology – the
jñāna or the highest knowledge. Sharing some similarities
with ancient Greek gnosis, jñāna is the most subtle mean of
the yogic process of consciousness purification, and – thus –
liberation or mokṣa. Sacred knowledge in the Vedas, the in-
ternalisation of this knowledge in Upaniṣadic period and its
personalization in Kṛṣṇa and Śiva in the Mahābhārata had
created a special factor of liberation in the Yogasūtras and
Sāṃkhyakārikā – jñāna as innate power of liberation dwelling
in a consciousness being.
Keywords: Moksha, yoga, Mahabharata, philosophy,
purusha, knowledge, Samkhya, Yoga, Īśvara, mind, buddhi &
Liberation.
128
Introduction – the precept of the self-knowing:
The Yogasūtra I,2-3 explains: yogaścittavṛttinirodhaḥ
tadā draṣṭuḥ svarūpe ‘vasthānam: [when] mental [citta]
activity is restrained or suppressed, the true nature (or condi-
tion-abiding) of seer-subject [puruṣa] [is present]1. The very
same intuition was present in the Kaṭha Upaniṣad:
vijñānasārathiryastu manaḥpragnahavānnaraḥ
| so ’dhānaḥ pāramāpnoti tad viṣṇoḥ paramaṃ pad-
am: when the intelligence [vijñāna] of a man becomes
his charioteer [of one’s body-chariot] and his mind
[manas] is the reins, such a man attains the highest
abode or step of Viṣṇu.2
And in the Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad:
tasyābhidhyānād-yojanāt-tattva-bhāvād-
bhūyaś-cānte viśvamāyānivṛttiḥ: by meditation on him
[God-deva], by joining-yoking-uniting with him and by
becoming one being with him, eventually, [there is]
the cessation of whole māyā or cosmic delusi3on.
While describing the yogic struggle for the final lib-
eration, secret instructions point unanimously to the perfect
union with the Divine as the highest level of yogic subtle
consciousness. In a precise manner, yoga is the process of
making consciousness (i.e. perception and experience) subtler,
to attaining this very point where the dualistic totality of one’s
perceptions, feeling, and memories is jettisoned by the will
or bala (power and strength) of a yogi. As I concluded in
my article about the liberational function of mahān ātman4,
1 There where it is not indicated, the translation from Sanskrit into En-
glish has been made by Author.
2 See Kaṭha Upaniṣad III,9.
3 See, Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad I,10.
4 See Budziszewska N. (2016_1). Mahan atman, czyli zapomniany po-
ziom wyższej świadomości jogicznej w naukach przedklasycznej sankhji i
jogi. Przegląd Orientalistyczny, Nr 1-2 [257-258], 57-72.
129
the great or large ātman, as subtler level of yogic conscious-
ness was neither the equivalent of the ahaṃkāra or asmitā
(I-principle), neither jīva (one’s individuality) nor sattva as
buddhi (the intelligence). In the pre-classical teachings of the
Upaniṣads and of the Mahābhārata (esp. in the Mokṣadhar-
ma) mahān ātman acted as the knower of the body and of the
empiric reality (kṣetra or prakṛiti) – he was kṣetrajña and the
25th principle called puruṣa becoming increasingly enlightened
or awakened, thus he was known as budhyamāna. The perfect
liberation (mokṣa) is not accomplished until a yogi, acting on
this very subtle level of consciousness – activated by severe
dhyāna, prāṇāyāma and a proper ethical attitude (yama and
niyama) – where the connection to body is abandoned, realises
his identity with the highest principle (Viṣṇu-Śiva or ātman
also called the 26th or buddha).
The classical instructions of the Yogasūtras and the
Sāṃkhyakārikā jettisoned this level of subtler consciousness
(mahān ātman, budhyamāna and kṣetrajña) together with
the 26th principle (buddha and Viṣṇu-Śiva), however, the
primordial function of jñāna as the soteriological knowledge
or discernment as an act of crucial identification with the
supreme reality (or Deity) is upheld. In the Yogasūtra a subtler
mental level known as Īśvara became the receptacle of jñāna’s
activity (sarvajñābīja, I, 25), in the Sāṃkhyakārikā (2, 69-70,
64-66, esp. 62-63) jñāna has been transformed into the purest
state, the 8th bhāva (state) of buddhi through which mokṣa is
realised (also the sāṃkyanic part of the Sarvadarśanasiddhān-
tasaṁgraha, i.e. in the Sāṇkhyapakṣaprakaraṇam 5, 8-12 and
15-16 repeated this intuition).
130
1. Self-knowledge or gnosis and jñāna :
The ancient Greek precept – Know yourself! or Know
thyself! (gr. gnōthi seautón), written on the Delphic Temple of
Apollo (Pausanias in Description of Greece X,24.1), translated
into Latin as Nosce te ipsum or Temet nosce, for a long time
acted as the divine prescription or obligation addressed to men
in their divine way. Even though the clearest explanation of
self-knowledge has been expressed by the great Socrates, the
inner gnosis was taken into consideration by other philoso-
phers; and it still is! The result is that self-knowledge remains
the keyword of the humanism as the instrument of all human
practices and attempts aiming at the transgression of mortal
and finite condition of one are fleeting and passing existence
placed in the body.
Heraclitus of Euphesus (VI/V BCE), a pre-Socratic phi-
losopher, made from the objective cosmic law, Logos (in the
form of the fiery ratio or the rational fire), a subjective princi-
pal of one’s soul the limits of which are impossible to be ascer-
tained. He boasted transformed self-inquiry into a particular
manner of grasping the Truth5, perceived in a purely intuitive
process of concentration.
Porphyry (III/IV CE), a neoplatonic philosopher, born
in Tyre in the Roman Empire, editor and publisher of Plotin’s
Enneads, considered self-knowledge as the mean of proper
worship of God and attaining the supreme happiness.6 Accord-
ing to him, purely divine in its nature, self-knowledge leads to
5 See Diogenes Laertius IX,1.5: He was nobody’s pupil, but he declared
that he “inquired of himself” a and learned everything from himself. See
Hicks (1925) [trans]. Diogenes Laertius: Livres of Eminent Philosophers.
Vol. II, London & New York: William Heinemann & G.P Putman’s Sons,
p. 413.
6 See : Lévêque Eugène [trans.], Traité sur le précepte Connais-toi toi-
même par Porphyre adressé à Jamblique, [Access Online : http://remacle.
org/bloodwolf/philosophes/porphyre/connais.htm].
131
know and to recognize one’s essence. In accordance with Plato
(esp. the Philebus) Porphyry postulated the existence of two
beings inside a man: the first entity known as the internal hu-
man, and the second – the external human as an image of the
former. The crucial role of a man is to discern his true nature.
The internal human is the area of perfect intelligence, innate
to a human being, as his divine essence. The external human
is connected to the material body and defined by its limitations
of space and time. Therefore, in the platonic vision it is crucial
to cultivate moral and soteriological exigencies of the internal
human, in the other case, according to Saint Augustine (De
Trinitate X, 5) one becomes a miserable and vulnerable crea-
ture, destined to destruction and an eternal ramble far from his
divine essence.
The Master, Socrates, expressed in explicit words the
very power of self-knowledge and its primordial function in
one’s life (Charmides 164d):
[…] For self–knowledge would certainly be
maintained by me to be the very essence of knowl-
edge, and in this I agree with him who dedicated
the inscription, “Know thyself!” at Delphi. That
word, if I am not mistaken, is put there as a sort of
salutation which the god addresses to those who
enter the temple; as much as to say that the ordi-
nary salutation of “Hail!” is not right, and that
the exhortation “Be temperate!” would be a far
better way of saluting one another. The notion of
him who dedicated the inscription was, as I be-
lieve, that the god speaks to those who enter his
temple, not as men speak; but, when a worshipper
enters, the first word which he hears is “Be tem-
perate!” This, however, like a prophet he express-
132
es in a sort of riddle, for “Know thyself!” and “Be
temperate!” are the same […].7
In Socratic teachings, what is clear, self-inquiry as
self-knowledge becomes divine obligation put in the hands of
a sentient being searching for liberation. This requirement en-
tails the transformation of one’s spirit – elevation to the level
of divine consciousness endowed with liberating value, i.e. re-
leasing from the transitory world of ever-changing states and
all-enclosing Death. Thus, the formula “Know yourself!” is
filled with deeper meaning than a simple philosophical inquiry
of the essence (definition) of the soul. It is its soteriological
value which is in the spotlight. “Know yourself!” as an obliga-
tion prescribed by God(s) to humans means: “Know your true
self!”, your inner entity, in order to release yourself from the
prison of your external form of mental and corporal activities.
This viewpoint is not different from Indian teachings on one’s
primordial duty.
2. Jñāna attributable to the process of yogic

elevation of consciousness
The Gheraṇḍa Saṃhitā, a haṭhayogic text from the 15th
century, reveals sacred teaching leading to a very source of the
visible world:
nāsti māyāsamaḥ pāśo nāsti yogātparaṃ balaṃ |
nāsti jñānātparo bandhurāhaṅkārāt paro ripuḥ ||8
There are no chains like those of māyā, there is no high-
er power that yoga,
there is no greater friend like jñāna, there is no worse
enemy like ahaṅkāra.
7 See Jowett B. (1892) [Ed.]. Plato, The Dialogues of Plato, vol. 1 (Char-
mides, Lysis, Laches, Protagoras, Euthydemus, Cratylus, Phaedrus, Ion,
Symposium). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
8 See Gheraṇḍa Saṃhitā , I,4.
133
This sacred science, yoga par excellence, has been given
by the master Gheraṇḍa, the lord and the master of yoga (yo-
geśa, yogeśvara), and called ghaṭasthayoga – yoga (as) fixed
or being in ghaṭa – breath suspension/retention, also called
kumbhaka, the aim of prāṇāyāma. Being as such, yoga leads
to the ultimate knowledge of the reality (tattvajñāna) resulting
in samādhi (Gheraṇḍa Saṃhitā 1,2). Samādhi is the supreme
yoga (paro yoga), obtained by a great fortune (bhāgya) and by
tenderness-compassion (kṛpā) and clearness-purity-tranquility
as the grace of one’s Guru linked to the profound devotion to
him.9 Moreover, known as mukti or liberation, samādhi is real-
ized by destroying manas throught ghaṭa (ghaṭādbhinnaṃ)
– retention of the breathing process in prāṇāyāma, and, thus,
by the unity-oneness-identification in/with the highest ātman
(parātmani) (Gheraṇḍa Saṃhitā VII,3). This very Union is re-
alized (kṛta) by activation of jñāna in the yogic act of viveka
or soteriological discrimination as the power of separating the
Truth from the transient world:
ahaṃ brahma na cānyo ‘smi brahmaivāhaṃ na śokabhāk |
saccidānandarūpo ‘ham nityamuktaḥ svabhāvavān ||
I am brahman and nothing else,
without doubt I am brahman, not joined to any sorrow.
I am of the shape of [everlasting] being-conscious-
ness-happiness,
having [or with] the essence always liberated/free [from
saṃsāra-prakṛti].10
Such an act of soteriological discernment is the highest
jñāna and, at the same time, it becomes the act of final libera-
tion or mokṣa/mukti.
Earlier, in the Mokṣadharma 304.002 and 304.004 the
similarity between yoga and jñāna (i.e. Sāṃkhya) has been
9 guroḥ kṛpāprasādena prāpyate gurubhaktitaḥ. Gheraṇḍa Saṃhitā ,VII,1.
10 See Gheraṇḍa Saṃhitā VII.4.
134
expressed:
nāsti sāṃkhyasamaṃ jñānaṃ nāsti yogasa-
maṃ balam […]
yad eva yogāḥ paśyanti tat sāṃkhyair api
dṛśyate
ekaṃ sāṃkhyaṃ ca yogaṃ ca yaḥ paśyati
sa tattvavit
There is no equal jñāna like sāṃkhya, there is
no equal strength like yoga […]
What is seen by yogis, it is also seen by
sāṃkhya fallowers,
sāṃkhya and yoga are one, and he is the wise
who sees it.
From this perspective, yoga can be understood as a grad-
ual process of consciousness elevation from the gross mental
and sensual data to subtler levels of one’s identity. Taking
under consideration the Kaṭha Upaniṣad III,10-11 and VI,7-8,
Biardeau claims:
[…] yoga takes subject through phrases in
which external and internal objects disappear in
order that the Puruṣa may appear, and opposite
phrases in which the subject returns to an ordi-
nary level of experience.11
This pre-classical portrayal of yogic struggles of the
Kaṭha Upaniṣad stays in a perfect conformity to the classi-
cal definition of yoga from the Yogasūtras. Even though these
two instructions describe the existence of twofold seer or sub-
ject within a human being, they make use of different terms.
The Kaṭha Upaniṣad explored the notion mahān ātman, while
Patañjali preferred the term Īśvara:
11 See Biardeau M. (2002). Hinduism, Anthropology of a civilization. New

York: Oxford University Press, p. 92.
135
yogaścittavṛttinirodhaḥ
tadā draṣṭuḥ svarūpe ‘vasthānam
vṛttisārūpyam itaratra ||12
Yoga [is] the cessation of mental activity.

Then the standing or abiding in one’s own nature of the
seer [puruṣa] [appears].
In the other case, [there is] the identity or conformity [of
the puruṣa] with mental activity.
The identity of the puruṣa with mental activity (citta’s

activity), what is evident, is ascribed to the innate delusion
(avidyā) of the empirical-I (ahaṃkāra or asmitā), also called
ajñāna or moha in certain instructions (for instance in the
Sānatsuyātiya [Mahābhārata V.041–046]). Puruṣa is never
bound by any guṇa’s modification (of buddhi and manas or by
any agitations of the five indriyas). However, the Yogasūtras
I,23-29 seems to maintain the Kaṭha Upaniṣad’s tendency to
structure the elevation of yogic consciousness:
īśvarapraṇidhānādvā
kleṣakarmavipākāśayairaparāmṛṣṭaḥ puruṣaviśeṣa īśvaraḥ
tatra niratiśayaṃ sarvajñabījam
pūrveṣāmapi guruḥ kālenānavacchedāt
tasya vacakaḥ praṇavaḥ
tajjapastadarthabhāvanam
tataḥ pratyakcetanādhigamo ‘pyantarāyābhāvaśca13
[Samādhi is obtained] Also by the concentration on
Īśvara.
Īśvara [is] untouched by: any afflictions, any action, any
karmic result or any karmic set of tendencies, [he is] the spec-
ification of puruṣa.
12 See: Yogasūtras I, 2-4.
13 See ibid., I,23-29.
136
In him [is placed] the unsurpassed seed of jñāna.
[He is] the Guru of the ancient gurus, not limited by
time.
His verbal expression is praṇava [the syllable om].
Which [is to be] repeated and its meaning [is to be] med-
itated.
Thus [by this contemplation called Īśvarapraṇidhāna],
the internal consciousness [is realised] and the obstacles [are]
deactivated or annihilated.
Thus, in the Kaṭha Upaniṣad III,10-11 and VI,8-914 the
subject-object experience of a yogi is divided into three levels:
gross data: indriya, manas and buddhi
subtler level: mahān ātman and avyakta
the subtlest principle: Viṣṇu or puruṣa.
The same structure is found in the Yogasūtras I.23-29:
gross data: cittavṛtti (as manas, asmitā and buddhi)
subtler level: Īśvara as puruṣaviśeṣa
the subtlest principle: puruṣa.
In this perspective, the pre-classical mahān ātman’s sal-
vational task has been conserved by Īśvara’s function in the
classical prescriptions of yogic soteriological process. What
is more, according to the Mokṣadharma’s instructions (291-
296 and 306.066-078), mahān ātman is called budhyamāna
whom crucial role is to discern himself from the prakṛti’s ac-
tivity realised by her modifications (vikāra) and three guṇas.15
14 To know more about the yogic significance of the Kaṭha Upaniṣad see
Budziszewska N. (2017). The self-chariots of liberation: Plato’s Phaedrus,
the Upaniṣads and the Mahābhārata in search of Eternal Being. Philoso-
phy East and West, 67:4, 318-351.
15 See Budziszewska N. (2016-1). Mahan atman… and Budziszews-
ka N. (2016_2). «Идеальный человек» в «Махабхарате»: сознание
будхьяманы на пути к освобождению” [in English: The ideal man in
the Mahābhārata. The consciousness of “budhyamāna” on one’s way to
salvation]. Zographskij Sbornik 5, 60-76.
137
Budhyamāna is 25th principle, also called puruṣa or kṣetra-
jña – the knower of kṣetra-prakṛti (including her 24 tattvas or
elements) – who makes use of jñāna in order to identify him-
self with the 26th principle, buddha or Viṣṇu. Thus, he liberates
himself from the delusion and death. Īśvara is the possessor or
reservoir of jñāna’s seeds (sarvajñabīja), he is the same level
of consciousness as the 8th bhāva in the Sāṃkhyakārikā, i.e.
jñāna.
3. The Veda – sacred knowledge:

Veda is the sacred knowledge revealed to the holy men
(ṛṣi), merged in deep meditation. This very Knowledge is the
creative power or energy forming and upholding the whole
universe as well as the sacred order (ṛta). Veda is transmitted
(pronounced) thought sacred formulas (mantras) and its effi-
cacy is realised by brahman present within the Sound-Word
(Vāc) during a yajña. This very knowledge is described by
at least three major cosmogonies of the ṛgveda: X,90. X,129
and X,190, which present different aspects of Veda’s creative
power.
The Puruṣasūkta (X, 90) describes the highest principle
and the very foundation of the universe in the form of cos-
mic Consciousness, pure and in its majority unmanifest. The
manifest (vyakta) part of puruṣa has formed the visible world
together with its moving and non-moving creatures. In the
Nāsadīyasūkta (X, 129) the source of the universe is found
in tad ekam, i.e. this one, impersonal principle, beyond every
limitation of dualistic vision, being and non-being, death and
life, etc. Tad ekam, however, possesses within itself kāma as
the mental seed, and by its own power it creates whole uni-
verse. In the ṛgveda X,190, the creative fervor or the ascetic
fire (arduous penance), tapas, is creative energy whom first
two creature are: satya and ṛta.
138
The supreme position of the sacred knowledge as an
extra-divine substance and creative Vāc endowed, in extenso,
with tapas and expressed in the form of primordial conscious-
ness, puruṣa, became the pattern of yogic soteriological at-
tempts. The highest consciousness (puruṣa) and tad ekam have
to be reached by yajña of a very special value in later yogic
practice – by internalized sacrifice. Therefore, tapas (the inter-
nal fire) became the soteriological tool.
4. The Upaniṣad – secret ascetic internalization of sa-

cred knowledge:
In the Upaniṣads yoga is prescribed as a means of liber-
ation from the transient and mortal condition of saṃsāric reali-
ty. As such, yoga relies on the elevation of one’s consciousness
resulting in attaining never-lasting brahman, beyond death and
decay, in the later Upaniṣads (Kaṭha and Śvetāśvatara Upa-
niṣads) – viewed in theistic way as Viṣṇu or Śiva. Thus, yoga
is a specific manner of breaking the chains of prakṛti’s delu-
sion, cosmic māyā or individual avidyā. This sacred knowl-
edge is revealed by an experienced guru to his pupil(s) and
linked to a sophisticated ascetic practice (tapas) done under
the guidance of such a guru-master, in the highest understand-
ing – due to his realisation of mokṣa venerated as the god
himself. The secret instruction concerns the most hidden truth
– ātman, present within the heart (ātmā hṛdaye sthitaḥ), iden-
tified with brahman. Such an identification, or revelation, is to
be obtained by means of yoga and jñāna activation, both real-
ised by a saṃnyāsin connected to his Īśvara. For these reasons,
Upaniṣadic explanation of yogic path towards salvation can
be seen as the announcement of bhakti conception. Biardeau
claims:
These deities [Viṣṇu and Śiva] of the yogin re-
appear in bhakti, each being conceived not only
139
as the culmination of the yogic experience and of
the movement towards liberation – or, in mythic
language, as the site of liberation – but also as
supreme Yogins.16
The reality of yogic mental and corporal experience
within which saṃnyāsin’s endeavor strives, becomes the su-
preme path of withdrawing consciousness (indriya, manas and
buddhi) culminating in total mental absorption or concentra-
tion, samādhi. It progresses through specific and structured
levels of experience where one’s identification with body and
mental activity becomes less strong. Then the I-concentra-
tion disappears. Before yogic realisation can be obtained, the
level of perception non limited to a body, mahān ātman, is to
be attained. Placing mahān ātman above the dualistic sensu-
al and mental perception of manas-buddhi and, at the same
time, under the level of the Undifferentiated or the Non-dis-
tinct17, known as avyakta, the Kaṭha Upaniṣad creates a dyke
or, even, a breach between two levels of yogic experience.
Mahān ātman is the dyke between sensual perception through
mental interpretations and emotional reactions (performed by
dualistic activity of manas and buddhi) and the level of one-
ness (avyakta, and then puruṣa) realised by non-identification
with body and mind. Seen from this perspective, mahān ātman
stays between the empiric-I or lower self (i.e. under the level
of mahān ātman), and the nondualistic-I or the highest self,
called paramātman or puruṣa, personified by Viṣṇu or Śiva as
the supreme Yogis.
The Upaniṣads are extremely expressive in their expla-
nation of the twofold-I existence:
Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad, III,1.1 and 3:
Two birds, companions and friends,
16 Biardeau M. (2002). op. cit., pp. 91-92.
17 Ibid..
140
nestle on the very same tree.
One of them eats a tasty fig;
the other, not eating, looks on. (…)
When the seer sees that Person,
the golden-colored, the creator, the Lord,
as the womb of brahman;
Then, shaking off the good and the bad,
the wise man becomes spotless,
and attains the highest identity.18
Despite of lower-I activity the Lord, paramātman,
remains the only foundation, aim and cause of the universe:
Śvetāsvatara Upaniṣad I, 10-12

The primal source is perishable, while Hara
is immortal and imperishable. The one God rules
over both the perishable and the self (ātman). By
meditating on him, by striving toward him, and,
further, in the end by becoming the same reality as
him, all illusion disappears.
When one has known God, all the fetters fall
off; by the eradication of the blemishes, birth and
death come to an end; by meditating on him, one
obtains, at the dissolution of the body, a third –
sovereignty over all; and in the absolute one’s de-
sires are fulfilled.
This can be known, for it abides within one’s
body (ātman). Higher than that there is nothing to
be known. When the enjoyer discerns the object of
enjoyment and the impeller – everything has been
taught. That is the threefold brahman.19
18 Olivelle P. (1998) [transl.]. The Early Upanisads. Annotated Text and
Translation. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 449.
19 Ibidem, p. 417.
141
Mahān ātman in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad IV,4.22 is
described as: unborn (anaja), made of perception (vijñānama-
ya), dwelling in prāṇa and in the space within the heart (antar-
hṛdaya) as Lord (Īśvara) of everything (Sarveśvara), Control-
ler (Adhipati), Guardian (Bhūtapāka) and Ruler of everything
(Bhūtapati). He does not become more by good actions nor in
any way less by bad actions20: sa na sādhūnā karmaṇā bhūyān
no evāsādhumā kanīyān – he stays untouched by any actions,
good or bad. Being as such mahān ātman is setu – the dyke
– between two realities in order to not mingle them (asaṃb-
heda). The Kaṭha Upaniṣad II,22 outlines mahān ātman as:
without body dwells in every body, stable stays in unstable,
all-pervading and omnipresent (vibhū) – when a wise per-
ceives it in such a way, he is free from every sorrow: aśarīraṃ
śarīreṣu anavastheṣvavasthitaṃ | mahāntaṃ vibhumātmānaṃ
matvā dhīro na śocati. In the Kaṭha Upaniṣad III,10-11 mahān
ātman is placed above indriyas, manas and buddhi – above so-
called empiric-I, and put under avyakta (unmanifest) and pu-
ruṣa levels of the subtlest consciousness. The Maitrī Upaniṣad
VII,11.8 stresses on the twofold nature (dvaitībhāva) of mahān
ātman: on one hand, he is linked to prakṛti, her modifications
(vikāra) and three guṇas, on the other hand, he is closed to
brahman. Therefore he is placed between satya and anṛta: the
Truth and the False or Non-being. In the Mānavadharmaśās-
tra I,14-15 whole world is shaped from five primordial ele-
ments by the Lord Nārāyaṇa, also mahān ātman as living and
conscious principle is projected from the Bhagavān.
Discriminative knowledge, jñāna, the attribute and the
essence of mahān ātman, is realised through specific acts of
apprehending one’s own nature as free from threefold thread
of prakṛiti. For this reason, the Upaniṣads propose the practice
20 Ibidem, p. 125.
142
of mahāvākya or great sacred utterances, whose role will be
continued in the Mahābhārata:
Aitareya Upaniṣad III, 3: prajñānaṃ brahma
yacca sthāvavaṃ sarvaṃ tatprajñānetraṃ
prajñāne pratiṣṭhitaṃ prajñānetro lokaḥ prajñā
pratiṣṭhitā prajñānaṃ brahma ||
Knowledge is the eye of all that, and on knowl-
edge it is founded. Knowledge is the eye of the
world, and knowledge, the foundation. Brahman
is knowing.21
Māṇḍūkya Upaniṣad 2: ayam ātmā brahma

sarvaṃ hyetadbrahma | ayamātmā brahma
(…) for this brahman is the whole. Brahman is

the self (ātman).22
Chāndogya Upaniṣad VI,2.1: ekam advitīyam

sadeva somyedamagre āsīdekamevādvitīyam
In the beginning, son, this world was simply

what is existing – one only, without a second.23
Chāndogya Upaniṣad VI,12.1: tat tvam asi

sa ātmā | tattvamasi
This ātman, you are this!
Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I,4.10: aham brahma asmi

brahma vā idamagre āsīt | tadātmānamevāvet |
ahaṃ brahmāsmi
21 Ibidem, pp. 322-323.
22 Ibidem, pp. 474-475.
23 Ibidem, pp. 246-247.
143
In the beginning this world was only brah-
man, and it knew only self (ātman), thinking: “I
am brahman”.24
5. The Mahābhārata – bhakti or divine union:

In the Great Epic this very union of bhakti, union par
excellence, becomes stronger, innate and personal at this point
that: yataḥ Kṛṣṇaḥ tato dharmaḥ yato dharmaḥ tato jayaḥ.
(where is Kṛṣṇa there is dharma, where is dharma there is vic-
tory). In the Mahābhārata, God became human flesh and blood
to release his yogis-devotees and, at the same time, to protect
dharma, the sacred order. Moreover, God is the Supreme Yogi
and Master of a yogi-bhakta: Kṛṣṇa-Vāsudeva plays the role of
the rathin-charioteer of the ratha-chariot of the perfect warrior
and yogi, Arjuna. Thus, buddhi-sattva has left her place to the
divine presence par excellence, what suggests that now it is
God who is responsible, in some way, for one’s liberation, who
is cooperating with his yogi and in the battle against adharma
(as it is seen by the relation Kṛṣṇa-Arjuna and Nārāyaṇa-Nara
evoked in crucial moments of the Epic). In the Mahābhāra-
ta God is not only the immutable and imperishable principle
of the reality, the Deity is manifested in the world in human
shape, and keeping his transcendence, God reveals jñāna in
the Bhagavadgītā IX, 4 and IX, 29:
All of this world is pervaded by my unmanifest
form. All beings dwell in me, but I do not dwell in
them.
I am alike towards all beings. There is none
who is hateful or dear. But those who worship me
with devotion (bhakti), they are in me and I am in
them.
24 Ibidem, pp. 48-49.
144
The devotee-yogi is yuktaḥ – connected with Divine,
joining to His reality, partaking His super-consciousness and,
what is more relevant, sharing the same nature or essence with
God (Īśvara) in the relation of eternal bhakti (Öbhaj: to obtain
as one’s share, receive as, partake of, enjoy, possess; to par-
take of or enjoy25). In the Mahābhārata bhakta is the person
who seeks to perceive God, to have His direct darśana, i.e. to
be with interrupting contact with Deity – the most mystical of
bhaktas asks nothing more than the inward experience of di-
vine presence26. From such a perspective, it is not desire which
has to be suppressed – the desire has been transposed into the
specific kind of desire:
The image of charioteer in fact expresses the
function of spiritual guide performed by the hu-
man form of the supreme God, in this battle for
dharma (…). God making himself accessible to
his worshipper and granting him his grace, be-
comes object of the supreme desire, the one which
suppresses all other desires. (…) “I desire – ic-
chāmi - to see thee with thy tiara, and with mace
and disc in hand. Assume that same four-armed
form”, Arjuna implores in the Gītā (XI.46).27
For this purpose, jñāna remains the highest and cru-
cial manner of divine realisation within a yogi-bhakta. This
mystical knowledge activated in the purest state of empirical
consciousness, in the sattvic buddhi, and, eventually, jñāna is
a specific tool of a yogi who 1). as mahān ātman lost his identi-
fication with body, 2) as budhyamāna seeks for enlightenment
and final awaking, and 3), as kṣetrajña knows the reality of
25 Monier-Williams M. (2005), Sanskrit English Dictionary. Delhi: Moti-

lal Banarsidas, p. 743.
26 Biardeau M. (2002). Hindusm..., p. 112.
27 Ibidem, p. 113.
145
empiric sphere of prakṛti-kṣetra and, eventually, who makes
the primordial discernment of sattva from the his aguṇic na-
ture of kṣetrajña, and as 25th puruṣa he transcends 24 tattvas
or elements of prakṛti. On this stage of subtler experience, a
yogi realises soteriological discrimination of his own nature,
his ātman, from the reality of prakṛti, and being so, he puts
his ātman in the highest realm of 26th buddha or Viṣṇu-Śiva
level (according to Mokṣadharma 328.024a Viṣṇu-Nārāyaṇa
and Śiva-Rudra are apprehended as one being, sattva, divid-
ed into two, dvidhākṛta: rudro nārāyaṇaś caiva sattvam ekaṃ
dvidhākṛtam).
Mahān ātman is present in the Mokṣadharma 203.023-
040, 238, 291.014-048 and 295-296. Placed above manas,
ahaṃkāra and buddhi mahān ātman is called puruṣa who dwells
in a city or fortress of nine gates, i.e. in one’s body (203.023-
035), and only by yoga he can be perceived (203.039). He is
(203.036-037): undecaying (ajara), immortal (amara), subtle,
all-pervading (vyāpaka), connected with guṇas (saguṇa), he
has to be known as jñānātmān and puruṣa present in every
creature (sarvajantuṣu). Moreover, mahān ātman cannot be
seen by eye, only the lamp of a disciplined manas can perceive
him, he is devoid of any taste, small or shape, without any
body, present within a body, unmanifest in a manifested body,
immortal in a mortal body (231.016-021). Indeed he dwells in
every moving and immovable being – when this bhūtātman
perceives his self (ātman) in every creature and every creature
within his self (ātman), he enters into brahman28. Kṣetrajña
exists beyond the modifications (vikāra) of prakṛti: indriya,
sensual objects (indriyārtha), manas and buddhi; he is known
as mahān ātman of whom higher is avyakta and, eventually,
28 a hi sarveṣu bhūteṣu jaṅgameṣu dhruveṣu ca | vasaty eko mahān ātmā
|| sarvabhūteṣu cātmānaṃ sarvabhūtāni cātmani | yadā paśyati bhūtātmā
brahma saṃpadyate tadā || Mahābhārata 12.231.020-021.
146
amṛta or immortal – invisible and hidden (gūḍha), thus, he can
be perceived only by subtle (sūkṣma) buddhi (238.001-005).
Although free from prakṛti’s activity and untouched by three
guṇas, due to his ajñāna, mahān ātman seems to be bound by
the play of the vikāras and filled with abhimāna, self-conceit
and pride. Thus, he is thinking: nānyo ‘ham – I am not differ-
ent [from prakṛti] (291.014-048), which is the main cause of
being bound in the transient world of prakṛti. However, mahān
ātman seeks for enlightenment, he is budhyamāna.
The conception of budhyamāna is explored in the
Mokṣadharma 291-296 (esp. 291.037-048, 293.042-050,
294.043, 295.001-028 and 296.002-042) and 306.066-078. In
the reality of 26 principles, budhyamāna is the 25th puruṣa who
seeks for enlightenment by awaking his jñāna and, eventual-
ly, in this state of consciousness freed form delusion (ajñā-
na) recognises his true nature, his ātman, as being beyond any
limitations of prakṛti. Mahān ātman(-budhyamāna-puruṣa-
kṣetrajña) is no longer thinking:
nānyo ‘ham (291.043) – I am not different [from prakṛti].
nānyo ’sti paramo mama (306.071) – There is nothing
higher than me.
When jñāna is activated, the 25th accomplishes his

discriminative task of proper identification in order to enter
in the state of perfect oneness with the 26th or buddha-brah-
man-Viṣṇu:
anyo ʼham anya (306.074) – I am different from [this]
different [prakṛti].
anyo ’ham (296.010) – I am different.
yadā tu budhyate ‘tmānaṃ tadā bhavati kevalaḥ
(294.043) – But when [he] discerns himself/ātman, he becomes
kevala or exclusively one.
ṣaḍviṃśo ‘ham (296.016) – I am 26th [or buddha/Viṣṇu).
147
Ajñāna is strictly linked to the strong feeling or expe-
rience of I – of abhimāna as the feeling of individual separa-
tion from the reality, in the highest degree – from the divine
reality of ekatva (oneness). Thus, abhimāna, the principle of
duality experience (nānātva), is the very delusion with which
budhyamāna-puruṣa is equipped. Athough in his essence bud-
hyamāna is the one with the 26th level, buddha or mahāpuruṣa,
due to ajñānasammoha he identifies himself with perishable
and mortal world of transient existence (295.023-24). In fact,
there is no ontological difference between the 25th and the 26th
– that is perfectly seen by yoga and sāṃkhya29. In this percep-
tion, the highest 26th brahman-buddha seems to be broken into
two levels: the yet-unenlightened and the enlightened30, how-
ever, this perception of division is devoid of any ontological
foundation as a result of abhimāna’s activity. By jñāna, which
leads to highest and eternal happiness (naiḥśreyasaṃ param,
291.008), brahman is obtained (291.011). Moreover, jñāna is
a particular presence of Viṣṇu within the heart of every con-
scious being (291.038-039) – this individual divine being can
be thus called mahān ātman (291.041-043) who blindly thinks
being one with prakṛti. However:
pañcaviṃśo ‘prabuddhātmā budhyamāna iti smṛtaḥ
yadā tu budhyate ‘’tmānaṃ tadā bhavati kevalaḥ31
25th budhayāma is remembered as unawaken

but when he understands/recognises himself/ātman,
he becomes kevala [exclusively one without prakṛti].
When through naiḥśreyasaṃ paraṃ jñānam (the high-
est jñāna leading to happiness) budhyamāna recognises, him-
29 yogāḥ sāṃkyāśṣaḍviṃśamanupaśyati. Mahābhārata 12.306,076.
30 See Edgerton Franklin (1924). The Meaning of Sankhya and Yoga.
American Journal of Philology 45, 1-46.
31 Mahābhārata, 12.294.043.
148
self as being the highest and pure 26th brahman, he returns to
the state of awakening, buddha, also called brahman and the
26th Viṣṇu.
6. The Yogasūtra and the Sāṃkhyakārikā – jñāna or

soteriological knowledge as the state of yogic conscious-
ness.
In the Sāṃkhyakārikā 69 and 70 jñāna is called guhya,
sacred and abstruse32 knowledge with purificative value (pavi-
tra), expounded by paramaṛṣi (the great and noble sage) Ka-
pila and transmitted to his pupil Āsuri and after to Pañcaśikha:
rūpaiḥ saptabhireva tu bandhātyātmānamātmanā
prakṛtiḥ
saiva ca puruṣārthaṃ prati vimocayatyekarūpeṇa
[It is] Prakṛti [who] binds [or puts the chains on]
herself by herself –
– by her seven forms,
Only by one of them [by jñāna] she causes the lib-
eration
for the sake of [or aiming at] puruṣa.33
When a yogi undergoes the process of liberation, he is

saying:
nāsmi na me nāham
32 See Davies (1881). Hindu Philosophy, The Sāṇkhya Kārikā of Iśwara
Kṛshṇa. An Exposition of the System of Kapila with an Appendix on the
Nyāya nad Vaiśeshika System. Trübner Co. London: Ludgate Hill, p.
100; and Calebrook H.T (1887). The Sāṅkhya Kārikā by Iswara Krishna;
Translated from the Sanskrit by Henry Thomas Calebrook, ESQ., also The
Bhashya, Commentary of Gaudapāda; Translated and Illustrated by an
Original Comment by Horace Hayman Wilson. Bombay: Tookaram Tatya,
p. 251.
33 See Sāṃkhyakārikā 63.
149
I am not, not mine, not me [prakṛti’s activities].34
and:
dṛṣṭā mayā
She was been seen by me.35
then prakṛti answers:

dṛṣtvāham
I was been seen.36
Chains of delusion are broken – because draṣṭṛ (seer)

has recognised his true nature.
It is by this discriminative knowledge that, according to
the Sāṃkhyakārikā 2, the final liberation is accomplished in the
form of vyaktāvyaktajñavijñāna – the absolute discernment of
manifest-unmanifest (i.e. prakṛti) and knower (i.e. puruṣa).
In the Yogasūtra III.54-55 jñāna has been designated as:
tāraka: rescuing, liberating and saving, sarvaviṣaya: relating
to everything or general, sarvathāviṣaya: appearing in every
way or all-pervading, and akrama: simultaneously effective.
Being as such, jñāna is appropriated to Īśvara as its reservoir
(tatra niratiśayaṃ sarvajñabījam, Yogasūtra I,25). Therefore
jñāna became the primordial attribute of Īśvara who is con-
ceived as the subtlest manifestation of the consciousness still
merged in prakriti’s modifications. However, the constitute
function of Īśvara – the act of viveka (discernment) as the re-
alisation of jñāna – raises him from the transient world to the
level of pure consciousness, i.e. puruṣa.
34 See Sāṃkhyakārikā 64.

35 See Sāṃkhyakārikā 66
36 Ibidem.
150
Conclusion:
In the Sāṃkhya-yogic teaching, both pre-classical and
classical, human mental sphere was divided into several lev-
els. Normally, a human being is functioning on the gross-ma-
terial level connected to the five senses and dualistic activi-
ty of instable citta (sensual and doubtful manas as the mind,
ahaṃkāra-asmitā as the I-maker principle, and decisive bud-
dhi as the intellect or intelligence). Thus, yoga can be con-
ceived as the process of elevating one’s consciousness from
this empiric activity in the transient world to the subtlest level
– puruṣa, ātman or Viṣṇu-Śiva. By this process a yogi(ni) en-
ters into samādhi state, also known as ekatva-aikaya (the one-
ness) with the Supreme (or divine super-consciousness). On
the other hand, yoga is the cessation of citta’s activity – when
citta is annihilated (stopped) – puruṣa exists in his pure state
– the highest bliss and freedom. According to classical teach-
ings, this very process or act of liberation is to be performed
by jñāna, the discriminative knowledge of extra-human status.
The value of jñāna was strongly emphasized in the pre-classi-
cal instructions, however, jñāna was ascribed to subtler level
of consciousness, called mahān ātman, budhyamāna, kṣetra-
jña or even the 25th puruṣa. Mahān ātman, budhyamāna and
kṣetrajña disappeared in the Sāṃkyakārikā and in the Yogas-
ūtra, but Patañjali’s Īśvara kept the major role of jñāna which
in Iśvarakṛṣṇa’s explanation is responsible for the act of liber-
ation and as the 8th bhāva resides within a human. Therefore, it
can be assumed that Īśvara and classical jñāna are the relicts or
the remains of mahān ātman’s and budhyamāna’s primordial
function in yogic process of liberation.
151
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The Essence of Human Resource
Development in the Bhagavad-Gītā
Dr Balakrishnan Muniapan
Wawasan Open University, Malaysia
bala.hrm@gmail.com
Abstract
In this paper, the author has made an attempt to provide the
essence human resource development (HRD) in the Bhagavad-
Gītā. Although there are theories developed on HRD originating
from the West in abundance, in the Bhagavad-Gītā, the author
noticed that some of the basic components of HRD are present.
The Bhagavad-Gita is a synthesis of all Vedic ideas and wisdom
and it was developed through the instructional process. Although
the Bhagavad- Gītā is more than fifty centuries old, its message
is still applicable, as from time to time the Bhagavad- Gītā needs
intelligent re-interpretation to apply effectively in the context
of modern times. Bhagavad- Gītā presents that the HRD begins
with self-realization leading to self-development as the greatness
in any field is never achieved without tremendous self-discipline.
This paper deals with the interpretation of the relevant HRD
concepts found in the Bhagavad- Gītā such as the dharma,
karma, niskama karma, mind management, brahma-bhuta, and
renunciation. The interpretation of the Bhagavad- Gītā for HRD
was done by using hermeneutics, which a qualitative approach
used in the research of ancient texts. The findings reveals that the
Bhagavad- Gītā advocates a spirit-centered approach to HRD by
exploring the inner world of ‘self” and “’self” realization. This is
likely to provide some bases for comparative HRD philosophy
in the East and the West.
154
Key Words: Self, dharma, karma, bhakti, yoga, loka-
angraha, sanyāsa, & parama śānti.
Human Resource Development:

Human resource development (HRD) has evolved over
the years to meet the needs of the individual, organisation
and society. HRD has been subjected to various definitions,
interpretation and challenges since it was first introduced in late
1960s1. Lyon2 describes HRD as a process of encouraging people
to develop and grow from interdependency to independency. The
basic purpose of HRD is to contribute directly to organizational
goals through improved performance. In its broadest sense it
is about development and change through learning; about how
one acquires knowledge and what and how individuals learn to
achieve development.
There is abundance of theories developed on HRD from
various perspectives, viewpoints and disciplines. Therefore,
there has been little agreement as to the underlying definition
and primary theories that form the basis for the field of
HRD. Therefore, defining HRD is not easy and up till now as
there is no single point of view or framework of HRD that has
been predominant. For instance, Nadler3 defined that HRD is a
series of organised conduct within a specified time and designed
to produce behavioural change. In a revised definition Nadler
and Nadler4 defined it as organized learning experiences in a
1 Walton, J. (1999). Strategic Human Resource Development, Pearson
Educational Limited, Essex, UK.
2 Lyon, U. (1996). “Influence, Communication and Neuro-Linguistic
Programming in Practice” in J. Stewart and J. McGoldrick (Eds) Human
Resource Development Perspectives, Strategies and Practice, Pitman
Publishing, London, UK.
3 L. Nadler. (1970). Developing Human Resources, Houston, Texas, Gulf
Publishing Co.
4 L. Nadler and Z. Nadler. (1991). Developing Human Resources. 3rd ed.
San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1991.
155
definite time period to increase the possibility of job performance
and growth, and offered a HRD model with three components:
training, education, and development. The purpose of HRD is to
focus on the resource that humans bring to the success equation,
both personal success and organizational success. The two core
threads of HRD are (1) individual and organizational learning
and (2) individual and organizational performance5.
Our academia is familiar with HRD theories and thoughts
developed in the West as much of the published literature on the
definition of the field has been focused in the West originally, in
the US and, increasingly, in Europe. However, globalization and
cross-cultural interaction increasingly highlights the differences
in national cultures, and it is clear that Eastern (Asian) and
Western (North America & Western Europe) countries have
different approaches, perspectives, norms and practices.
Comparison of HRD practices in the West and in the East reveals
that they differ significantly in terms of organizational structure,
motivational programs, communication and conflict resolution.
In the East, from the countries such as India and China,
there is abundance of literatures applicable to HRD. Using a
holistic approach, these literatures address the process of HRD
at both the micro and macro levels. In this paper, the author has
selected the Bhagavad- Gītā, which is a part of the great epic of
the Mahābhārata (from the East) and its significance to HRD.
The Bhagavad- Gītā
Over the centuries many renowned scholars and

philosophers from all over the world have commented on the
5 Ruona, W. E. A. (2000). Core beliefs in human resource development. In
W. E. A. Ruona, & G. A. Roth (Issue Eds.), Advances in Developing Human
Resources: Philosophical Foundations of Human Resource Development
Practice. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler.
156
Bhagavad Gītā and elucidated it’s teaching in many publications
and lectures. It is universal and non-sectarian and its teachings
are applicable not only to Indians but to mankind. The original
version of the Bhagavad Gītā is in Sanskrit language, and
Charles Wilkins translated the first English language version
of the Bhagavad Gītā in 17856. At present there are thousands
English language versions and commentaries of the Bhagavad
Gītā written by many scholars in India and around the world7
The background for the Bhagavad- Gītā is the epic
Mahābhārata, which is an encyclopedia of life and its central
theme is dharma meaning occupational duty, righteousness
and virtues. The Mahābhārata deals not only with dharma but
also artha, which is the acquisition of wealth, kama which is
the enjoyment of pleasures and mokṣa which is the liberation.
The Mahābhārata was composed by Śrī Vyāsa Muni (son of
Parāsara Muni) and was written by Śrī Ganesa more than 5000
years ago and it has 100,000 verses with the Bhagavad- Gītā
appearing in 700 verses, in Bhisma Parva of the Mahābhārata.
The Bhagavad- Gītā comprises of 18 chapters, explaining
the Karma Yoga (selfless action), Jnana Yoga (self-knowledge)
and Bhakti Yoga (unquestionable devotion). These are actions
for detachment, transcendental wisdom, and knowledge of
supreme. The Bhagavad- Gītā presents some of the core values
and principles of dharma, karma, bhakti, Loka-sangraha,
kauśalam, yoga and parama śānti 8.
6 Muniapan, B. (2015).The Bhagavad- Gītā and business ethics: a leadership
perspective, in Dasho Karma Ura & Patricia Ordonez de Pablos (ed.), Asian
business and management practices: trends and global considerations. IGI
Global, Pennsylvania, Chapter 18, pp. 227-246.
7 Low, P and Muniapan, B. (2011). Organizational Development and the
Hindu Trinity: Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva on Leadership, Culture and
Change, International Journal of Indian Culture and Business Management
Vol. 4(5), 491–505.
8 Basin M. (2010). Corporate Governance in the Asian countries, African
Journal of Business Management, Vol. 4 (10), 1964-1971.
157
The Bhagavad- Gītā starts with the word “dharma”
which is often translated as occupational duty, virtues, ethics,
righteousness and religion. Besides “dharma”, “karma” is the
concept of “action” or “deed”, understood as that which causes
the entire cycle of cause and effect. “Karma” is considered to
be a spiritually originated law of nature. “Karma” is not fate,
for humans act with free will create their destiny9.
The Essence of Human Resource Development in the

Bhagavad- Gītā
While much of the Bhagavad-Gītā is filled with references
to spiritual matters, strong moral advice and HRD lessons can
also be drawn from the text. The Bhagavad- Gītā provides HRD
advice in a number of general areas including the importance of
maintaining one’s proper role and duties, being proactive and
acting with wisdom, working for the greater good, and engaging
in self-sacrifice.
The Bhagavad Gītā was delivered by Śrī Krishna to
boost Arjuna’s declining morale, motivation and confidence.
Arjuna, seeing his grandfather (Bhiṣma) and teacher (Droṇa)
suddenly became de-motivated and refused to fight the war (to
do his duty). Therefore, Śrī Krishna took the HRD role as a
mentor and delivered his sermon to Arjuna (Bhagavad- Gītā). To
revive Arjuna’s morale, Śrī Krishna embarked on the following
sermon: O son of Prtha (Arjuna), do not yield to this degrading
impotence. It does not become you. Give up such petty weakness
of heart and arise, O chastiser of enemy (Chapter 2.3)10. This
9 Muniapan, B. (2014). The roots of Indian corporate social responsibility

(CSR) practice from a Vedantic perspective in KCP Low, SO Idowu and
SL Ang in Corporate Social Responsibility in Asia, Springer International
Publishing, Switzerland, 19-34.
10 klaibyaṁ mā sma gamaḥ pārtha naitat tvayy upapadyate/ kṣudraṁ
hṛdaya-daurbalyaṁ tyaktvottiṣṭha parantapa//
158
is a HRD instruction to build the mentally strong leaders for
organizations, as the mental toughness can help leaders to be
emotionally resilient and push them to go further and harder. It
is to develop the ability to keep focus and determined. Without
mental strength, the leader will be weak to respond to stress,
pressure and changes. In the words of Sri Ramakrishna “he
who is soft and weak minded like the puffed rice soaked in
milk, is good for nothing. He cannot achieve anything great.
But the strong and virile one is heroic. He is the accomplisher
of everything in life”11.
An individual must uplift himself by his own self (mind)
and he must not let himself be weakened under any circumstances
or when facing a crisis. HRD programs in organizations should
focus in creating and developing managers and organizational
members to be strong and be mentally fearless. An untrained
mind is very weak and unstable; as a result even a small obstacle
coming in its way may make it lose initiative. Even Arjuna found
that the mind is not easy to control. He told Śrī Krishna that his
mind was restless, very strong and difficult to control. Arjuna
said that controlling his mind was more difficult than controlling
the wind (Chapter 6.34)12. Śrī Krishna agreed that the mind is
not easy to control, however he said that it is possible to control
the mind by constant practice and detachment (Chapter 6.35)13.
The practice as asserted by Śrī Krishna to control and strengthen
the mind in context of the HRD is training and development
of self (internally). This implies the importance of training
11 Chidbhavananda, S. (1992). The Bhagavad Gītā, Sri Ramakrishna

Tapovanam, TN, p.119.
12 cañcalaṁ hi manaḥ kṛṣṇa pramathi balavad dṛḍham /tasyāhaṁ
nigrahaṁ manye vāyor iva su-duṣkaram//
13 asamśayaṁ mahā bāho mano durnigrahaṁ calam/ abhyāsena tu
kaunteya vairāgyeṇa ca gṛhyate//
159
and development in individual employees and organizational
development in achieving competitive advantage. Śrī Krishna
also asserted that for one who has conquered the mind, the mind
is the best of friends, but for one who has failed to control their
mind, the mind will be the greatest enemy (Chapter 6.6)14.
The concept of duty (dharma) in HRD is given great
importance in the Bhagavad- Gītā. Duty in the organizational
context goes beyond contractual agreement in the employment
relationship. Both employer and employee need to understand
their duties in order to create good working relationship and
harmonious industrial relations. Śrī Krishna motivates and
encourages Arjuna to do his duty and not to run away from the
battlefield (Chapter 3.8)15 - Perform your prescribed duty, for
doing so is better than not working. One cannot even maintain
one’s physical body without work. The HRD duty needs to
be done without expectation of rewards and this is known as
niskāma karma – You have a right to perform your prescribed
duty, but you are not entitled to the fruits of action (Chapter
2.47)16. Śrī Krishna further stressed that duty needs to be done
without attachment and for those who do their duty without
attachment will attain the supreme goal (Chapter 3.19)17. In
his explanation, Sri Krishna gave the example of King Janaka
who attained perfection solely by performance of his prescribed
duties (Chapter 3.20)18.
14 bandhur ātmātmanas tasya yenātmaivātmanā jitaḥ/ anātmanastu
śatrutve vartetātmaiva śatruvat//
15 niyataṁ kuru karma tvaṁ karma jyāyo hy akarmaṇaḥ/ śarīra-yātrāpi ca
te na prasiddhyed akarmaṇaḥ//
16 karmany evādhikāraste mā phaleṣu kadācana/ mā karma phala hetur
bhūr mā te sango stvakarmaṇi//
17 tasmād asaktaḥ satataṁ kāryaṁ karma samācara/ asakto hy ācaran
karma param āpnoti pūrusaḥ//
18 karmaṇaiva hi samdiddhim āsthitā janakādayaḥ/ loka-sangraham evāpi
sampaśyan kartum arhasi//
160
In HRD, the leader (manager) needs to set example
to their followers as whatever the leader does, the followers
will follow and whatever standards or example the leader sets
people in general will follow (Chapter 3.21)19. People in general
always follow the leader and the leaders teach the public by
their practical behavior. The leader must not preach what he
will not or cannot practice. He should not only be just, but
must also appear to be just. A leader must sever his emotional
links to establish his credentials before the masses. Sri Rama
clearly exhibited this ability when he made the painful decision
to banish Sītā from Ayodhyā. Although Śrī Rāma’s decision to
banish Sītā may seem to be harsh, the leader sometimes needs
to be harsh, as the first duty of the leader is to rule his people
while other considerations are secondary, even if they affect
personal happiness20.
The Bhagavad- Gītā stresses the importance of self
development first before development of others (HRD). The
Bhagavad- Gītā regards the real self or the soul as eternal and
it is not destroyed when the body is destroyed. Understanding
our self (self-knowledge) is as important as understanding the
world. The Bhagavad- Gītā has elaborated many aspects of
self management. In explaining the position of a self realized
manager (Chapter 18.51- 18.53)21, among others, Śrī Krishna
stressed the aspects such as controlling the mind, determination,
19 yad yad ācarati sresthas tat tad evetaro janaḥ; sa yat pramānaṁ kurute
lokas tad anuvartate//
20 Muniapan, B. (2007). Transformational leadership style demonstrated
by Sri Rama in Valmiki Rāmāyaṇa, International Journal of Indian Culture
and Business Management, Volume 1(1), 104-115.
21 buddhyā viśuddhayā yukto dhṛtyātmānaṁ niyamya ca/ śabdādīn
viṣayāms tyaktvā rāga dveṣau vyudasya ca// vivikta sevī laghv āśī yata
vāk kāya mānasaḥ/ dhyāna yoga paro nityaṁ vairāgyaṁ samupāśritaḥ//
ahaṅkāraṁ balaṁ darpaṁ kāmaṁ krodhaṁ parigraham/ vimucya
nirmamaḥ śānto brahma bhūyāya kalpate//
161
giving up sense gratification, being free from attachment and
hatred, body and mind control, power of speech, free from
false ego, false pride and anger as essential aspects of self
management.
Besides the above, the manager in the organization must
also be able to tackle his worries, anxieties, fear and stress.
These are the enemies of a leader. Even Arjuna, before the
commencement of the battle had worries, anxieties and fear
and he was forwarding a lot of argument to Śrī Krishna on
the negative outcome of the war. Arjuna was speaking learned
words, yet he was grieving for what is not worthy of grief. He
was lacking in real knowledge, the knowledge of the self. One
who is in knowledge would not grieve in any circumstances.
The Bhagavad-Gītā defines this stage as brahma-bhūtaḥ or
equanimity. At this stage one will becomes fully joyful. He
will not lament nor desire anything. He will be in an equal and
consistent state of mind and will be equal to all (Chapter 18.54)22
Roka23 describes the eighteenth chapter of the Bhagavad-
Gītā culminates with an important HRD lesson; this lesson is
about renunciation. The Bhagavad- Gītā defines renunciation as
abstaining from selfish acts (sanyāsa) and detaching from the
results of an action (tyāga). Śrī Krishna mentions specific areas
where true renunciation must be practiced, such as renunciation
of negative thoughts, words, and actions, arrogance, ignorance,
selfish desires and renunciation of inequality and promote
equality. Practicing renunciation requires focusing on people
and demonstrating compassion toward them.
After hearing the Bhagavad-Gītā, Arjuna’s ignorance
was dispelled. He had regained his memory by Śrī Krishna’s
22 brahma-bhūtaḥ prasannātmā na śocati na kānkṣati/ samaḥ sarveṣu
bhūtesu mad-bhaktiṁ labhate parām//
23 Roka, P. (2006). Bhagavad Gītā on effective leadership: Timeless
Wisdom for Leaders, Universe, Lincoln.
162
mercy, and he was free from doubt and acted according to Śrī
Krishna’s instruction (Chapter 18.73)24. This is a transformation
of Arjuna (and all of us) after hearing the Bhagavad-Gītā. Arjuna
stood steady on the ground with bow and arrow in hand, and
he lifted his arms ready to fight the war. Śrī Krishna used and
demonstrated transformational HRD in guiding Arjuna to victory
in the war.
Conclusion
In this paper the Bhagavad-Gītā has been explored the
essence of HRD in the Bhagavad-Gītā. It is not within the scope
of this paper to explore every verse of the Bhagavad- Gītā.
Modern HRD managers can benefit from the Bhagavad-Gītā,
which can serve as a guide in HRD. And finally, wherever there
is Śrī Krishna, the master of all mystics, and wherever there is
Arjuna, the supreme archer, there will also be opulence, victory,
extraordinary power, and morality. That is my opinion (Chapter
18.78)25.
Select Bibliography
Avinashilingam, T.S. (1975). Science of Human Development: Bhagavad
Gītā, Sri Ramakrishna Math, Mylapore, Chennai, India.
Prabhupada, B.S. (1994). Bhagavad- Gītā As It Is, Bhaktivedanta Book
Trust, Los Angeles, USA.
Chinmayanda, S. (2003). The Holy Gītā, Central Chinmaya Mission Trust,
Mumbai, India.
24 naṣṭo mohaḥ smṛtir labdhā tvat-prasādān mayācyuta/ shito’smi gata-

sandehaḥ kariṣye vacanaṁ tava//
25 yatra yogeśvaraḥ kṛṣṇo yatra pārtho dhanur dharahaḥ/ tatra śrīr vijayo
bhūtir dhruvā nītir matir mama//
163
Significance of Yogic Philosophy in
Purāṇas : Its present Relevance
Dr. Narasingha Charan Panda
ICCR Chair Visiting Professor of Sanskrit,
Sanskrit Studies Centre, Faculty of Archeology, And: Editor:
International Journal of Indology & Culture,
Silpakorn University, Bangkok. Thailand.
E-mail: ncpanda@gmail.com
Abstract:
The word yoga means union or connection. It is the union of
the individual self with the Supreme Self or Supreme Soul. In fact,
yoga is a science, that is, it is a body of techniques that lead us to
consciously connect with ourselves and with life, the experience of
yoga. As yoga is a science, there is no dogma or belief system attached
to it. Yoga simply tells us to do a certain practice and then to feel the
effect of that practice, e.g. if we breathe slowly in a relaxed manner we
will slow our heart rate; if we focus the mind we will develop mental
peace and deep insight. In the Yoga Sūtra of Patañjali it is described
that yoga is a way of blocking (nirodha) of mental modifications
(citta-vṛtti), so that the seer (draṣṭā) re-identifies with the (Highest)
Self. The concept of yoga is also described in the Purāṇas in a better
way. Here, in this research paper an attempt has been made to describe
and clarify the various concepts, meanings as well as definitions of
yoga in a simplest way.
Key words: Yoga, citta-vṛtti, draṣṭā, consciousness,
control of self, mind, Īśvara, union of ātman, yama, niyama,
āsana, prāṇāyāma, pratyāhāra, dhāraṇā, dhyāna & samādhi,
jñāna yoga, karma yoga, bhakti yoga Mantra-yoga, Haṭha-yoga,
Laya-yoga, Rāja-yoga, Vāk-yoga, Kuṇḍalinī-yoga, Śabda-yo-
164
ga, Asparaśa-yoga, Śūnya-yoga, Śraddhā-yoga, Aṣṭāṅga-yoga,
mokṣa,mukti, liberation, etc.
It is generally known that the Purāṇas are the treasure

house of different sacred and mysterious knowledge. There
are indispensable for understanding the rich cultural heritage
of India, since they are imbibed the spirit of the Vedas. The
Purāṇas are the basis of the bulk of Indian thinking on matters,
social, cultural, religious, philosophical and political. Hence,
the philosophical thought are also highlighted and even highly
elaborated in the Purāṇas. Similarly, the various aspects on Yoga
philosophy of Patañjali are also dealt in the major Purāṇas in
literally style.
The term yoga is derived from the root yuj- “to join”,
“to yoke”, “to fatten”, etc. The Amara-kośa records the yoga
in the sense of armour, means meditation, union and junction.
(yogaḥ saṁnahanopāya-dhyāna-saṁgat-iyuktiṣu).1 The Vai-
jayantī-kośa defines yoga as: yogo visrabdha-ghātini.2 Here,
the word yoga indicates that it removes both physical as well
as mental problems from the body & provides real & perfect
calmness or tranquility to the body. The Caraka Saṁhitā says
yoga in the cause of release (yogomokṣa-pravartakaḥ).3The
commentator of Caraka Saṁhitā, Cakrapāni Datta interprets
yoga as:
yogamiti viṣaya vyāvṛttasya manasa ātmanyeva paraṁ
yogam /4
According to Cakrapāṇi, yoga is the “concentration of
mind diverted from sense objects to the self”.
1 Amarakośa, III.3.22.
2 Vaijayantīkośa, VI.1.48
3 Caraka Saṁhitā, Śārīrasthāna, II.137
4 Commentary of Caraka Saṁhitā, Śārīrasthāna, V.16-17.
165
But, according to the Nārātha Mañjarī, yoga is ex-
plained as:
yogaḥ saṁnahanopāya- dhyāna-saṁgati-yuktiṣu /
yogasūtre dravyalābhe vikṣaṁbhādau ca bheṣaje /
vapuḥ sthairye prayoge kārmaṇe visrandha ghātini /5
Here, the term yoga is used to denote the act of yoking or
joining, way or means or expedient, meditation, joining or union,
profit or acquisition of wealth, one of the 27 astronomical yogas,
like Viṣkambha etc., medicine, fitness of the body, application,
magical art (Kārmaṇa) and violator of confidence. Besides, the
term yoga also recorded to denote spiritual patience6, contact7
and conjunction.8
According to the Śāradā Tilaka, a Tāntric text, the term
yoga is defined as:
athayogaṁ pravakṣayāmi saṁṅgaṁ saṁvit-pradāyakam /
aikyaṁ jīvātmanorāhur- yogaṁ yoga viśāradāḥ //
śivātmanorabhedena pratipattiḥ pare viduḥ /
śiva-śaktyātmakaṁ jñānaṁ agurāgama vedinaḥ //9
It means, I shall tell about yoga, the bestower of con-
sciousness (mokṣa). The knower’s of yoga tell that the unity
of all souls is ‘yoga’. But, others say that the realization of the
identification of Śiva and Ātman is yoga. However, the knower’s
of Āgama say that conveying of the unity of Śiva and Śakti is
yoga.
Now, the Purāṇic view on yoga will be elaborated. The
Viṣṇu Purāṇa has elaborates it as:
ātma-prayatna-sāpekṣā viśiṣṭā yā manogatiḥ /
tasyā brahmaṇi saṁyogo yoga ityabhidhīyate //10
5 Nānārtha Mañjarī, 264-66.
6 ibid., 638
7 ibid., 735
8 ibid., 1749
9 Śāradā Tilaka, XXV.1-2.
10 Viṣṇu Purāṇa, VI.7.31.
166
Yoga consists: the contemplative devotion is the union
with Brahman or God, affected by that condition of mind, which
has attained perfection through those exercises which complete
the control of self. Here, the word ātma-prayatna means the
practices of the five yamas and the five niyamas (Yoga-sūtra,
II.30.32).
The Kūrma Purāṇa defines yoga as:
yatra sākṣāt prapaśyanti vimuktā viśvamīśvaram /
sarveṣāmeva yogānāṁ sa yogaḥ paramo mataḥ //11
It means, the yoga in which the liberated souls directly
perceive the universe as one with God (Īśvara), that yoga is
considered to be the greatest of all the yogas.
According to the Devī Purāṇa, yoga is the union of Ātman
(soul) with sense organs, mind and the like. The text clearly says:
ātmendriya yamādīnāṁ saṁyogo yoga ucyate / 12
The Agni Purāṇa explains the term yoga as:
brahma-prakāśakaṁ jñānaṁ yogastatraika cittatā /
cittavṛtti-nirodhaśca jīva-brahmātmano paraḥ //13
Here, knowledge illuminates Brahman. One pointed-ness
on Brahman in called in yoga. The inhibition or restriction of
the fluctuations (Vṛtti) of the mind is also called yoga. Similarly,
the union of Brahman and Ātman is called yoga.
Regarding the significance of yoga it is specifically ex-
plained in the Devī Purāṇa as:
jñānad bhavati vairāgyaṁ vairāgyād dharma saṁcayaḥ /
dharmācca yogo bhavati yogān māheśvarā guṇāḥ //14
Dispassion comes from knowledge; the accumulation of
merit is due to dispassion; yoga is caused by dharma; lordly
qualities arise from the regular practice of yoga.
11 Kūrma Purāṇa, II.11.9
12 Devī Purāṇa, XXXVII.49.
13 Agni Purāṇa, 372.1cd-2ab.
14 Devī Purāṇa, X.1.15
167
The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa exclusively elaborates that the
yogi’s real union with Brahman, which is known as yoga, i.e. a
true union of Ātman with Paramātman. The text rightly adds:
jñānapūrvo viyogo yo’jñānena saha yoginaḥ /
sā muktirbrahmaṇā caikya- manaikyaṁ prākṛtairguṇai//15
It means a yogi’s removal of ignorance by the attainment
of knowledge is liberation or mokṣa or mukti; this is the union
with Brahman and disassociation from the emancipation and is
accomplished by the means of true knowledge. As it is further
clarified in the Purāṇic text as:
muktiryogāt tathā yogaḥ samyag-jñānānmahīyate /16
In the Vāyu Purāṇa, the importance of yoga is also
elaborated as:
sarveṣāṁ tapasāṁ yukti stayo-yogamanuttamam /
devān asṛjata brahmā yogaṁ yuktvā sanātanam //17
Here, yoga is considered on the best penance and it is also
known as the best method to connect with the God. As Lord
Brahmā, endowed with yoga and penance had created the gods
after practicing the external yoga. So, yoga is the most excellent
method to set every success in life and after life too.
In the Purāṇic literature, a number of yogas in differ-
ent context are recorded, viz. Kriyā-yoga, Samādhi-yoga,
Mantra-yoga, Haṭha-yoga, Laya-yoga, Rāja-yoga, Vāk-yoga,
Kuṇḍalinī-yoga, Śabda-yoga, Asparaśa-yoga, Śūnya-yoga,
Śraddhā-yoga, Prema-yoga, Prayanti-yoga, Niṣkāma-Karma-yo-
ga, Karma-yoga, Rājādhirāja-yoga, Mahā-yoga, Pūrṇa-yoga,
Abhāva-yoga, Sparśa-yoga, Pāśupata-yoga, etc.
In the context of Dhyāna-yoga, it is said in the Garuḍa
Purāṇa that Lord Nārāyaṇa or Hari can be obtained by the way
of yoga or meditation through which the individual or Ātman
15 Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, XXXVI.1.
16 ibid., XXXVI.2.
17 Vāyu Purāṇa, II.X.50-53.
168
could be united with the Para Brahman or Paramātman.
brahmātmano-ryadaikatvaṁ sa yogaścottamo-ttamaḥ /18
advaitaṁ sāmkhyamityāhuḥ yogastatraika cittatā //19
The Śiva Purāṇa has explained three kinds of yoga, viz.
Jñāna-yoga, Kriyā-yoga and Bhakti-yoga. The Sanat Kumāra
said to sage Vyāsa as:
jñānayogaḥ kriyāyogo bhaktiyoga stathaiva ca /
trayo mārgā samākyātāḥ śrīmātur-bhukti-muktidāḥ//|
jñāna-yogastu saṁyogaścitta- saivātmanā tu yaḥ /
yastu bāhyārtha saṁyogaḥ kriyā-yogaḥ sa ucyate //
bhakti-yogo mato devyā ātmana ścaikya-bhāvanam /
trayaṇāmapi yogānāṁ kriyā-yogaḥ sa ucyate //20
Three paths of glorious mother have been narrated, which
yield both worldly pleasures and even beyond that which is
known as salvation. They are paths of knowledge, holy rites and
devotion. The Jñāna-yoga is the union of the mind with Ātman.
The union with the external objects is called Kriyā-yoga.
The Bhakti-yoga is the concept of unity of Ātman with the
God or goddess. So, through this yoga the connection between
self with God or goddess (Paramātman) is possible as rightly
described in the Śiva Purāṇa.
According to the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, there are three
kinds of yoga, viz. Bhakti-yoga, Jñāna-yoga and Aṣṭāṅga-yoga.
The purpose of all type of yoga is to detach one’s sense activ-
ities from this material world and to connect with the God or
Paramātman for final emancipation or liberation.
The text elaborates this as under:
etāvāneva yogena samagreṇeha yoginaḥ /
yujyate’bhimato hyartho yadasaṅgastu kṛtsnaśaḥ //21
18 Garuḍa Purāṇa, I.235.53cd.
19 ibid., I.236.1ab.
20 Śiva Purāṇa, V.51.7-9.
21 Bhāgavata Purāṇa, III.32.27.
169
It means, the greatest common understanding for all
aspirants is complete detachment from matter, which can be
achieved by different kinds of yoga.
The Matsya Purāṇa is also explaining two kinds of
yoga, viz. Karma-yoga and Jñāna-yoga. The Purāṇic text clearly
explains this as under:
karmayogaṁ ca vakṣyāmi yathā viṣṇu vibhāṣitam /
jñāna-yoga sahasrāddhi karma-yoga prasasyate //
karmayogād bhavaṁ jñānaṁ tasmāt tatparamaṁ padam /
karma-jñānodbhavaṁ brahma na ca jñānam akarmaṇaḥ //22
I shall tell you the Karma-yoga, the path of action, as
narrated by Lord Viṣṇu. The Karma-yoga is praised as thousand
times greater than the Jñāna-yoga or path of knowledge.
The knowledge is the outcome of the path of action; from
one reaches that ultimate goal, i.e. liberation. The Brahman real-
ization is from karma and jñāna; action and knowledge. There is
no knowledge for one who does not practice the path of action.
Regarding the modes of worship to the God, the Matsya
Purāṇa has stressed on meditation, i.e. yoga. It explains it as
under:
amantro mantrako devī dvividho vidhirucyate /
sāmkhyaṁ caivā’thayogaśca dvividho yoga ucyate //23
It means, there are two prescribed modes of worship;
one without any mantras or incantations and the other with
Mantra yoga or means of realization are of two kinds; the one
is Sāṁkhya or intellectual analysis and the other is yoga or
meditation on the reality or self.
The Matsya Purāṇa has also discussed about Dhāraṇā
yoga and through the practice of this yoga one can so nearer
towards liberation. As the text says:
22 Matsya Purāṇa, 52.5-6

23 ibid., 183.44.
170
yama-niyama-yajña-dāna- vedābhyāsāśca dhāraṇā yogaḥ /
tvad bhakteḥ sarvamidaṁ nārhati hi kalā sahasrāṁśam //24
It means, self-control, austerity, sacrifice, charity and
study of Vedas are called Dhāraṇā-yoga or spiritual practices
which sustain (an individual) to move on the path to get final
emancipation. But all these do not deserve to be equaled and
are thousandth part of devotion to you.
In addition to these, the Purāṇas have also discussed about
Aṣṭāṅga Yoga, such as, Yama, Niyama, Āsana, Prāṇāyāma,
Pratyāhāra, Dhāraṇā, Dhyāna & Samādhi. The Bhāgavata
Purāṇa does not differentiate much between yama and niyama,
as it deals these as one concept.
ahiṁsā satyamasteyaṁ yāvadartha –parigrahaḥ /
brahmacaryaṁ tapaḥ śaucaṁ svādhyāyaḥ purusārcanam //25
The Agni Purāṇa has also elaborated about five yamas as:
ahiṁsā satyamasteyaṁ brahmacaryāparigrahau // 26
The major Purāṇas have also discussed about these five
yamas with some marginal changes according to their respective
contexts and subject matters.
The Āsana is explained by the Bhāgavata Purāṇa as:
śucau deśa pratiṣṭhāpya vijitāsana āsanam /
tasmin svasthi samāsīna ṛjukāyaḥ samabhyaset // 27
It means, having controlled one’s posture, one should
spread a seat (consisting of kuśa grass, deer skin and so on) in
an undefiled spot. And sitting there in easy posture, keeping the
body erect, one should practice control of breath.
According to the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, the yogi should practice
yama, niyama, etc., by sitting in Bhadrāsana. It clarifies that
without any āsana, practice of yoga is not possible or useless.
24 ibid., 193.38.
25 Bhāgavata Purāṇa, III.28.4. Cf. XI.19.33-35.
26 Agni Purāṇa, 372.3.
171
As nicely said:
ekaṁ bhadrāsanādīnāṁ samāsthāya guṇnai ruktaḥ /
yamākhyair-niyamākhaiśca yuñjīta niyato yatīḥ // 28
The concept of āsana is also nicely elaborated in the Agni
Purāṇa. According to it the word āsana denotes posture such
as ‘lotus’ etc. Sitting on that posture one should contemplate
the Supreme Being. After having establishing oneself firmly
in that āsana in a pure place (śuddha sthāna), which is neither
too much high nor too much lower, on the skin of an deer or
kuśa grass , one should concentrate after controlling the mind
& the senses.29
Prāṇa is the wind (vāyu) in one’s body and its āyama
is its retention. One should practice it regularly for the benefit
of mental as well as physical health. Regarding Prāṇāyāma,
the Kūrma Purāṇa says:
prāṇaḥ svadehajo vāyurāyāma-stannirodhanam /30
According to the Kūrma Purāṇa, Prāṇāyāma is three
fold, viz. uttama (excellent), madhama (middling) and adha-
ma (lower). Another two fold classification of Prāṇāyāma is
sagarbha and agarbha. It means Prāṇāyāma with the repetition
of ‘OM ’or any other Manta (bīja mantra, etc.) is known as
sargarbha and without it is called as agarbha.31 Now it is clear
that Prāṇāyāma which is accompanied by muttering of bīja
mantras is called sagarbha and that which is devoid of japa or
any mantra is called as agarbha Prāṇāyāma.
Controlling one’s breath, one should repeat three times
the Gāyatrī mantra along with its vyāhṛtis (meaning: utterance,
statement, speech of the mantras) and its head. There are
seven vyāhṛtis, out of which the first three are (bhuḥ, bhuvaḥ,
29 Agni Purāṇa, 373. 1-3.
30 Kūrma Purāṇa, II.11. 30cd.
31 ibid., II.11.31.
172
suvaḥ) very commonly used. They are also called mahā-vyāhṛtis
or great utterances. The seven utterances are: bhuḥ, bhuvaḥ, su-
vaḥ, mahaḥ, janaḥ, tapaḥ & satyam. This is called Prāṇāyāma.
According to the Nārada Purāṇa, the control of breath,
which is attained by incessant practice, is known as Prāṇāyāma.
As said:
prāṇavāyuḥ śarīrastha āyamastasya nigrahaḥ /
prāṇāyāma iti prokta…………………………// 32
Generally, there are three steps of Prāṇāyāma, viz. recaka,
pūraka and kumbhaka. Holding and closing one of the nostrils
with the finger, exhale and empty the air from the chest with
the other nostril (because of emptying it) is known as exhala-
tion, i.e., recaka. Fill the belly with external air like a leather
bag till it gets fully filled and remains steady. This is known as
pūraka, i.e. filling. When one neither lets of the air inside, nor
in hails the air, but remains steady like a completely filled pot,
is called kumbhaka. The Kūrma Purāṇa discusses about three
fold Prāṇāyāmas, based on the duration of the breath control.
recakaḥ pūrakascaiva prāṇāyāmo’tha kumbhakaḥ /
procyate sarvaśāsresu yogibhiryatamānasaiḥ //
recako bāhyaniśvāsaḥ pūrakastannirodhanaḥ /
sāmyena saṁsthitiryā sā kumbhakaḥ parigīyate //33
It is mentioned in the scriptures, by yogins of fully con-
trolled mind that the Prāṇāyāma consists of three stages, viz.
recaka, pūraka and kumbhaka. Recaka is exhalation of breath,
while its retention (inhalation) is called pūraka. The state of
equilibrium between the two is known as kumbhaka, i.e. when
the air is taken in the lungs and held there as if a full pot, the
Prāṇāyāma is known as kumbhaka.
Pratyāhāra: Withdrawal of sense organs from their
respective organs is called Pratyāhāra34. The Kūrma Purāṇa
32 Nārada Purāṇa, I.33.118.
33 Kūrma Purāṇa, II. 11.36-37.
34 ibid., II.11.38
173
defines Pratyāhāra as:
indriyāṇāṁ vicaratāṁ viṣayeṣu svabhāvataḥ /
nigrahaḥ procyate sadbhiḥ pratyāhārāstu sattamāḥ //35
It is said by the wise persons and seers that the restraint
(Pratyāhāra) of the sense organs, which are naturally straying
over the pleasurable objects, is called Pratyāhāra.
Dhāraṇā:
The Yoga Sūtra of Patañjali defines dhāraṇā as:
deśabandha-ścittasya dhāraṇā //36
Concentration is the confinement of the mind in a place
is known as dhāraṇā. So, dhāraṇā means focus of attention.
Focusing the attention on a chosen point or area, within or out-
side of body, is concentration. By it the functions of the mind
are controlled and brought to one focal point. Once mastery of
the five stages of yoga from Yama to Pratyāhāra is achieved,
the art of focusing the mind and consciousness is undertaken.
Dhāraṇā is established when the mind learns to remain steady on
its own, or hold on to an unmoving object. Through Pratyāhāra,
he develops willpower, detaches himself from the organs of
senses and acquires clarity of thought. This is the beginning
of the culturing the brain. Once he has become indifferent to
worldly matters, he is fit to proceed on the inner quest, enrich-
ing the mind through dhāraṇā, dhyāna and samādhi lead the
consciousness on the innermost quest (antarātmā sādhana),
to the soul itself. The Kūrma Purāṇa, elucidates dhāraṇā as:
hritpuṇḍararīke nābhyāṁ vā mūrrdhni parvaṣu mastake /
evamādiṣu deseṣu dhāraṇā cittabandhanam//37
Hence, according to the Kūrma Purāṇa, dhāraṇā is
contemplation on God in regions like the lotus of the heart, na-
35 ibid., II.11.38.
36 Yoga Sūtra, III.1
37 Kūrma Purāṇa, II.2. 39.
174
vel, centre of the head, mountain top, etc. accompanied by the
concentration of mind. Likewise, the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa38,
the Agni Purāṇa39 the Viṣṇu Purāṇa40, etc., have discussed
in detail about the importance of dhāraṇā.
Dhyāna:
Dhyāna is one of the prominent parts of the Aṣṭāṅga-yo-
ga. The Yoga Sūtra defines dhyāna as: tatra pratyaya ekatānatā
dhyānam /41. A steady, continuous flow of attention directed
towards the same point or region is meditation. The characteristic
feature of meditation is the maintenance of an uninterrupted flow
of attention on a fixed point or region, without intervention or
interruption. In dhyāna, the psychological and chronological
time come to as the mind observes its own behavour. The inten-
sify of attention in the field of consciousness neither alters nor
wavers, remaining as stable, smooth and constant as oil pouring
from a jug. Maintaining the same intensity of awareness, the
attentive awareness moves from one-pointed concentration to
no-pointed attentiveness. The difference between dhāraṇā and
dhyāna is that dhāraṇā is more concerned with the elimination
of fluctuating thought-waves in order to achieve single pointed
concentration; in dhyāna, the emphasis is on the maintenance
of steady and profound contemplative observation. According
to the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, is ‘the one pointed succession of the ap-
preciation of the Lord’s form, unmixed with another idea’. As
truly said:
tadrūapratyayā caikā santatiścānyaniḥsprihā /
taddhyānaṁ prathamairaṅgaiḥ ṣaḍbhirniṣpādyate nripaḥ//42
38 Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, XXXVI.41ab.
39 Agni Purāṇa, chapter 375.1-3; 5.
40 Viṣṇu Purāṇa, VI.7.78 & 79.
41 Yoga Sūtra, III.2.
175
The Nārada Purāṇa describes another type of dhyāna,
according to which Lord Viṣṇu in praṇava form should be med-
itated upon by chanting the praṇava mantra. The constituents
of praṇava are explained as: “A” kāra is Brahmā, “U” kāra is
Viṣṇu , “M” kāra is Rudra and ardha mātrā is Parambrahma.
In short, the praṇava is the combination of the trinity, which,
taken as a whole, is Supreme Brahman or the Supreme Reality.43
Samādhi:
Samādhi is the final stage or aṅga of the eight famous
component parts of yoga. In the Yoga Sūtra, it is defined as:
tadeva artha-mātranirbhāsaṁ svarūpa-śūnyam iva
samādhiḥ /44
When the object of meditation engulfs the mediators,
appearing as the subject, self-awareness is lost. This is samādhi.
When the object of contemplation shines forth without the
intervention of one’s own consciousness, dhyāna flows in to
samādhi. In the samādhi, awareness of place vanishes and
one ceases to experience space and time. The Kūrma Purāṇa
defines samādhi as :
ekākāraḥ samādhiḥ syāddeśālambana –varjitaḥ /
pratyayo hyathamātreṇa yogaśāsanamuttaram//45
The perception of one form (object of contemplation)
alone is samādhi (trance), where in the awareness of the sur-
rounding place is absent. Only the object is perceived. This is
really the excellent injunction in the yoga. The Viṣṇu Purāṇa
calls samādhi as an act ‘when mind grasps as a result of dhyāna
the real nature of that (the Paramātman) in which there is ab-
sence of the separate apprehension of the object to be meditated
upon, the act of meditation and mediator. So the text says:
43 Nārada Purāṇa, I.33.153-160.
45 Kūrma Purāṇa, II. 11.41
176
tasyaiva kalpanāhīaṁ svarupa-grahaṇaṁ hi yat/
manasā dhyāna –nispādyaṁ samādhiḥ so’abhidhīyate//46
When the mind will be totally freed from material desires
and the sense organs have no attractions to their respective
objects, the yogī certainly attains the Highest Bliss, i.e., the Su-
preme Brahman or the Para Brahman, is the merits of samādhi.47
Conclusion:
From the above discussion, it can be safely concluded
that the Purāṇas really bears all sorts of yogic sacred knowl-
edge for the improvement of mental as well as physical health
of the human beings. However, in short, the Purāṇas discuss
various types of yogas along with its definition and character-
istics. However, the Purāṇas also clarified the real picture of
yoga and its true usefulness. In the present time, an individual
should practice yoga for the benefit of his mental health as well
as physical health. In this journey, the role of Purāṇas is most
important to read and memorize the texts in a positive way. The
Purāṇas may help to its readers in a positive way to get proper
knowledge regarding the practical knowledge of different yogas
and its true significance in the life. However, the real practice
of regular yogas must help an individual to reach at his final
destination, which is always great and eternal truth of every
human life.

47 Garuḍa Purāṇa, XII.2.31.
177
Agni Purāṇa: tr. into Hindi by Tarinisha Jha & G. Tripathi(1998). Allahabad:
Hindi Sahitya Sammelan.
Agni Purāṇa, translated into Eng by J.L. Shastri (1998). Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, 4 Vols. Reprint edn.
Bhāgavata Purāṇa: with English translation (1995). Gorakhpur: Gita Press
Garuḍa Purāṇa: edited by Khemaraja Sri Krishna Dass(1983). Delhi, India:
Nag Publishers,
Kūrma Purāṇa: edited by Naga Saran Singh (1983), Delhi: Nag Publishers.
Kūrma Purāṇa, translated into Eng. by G.V. Tagare(1997-98). Delhi:Motilal
Banarsidass,2 Vols, Reprint Edn
Manusmriti: edited with the comm. of Kulluka Bhatta, by J.L. Shastri(1990).
Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, Reprint Edition.
Rigveda Samhitā: ed. by S. Damodar Satavalekara(1985). Pardi, Maharashtra:
Svadhyaya Mndala, 4 Vols.
Shiva Purāṇa: edited by Ramtej Pandey(1986). Varanasi: ChowkhambaVidy-
abhavana,.
Vāmana Purāṇa: edited with English translation by Ananda Swarup Gupta
(1968). Varanasi: All India, Kashiraj Trust.
Varāha Purāṇa: ed. by A.S. Gupta, translated into English by A. Bhattacharya
(1981). Ramnagar, Varanasi: All India Kashiraj Trust.
Viṣṇu Purāṇa: with Hindi translation (1961). Gorakhpur, U.P., India: Gita
Press edition.
13. Yoga Sūtra: with the commentary of Vyāsa, sub-commented by Hari-
harananda Aranya, edited by Ram Shankar Bhattacharya (1991).
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, Reprint Edition.
14. Yoga Sūtra with Vyasa Bhāsya: translated into English by Bangali Baba
178
Concept of Samādhi
in the Purāṇic Literature
Dr. Adrish Brahmadatta,
Visiting Professor of Yoga & Ayurveda,
Centre for Bharat Studies,
Research Institutes for Languages & Culture of Asia,
Mahidol University, Salaya, Bangkok, Thailand.
E-mail: dradrish@yahoo.com
Abstract:
The word samādhi is derived from the Sanskrit,
sama, meaning “together,” and dhi, meaning “mind.” Its most
basic definition implies a complete state of concentration. For
a practitioner of yoga and for a disciple of meditation, the spir-
itual significance of samādhi is much more profound. Simply
stated, samādhi is the mind’s ultimate state of being; it is en-
lightenment and the preliminary state to nirvana. The various
Purāṇas have discussed the merits and real sacred meaning of
samādhi in different contexts. But one thing is clear here that
the samādhi is meant for the yogis or serious mediators not
for any ordinary man, who like to know only the meaning and
benefits of samādhi.
Key words: Aṣṭāṅga Yoga, samādhi, yoga, yogi, mind,
meditation, Supreme Brahman, mukti or liberation, conscious-
ness, samskāras, self,
The Purāṇas are a class of literary texts of the Indian

tradition. The word “Purāṇa” means “old”, and generally they
are considered as coming in the chronological aftermath of the
epics, though sometimes the Mahābhārata, which is generally
179
classified as a work of itihāsa (history), is also referred to as a
Purāṇa.
Yoga is a spiritual practice. The term yoga is derived from
the Sanskrit root yuj- “to join”, “to yoke”, “to unite”, but also
“to subjugate”, with the meaning also “to control” and “to dis-
ciplinate”. The English word “yoke” is also derived from the
same Sanskrit (Indo-European) root. The Amara-kośa records
the yoga in the sense of armour, means meditation, union and
junction. (yogaḥ saṁnahanopāya-dhyāna-saṁgat-iyuktiṣu)1.
The Viṣṇu Purāṇa has truly elaborates yoga as:
ātma-prayatna-sāpekṣā viśiṣṭā yā manogatiḥ ।
tasyā brahmaṇi saṁyogo yoga ityabhidhīyate ॥ 2
Yoga consists: the contemplative devotion is the union
with Brahman or God, affected by that condition of mind, which
has attained perfection through those exercises which complete
the control of self. Here, the word ‘ātma-prayatna’ means the
practices of the five yamas and the five niyamas (Yoga-sūtra,
II.30.32). In addition to these, the major Purāṇas have also
discussed about Aṣṭāṅga Yoga, such as, Yama, Niyama, Āsana,
Prāṇāyāma, Pratyāhāra, Dhāraṇā, Dhyāna & Samādhi.
Hence, samādhi is the 8th and final aṅga or stage of the
eight famous component parts of yoga. In the Yoga Sūtra, it
is defined as:
tadeva artha-mātranirbhāsaṁ
svarūpa-śūnyam iva samādhiḥ / 3
It means, when, in meditation, the true nature of the
object shines forth, not distorted by the mind of the per-
ceiver, which is absorption (samādhi). When the object of
meditation engulfs the meditator, appearing as the subject,
self-awareness is lost. This is samādhi.
1 Amarakośa, III.3.22
180
When the attentive flow of consciousness merges with
the object of meditation, the consciousness of the meditator,
the subject, appears to be dissolved in the object. This union
of subject and object becomes samādhi. When a musician
loses himself and is completely engrossed in his music, or an
inventor makes his discoveries when devoid of ego, or a painter
transcends himself with colour, shade and brush; they glimpse
samādhi. So it is the yogi: when his object of contemplation
becomes himself, devoid of himself, he experiences samādhi.
The difference is that the artist or musician reaches this state by
effort, and cannot sustain it; whereas the yogi, remaining devoid
of ego, experiences it is natural, continuous and effortless. Con-
sequently, it is difficult for an artist to infuse his vision of the
sublime, which is associated with performance and realization
of a particular art form, in to his ordinary daily existence. For
the yogi, however, whose ‘art’ is formless and whose goal has
no physical expression like a painting, a book or a symphony,
the fragrance of samādhi penetrates every aspect of his ‘normal’
behaviour, activities and state of being.
Uninterrupted flow of attention dissolves the split between
the object seen and the seer who sees it. Consciousness appears
to have ceased, and to have reached a state of silence. It is devoid
of ‘I’, and merges in to the core of the being in a profound state
of serenity. In samādhi, awareness of place vanishes and one
ceases to experience space and time.
The Purāṇas have also dealt with samādhi in different
ways. The Kūrma Purāṇa defines samādhi as:
ekākāraḥ samādhiḥ syāddeśālambana –varjjitaḥ /
pratyayo hyathamātreṇa yogaśāsanamuttaram //4
The perception of one form (object of contemplation)
alone is samādhi (trance); where in the awareness of the sur-
rounding place is absent. Only the object is perceived. This is
4 Kūrma Purāṇa, II. 11.41.
181
really the excellent injunction in the yoga.
The Viṣṇu Purāṇa calls samādhi as an act ‘when mind
grasps as a result of dhyāna the real nature of that (the Paramāt-
man) in which there is absence of the separate apprehension
of the object to be meditated upon, the act of meditation and
mediator. So the text says:
tasyaiva kalpanāhīaṁ svarūpa-grahaṇaṁ hi yat/
manasā dhyāna –nispādyaṁ samādhiḥ so’bhidhīyate//5
When the mind will be totally freed from material desires
and the sense organs have no attractions to their respective
objects, the yogi certainly attains the Highest Bliss., i.e. the
Supreme Brahman or the Para Brahman, this is the great merits
of samādhi.
The Agni Purāṇa has also elaborated the samādhi as:
yadātmamātra nirbhāsaṁ stimitodadhivat sthitam /
caitanyarūpavad dhyānaṁ tat samādhirihocyate //
dhyānanmanaḥ sanniveśya yasthiṣṭedacalaḥ sthiraḥ/
nirvātānalavadyogī samādhisthaḥ prakīrtitaḥ//6
It means, the meditation is called concentration (samādhi),
which illuminates the self only, which is as calm as the unruf-
fled ocean and which is association with the reflection or image
(rūpa) of the immutable awareness (Caitanya).
So, here the word ‘samādhi’ is explained as ‘concentra-
tion’, i.e. deep meditation, which is said to be that contemplation
in which the consciousness alone appearing in its spiritual aspect,
remains like the ocean of coagulated milk made immobile and
ceases to be operative. A yogin is said to be in deep meditation
if he remains steady in contemplation with the mind deeply
absorbed, like fire kept in a windless place.
The real position as well as the state of mind of a yogi,
who is in deep meditation also explained in the texts of Agni
6 Agni Purāṇa, chapter 376.1-2.
182
Purāṇa. According to it the yogi or sādhaka does not hear or
smell or see or spit out. Moreover, he does not feel the touch. His
mind does not make any resolve. He does not think and remains
like a log of wood without knowing anything. A true yogi who
is absorbed in the Lord thus is stated to be in deep meditation.
Just as a lamp remaining in a windless place does not shake,
this is said to be similar. For a yogi who is in deep meditation,
contemplating himself as Lord Viṣṇu, Divine portents occurs
indicating success. 7
The Bhāgavata Purāṇa also explains samādhi in dif-
ferent contexts. Thus these texts would be quoted and clarified
one by one for the further research. The text says:
taṁ brahmanirvāṇa samādhimāśritaṁ
vyupāśritaṁ giriśaṁ yogakakṣām /8
The meaning of the above verse is: Lord Shiva was
dressed in saffron garment and absorbed in trance, thus appear-
ing to be the foremost of all sages. Here, constant meditation
concentrated on the form of the Lord is called samādhi, ecstasy
or trance. So, samādhi means particularly concentrated attention.
At another place in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the word samādhi
also explained as under:
tebhya evaṁ pratiśrutya viśvarūpo mahātapāḥ /
paurahityaṁ vŗtaścakre parameṇa samādhinā // 9
The meaning of the above verse is: O king, after making
promise to the demigods, the exalted viśvarūpa, surrounds by
the demigods, performed by the necessary priestly activities
with great enthusiasm and attention. Here, the word samādhi
means complete absorption with an undelivered mind. At an-
other place in the same Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the word samādhi
is also explained as under:
7 Ibid., 376. 3-5.
8 Bhāgavata Purāṇa, IV.6.39ab.
9 Ibid. VI.7.38.
183
evaṁ triloka guruṇā sandiṣṭaḥ śabdayoninā/
badaryāśramamāsādya harimīje samādhinā //10
It means: thus, directed by the Lord of the three
Worlds, the source of the Vedas (Uddhava) went to the Badari
hermitage and worshipped Lord Hari with deep meditation.
Here, the Lord Hari is known as the source of the Vedas of
this creation. He is the source of everything of this Universe.
Moreover, He has many names and many forms. However,
Lord Krishna, who is also known as the incarnation of Lord
Viṣṇu, is the great teacher (guruṇāṁ guru) of all and Uddhava
was meditating the Lord in that Badari hermitage for getting
salvation. Hence, it is clear that samādhi means deep meditation
or concentration as clarified in this Bhāgavata Purāṇa.
Thus, the various Purāṇas have discussed the merits
and real sacred meaning of samādhi in different contexts. But
one thing is clear here that the samādhi is meant for the yogis or
serious mediators not for any ordinary man, who like to know
only the meaning and benefits of samādhi.
The concept of samādhi brings with it the possibility of
a deep hope about our growth as human beings. Sage Patañjali
teaches us that we are always capable of experiencing samādhi
—that at any moment we can become whole and fully present.
\If we understand this, that understanding becomes a fundamen-
tal acknowledgment of our true nature. Paradoxically, it seems
that we need the journey—the journey of yoga—to discover
what was present inside us all along.
In the Yoga Sūtra, “Samādhi Pāda,” Patañjali introduces
the concept of samādhi and its stages in Sūtras 17–23, and de-
fines it more completely in sūtras 42–51. According to him the
samādhi is two types, viz. Savikalpa Samādhi and Nirvikalpa
Samādhi. The Samprajñāta Samādhi, is also called Savikalpa
Samādhi as well as Sabija-Samādhi. Besides, in this samādhi,
the yogi performs meditation with the support of an object. The
184
Samprajñāta Samādhi is associated with deliberation, reflec-
tion, bliss, and I-am-ness. In addition to these, the Asampra-
jñāta Samādhi, is also called Nirvikalpa Samādhi and Nirbija
Samādhi: it is meditation without an object, which leads to
knowledge of purusha or Consciousness, the subtlest element.
So, according to sage Patañjali, the Samprajñāta Samādhi,
or Samādhi with higher knowledge, which occurs through
the absorption of the mind into an object; and Asamprajñata
Samādhi, “beyond higher knowledge,” a very high stage in
which there is no object of concentration; rather, the yogi’s
consciousness is merged into Absolute Consciousness, Puruṣa.
Because, only Asamprajñāta Samādhi destroys the seeds of
all Samskāras remaining in the citta (the mind-field) and thus
gives ultimate freedom, or kaivalya or mukti or liberation, it is
the only state that brings about an alteration of consciousness
which is completely permanent.
Asamprajñāta Samādhi is extremely difficult to attain
because of the high degree of mental purity, desireless-ness,
and non-attachment which is required to achieve it. Because, it
is non-dual in nature—and thus there is no sense of an expe-
riencer and an object of experience in Asamprajñāta Samādhi
—“meditation experiences” cannot be properly discussed in
relation to this samādhi. Thus, experiences that we read about
or hear described reflect states of dhyāna or different stages
of Samprajñāta Samādhi. These stages of Samprajñāta Samādhi
unfold gradually, and repeated samādhi experiences act to purify
the mind.
Conclusion:
Finally, a yogi achieves a meditative state by concentrat-
ing on both their physical being and their rhythm of breath. In
this case, the meditative state is not thinking or evaluating state;
instead, it is a state where singleness of thought is the ultimate
goal. It is only through this singleness of thought that one can
185
achieve enlightenment, which is samādhi, or the state at which
one becomes purely aware of the sanctity of one’s self and the
world surrounding.
The Purāṇas have elaborately described the nature and
benefits of samādhi, so that a yogi or a general human being
can be benefitted through it. By this way, a man would remain
healthy and spiritually fit in the course of journey of his life.
Therefore, it is recommended that the one should follow the
yogic texts along with Puranic texts for the spiritual as well as
physical development of the human beings.
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Press edition.
8. Viṣṇu Purāṇa (1864): trans. into Eng. by H.H. Wilson, London: Trubner
& Co., 4 Vols.
9. Yoga Sūtra (1991): with the commentary of Vyasa, sub-commented by
Hariharananda Aranya, edited by Ram Shankar Bhattacharya, Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, Reprint Edn.
10. Yoga Sūtra with Vyasa Bhasya (1982): translated into English by Bangali
Baba, Delhi: MotilalBanarsidass, Reprint Edition.
11. Yoga Sūtra (1988), translated into English by J.H. Woods, Delhi: Motilal
Banarsidass, Reprint Edition.
186
Provenance, Journey and Present
status of the Buddha’s Alms-Bowl:
A Brief Note on Cunningham’s
Research and Further Reflections
Professor Siddharth Singh,
Director, Vivekananda Cultural Centre,
Embassy of India, 2-2-11 Kudan-Minami, Chiyoda-ku,
Tokyo 102-0074, JAPAN. & Former Head,
Department of Pali & Buddhist Studies,
Banaras Hindu University (B.H.U.), Varanasi-221005
Abstract:
A large bowl placed in the Kabul Museum, Afghani-
stan with Arabic inscription on it has its connection with the
Buddhist history. Despite its mention by the ancient Chinese
travellers and Tibetan historian Lama Taranath and Alexander
Cunningham, Buddhists of the world have hardly taken any
interest in this pertinent issue. Certain tourist websites had in-
dicated towards this issue but without any scholarly evidence.
The present researcher has made a humble attempt to render
the textual argument in the favour of its being the alms-bowl
of the Buddha with the hope that the said bowl could be saved
by the Buddhist world before it is destroyed by the hands of
Islamic iconoclasts.
Keywords: Buddha’s Alms-Bowl, Vaishali, Kabul Mu-
seum, Cunningham
The Buddha’s begging bowl was one of the most re-

vered relics in the ancient Buddhist world. The importance of
the bowl is testified by frequent portrayal of it in Ghandara
art, commonly shown on the pedestal of Buddha statues. In
187
the modern age, first attention on the Buddha’s alms-bowl was
drawn by the celebrated scholar, known as father of Indian ar-
chaeology, Sir Alexander Cunningham in his research paper
entitled “The Romantic History of Buddha’s Alms-Bowl”. Re-
search done mainly on the basis of travel accounts of ancient
Chinese pilgrims Fa-Hsien (4th - 5th Century A.D.; also known
as Fa-Hian, Faxian, Fa-hein), Hiuen Tsiang (7th Century A.D.;
also known as Xuanzang, Hsuan- Tsang) and Tibetan histori-
an Lama Tāranāth (17th Century A.D.), Cunningham drew the
attention of the world towards the possibility of the Buddha’s
alms bowl being in the Afghanistan.
Furthering the similar discussion, the present researcher
would like to reflect upon this issue step by step in the follow-
ing lines:
Buddha’s alms-bowl connection to ancient Vaishali:

Regarding the access of Buddha’s alms-bowl by the
people of Vaishali, Fa-Hsien states in the 24th chapter of his
travel account:
“Going from this to the south-east for twelve yojanas1,
they2 came to the place where the Licchavis wished to follow
Buddha to (the place of) his pari-nirvana, and where, when
he would not listen to them and they kept cleaving to him,
unwilling to go away, he made to appear a large and deep ditch
which they could not cross over, and gave them his alms-bowl,
as a pledge of his regard, (thus) sending them back to their
families.” 3
We can find two other English translations of Fa-Hsien
travel account too. The same event is rendered by two in the
1 A Yojana is a Vedic measure of distance used in Ancient India. The exact
measurement is disputed amongst scholars with distances being given be-
tween 6 to 15 kilometers (4 to 9 miles).
2 Fa-Hsien and others
3 (Legge, 1991, pp. 71-72)
188
following ways:
“From this point twelve yojanas to the south-east, the pilgrims
arrived at the place where the Vaishali chiefs4 wished to pass
away with Buddha, but He would not hear of it. Longing to
be with Buddha, they refused to depart; whereupon Buddha
caused a great gully to pass between himself and them, which
they could not cross. Then He gave them his alms-bowl as a
token, and sent them away to their homes.” 5
“Going south-east twelve yojanas from this place, we
arrive at the spot where the Licchavis, desiring to follow the
Buddha to the scene of his Nirvana, were forbidden to do so.
On account of their affection to Buddha they were unwilling to
go back, on which Buddha caused to appear between them and
him a great and deeply – scarped river, which they could not
cross. He the left his alms bowl as a memorial, and exhorted
them to return to their houses.” 6
As is apparent from the above story, an alms-bowl
was gifted by the Buddha to the Licchavi people of Vaishali.
The Licchavis were the most famous clan amongst the ruling
confederate clans of the Vajji mahājanapada of ancient India.
Vaishali, the capital of the Licchavis, was the capital of the
Vajji mahājanapada also. It was later occupied by Ajātashat-
ru, who annexed the Vajji territory into his kingdom. The sec-
ond Buddhist Council was held at Vaishali approximately 100
years after the Buddha’s death.
Shift of the Buddha’s alms-bowl from Vaishali:

When Fa-Hsien was in Purushpur (now known as
Peshawar, Pakistan), he writes in his 12th chapter’s account:
4 Giles translates the Chinese word as Vaishali chiefs instead of Licchav-
is.
5 (Giles, 1972, p. 41)
6 (Beal, 2004, p. LVIII)
189
“Buddha’s alms-bowl is in this country (Peshawar).7
Fa-Hsien, despite claiming the presence of Buddha’s
alms-bowl in Peshawar, doesn’t say how it arrived there. The
answer of this question is found by Cunningham in the writ-
ings of Lama Tāranāth (17th Century A.D.), a Tibetan histori-
an who rendered the work entitled “History of Buddhism in
India”. Lama Tāranāth, while depicting the life of celebrated
Buddhist poet Ashwaghosh, says, “the king of the little Yuchi
invaded Magadha and carried off the bowl of Buddha and Ash-
waghosha.” 8
Panjab was known by Little Yuchi and Kabul Great Yu-
chi9. Kanishka was the king of Jalandhar before he expanded
his empire to Kashmir. Therefore, above account indicates that
it may have been King Kanishka (2nd Cent. AD); who carried
off the alms-bowl from Magadha towards Kashmir.
Further, by the time Fa-Hshien arrives in Ceylon, the
alms-bowl seems to have been shifted to Gandhara from Pe-
shawar. Fa-Hsien’s travel account portrayed in 39th chapter,
when he was in Ceylon, speaks about the location of alms-
bowl in the following words:
“In this country (Ceylon) Fa-hien heard an Indian devo-
tee, who was reciting a Sutra from the pulpit, say:—“Buddha’s
alms-bowl was at first in Vaisali, and now it is in Gandhara.”10
“It was when Fa-hsien was in this country that he heard an
Indian Buddhist who was reciting a sutra from a lofty dais,
say, ‘Buddha’s alms-bowl was originally at Vaishali, it is now
in Gandhara.”11
7 (Legge, 1991, p. 34) , (Giles, 1972, p. 14), (Beal, 2004, p. XXXVIII).

8 (Chattopadhyaya, 1990, p. 81)
9 (Nijjar, 2008, p. 201)
10 (Legge, 1991, p. 109)
11 (Giles, 1972, p. 74)
190
“When Fa-Hian was residing in this country, he heard a
religious brother from India, seated on a high throne, reciting
a sacred book and saying, ‘The pātra (alms-bowl) of Buddha
was preserved in Vaishali, but now it is in the borders of Gand-
hara”.12
Later, an attempt to take the Buddha’s alms-bowl even
from Gandhara was done which doesn’t seem to be successful
by the time of Fa-Hsien travel depicted in the next lines.
But it certainly was removed later from Gandhara as
neither Hwei Sang nor Sung Yun has mentioned it while de-
scribing their Gandhara visit during 6th century AD. Cunning-
ham says that, “This removal probably took place shortly after
the conquest of Gandhara by the little Yuchi under Kitolo, or
about A.D. 425-450 as Sung-Yun describes their first King as
worshipper of demons and despiser of Buddhism, who was at
war with the country of Kipin. The bowl was probably carried
off by the people of Gandhara, who immigrated westwards to
the bank of the Arghandab in the ancient Archosia, wher they
founded a city named after their original country Gandhara,
which still exists as old Kandahar at a short distance from the
modern town of that name.”13
It has to be understood in the context of above descrip-
tion that the people of Gandhara, which is now considered to
be located in Swat valley, Pakistan was transferred to Quand-
hara/Kandahar (now old Kandahar) of present Afghanistan lat-
er. This old Kandahar is a large ruin field near Afghanistan’s
modern ‘second’ city, also known as Kandahar.
Hiuen Tsiang (7th Century AD) too didn’t find the Bud-
dha’s alms-bowl in Gandhara as it was already shifted from
there to the place now known as old Kandahar during 5th
century AD but he categorically affirms the presence of it in
12 (Beal, 2004, p. LXXXIV)
13 (Cunningham, 1883, pp. 406-7)
191
Gandhara in the past.
He exclaims in the chapter based on his Gandhara of his
Book 2:
“Inside the royal city, towards the north-east, is an old
foundation (or a ruinous foundation). Formerly this was the
precious tower of the Pātra (alms-bowl) of Buddha. After the
Nirvāna of Buddha, his Pātra (alms-bowl) coming to this
country was worshipped during many centuries.”14
It appears that the sacred value attached with this Bud-
dha’s alms-bowl kept the Kings of different regions attract-
ed towards possessing it and resultantly, the Buddha’s alms-
bowl is seen in the different region during different period, but
larger region remained same.
Alms-bowl of Kabul museum and ancient Buddha’s

alms-bowl:
It seems that a symbolic alms-bowl was prepared by
the people of Vaishali to signify its importance and that only
is the reason behind its being so huge. Their doing so seems to
be based on the story regarding the Buddha’s alms-bowl
prevailing among common Indian society which is depicted
in a later Pali Buddhist text entitled “Jātaka Nidāna Kathā.”
The Jātaka Nidāna Kathā, written by Buddhaghosha
in 5 Cent. AD, the most illustrious commentator of Bud-
th
dha’s teachings collection Tipitaka (also known as Tripitaka),

describes that the alms-bowl, given by Ghatikāra Brahmā to
Buddha,15 had disappeared16 on the day when he had received
the sweet rice milk from Sujata. After becoming Buddha when
he was requested to accept rice cake and honey cake by two
merchants named Tapassu and Bhallika, then the Blessed
14 (Beal, 2004, pp. 98-99)
15 (Davids, 1880, p. 87)
16 Ibid, p. 93
192
One thought,
“The Buddhas never receive food in their hands. How
shall I take it? “Then the four Guardian Angels knew his
thought, and, coming from the four corners of heaven, they
brought bowls made of sapphire. And the Blessed One (Bud-
dha) accepted them. Then they brought four other bowls, made
of jet; and the Blessed One(Buddha), out of kindness to the
four angels, received the four, and, placing them one above
another, commanded, saying, ‘’Let them become one.” And
the four closed up into one of medium size, becoming visi-
ble only as lines round the mouth of it. The Blessed One re-
ceived the food into that new-created bowl, and ate it, and gave
thanks.”17
The above story must have been popular among the
people of Vaishali and to make a correspondence between the
alms-bowl gifted to the Buddha by the Guardian Angels and
one they were gifted by the Buddha, they made an alms-bowl
sometimes before 2nd Century AD following the description
they had been hearing from generations and which is later ren-
dered in Jātaka Nidāna Kathā. And that effort resulted in a big
alms-bowl reflecting the compression of the four alms-bowls
and made of dark coloured stone.
Fa-Hsien’s travel account narrates a story depicting an
attempt made by King of the Yuchi to take away the Buddha’s
alms-bowl from the Gandhara in the later period and that ac-
count glorifies the divinity of the Buddha’s alms-bowl as well
as highlights its weight too. Fa-Hsien says:
“Formerly, a king of Yueh-she raised a large force and
invaded this country, wishing to carry the bowl away. Having
subdued the kingdom, as he and his captains were sincere be-
lievers in the Law of Buddha, and wished to carry off the bowl,
they proceeded to present their offerings on a great scale.
17 Ibid, p. 110
193
When they had done so to the Three Precious Ones, he made
a large elephant be grandly caparisoned, and placed the bowl
upon it. But the elephant knelt down on the ground, and was
unable to go forward. Again he caused a four-wheeled wagon
to be prepared in which the bowl was put to be conveyed away.
Eight elephants were then yoked to it, and dragged it with their
united strength; but neither were they able to go forward. The
king knew that the time for an association between himself and
the bowl had not yet arrived, and was sad and deeply ashamed
of himself. Forthwith he built a tope at the place and a monas-
tery, and left a guard to watch (the bowl), making all sorts of
contributions.
There may be there more than seven hundred monks.
When it is near midday, they bring out the bowl, and, along
with the common people, make their various offerings to it,
after which they take their midday meal. In the evening, at the
time of incense, they bring the bowl out again. It may contain
rather more than two pecks,18 and is of various colours,
black predominating, with the seams that show its fourfold
composition distinctly marked. Its thickness is about the
fifth of an inch, and it has a bright and glossy lustre.” 19
Here, the King Fa-Hsien mentions in his travel account,
18 One peck was equal to about 9 litres (in the case of certain crops, such
as wheat, peas, beans and meal) and about 13 litres (in the case of barley,
oats and malt).
19 (Legge, 1991, pp. 34-35)
“ It holds over perhaps two pecks, and is of several colours, chiefly black.
The four joinings (of the four bowls fused by Buddha into one) are clearly
distinguishable. It is about one-fifth of an inch thick, of transparent brillian-
cy and of a glossy lustre.” (Giles, 1972, p. 14)
Beal translates in another word:” It is capable of holding two pecks and
more. It is of mixed colour, but yet chiefly black. The four divisions are
quite clear, each of them being about two-tenths thick.” (Beal, 2004, p.
XXXVIII)
194
appears to be the King of Great Yuchi, whose intention was
to carry away it to either Kabul or Balkh. The above story,
although tries to deify the divine power of alms-bowl, but
at the same time reflects big size and weight of alms-bowl,
which indicates that a huge Buddha’s alms-bowl had replaced
the regular Buddha’s alms-bowl in the folklores in the later
Buddhist history to underline the greatness of the Buddha as
it happened in the case of other relics related to the Buddha’s
life. The bowl having the capacity of carrying not less than
some 18 - 26 litres, or perhaps more, cannot be a small bowl.
But, for devotees of the Buddha, that is the alms-bowl of the
Buddha, endowed with 32 characteristics (Battisa Mahāpuri-
salakkhana)20, 10 powers (Dasabala)21 and so many other psy-
chic powers. How could be a small alms-bowl be of the great
Buddha. The greatness of any god-like figure has always been
measured by his/her followers or devotees in the same way
and it happened with the Buddha too after his death.
Cunningham also writes: “As one would expect to find
the actual alms-bowl from which Buddha ate his daily food –
such a bowl would not have satisfied the belief of any Buddhist
– just as the tooth of Buddha, now shown in Ceylon, is more
like that of an elephant than the tooth of a man, so the alms-
bowl of Buddha preserved at Vaishali and afterwards carried
off to Gandhara would have been at least five or six times the
actual diameter of any real bowl. So also all the foot – marks
of Buddha were always represented as of gigantic size.”22
Furthermore, the bottom portion of the bowl has been
shaped like a lotus flower, which could relate to an early Bud-
dhist period. Lotus is one of the eight most auspicious symbols
of Buddhism, which indicates that one should be free from
20 (Lakkhana Suttaṁ, Dīgha Nikāya, 30)
21 (Mahāsihanāda Suttaṁ, Majjhima Nikāya, 12)
22 (Cunningham, 1883, p. 407)
195
defilements as Lotus flower remains unsoiled despite being in
the muddy water.
Arabic writings carved on Kabul Museum alms bowl

and possible causes:
The inscription on the bowl doesn’t contain the verses
of Quran as is believed. The English translation of the writing
inscribed on the bowl has come down to us long back by the
efforts of Mr. Sohoni.
When we go through the translation of that writing
consisting of six pieces of the writing broken at various places,
it clearly appears to be a legal will carved on this alms-bowl
bequeathed for the Mausoleum and school. The bequeather is
a rich man who has founded almost a small township consists
of 164 shops in different directions of the school and several
building and other construction within the municipal limits of
old Kandahar.23 He has reserved some portion of the trust rev-
enues for poor Muslims as long as he would live, he would be
custodian of the Mausoleum and the property.
The inscription is carved by a man name Jalaluddin Mo-
hammed and the very first stanza says:
“The best of the blessings and benedictions be on
him……… ..The opportunity for the glorification of the
kingdom was obtained during these auspicious days………
most virtuous……the great and esteemed report….chival-
rous……….
And lastly, we find the following line and a couplet at a
corner inside the bowl composed by scribe that pronounces:
On every Id festivals to the poor ones of the school……..
the donations for the said congregational mosque………
23 (Sohoni, 1985, p. 344)
196
His Highness the Prince, may be
Live the life Elias
Filled this stream with sugar syrup……..
The last paragraph reflects that either bequeather him-
self is a prince or the inscriber has paid homage to him out
of courtesy. Praising the Prince might have been a compul-
sory tradition too considering everything belonging to him.
The above highlighted line focuses on seeking donations for
congregational mosque so that the poor students of the school
could be helped on the festivals like Eid and considering the
size and shape of the alms-bowl, the bequeather found it a wise
idea to use the Buddha’s alms-bowl because of the three rea-
sons:
1. For charitable donation, a huge vessel was needed
and, to inspire the people, no vessel would have been
better than the Buddha’s alms-bowl because of it’s
scared value, big size and historically relation with
Dana (charity).
2. Writing inscribed on the bowl would be an extreme-
ly long-lasting evidence to depict the will of the be-
queather and no altar could be done in the lines of
the will.
3. It would be an exemplary model of social charity/
service for others too.
Conclusion:
Conclusively, the above lines may be summed up with
claim that neither big size nor the Arabic inscription raises any
doubt regarding the provenance of the alms-bowl present in
the Kabul Museum as all the historical record rendered by the
ancient pilgrims /eyewitnesses provide sufficient proof of its
197
origin, journey, size and color. The credit to highlight this is-
sue goes to A. Cunningham’s paper “The Romantic History
of Buddha’s Alms Bowl”, which proved to be like a lynch pin
for this research. It has to be further validated by the archae-
ologists who should try to figure out the correspondence be-
tween the textual evidence rendered above and characteristics
of present alms bowl of Kabul museum.
Afghanistan government and authorities of Kabul Mu-
seum themselves have displayed it with the tag of Buddha’s
alms-bowl24, which is a self-evident proof of its provenance.
The alms-bowl already considered as a Buddha’s alms-bowl
by Government of Afghanistan should be taken into account
by the Buddhist world and they should try to send it back to its
original place and revered Buddhist pilgrimage site ‘Vaishali’
of the Bihar state, India. Buddha’s alms-bowl is more a matter
of worship and homage for millions of Buddhists and Indians
rather than putting it in risk in a museum that is destroyed three
times from 1992 onwards and 70 % of the objects have already
been looted and destroyed.
Bibliography:
Beal, S. (2004). SI-YU-KI Buddhist Records of the Western World. Delhi:
Motilal Banarasidass.
Chattopadhyaya, D. (1990). Tāranāth’s History of Buddhism in India. Del-
hi: Motilal Banarasidass.
Cunningham, A. (1883). The Romantic History of Buddha’s Alms Bowl.
Report of Tours in North and South Bihar in 1880-81. Calcutta: THE
SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING.
24 Claim can be seen in the several tourist websites like

http://www.touristneeds.com/adds-category?srchtype=&cat_id=144,
http://www.lonelyplanet.com/afghanistan/kabul/sights/museum/kabul-muse-
um
http://www.iexplore.com/travel-guides/middle-east/afghanistan/where-to-go
http://www.worldtravelguide.net/afghanistan/things-to-do
198
Davids, T. R. (1880). Buddhist Birth Stories Being Jatakatthavannana.Vol.
I. London: Trubner & Co.
Giles, H. (1972). The Travels of Fa-Hsien. Delhi: Indological Book House.
Lakkhana Suttam. (n.d.). Retrieved 7 2, 2018, from Pali Tipitaka: https://
tipitaka.org/romn/
Legge, J. (1991). A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms. Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers.
Mahāsihanāda Sutta. (n.d.). Retrieved 1 18, 2018, from Pali Tipitaka:
https://tipitaka.org/romn/
Nijjar, B. (2008). Origin and History of Jats and other Allied Nomadic
Tribes of India. Delhi: Atlantic Publishers.
Sohoni, S. V. (1985). Alms Bowl of Buddha from Vaishali, Homage to Vaish-
ali. (Y. Mishra, Ed.) Patna: Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology,
and Ahimsa.
199
Human Body as a Meditation
Object in Early Buddhism
Rev. Dr. Wadinagala Pannaloka
Department of Buddhist Philosophy
Postgraduate Institute of Pali and Buddhist Studies
University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
Email: wadinagala@gmail.com
Abstract:
The subject of human body is contentious in the Pāli
canon. Modern researchers point out that Buddhism holds a
pessimistic attitude to human body. Once the textual records
are examined, this understanding seems to have some ground.
However, the discourses in the canon which are given to explain
how to cultivate mindfulness on human body and other aspects of
human personality, the analytical and anatomical approach in un-
derstanding the reality of human body comes into light. Human
body has been the object for meditation practices, mindfulness
(sati) and concentrative (samādhi) reflected in the Pāli canon.
A close reading into the texts related to these two contemplative
practices show that body is not to be seen as repulsive object
but as instrumental in gaining liberation. In this paper, I will
examine the six methods that have been utilized in the famous
meditation technique ‘mindfulness in body’ (kāyānapussanā)
and contemplation of body in jhānic attainments. Through the
textual analysis, the conclusion will be reached that in the context
of meditation Buddhism has adopted an analytical approach to
expose the reality of human body.
Keywords: Buddhism, Human body, mindfulness, pes-
simism, analytical approach, five aggregates, consciousness,
elements, meditation & Bhikkhus.
200
Introduction
In early Buddhism, human body is considered as a ma-
jor component of the human personality which is made up of
psycho-physical complex (P. nāma-rūpa). This psycho-physical
complex is composed of five aggregates (khandha), namely,
material body, feeling, perception, volitional activities and
consciousness. Due to ignorance, the individual gets attached
to these five aggregates and identifies as ‘one’s self’ (eso me
attā). This attachment and false identification conditions suf-
fering (pañcupādānakkhandhā dukkhā). The analysis of five
aggregates is extensively carried out in the suttas.1 Human body
(rūpa/kāya) represents the psychical dimension of the person-
ality. So, we can observe in the canon individual investigations
about the nature of human body and instructions to understand
it. More significant aspect is met in utilizing human body as a
meditation object (kammaṭṭhāna). Further, it has been an integral
element in twofold meditation practices, namely, mindfulness
(sati) and concentration (samādhi).
Rūpa (form/material aggregate) is defined as the physical
aspect and other four aggregates are belonging to psychological
aspect; collectively they are called ‘nāma-rūpa’ (psycho-physi-
cal sentience). Rūpa is composed of four elements, earth (paṭha-
vi), water/fluidity (āpo), heat (tejo) and wind (vāyo), and also
the derivatives of the four major elements.2 In the rexts, rūpa
is used in wider sense to refer to the physical dimension of the
experience; the term ‘kāya’ refers to the human body. So, in the
meditation suttas, such as Satipaṭṭhāna and Kāyagatāsati, the
term ‘kāya’ is used as an object for meditation.
In this paper, the focus is given to understand the sig-
nificance of human body as an object for contemplation and
theoretical foundation to do so. I have mainly examined the
1 Khandha Vagga of the Samyutta Nikāya.
2 MN.I.420f.
201
Satipaṭṭhāna sutta and referring to the other relevant suttas in
the Pāli canon. The conclusion derivable through the textual
and other academic studies is that the taking human body as a
meditation object is to prove the doctrine of non-self (anattā),
which is the ultimate reality in experience within the existence.
Current Studies on Human Body in Pāli Buddhism:

It is useful to have few scholarly views on human body
as presented in the Buddhist literature. The discussion of human
body’s reflection in the Pāli Buddhist tradition is concerned with
both early Buddhism and later commentarial period. The major
contention is that Buddhism hold a negative attitude towards
the human body. For instance, Kajiyama mentions:
The body is regarded as the origin of disgust, pain and
evil, and emancipation from the body is the ideal.3
The problem of human body is involving not only em-
phasis of foulness but into gender discrimination. Liz Wilson
writes that:
In any case, literary representations of meditations of the
loathsomeness of the body tend to be overwhelmingly andro-
centric. Such narratives, embedded in hagiographies of various
denominations, are filled with scenes of dying and diseased
women observed by male spectators.4
Whether this claim can be justified will be examined in
the next section of the essay.
Further, this claim has been rephrased by Sulagna Pal in
relation to the account of Buddhaghosa on foulness of body and
how to be used it in meditation emphasizes the gender difference
of male and female practitioner:
3 Kajiyama,Yuichi,1999, ‘ Body, the,’ in Encyclopedia of Buddhism, p.257.

4 Wilson, Liz (2004). Body: Perspectives On The. In Encyclopedia of
Buddhism,p.63-64
202
The gendered notion of the body, simply refers to the
strict demarcation between the male and the female body. He
says that a male mendicant ought not to meditate upon a female
dead body and vice versa.5
As Pal points out this discrimination cannot be tolerated
from the feminist view.6
The view of the reflection of human body as a repulsive
object in the Pāli Buddhism continues among the scholars.
Wimal Dissanayaka in a recent study on Body and Self in Asian
traditions observes the Buddhist position as follows:
In Buddhist literature, the body is generally portrayed as a
repulsive amalgamation of bones, skin, sinews and malodorous
dirt.7
What we can delineate from the previous studies is that
there are references inclined to a pessimistic understanding
wherefore it is possible to bring this sort of interpretations.
The treatment of human body in the context of medita-
tion has not taken a serious outlook in relation to the repulsive
aspect of human body. Human body is referred to as a direct
object in the satipaṭṭhāna method (which is considered as the
Vipassanā meditation) and during the samadhi practice (claimed
to be samatha bhāvana) which is composed of four material
trances (jhāna) and four immaterial trances. In the Satipaṭṭhāna
sutta, body is observed as the direct contemplative object while
the Kāyagatāsati sutta in its second section, observing body is
connected to the practice of trances (jhānas). It is noteworthy
to see both these texts do not show an inclination to reflect the
5 Pal, Sulagna (2013). Knowing the Body: Seeing it through “Their” Eyes.
p. 138.
6 I have attempted to propose a defense of Buddhaghosa. See: Pannaloka,
Wadinagala. (2013). Buddhist Perspective on Diseased Desire, pp.126-
134.
7 Dissanayaka, Wimal (1993). Self and Body in Theravada Buddhism: A
Topological Analysis of Dhammapada. p.126
203
body as ‘foul thing’. Let us examine the texts in the following
sections.
Non-self and Human body:

The main discussion on the human body in the Pali canon
deals with the body as an object for the practice of meditation.
In this paper, let us discuss how the human body is utilized
as a meditation object and the importance of it in the way to
detachment from worldly life. We can see that a wider investi-
gation has been done in the Buddhist literature with regard to
the human body in relation to the practical aspect of mind-cul-
tivation. The reality of our experience lacks any substance or
support. Understanding what constitutes the experience helps
to keep us way from perceiving things as eternal or possessing
a metaphysical basis (attā). Being able to see the internal and
external phenomena as devoid of substantiality brings about
freedom from attachment. One of the five aggregates that are
desired by beings is their physical body. The Buddha founds
that body lacks the qualities of eternity and substantiality. It is
illustrated in the following:
Bhikkhus, form8 is non-self. For if, bhikkhus, form were
self, this form would not lead to affliction, and it would be pos-
sible to have it of form: ‘Let my form be thus; let my form not
be thus. But because form is non-self, form leads to affliction,
and it is not possible to have it of form: ‘Let my form be thus;
let my form not be thus.9
This analysis is applied to all the components of the
human personality, feeling, perception, mental formations and
consciousness. It leads to the conclusion that all the five com-
ponents lack substantiality (anattā). The Buddhism proposes
8 The word rūpa is translated as ‘form or matter.’ This indicates the phys-
ical dimension of human being.
9 CDB, p.901-2
204
the ‘insubstantiality’ as the nature of reality.
The human body is, as the canon itself has accepted,

relatively more permanent than the mind. The Buddha himself
acknowledged the apparently greater permanence of the body. It
is mentioned in the Nidāna Samyutta of the Samyutta Nikāya that
the Buddha stated that anyone looking for something permanent
and lasting would do better to attribute such a nature to the body,
which lasts up to hundred years, than to attribute it to the mind,
which changes every moment.10 At the same time, the change
of the body can be perceived even by an uninstructed wording,
and experience revulsion towards it. One can see the growth
and decline in the body composed of the four great elements,
it is seen being taken up and laid aside.11 Because of the visi-
bility of the change of body, it makes easier for the practitioner
to cultivate insight into impermanence by contemplating on it.
Seeing this usefulness of the human body as a means to acquire
an understanding of worldly phenomena, in the main discourse
on mind cultivation, in the Mahāsatipatthanasutta, as well as in
some other suttas, the body has been selected as the first object
to develop mindfulness.
As for the development of mindfulness (sati), four
grounds have been prescribed and their helpfulness to achieve
the final goal of nibbāna is described in the Mahāsatipaṭṭāhana-
sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya, the Satipaṭṭhānasutta of the Majjhi-
ma Nikāya, and in the Satipaṭṭhāna Samyutta of the Samyutta
Nikāya as follows:
10 S N . I I . 9 4 f : Va r a m b h i k k h a v e a s s u t a v ā p u t h u j j a n o i m a m
cātummahabhūtikam kāyam attato upagaccheyya na tveva cittam. Tam
kissa hetu: Dissatāyam bhikkhave ayam cātummahābhūtiko kāyo ekampi
vassam tiṭṭhamāno …vassa satam pi tiṭṭhamāno, bhiyyo pi tiṭṭhamāno.
Yam ca kho etam bhikkhave vuccati cittam iti pi mano iti pi viññāṇam
iti pi.tam rattiyā ca divasassa ca aññadeva uppajjati aññam nirujjhati.
11 SN.II.94:Dissati bhikkhava imassa cātummahabhutikassa kāyassa
ācayo pi apacayo pi ādānam pi nikkhepanam pi .
205
There is, bhikkhus, this one way for the purification
of beings, for the overcoming of sorrow and distress, for the
disappearance of pain and sadness, for the gaining of the right
path, for the realization of the right path, for the realization of
Nibbana: - that is to say the four foundations of mindfulness.
‘What are the four? Here, monks, a mink abides contemplating
body (kaya) as body, ardent, clearly aware and mindful, hav-
ing put aside hankering and fretting for the world; he abides
contemplating feelings as feelings (vedanā)…mind as mind
(citta)…and mind-objects as mind-objects (dhammā) ardent,
clearly aware and mindful, having put aside hankering and
fretting for the world.12
According to this view, all the four grounds of mindful-
ness are equally important in order to achieve liberation. How-
ever, there are indications that the contemplation pertaining to
the body itself is enough to attain enlightenment. For example, a
passage in the Anguttara Nikāya mentions that the cultivation of
mindfulness developed on the human body is in itself sufficient
to remove cankers.
In the Mahāgopalakasutta, the Buddha emphasizes that if
a monk lacks insight regarding material form, he is incapable of
understanding the dhamma and see it.13 If we consider the value
of such statements concerned with the body as meditation object,
in early Buddhism, it becomes evident that a great significance
has been given to the human body as facilitating insight into the
four noble truths. It is perhaps for this reason that the Buddha
refers to the human body in the following terms:
12 DN.II.290, 315; MN.I.55f., 63: Ekāyano ayam bhikkhave maggo sattānam

visuddhiyā sokapariddavānam samatikkamāya dukkhadomanassānam
atthagamāya ñayassa adhigamāya nibbānassa saccikiriyāya; yadidam
cattāro satipaṭṭhānā.Katame cattaro?Idha bhikkhave bhikkhu kāye
kāyānupassi viharati ātāpi sampajāno satimā,vineyya loke abhijjhā-
domanassam,vedanāsu…citte…dhammesu…
13 MN.I.120
206
Nay, your reverence, in this fathom-long body,
along with its perceptions and thoughts, I proclaim the
world to be, likewise the origin of the world and making
the world to end likewise the practice going to the ending
of the world.14
The phenomena of the empirical world to which the
Tathāgata (thus gone one) was awakened, were the five aggre-
gates. How the Buddha tried to explain the reality of them and
the method used for that is mentioned in the ‘Pupphasutta’ as
follows:
…Form, bhikkhus, is a world-phenomenon in the
world to which the Tathagata has awakened and bro-
ken through. Having done so, he explains it, teaches it,
proclaims it, establishes it, discloses it, analyses it, and
elucidates it.15
Further, the sutta says that even when it is clearly ex-
plained thus by the Tathāgata, if someone does not know and
see, there is nothing to do with such an ignorant worldling,
blind and sightless.16
Body in Satipaṭṭhāna:
The examination of the human constitution has been done
in very comprehensive manner, in the canonical literature. In
this section, we are dealing only with the physical aspect of the
individual and so are limited to the descriptions on the material
aggregate (rūpa) and to the ‘kāya’ concept. The techniques
introduced in the Mahāsatipaṭṭhānasutta to use the body as an
object for meditation, occur in several other places in the canon.
Let us examine them.
14 GS.II.58; AN.II.48: Api cāham āvuso imasmim yeva byāmamatte
kalebare saññimhi samanake lokañca paññapemi, loka samudayañca
loka nirodhañca lokanirodhagāminim paṭipadanti.
15 SN.III.139 : Rūpam bhikkhave loke lokadhammo tam tathāgato
abhisambujjhati abhsameti.abhisabujjhitvā abhisametvā ācikkhati deseti
paññapeti paṭṭhapeti vivarati vibhajeti uttānikaroti.
16 SN.III.140
207
Mindfulness of Breathing
In this practice, the monk’s principal meditation object is
his body and he selects breathing as one way to produce concen-
tration on it. During this exercise, the monk mindfully breathes
in and mindfully breathes out. In the progress of the practice, he
becomes conscious of the whole body. In persistently breathing
with full awareness of the body, the practitioner receives the
ability to calm the whole bodily process. Contemplation leads
the meditator to have insight into bodies of others too.17 On
seeing the breathing process both internally and externally, the
bhikkhu contemplates arising, vanishing and arising-vanishing
phenomena in the body. Finally, he becomes free from clinging
to the world.18
Contemplation on Postures
Here, mindfulness is developed in regard to the four
postures of walking, standing, sitting and lying down. All the
four are performed in mindfulness and abiding in constant con-
templation on them. And the meditator overcomes the cling to
the world.
Clear Awareness
At this stage, the monk trains one-pointedness in the mind
concerned with all the activities including postures and wearing
garments etc.
Reflection on Bodily-Parts
In this step, the body is divided into its constituent parts
and one reflects on them. An analogy is used to show the way
how the bhikkhu analyses the body:
17 MLDB.p.1190: According to the Majjhima Nikāya commentary
‘internally’ (ajjhattatikam vā kāye) means contemplating the breathing
in his own body. ‘Externally’ (bahiddhā vā kāye) contemplating the
breathing occurring in the body of another.
18 DN.II.291f; MN.I.56;III.89.
208
Just as if there were a bag, open at the both ends, full
of various kinds of grain such as hill-rice, paddy, green
gram, kidney-beans, sesame, husked rice, and a man
with good eyesight were to open the bag and examine
them, saying: “ This is hull-rice, this is paddy, this is
green gram, these are kidney-beans, this is sesame, this
is husked rice,” so too, a monk reviews this very body:
“ There is head-hairs, body hairs…urine.19
The meditator realizes that this body is a collection of
various parts and that it is the same in the case of the bodies
of others too. This practice of mindfulness is not aimed at
repulsion over the body but developing a mind that does not
respond in terms of an emotional repulsion or attraction. As
Venerable Nyanaponika points out one will be able to achieve,
in this course of practice, a growing detachment from the body
and an effortless detachment from sensuality.20
Though this contemplation of the parts of the body is
sometimes called ‘meditation on loathsomeness’, the ‘mood’
produced by its correct practice is not one of violent revulsion
or of gloom, but of unruffled calm or even of exhilaration re-
sulting from sober, analytical observation.21 Sexual pleasures
are generally known by the phrase ‘the pleasures of the flesh’
and it means pleasure derived from the body. A major part of
sexuality is concerned with the human body whether it is het-
erosexual, homosexual or bisexual in orientation. The pleasing
quality of the physical body is invariably operative in bodily
attachments. One purpose of the analyzing the body is to avoid
attachment to physical beauty.
In the Sampasādaniyasutta (Serene Faith), the realization
of body in terms of its parts is described as the first attainment
of vision. And furthering the practice, the monk contemplates
19 DN.II.294
20 Thera, Nyanaponika. (2005). The Heart of Buddhist Meditation, p.65.
21 Thera, Nyanaponika. (2005). The Heart of Buddhist Meditation, p.66.
209
the bones covered with skin, flesh and blood. It is the second
attainment of vision.22 It should be noted that in this sutta, four
steps of attainment of vision are given and two of them are
produced by contemplating the body and the other two attain-
ments are concerned with contemplating the unbroken stream
of human consciousness.23
Mindfulness of Elements:
Here, the yogi develops mindfulness based on the four
elements from which the body is derived:
Again, a monk reviews this body; however it may
be placed or disposed, in terms of the elements: “there
are in this body the earth element, the water-element, the
fire-element, the air element.” Just as if a skilled butcher
or his assistant, having slaughtered a cow, were to sit at
a crossroad with the carcass divided into portions, so a
monk reviews this very body …in terms of elements.24
The discussion continued up to this is concerned with a
live body of human being. The first three steps are more related
to the process and characteristics rather than to the body itself.
By these techniques, it is taught to see the day-to-day life and
the body’s relation to it. In the fourth and fifth, one aspect of the
early Buddhist attitude to the body is reflected, that is, that it is
analytical. These two steps serve to establish the early Buddhist
doctrinal thesis that there is no particular essence in the body
and thereby to falsify the notion of ‘self’ (attā).
In view of examining early Buddhist position concerning
the human body, the analysis made in terms of elements and
thirty two bodily parts is very useful. This analytical method
was used in Buddhism with the purpose of falsifying the con-
cept of eternal ‘self’ (attā or Ātman). The methodology used
by the Buddha was called ‘vibhajjavāda’ (analytical method)
22 DN.III.104
23 Ibid.105
24 Ibid.II.294
210
to “explain the truth. As David J. Kalupahana points out, the
Buddha utilized this method to disprove wrong philosophical
views but not to postulate any theory though there was a possi-
bility for him to do so.25 By applying this philosophical method
of going in to details to show the reality of the human body,
Buddhism points out that in the body, there is no part at all that
can be considered as ‘self’ and the body is only a collection of
various parts. To a question as to what is being (sattā), Vajira
bhikkhuni gave the following answer which clearly expresses
the Buddhist standpoint regarding human individuality:
Just as, with an assemblage of parts,
The word ‘chariot’ is used,
So when the aggregates exist,
There is the convection ‘a being’.26
The body is the manifestation of life and until the body
exists as a well functioning system, the psychic factor of indi-
vidual too functions. It can be proven from a simple example.
Any serious damage in someone’s body due to external or inter-
nal conditions and irregularity of vital bodily processes results
in death. Without a physical body one cannot experience life.
Therefore, in modern philosophy, Merleau-Ponty mentioned
the body as a vehicle carrying life.27 In the Mahānidānasutta
it is said that if there is no complex of psycho-physicality (na-
ma-rūpa), the psychic component of an individual (viññāṇa)
does not find a support.28 As we earlier referred to, in the com-
bination of ‘nāma-rūpa’ rūpa represents the physical body of a
human being.29 In the Cullamālunkyasutta, man’s formation of
25 Kalupahana, David J. (1994). A History of Buddhist Philosophy: Conti-
nuities and Discontinuities.p.68f.
26 SN.I.135: yathā hi anga sambhārā hoti saddo ratho iti-evam khandhesu
santesu, hoti satto ti sammuti.
27 Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. (1962). Phenomenology of Perception, p.82.
28 DN.II.63
29 PED.575
211
the concept of self on the basis of the psychological aspect of
personality (viññāṇa) has been mentioned.30 The analysis of the
five aggregates, the division of the body into constituent parts,
and the meditation on the body (kāyagatāsati or kāyānupassanā)
are intended to avoid the possibility of forming a self concept
on a physical basis.
Mindfulness of Dead Body:

The last method mentioned in the Satipaṭṭhānasutta is
the mindfulness on the dead body thrown away in the charnel
ground. Contemplation on the dead body is developed in nine
stages (navasīvathika). The contemplation on the dead body
results in the insight that in the same way as other people die
oneself is also subject to death. As it is mentioned:
Again, a monk, as if he were to see a corpse thrown
aside in a charnel-ground, one, two or three days dead,
bloated, discolored, festering, compares this body with
that, thinking: ‘This body is of the same nature, it will
become like that, it is not exempt from that fate’.31
At the end of each stage, the practicing monk compares
the other’s fate of dying with oneself. This understanding leads
him to contemplate body as body internally, externally, and
both internally and externally. And he abides independent, not
clinging to anything in the world. If we try to see the practical
purpose behind contemplating on the dead body, it is clear that
it is connected with the doctrinal view that all the conditioned
things are impermanent (sabbe sankhārā aniccā). A body thrown
out in the cemetery is not at all a pleasing thing. No one loves
to have a look at it.
The difference between a living body and a dead body
was explained by the Buddha in the episode of the prostitute
Sirima. Her body was given a great price while she was living
30 MN.I.430
31 DN.II.295; MN.III.92
212
but after she was dead, nobody was willing to give a value of a
single penny to the same body. The Buddha arranged to put the
Sirima’s dead body for auction with the intention of bringing
back to his good senses a monk who had fallen madly in love
with Sirima.32 Here, disenchantment with love for the body
is pointed out as something natural and it is the fate of every
physical body when it loses vitality (āyu), heat (usmā) and
consciousness (viññāṇa).
The reason why early Buddhism utilized such a disgusting
object like dead body as a meditation object requires clarifica-
tion. The attachment to a person and the human body in certain
situations is not limited only to the live body in contrast to the
story of Sirima. Once, a monk fell in love with a woman shortly
before she died. Her body was left in the charnel ground and
the monk had sex with her festering body.33 There are several
events mentioned in the Suttavibhanga similar to this. In the
selection of the dead human body as a meditation object, this
kind of events too, might have been considered by the early
Buddhists.
The contemplation on impurity (aśubha) is also similar
to the technique of nine stage contemplation on the dead body
(navasīvathika). The contemplation on impurity as a meditation
technique has culminated in the Visuddhimagga of Venerable
Buddhaghosa. The ten stages of a dead body from decomposition
to the stage of being reduced to a skeleton, on which an ascetic
meditates with careful observation, are as follows:
i. disgusting swelling of the dead body ( uddhumātika)
ii. the flesh turning blue (vinīlaka)
iii. pus flowing out of the broken parts of the body
(vipubbaka)
32 DhA.III.104f;VvA.74ff.
33 Vin.III.37: According to sexological classification, having sex with a
dead body is called ‘ Necrophilia’. See: Laws and O’Donohue.(1997).
Sexual Deviance, Theory, Assessment, and Treatment. p.406.
213
iv. the body cut into two at the middle (vicchiddaka)
v. the body bitten and eaten by animals (vikkhayitaka)
vi. hands, legs, and head dispersed here and there (vik-
kittaka)
vii. all body and limbs mutilated and scattered in frag-
ments (hatavikkittaka)
viii. blood shed around the body (lohitaka)
ix. worms wriggling on the body ( pulavaka)
x. the skeleton( aṭṭhika)34
Both the charnel ground meditation and contemplation
on impurity aim at detachment to the human body and the prac-
tice brings about an understanding of the final fate of an object
which has been once passionately loved. This understanding on
body stabilizes one’s state of mindfulness and is considered to
be conducive to progress in the path.
In Buddhism, it is clearly recognized that bodily plea-
sures are enjoyable by sentient beings and at the same time it
is pointed out that there are different levels of experience of
happiness according to the development in one’s mind. In the
Bahuvedaniyasutta, the Buddha discusses the real pleasure as
gained from meditation experience and they are superior to that
gained from the gratification of the desires of the senses (bodily
pleasures).35
Body and Senses :

In early Buddhism, the five aggregates and six senses
are discussed in different contexts and particularly the senses
have not been discussed as to which aggregate they belong.36
In the Abhidhamma literature, the senses are included in the
34 Vism.178
35 MN.I.398.
36 Hamilton, Sue. (1996). Identity and Experience: The Constitution of the
Human Being According to Early Buddhism .14.
214
material aggregate.37 In our examination of the early Buddhist
understanding of body, we have in the first step, tried to see its
utility as a meditation object in which the analytical attitude is
developed and falsify the idea of an eternal self. The connec-
tion between the body and sensual pleasure is another import-
ant aspect that is required to be understood. In the Samyutta
Nikāya, the simile of six animals tethered to a pillar explains
how the degree of insight into the nature of the body is relevant
to the growth or the reduction of sensual desire. If the monk
is not well established in the mindfulness of the body, the six
senses draw the mind to their six different domains and to the
external sense objects either pleasing or repellent. When there
is no mindfulness, the influence of the senses becomes strong
and mind is drawn to sense objects. But, when the mindfulness
of the body is developed, the senses cannot draw the mind to
different directions.
…Here having seen a form with the eye, a bhikkhu
is not intent upon a pleasing form and not repelled by a
displeasing form. He dwells having set up mindfulness of
the body, with a measureless mind, and he understands as
it really is that liberation of mind, liberation by wisdom,
wherein those evil unwholesome states cease without
remainder.38
When he reaches to this state of liberation he is free from
the vacillation of mind by sense objects:
bhikkhus, when a bhikkhu has developed and cul-
tivated mindfulness directed to the body, the eye does
not pull in the direction of agreeable forms nor are dis-
agreeable forms repulsive; the ear… (Sounds)… nose…
(odours)… tongue… (tastes)… body… (Tactile objects);
the mind does not pull in the direction of agreeable mental
phenomena nor in that of the disagreeable.39
37 Ibid.
38 SN.IV.200.
39 Ibid.
215
The implication of this statement concerning the mind-
fulness of body and the vacillation of mind in relation to the
six sense objects can be seen in terms of restraint of the senses
(indriyasamvara). The ordinary mind is focused on pleasing
the body through the six senses without knowing that the body
is subject to change. The contact between the six senses is the
way through which the body is fed both psychologically and
physiologically. Sensuality is a result of this process. Sense
experience can result in perverted perception regarding it as
good or bad due to mental tendencies lying within the deepest
layer of consciousness.
All the psychological modes of thinking that affirm a
fixed person of individual can be included under ignorance and
desire. Until one realizes it, the psychological process of inter-
preting sense-objects as pleasant and unpleasant continues. To
gain realization of ignorance and desire, according to Buddhist
doctrine one must cultivate one’s own mind. In selecting objects
to develop mindfulness, it can be said that in early Buddhism,
such objects that are most conducive to the realization of the
four noble truths have been given priority.
The Body in Jhana Practice (Samādhi):
Even though the body is discussed mainly in relation to
vipassanā meditation or ‘Mindfulness’ (sati), it has a role in the
jhanic practices (Samadhi) too. In the Kāyagatāsati sutta (The
discourse on Mindfulness of the Body), both the sati practice
and Samadhi practice have been related to the mindfulness
of the body. The first section of the sutta bears similarity to
the Kāyānupassanā section of the Satipaṭṭhāna sutta; all the
six meditation objects concerning human body are presented
here too.40 However, the final observation differs in the two
suttas. In the Kayahatasati sutta, there is no reference to ‘giv-
ing up of attachment and dissatisfaction for the for the world
40 Compare DN.II.295; MN.III.92
216
(abhijjhā-domanassam pahāya)41 as in the Satipatthana suttas.
Instead, the former asserts the development of mindfulness. As
the text runs:
As he abides thus diligent, ardent, and resolute,
his memories and intentions based on the household life
are abandoned; with their abandoning his mind becomes
steadied internally, quieted, brought to singleness, and
concentrated. That is how a bhikkhu develops mindfulness
of the body.42
This observation is added at the end of all the six practices,
namely, breathing in-and-out (āṇāpānasati), the four postures
(iriyāpatha), full awareness (sampajañña), foulness of bodily
parts (paṭikkūla manasikāra), elements (dhātuvavatthāna), the
nine charnel ground contemplations (navasīvathika). As Lis
Wilson mentions, in order to overcome sense desire, monks
and nuns had to cultivate aversion for the body.43 But, here we
cannot observe an aversive attitude towards body. It is only the
emphasis on the cultivation mindfulness and detachment from
worldly life.
In the second section, the Kayagatasati sutta takes up the
jhana practices and combines the concentration with body. For
instance, the yogi who attains the first jhana applies the
41 MN.I. Satipatthana: ‘Katame cattāro? Idha, bhikkhave, bhikkhu kāye
kāyānupassī viharati ātāpī sampajāno satimā, vineyya loke abhijjhādomanas-
saṃ; vedanāsu vedanānupassī viharati ātāpī sampajāno satimā, vineyya
loke abhijjhādomanassaṃ;
42 Ñāṇamoli,Bhikkhu, Bodhi,Bhikkhu.(1995). The Middle Length Dis-
courses of the Buddha: A New Translation of the Majjhima Nikāya,p.950;
MN.III.90
43 See: Lis Wilson, op.cit. p.63: For MONKS and NUNS who are afflict-
ed by sensual desire and who view bodily pleasures like eating, bathing,
self-adornment, and sexual activity as inherently pleasing, developing a
sense of aversion toward the body by visualizing it as a foul pustule or by
contemplating corpses in various stages of putrefaction is recommended as
an antidote to sensuality. (italic is mine)
217
Again, bhikkhus, quite secluded from sensual
pleasures, secluded from unwholesome states, a bhik-
khu enters upon and abides in the first jhana, which is
accompanied by applied and sustained thought, with
rapture and pleasure born of seclusion. He makes the
rapture and pleasure born of seclusion drench, steep,
fill, and pervade this body, so that there is no part of his
whole body unpervaded by the rapture and pleasure born
of seclusion……. As he abides thus diligent, ardent,
and resolute, his memories and intentions based on the
household life are abandoned; with their abandoning
his mind becomes steadied internally, quieted, brought
to singleness, and concentrated. That is how a bhikkhu
develops mindfulness of the body.44
This process continues for all the four material jhanas.

The text produces number of similes to explain how the mind-
fulness of body is conducive to spiritual progress. Finally, it
mentions that there are eleven benefits, the last being the attain-
ment of enlightenment cutting of mental tendencies conducive
to the prolonging in the existence.
(i) One becomes a conqueror of discontent and delight,
and discontent does not conquer oneself; one abides
overcoming discontent whenever it arises.
44 MLDB,p.953: Puna ca paraṃ, bhikkhave, bhikkhu vivicceva kāmehi…

pe… paṭhamaṃ jhānaṃ upasampajja viharati. So imameva kāyaṃ
vivekajena pītisukhena abhisandeti parisandeti paripūreti parippharati,
nāssa kiñci sabbāvato kāyassa vivekajena pītisukhena apphuṭaṃ hoti.
Seyyathāpi, bhikkhave, dakkho nahāpako vā nhāpakantevāsī vā kaṃsathāle
nahānīyacuṇṇāni ākiritvā udakena paripphosakaṃ paripphosakaṃ
sanneyya, sāyaṃ nahānīyapiṇḍi snehānugatā snehaparetā santarabāhirā
phuṭā snehena na ca pagghariṇī; evameva kho, bhikkhave, bhikkhu
imameva kāyaṃ vivekajena pītisukhena abhisandeti parisandeti paripūreti
parippharati; nāssa kiñci sabbāvato kāyassa vivekajena pītisukhena
apphuṭaṃ hoti. Tassa evaṃ appamattassa…pe… evampi, bhikkhave,
bhikkhu kāyagatāsatiṃ bhāveti.
218
(ii) One becomes a conqueror of fear and dread, and
fear and dread do not conquer oneself; one abides
overcoming fear and dread whenever they arise.
(iii) One bears cold and heat, hunger and thirst, and
contact with gadflies, mosquitoes, wind, the sun, and
creeping things; one endures ill-spoken, unwelcome
words and arisen bodily feelings that are painful,
racking, sharp, piercing, disagreeable, distressing,
and menacing to life.
(iv) One obtains at will, without trouble or difficulty,
the four jhanas that constitute the higher mind and
provide a pleasant abiding here and now.
(v) One wields the various kinds of supernormal pow-
er…one wields bodily mastery even as far as the
Brahma-world.
(vi) With the divine ear element, which is purified
and surpasses the human, one hears both kinds of
sounds, the divine and the human, those that are far
as well as near.
(vii) One understands the minds of other beings, of other
persons, having encompassed them with one’s own
mind. One understands a mind affected by lust as af-
fected by lust... an unliberated mind as unliberated.
(viii) One recollects one’s manifold past lives, that is,
one birth, two births .. Thus with their aspects and
particulars one recollects one’s manifold past lives.
(ix) With the divine eye, which is purified and surpass-
es the human, one sees beings passing away and
reappearing, inferior and superior, fair and ugly,
fortunate and unfortunate, and one understands how
beings pass on according to their actions.
(x) By realizing for oneself with direct knowledge,
one here and now enters upon and abides in the
219
deliverance of mind and deliverance by wisdom
that are taintless with the destruction of the taints.45
Once the results are closely examined, it can learn that
applied in the sati and Samadhi practices champion the mind
and leads to the highest development of human capacity, which
Buddhist tradition describes as ‘ utter destruction of cankers and
attainment of enlightenment.’
Conclusion
The discussion above was carried out in relation to the
contexts of contemplative practices and human body in them.
According to early Buddhist sources, human body has been
used as an object for contemplation in the mindfulness practice
(sati) and concentration practice (Samadhi), which are popu-
larly known as vipassana (insight) and samatha (serene). The
Satipaṭṭh āhana suttas have dealt with in detail how to develop
mindfulness of body through six major practices. This practice
is taken as the standard version on body related contemplation.
Moreover, the Kāyagatāsati sutta combines the previous six
practices with the jhana practices. Both the suttas elaborate how
the contemplation on body results in mindfulness over the body,
detachment to the body-related experiences, psychic powers
and finally the eradication of taints (āsava), which constitutes
liberation (Nibbāna).
Abbreviations
AN Angutta Nikāya
CDB The Connected Discourses of the Buddha
DhA Dhammapada Aṭṭhakathā
DN Dīgha Nikāya
GS Gradual Sayings
MLDB The Middle Length discourse of the Buddha
45 MLDB, pp.956-57
220
MN Majjhima Nikāya
PED Pali-English Dictionary
PTS The Pali Text Society
Vism Visuddhimagga
SN Samyutta Nikāya
Bibliography:
Primary Sources:
Bodhi,Bhikkhu. (trans.) (2000). The Connected Discourses of the Buddha:
A Translation of the Samyutta Nikāya. Boston: Wisdom Publications.
Carpenter, J.E., (Ed.) (1992 repr). The Dīgha Nikāya Vol.III. Oxford: PTS.
Chalmers, Robert, (Ed.) (1994 repr). The Majjhima-Nikāya Vol.II & III.
Oxford: PTS.
Dhammapada-Aṭṭhakathā I (1998). Maharastra: Vipassana Research In-
stitute.
Leon Feer, M., (Ed) (1975 repr). Samyutta-Nikāya Part III. London: PTS.
______. (Ed) (1994 repr). Samyutta-Nikāya Part II, IV, I&V. Oxford: PTS.
Morris, Richard. (Ed.) (1976 repr). The Anguttara Nikāya PartI II. London:
PTS.
_______. (Ed.) (1989 repr). The Anguttara Nikāya Part I . Oxford: PTS.
Ñanamoli, Bhikkhu, & Bodhi, Bhikkhu, (trans.) (1995). The Middle Length
Discourses of the Buddha, A New Translation of the Majjhima Nikaya.
Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society.
Oldenberg, Hermann, The Vinaya Piṭakam Vol.I&II. London: PTS.
_______. (Ed.) (1993 repr).The Vinaya Piṭakam Vol.III &IV. Oxford: PTS.
Rhys Davids. C.A.F., (Ed.) (1975 repr). The Visuddhimagga. London: PTS.
Rhys Davids, T.W., & Carpenter, J.E., (Ed.) (1982 repr). The Dīgha Nikāya
Vols.I, &II. London: PTS.
Trenckner, V., (Ed.) (1993 repr). The Majjhima-Nikāya Vol.I. Oxford: PTS.
Woodward, F.L. (trans.) (1994 repr). Gradual Sayings Vol. II - V. Oxford:
PTS.
Secondary sources:
Dissanayake, Wimal. (1993). Self and Body in Theravada Buddhism. In
Thomas P. Kasulis, Roger T. Ames and Wimal Dissanayake (Ed).
Self as Body in Asian Theory and Practice. Albany: State Univ. of
New York Press.
Hamilton, Sue. (1996). Identity and Experience: The Constitution of the
Human Being According to Early Buddhism. London: Luzac Oriental.
221
Kajiyama, Yuchi. (1999 repr). Body,The. In G.P.Malalasekera (Ed.) En-
cyclopedia of Buddhism Volume III. (pp.255-262) Colombo: The
Department of Buddhist Affairs.
Kalupahana, David J., (1977). Buddhist Philosophy: A Historical Analysis.
Honolulu: The University of Hawaii.
_______. (1992). The Principles of Buddhist Psychology. Delhi: Sri Satguru
Publications.
_______. (1994). A History of Buddhist Philosophy: Continuities and Dis-
continuities. Delhi: Mortilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited.
Laws, D.Richard, & O’Donohue, William (Ed.) (1997). Sexual Deviance,
Theory, Assessment, and Treatment. New York: The Guilford Press.
Merleau-Ponty, Maurice (1962). Phenomenology of Perception (trans.)
Colin Smith. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Pannaloka, Wadinagala. (2013). Buddhist Perspective on Diseased Desire.
Germany: Lambert Academic Publishing.
Thera, Nyanaponika (2005 repr). The Heart of Buddhist Meditation. Kandy:
Buddhist Publication Society.
Wilson, Liz. (2004). Body: Perspectives On The. In Encyclopedia of
Buddhism. Robert E. Buswell, Jr., (Editor in Chief). (pp.62-65).
Macmillan Reference USA: New York.
Pal, Sulagna. (2013). Knowing the Body: Seeing it through “Their” Eyes
(Online), Retrieved December 13, 2017 from journals.christuniversity.
in/index.php/tattva/article/download/1059/896
222
BUDDHIST TRADITION
AND MANUSCRIPTOLOGY
(With Special Reference to Palm Leaf MSS)
Dr. Sashibhusan Mishra

Assistant Professor
Sri Sitaram Vaidic Adarsha Sanskrit Mahavidyalaya
7/2A, P.W.D. Road Kolkata, 700035,West Bengal, India.
Email- sashibhusan.mishra7@gmail.com
Abstract
Manuscripts have played a very significant role in the
development, preservation, propagation of knowledge in In-
dia. So for what, ancient people thought that manuscript pres-
ervation was a baronial task for them. Though it was a chore
for some people, but many religious people, organisations,
learned people, luminaries, monasteries, temples etc. collected
and well preserved all those seeds of knowledge with much
more painstaking effort for a long time. Buddhist tradition,
Buddhist scholars etc. immensely helped manuscriptology in
many ways. For knowing the history of writing in India, writing
system, history of writing system, qualities of a scribe, history
of script, ancient writing materials, preparation of palm-leaves,
preparation of palm-leaf manuscripts, cover board, palm-leaf
writing technique, coloring of palm-leaf manuscripts, manu-
script preservation etc. we are very much depending upon this
Buddhist tradition and scholars of this tradition.
Key Words- Buddhist tradition, Manuscripts, Palm-leaf
Manuscripts, Manuscriptology
Introduction
Manuscripts were the important source of knowledge
in the then India. The ocean of knowledge was written & pre-
223
served in various manuscript forms. So for what, ancient people
thought that manuscript preservation was a baronial task for
them. Though it was a chore for some people, but many religious
people, organisations, learned people, luminaries, monasteries,
temples etc. collected and well preserved all those seeds of
knowledge with much more painstaking effort for a long time.
As a result now we are able to find the traditional wisdom of
Bhārata.
Derivation of the word Manuscript

Manuscripts have played a very significant part in the
development, preservation, propagation of knowledge in India.
The word Manuscript derived from the Medieval Latin word
Manu means by hand and scriptus the past participle form of
the Medieval Latin word Scribere means written. The tabular
form of the derivation of this word is as follows.
But according to R.S.Shivaganesh Murthy the word Man-

uscript is derived from the Latin word Manuscriptum and the
corresponding English meaning of this word is hand-written1.
The different names for Manuscript in Indian subconti-
nent in various languages are – pÁÆÕulipi, pÁÆÕupatram, ha-
staprati, hastalekha, hastakéti, hastalikhita, matékÁ, grantha,
pothÁ, pothi, poÉthi, poÉthÁ, puÉthi, potthaka, pustaka, pusta,
1 Sarma. K.V. (Author), Edited by Dash. Siniruddha (2007). Manuscripts
of India (Article), (Book) New Lights on Manuscriptology, Chennai, page-
1(pp. 1-17), Sree Sarada Education Society Research Centre.
224
pustikÁ, Putthaya, pratilipi, ÐÁstra, koÐa, nuska, bid, chopaÕi,
kitÁb, bahi, guÔaka, parvana, parvancha, murakka, ola, puskola,
talli, sravanga, bahinuma pustika, patra, panavali, text, codex,
script, document, treatise, transcript, evidence, primary source
etc.2
But in other prominent languages of world the trans-
lation of this word is as follows- (1) British English- manu-
script, (2) American English- manuscript, (3) Brazilian Portu-
guese- manuscrito, (4) Croatian- rukopis, (5) Czech- rukopis,
(6) Danish- manuscript, (7) Dutch- manuscript, (8) European
Spanish- manuscrito, (9) Finnish- käsin kirjoitettu teos, (10)
French- manuscript, (11) German- Manuskript, (12) Italian- ma-
noscritto, (13) Norwegian- manuscript, (14) Polish- rękopis,
(15) European Portuguese- manuscrito, (16) Romanian- man-
uscris, (17) Spanish-manuscrito, (18) Swedish- manus, (19)
Turkish- elyazması.3
Definition of Manuscript
Let us first discuss what is a Manuscript? Etymological-
ly, manuscript means something that is hand written, it means
handwritten document. In other words a manuscript is a hand-
written composition on paper, bark, cloth, metal, palm leaf or
any other material dating back at least seventy-five years that has
significant scientific, historical or aesthetic value. Lithographs
and printed volumes are not manuscripts. Again here the term
manuscript is related to antiquity not necessarily means the
write up submitted by an author to a publisher.
2 Prasad. J.S.R. (2016). An introduction to Manuscriptology. (Online),
Retrieved Sep. 29, 2016 from In slideshare: https://www.slideshare. net/
JSRAPrasad/ introduction- to-manuscriptology.
3 Collins. Harper. (2017) Collins English Dictionary (Online), Retrieved
Thursday 02 November 2017 from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Collins_
English_Dictionary: https://www.collinsdictionary.com/dictionary/english/
manuscript.
225
“The Antiquities and Art Treasures Act, 1972” lays down
the legal framework for custody of manuscripts. Antiquities,
defined under the Act include “Any manuscript, record or other
document which is of scientific, historical, literary or aesthetic
value and which has been in existence for not less than seven-
ty-five years.” If this definition is taken into consideration in
phase value, a manuscript means,-
1. A hand written document.
2. Which has scientific, historical, literary or aesthetic
value.
3. Which is at least seventy-five years old.
Manuscripts are found in hundreds of different languages
and scripts. Often, one language is written in a number of dif-
ferent scripts. For example, Sanskrit is written in Odia script,
Grantha script, Devanagari script, Bengali script and many other
scripts. Manuscripts are distinct from historical records such
as epigraphs on rocks, firmans, revenue records which provide
direct information on events or processes in history. Manuscripts
have knowledge content.
Manuscriptology
Manuscriptology means, science of manuscripts in which
editing of the work is given supreme importance. Editing of
the work means reconstructing the text, nearest to the author’s
autograph work on the basis of evidences i.e. readings available
in existent copy or copies in the form of manuscript, quotations,
translations, summaries, adaptations & research articles. Study-
ing hand written works of literature or lore is subject matter of
Manuscriptology.
Buddhist Tradition and Manuscriptology

Buddhist tradition, Buddhist scholars etc. immensely
helped this branch of knowledge in many ways. For knowing
the history of writing in India, writing system, history of writing
226
system, qualities of a scribe, history of script, ancient writing
materials, preparation of palm-leaves, preparation of palm-leaf
manuscripts, cover board, palm-leaf writing technique, coloring
of palm-leaf manuscripts, manuscript preservation etc. we are
very much depending upon this tradition and scholars of this
tradition. Let us discuss some of them.
Role of Buddhist Tradition for knowing the history

of writing in India
The history of writing in India is very old. While dealing
with manuscripts a question arises spontaneously that at what
time the first manuscript could have been written. Keeping this
idea in mind the study of palaeography is started. For Manu-
scriptology, neither the origin and genealogy of scripts nor its
development through the ages is required in detail, but a general
outline of history is essential, because the manuscripts are also
written documents in historical succession. Thus, the question
of antiquity of writing is dealt with here as a prelude to the study
of manuscripts. For analysing the history of writing we have
to depend upon the written chronicles, epoch-making literary
works of prominent authors, epigraphs &c.
The Buddhist works supplies us ample evidence regarding
writing system in ancient India. The Buddhist literature is very
rich regarding the evidences of writing system. SÚttapiÔaka,
VinayapiÔaka and the NikÁyas, includes akkharikÁ which prob-
ably known as a game played by the children. According to
BuddhagoÒa, its main feature was the letters were read in the
sky. Buhler4 tells us that, the Ceylonese TripiÔaka bear witness
not only to an acquaintance with writing, but also to its exten-
sive use at the time when the Buddhist canon was composed.
Lekha (writing), lekhaka (a writer), are mentioned in the Bhik-
4 Buhler. G. (1962). Indian Paleography. Calcutta, (Pp. 22-23). Indian
Studies Past and Present.
227
khu-PÁcittya 2, 2, and in the BhikkhunÍ-PÁcittya 49, 2; and the
former work praises writing as a branch of knowledge that is
honoured in all countries. The JÁtakas repeatedly speak of pri-
vate and official letters. They also know of royal proclamations,
of which MahÁvagga 1, 43 likewise mentions an instance; and
they narrate that, important family affairs or moral and polit-
ical maxims were engraved on gold plates. Twice we hear of
debtor’s bonds (iÆapaÆÆa), and twice even of MSS (potthaka).
The PÁrÁjika section of the VinayapiÔaka (3.4.4) declares that
Buddhist monks shall not incise. Again JÁtaka No. 125 and
MahÁvagga 1,49, bear witness to the existence of elementary
schools. Again the JÁtaka mentions the wooden writing-board
i.e., phalaka, wooden i.e., varÆaka etc..
Again MajjhimanikÁya speaks of eight professions for
house-holders of which muddÁ (conveyancing), GaÆana (ac-
countancy) & SaÉkhÁ (appraising)- point to use of writing.
Cullavaga deals with various methods of voting; one of which
at least needs writing. The Chinese translation of Lalitavistara
(308 A.D) recounts the childhood of Lord Buddha, where we
are told that he was sent to a lipiÐÁlÁ (Chapter-10) along with
numerous other friends.
So from above discussion it is clearly understood that the
Buddhist tradition is very much rich regarding the evidences
of writing system.
Role of Buddhist Tradition for knowing the history

of scripts in India
A writing system is a set of visible or tactile signs used
to represent units of language in a systematic way. The process
or result of recording spoken language/inner feelings using a
system of visual marks on a surface; the concept includes the
particular writing system (orthography) which is available for
a language, the choice and mastery of a particular medium of
expression whether handwriting or typing, and the product
228
which emerges the piece of writing is known as writing system.
Throughout history a number of different ways of representing
language in graphic media have been invented. These are called
writing systems.
Ancient time history shows that man felt the need to
communicate with his fellowmen through means other than
speech. Various forms of picture writing were used for a long
time in different parts of the globe to record the happenings,
before scripts were devised. The communities of cave dwellers
wished to make records of their lives and they left the complex
drawings and paintings on the walls of their caves. Over time,
the need to keep records and to send messages increased and
the idea of indicating objects by means of pictures was further
developed.
Various forms of picture writing were used for a long time
in different parts of the world. For instance, the ancient Egyptians
invented a kind of picture writing called “hieroglyphs,” which
means “sacred carving.” Besides, the Chinese still have a kind
of picture writing that is known as ideographic. The symbols
used in this system are called characters, and these characters
are used for every kind of objects and every kind of ideas. So in
this way at first Pictograph, then Ideograph & at last Phonetic
Script came into existence.
At present there are about 6000 languages in the world.
Again some languages has its own scripts (Example, Odia,
Bengali, etc.) and some has not (Example,- Sanskrit etc.). There
is no alphabet for some scripts. For example,-Cuneiform, 4000
B.C., Hieroglyphic, 4000 B.C., Indus Script, 4000 B.C., Chi-
nese Script, 3200 B.C., Cretan Script, 3000 B.C., Hittite Script,
2000 B.C. etc.. Again there are alphabets for some scripts. For
example,- Hebrew Script, 1000 B.C., Semitic Script, 1000
B.C., Greek Script, 900 B.C., Roman Script, 900 B.C., Armaic
Script, 800 B.C., Arabic Script, 800 B.C., Brahmi Script, 350
B.C., Kharosthi Script, 350 B.C., Nagari Script, 1000 A.D. etc..
229
In ancient India we find that so many scripts were in use.
In this regard we find some references regarding the name of
scripts in some ancient and later treatises. The famous Buddhist
text Lalitavistara quotes that, there were sixty four (64) scripts
in ancient India. They are,- BrÁhmÍ, KharoÒÔhÍ, PuskarasÁrÍ,
AÉgalipi, BaÉgalipi, Magadhalipi, MÁÉgalyalipi, ManuÒyali-
pi, AÉgulÍyalipi, S’akÁrilipi, BrahmavalÍlipi, DrÁviÕalipi,
KanÁrilipi, DakÒiÆalipi, Ugralipi, SaÉkhyÁlipi, Anulomalipi,
Ùrdhvadhanulipi, Daradalipi, KhÁsyalipi, CÍnalipi, HÚÆalipi,
MadhyakÒavistÁralipi, PuÒyalipi, Devalipi, NÁgalipi, YakÒali-
pi, Gandharvalipi, Kinnaralipi, Mahoragalipi, Asuralipi,
GaruÕalipi, Mégacakralipi, Cakralipi, VÁyumarulipi, Bhau-
madevalipi, AntarikÒalipi, UttarakurudvÍpalipi, AparaguÕÁ-
dilipi, PÚrvavidehalipi, UtprekÒalipi, NikÒepalipi, VikÒepalipi,
PrakÒepalipi, SÁgaralipi, Vajralipi, Lekhapratilekhalipi,
Anudrutalipi, S’ÁstrÁvartalipi, GaÆÁvartalipi, UtprekÒÁvartali-
pi, VikÒepÁvartalipi, PÁdalikhitalipi, Dviruttarapadasa-ndhi-
likhitalipi, Das’ottarapadasandhilikhitalipi, AdhyÁhÁriÆÍlipi,
Sarvaru-tsaÆgrahaÆÍlipi, VidyÁnulomalipi, Vimis’ritalipi,
èpitapastaptalipi, DharaÆÍprakÒepaÆÁlipi, SarvoÒadhaniÒyan-
dalipi, SarvasÁrasaÆgrahaÆ-iÍlipi, SarvabhÚtarudgrahaÆÍlip5.
Again there is another speculation that, the DevanÁgarÍ
script is the merger of two ancient scripts. Here we saw the
famous Buddhist text Lalitavistara quotes the names of 64
scripts including Deva Script and NÁga Script. Most probably,
in later period both scripts merged & took the modern shape &
identified with DevanÁgarÍ Script.6
5 Ojha. G.H. (Third Edition) (1971). BhÁratÍya PrÁcÍna LipimÁlÁ. New

Delhi (p. 17.) Munshiram Manoharlal.
6 Mishra. S. (2014). Catalogue of Palam Leaf Manuscripts with Basic
Manuscriptology. Ahmedabad. (p. 71). Acarya Sri Surendrasuriswarji
Jaina Tatvajnanasala.
230
Buddhist Coloring Palm-Leaf Manuscript Traditio
Illustrated Buddhist manuscripts of Asia are books that
were produced in abundance throughout the eleventh to thir-
teenth centuries. These illustrated Buddhist books are monastic
products transcribing Buddhist sÚtras
The miniature paintings initially emerged in eastern India.
The PÁla kings patronized this form of art and buoyant to spread
Buddhism. They made immense contribution in encouraging
this form of art as well as spreading Buddhism. This new type
of art was developed mainly in Bihar and Bengal. These man-
uscripts were use to prepared with the leaves of the Corypha
umbraculifera and sometimes of the Borassus Flabellifer Linn
palm leaves.
The earliest illustrated Buddhist manuscript of the
Indian subcontinent is the manuscript of the AÒÔasāhasrikā
Prajñāpāramitā is now in the Cambridge University Library.
Its colophon tells us that the manuscript was made in the fourth
regnal year of Mahīpāla I (992–1042 A.D.). The Pālas ruled in
the ancient land of Magadha and adjacent regions (i.e., now
Bihar and parts of Bengal) from the eighth to the early thirteenth
centuries. The reign of Mahīpāla I mark a turning point in Pāla
history because he is responsible for stabilizing and recovering
the territory that was lost during the successions of weak kings
before him. The heightened religious activities and the degree
of royal patronage of the Buddhist institutions exemplified by
the inscriptions bearing his regnal years suggest the perfect
atmosphere for commissioning beautifully illustrated Buddhist
manuscripts. A tradition of illustrating Buddhist books must
have existed before Mahīpāla’s reign, but the surviving body
of manuscripts suggests a heyday of Buddhist book production,
especially books with illustrations, during the eleventh and
twelfth centuries in eastern India. Illustrated Buddhist manu-
scripts were made in regions outside Pāla territory in eastern
India, and we have manuscripts dated with the regnal years of
231
the Candras and the Varmans, who ruled other parts of eastern
India during this period. The popularity of illustrated Buddhist
manuscripts was also witnessed in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal,
a region that seems to have been culturally interconnected with
eastern India during this time.
The colophon of the AÒÔasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā man-
uscript mentioned above does not tell us where it was prepared,
but the use of Mahīpāla’s regnal year suggests that the site of its
production must have been one of the famous Buddhist mon-
asteries that prospered under the Pāla rule. Even though only a
few of the Pāla kings were devout Buddhists, they continued to
support the internationally well-known monastery of Nālānda
and founded other grand monasteries, such as Vikramashīla,
located near Bhagalpur in Bihar. We know from different col-
ophons that manuscripts were actually made in these famous
monasteries of eastern India. For example, the colophon tells
us that,- a beautifully written manuscript of AÒÔasāhasrikā
Prajñāpāramitā that includes eighteen illustrations and painted
wooden covers was prepared by a scribe Ahunakunda of Sri
Nalanda in Magadha in the fifteenth year of the king Rāmapāla
(1087–1141 A.D.). This MS is now in the Bodleian Library,
Oxford. Another MS of AÒÔasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā written
in ornamental KuÔila script was made in Vikramashīla during
the fifteenth year of King Gopāla III (1143–1158 A.D.). This
MS is now in the British Library.
Along with the accounts of later Tibetan monks visiting
these sites, the ruins at the excavated sites of Nalanda and Vikra-
mashīla suggest a blow of destruction by the Muslim army in the
early thirteenth century, and such an attack must have destroyed
thousands of manuscripts kept at the monasteries. This full-scale
destruction of the Buddhist establishments in eastern India may
have nevertheless contributed to the preservation of Buddhist
manuscripts of the Pāla period: as the monks fled to Nepal and
Tibet, these manuscripts were transported to a more hospitable
232
climate for their fragile leaves, which otherwise may not have
withstood almost a thousand years of harsh weather.7
The students and pilgrims all over south East Asia use
to flock to Nalanda, Odantatpuri, Vikramsila, Somarupa, etc.
for educational and religious instructions. On their way back to
home, they used to take the bronzes and various types of manu-
scripts of Pāla Buddhist art as paradigm along with them. In this
way PÁla style of painting in MSS spread and accepted quickly
among countries like Tibet, Burma, Srilanka, Java etc.. Most of
the examples of PÁla School are related to Vajrayāna School.
This form of art also reflects some approach of Ajanta. After
the invasion by Muslim invaders, some monks and artists fled
to Nepal. It helped in strengthen the existing art tradition there.
Buddhist Writing Materials

Knowledge of writing materials is also essential to the
study of handwriting and to the identification of the periods in
which a document or manuscript may have been produced8.
Before the invention of paper, the main writing materials in
our country and abroad throughout history were birch-bark,
palm-leaves, copper-plates, clay-tablets, stones, bamboos, skins,
papyrus, wax tablets, vellum, parchment, paper, etc. Besides
these, agaru-bark, bricks, earthenware, shell, ivory, cloth, wood,
etc. had also their uses as materials for writing.
Till paper was introduced in India, palm-leaves were one
of the most important materials used for writing purposes in
this country. It is also the major source of writing and painting
in South and Southeast Asian countries including Nepal, Sri
Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia and Cambodia. Palm leaf
7 Kim. Jinah. (2017). Jain and Buddhist Manuscript Painting (Online).

Retrieved 10 December 2017, from Encyclopedia of India: www.encyclo-
pedia.com.
8 Gwinn. Robert. P. (Vol. IX) (1986) “Paleography” in the Encyclopedia
Britannica. Alexandria. (p. 78) Micropaedia.
233
manuscripts relating to art and architecture, mathematics, as-
tronomy, astrology, and medicine dating back several hundreds
of years are still available for reference today. Large numbers of
collections of palm leaf manuscripts on palm leaves are found
in museums and libraries almost everywhere in India and also
in some major institutions abroad.
Though so many varieties of species of native palm trees
are found around the globe, but however, the leaves of only a
few types of palm species have been used for writing. The most
widely used palm species are, Corypha umbraculifera Linn,
Borassus flabelliformis Linn, and Corypha taliera Roxb9.
Major Buddhist manuscripts of eastern India and Nepal
were made with the leaves of the Corypha umbraculifera and
sometimes of the Borassus Flabellifer Linn.
This Corypha umbraculifera is otherwise known as
ShrÍtÁla or TÁla or TÁÕÍ by some scholars. Here in this context it
will be better to mention that, the Indian names differ from each
other. For example in one book10 it is mentioned that, Borassus
Flabellifer Linn is KharatÁla or TÁla, Corypha umbraculifera is
TÁlÍ or Talipot and Corypha Taliera Roxb is known as S’rÍtÁla.
Again Dr. Sircar11 opines that, TÁla or TÁÕa as Borassus Fla-
bellifer Linn and TÁlÍ or TÁÕÍ as Corypha umbraculifera. Here
we should remember that the fibers of the S’rÍtÁla leaves are
more resistant to decay than the KharatÁla leaves. It is because
of these reasons that S’rÍtÁla leaves have been preferred to
KharatÁla leaves for writing manuscripts. The Talipot palm is
monocarpic, flowering only once, when it is 30 to 80 years old.
It takes about a year for the fruit to mature, producing thousands
9 Agrawal. Om Prakash. (1984). Conservation of Manuscripts and Paint-
ings of South-East Asia, London. (pp. 25-27) Butterworths & Co Ltd.
10 Gangadharan. G.G. (Chief Editor) (2010). Handbook of Medical Manu-
scriptology. Bangalore. (p. 28). IAIM.
11 Sircar. Dinesh Chandra. (1965). Indian Epigraphy. Delhi. MLBD.
234
of rounds, yellow-green fruit 3-4 cm diameter, each containing
a single seed. The plant dies after fruiting.
Borassus Flabellifer Linn is also known as Asian Palmy-
ra palm, or Toddy palm, or Sugar palm, or Cambodian palm,
or Palmyra palm or KharatÁla or TÁla or TÁÕa. Again the
Borassus flabellifer plant and fruit is known as TÁãa in Odia,
Tnaot in Khmer, Thot Not in Vietnamese, TÁri in Hindi, TÁl in
Bengali, Tale Hannu or Tateningu in Kannada, Nungu in Tamil,
Pana Nangu in Malayalam, Thaati Munjalu in Telugu, Munjal
in Urdu, Lontar in Indonesian, Siwalan in Javanese, Ta’al in
Madurese, Ton Taan in Thai, Akadiru by the East Timorese,
Tao in Divehi, Tadfali (pronunciation variations are Tad-fali or
Taadfali) in Gujarati, Targula in Konkani, TaÕgolÁ in Marathi
and sometimes Ice-apple in British English. The leaves of the
palmyra palm are rather thick compared to those of the tali-
pot palm and they have a tendency to break very easily. The
palmyra palm, i.e., Borassus Flabellifer Linn, is mostly used
in writing letters and notes and not in the writing of important
books. They also appear to be more prone to insect attack than
the talipot palms. The Borassus flabellifer leaves are used for
thatching, & for preparing mats, baskets, fans, hats, umbrellas,
and as writing material.
The use of paper in Buddhist manuscript production was
known in the Kathmandu Valley as early as the twelfth century,
but palm leaf was the most commonly used material for writing.
Culmination
Though Buddhist Tradition and Manuscriptology are in-
terlinked with each other and this tradition helped a lot to built
Manuscriptology in larger perspective, still here I discussed
palm leaf paintings and writings in short. Along with this dis-
cussion I also tried to show the Buddhist manuscripts helped a
235
lot to propagate Buddhism in Asian region very prominently.
My observations in this regard are -
1. Buddhism, Buddhist Tradition, Buddhist Scholars,
and Buddhist Texts are having valuable contributions
not only for spreading Buddhism but also building
Manuscriptology also. No doubt study of various
branches of Manuscriptology will be incomplete
without Buddhist texts written in various manuscript
forms.
2. The illustrations in MSS provide rare glimpses for
historians, following the stylistic development of the
paintings by comparing them to extant sculptures,
with their sinuous and flowing line, as well as to rare
and fragmentary paintings that survive in archeo-
logical temple and monastic complexes, such as at
Ajanta and Ellora etc.. They are truly rare keystones
and fundamental sources in the understanding of the
development of Indian painting.
3. By the migration of pilgrims from Bihar to other
places and other places to Bihar for various reasons
during PÁla sovereign, the PÁla style spread quickly
among countries like Tibet, Burma, Srilanka and
Java. Due to this Buddhism enriched in many ways
in Asian region. Most of the examples of PÁla School
are related to VajrayÁna School. This form of art also
reflects some approach of Ajanta. After the invasion
by Muslim invaders, some monks and artists fled to
Nepal. It helped in strengthen the existing art tradition
there also.
236
Select Bibliography
Sarma. K.V. (Author), Edited by Dash. Siniruddha (2007). Manuscripts of
India (Article), (Book) New Lights on Manuscriptology, Chennai,
Sree Sarada Education Society Research Centre.
Prasad. J.S.R. (2016). An introduction to Manuscriptology. (Online), Re-
trieved Sep. 29, 2016 from In slideshare: https://www.slideshare. net/
JSRAPrasad/introduction-to-manuscriptology
Collins. Harper. (2017) Collins English Dictionary (Online), Retrieved
Thursday 02 November 2017 from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Collins _English_Dictionary:https://www.collinsdictionary.com/
dictionary/englis/ manuscript.
Buhler. G. (1962). Indian Paleography. Calcutta, Indian Studies Past and
Present.
Ojha. G.H. (Third Edition) (1971). BhÁratÍya PrÁcÍna LipimÁlÁ. New Delhi,
Munshiram Manoharlal.
Mishra. S. (2014). Catalogue of Palam Leaf Manuscripts with Basic
Manuscriptology. Ahmedabad. Acarya Sri Surendrasuriswarji Jaina
Tatvajnanasala.
Kim. Jinah. (2017). Jain and Buddhist Manuscript Painting (Online).
Retrieved 10 December 2017, from Encyclopedia of India: www.
encyclopedia.com.
Gwinn. Robert. P. (Vol. IX) (1986) “Paleography” in the Encyclopedia
Britannica. Alexandria. Micropaedia.
Agrawal. Om Prakash. (1984). Conservation of Manuscripts and Paintings
of South-East Asia, London. Butterworths & Co Ltd.
Gangadharan. G.G. (Chief Editor) (2010). Handbook of Medical Manuscrip-
tology. Bangalore. IAIM.
Sircar. Dinesh Chandra. (1965). Indian Epigraphy. Delhi. MLBD.
237
The Concept of Poetry in Modern
Sanskrit Poetics
Prof. Hari Dutt Sharma
Ex-Head Department of Sanskrit
University of Allahabad, India
Ex-Visiting Professor of Sanskrit
Sanskrit Studies Centre Silpakorn University
Bangkok, Thailand.
Abstract:
The concept of poetry has been a matter of deep discus-
sion among Sanskrit poeticians. In modern Sanskrit poetics of
twentieth century some new sparks of thoughts have emerged
in this field. The idea of combination of word and meaning be-
ing kāvya has still gained momentum. The inherent of beauty
being summum bonum of poetry also had weight in modern
age. The principle of poetic beauty was propagated by Prof.
Sivaji Upadhyaya in his work ‘ Sāhitya Sandarbha’. The doc-
trine which established that ‘camatkāra’, extra-ordinary strik-
ing-ness, is essence of poetry was strongly propounded by Prof.
Ram Pratap Vedālankar in his ‘Camatkāravicāracarcā’. Prof.
Rewa Prashad Dwivedi in his book ‘Kāvyālankāra-kārikā’
proposes his original view that poetry is purely cognitive. It
is cognition of the embellished meaning. Neither the word nor
the meaning is poetry. Vijñāna is only poetry. However, this
paper will highlight in detail the various concepts of Poetry in
Modern Sanskrit Poetics as available today in India.
Key words: Kāvya, Sanskrit poetics, poetry, Sāhitya,
Camatkāra, lokottara, rasa, etc.
238
Since its beginning Sanskrit poetics has been dealing
with the concept of poetry in all aspects. What is ‘Kāvya’ and
what is essence of ‘Kāvya’ has been a matter of deep discus-
sion among poeticians. A great variety of opinions were gath-
ered on the topic and different views were propounded. Even
after a long span of two millenniums the discussion on the
topic is continuing. It is notable that in 19th and 20th centu-
ries Sanskrit poetics also gained momentum along with San-
skrit poetry. So, the modern Sanskrit poetics is an extension
of different theories and doctrines developed in modern times
through the series of original books written authentically by
the modern poeticians. The incessant flow of ideas has been
running from early dawn to date. Certainly there are some new
views and ideas incorporated in Sanskrit poetics in modern
age. There were three main streams of the theoreticians on the
definition of poetry: first, word and meaning both combined
into one being Kāvya, only word being Kāvya and third, ele-
ment of beauty inherent being summum bonum of poetry. In
post-Jagannātha age a number of poeticians moved on the old
track on the concept of poetry. But in twentieth century new
and new ideas emerged and new thinkers tried to analyze po-
etry with new sparks of thoughts. I present and discuss these
theories with a critical evaluation of them.
In his book ‘Sāhityasandarbhaḥ’ Prof. Shivaji Upad-
hyaya laying more emphasis on the element of sentiment gives
a vivid definition of ‘Kāvya’. He writes:
Nirgaladrasa-nirvyūḍhaṁ guṇālańkāra-sañcitam |
Nirduṣṭaṁ bhāvabhūyiṣṭhaṁ kāvyasāhityameva tat ||1
Full of rasa flowing out, endowed with guṇa, alaṅkāra,
devoid of the blemishes, possessing emotions and sentiments,
that creative work is called kāvya, namely Sāhitya also. Laying
more emphasis on the element of beauty as an inevitable factor
1 Sāhitya-sandarbhaḥ, V/7.
239
he says-
Vastuni kvacidapyetat saundaryaṁ sattirobhavad |
Yenāviṣkriyate tacca Sāhityaṁ kavikarmajam ||2
This element of beauty, may be existent or disappearing
in any of the worldly objects, by which it is brought to appear-
ance, is called ‘Sāhitya’ born out of the poetic genius.
Thus, in his opinion poetry and beauty are complement
to each other. One cannot exist without other.
The main doctrine, which propounded that ‘camatkāra’
is the essence of poetry, emerged in modern times again in
a new form. A galaxy of Sanskrit poeticians- Anandavardha-
na, Abhinavagupta, Mammaṭa, Kuntaka Kshemendra, Vish-
vanātha, Jagannātha has used this word to mean poetic relish,
ecstasy, super bliss or super mundane artistic delight. A critical
work ‘Camatkāracandrikā’ was exclusively written by Ācārya
Vishveshvara of 14th century and Ācārya Hari Prasad of 18th
century declared camatkāra as soul of poetry. Later rhetori-
cians like, Vidyaram, Chirañjiva Rāmadeva Bhattacharya
and Chhajjurām Shastri Vidyāsāgara have inserted the word
‘camatkāra’ in their definitions of poetry. Writing his opinion
on this subject, Rāmadeva puts forth his conclusion in this
way.
“Atinavīnāstu vilakṣaṇa-camatkāra-kāritvameva kāvyat-
vamāmananti / ”3
Ultra-modern thinkers do admit extra-ordinary strik-
ing-ness as poetry.
In modern times a fresh and full-fledged interpreta-
tion of the Camatkāra theory was re-initiated by Prof. Ram
Pratap Vedālańkāra in his book ‘Camatkāravicáracarcā’. He
just introduces book as profounder of camatkāra as a school.
Establishing his conviction that camatkāra is a real touchstone
2 ibid, V/16.
3 Kāvyavilāsa, p.2.
240
of poetry, he elaborates his view in the following lines:
Camatkaroti yaḥ kāvye camatkāraḥ sa ucyate |
Āsvādayati kāvyārthān sāmājikasya cetasi ||
Vismayāparaparyāyaḥ kāvyāsvādakaro hi yaḥ |
Kautukāt saḥ samudbhūtaḥ kutūhala-vivardhakaḥ ||4
One which strikes in poetry is called camatkāra, one
which causes relish of poetic sense in the mind of the connois-
seur. Astonishment is its synonym which is the cause of poetic
relish. It is originated from wonder and it adds excitement.
This pleasure-oriented camatkāra is expander of heart. It is
surrounded of all the rasas, it increaser of the poetic beauty
where it consists of the super-worldly description intimating
strikingness in the poet. It is wise creation of poet, is called by
sweet name of camatkārakāvya.
Thus camatkāra element, which has found place in mod-
ern Sanskrit poetics, possesses a real force to become soul of
poetry, as it touches the inner core of the heart where emotions
of poetry originate. This theory takes essence of all the ele-
ments into account wherefrom the stream of poetry flows. It is
widely conceived ideology presented in a fresh form.
Among modern theories on the concept of kāvya,
the theory propounded by Prof. Rewa Prasad Dwivedi has
a sound footing, but on different dimension. In his work
‘Kāvyālaṅkārakārikā’ he proposes with full conviction that the
word is not a part of poetry as propounded by earlier Ācārya
Jagannātha, etc. He is of the view that poetry is cognitive, it
is not correct to call it word-form, as word itself withers away
while cognition of word being applied:
Kāvyasya jñānarūpative śabdatvaṁ nopapadyate |
Śabdasya jñānatāyāṁ hi śabdataiva vinaśyati ||5
4 Kāvyavilāsa, p.2.
5 Kāvyālaṅkārakārikā, k. 123.
241
Prof. Dwivedi admits that poetry is the cognition of em-
bellished meaning:
Ānandakoṣasyollāso lokottaravibhāvanā |
Alaṅkṛtārtha-savittiḥ kavitā sarvamańgalā ||6
He is of the view that as for juice the pot is upādhi only,
in the same way the knowledge of word is upādhi of poetry:
Jñānātmako’ pi śabdaḥ syād-upādhiḥ kāvyavarṣmaṇi |
Pātraṁ rase pānakākhye darpano vā tanau yathā || 7
The change of words i.e. language in poetry does not af-
fect the meaning. Thus he admits cognition of Alaṅkāra. He
accepts neither word nor its meaning is poetry. According to
him Vijñāna only is poetry.
Dr. Brahmanand Sharma, one more poetician, has come
out with a new idea on poetry. He refutes the theory of Rewa
Prasad Dwivedi and maintains that poetry is not cognitive in
its form. He writes:
Kāvyasya jñānarūpatve vaimatyaṁ na kadācana |
Bāhyatvena sthtaḥ śabdaḥ jñākāraṁ prapadyate ||
Śabdasya jñānatāyāṁ hi śabdo yadi vinaśyati |
Arthasya jñānatāyāṁ hi naśyedartha iti dhruvam ||8
‘I do not differ on this point. Word, though situated out-
side, stands in cognitive way. On the cognition of the word,
if word withers away, then on the cognition of meaning, the
meaning is certainly bound to be destroyed.’ Dr. Sharma de-
fines the word ‘Sāhitya’ on the basis of the exposition of the
element of truth in poetry:
Satyamarthagataṁ kāvye’ rthe ca śabdasya saṁsthithiḥ |
Śabdārthayorhi sadbhāvādasya sāhityarūpatā || 9
6 ibid., Kārikā, 1.
7 ibid., Kārikā, 86.
8 Rasālocanam, I /13, 14.
9 Kāvyasatyāloka, I/11.
242
‘Truth is inherent in meaning in poetry and the word
stands on the meaning. On account of the union of word and
meaning the poetry takes the form of Sāhitya.’ While dealing
with the elements leading to generalization Dr. Sharma ex-
plains:
“Truth has got two forms-- truth as an object of tarkac-
etanā and truth as an object of bhāvacetanā. Here we first take
up the former. In this form truth is realized by the Sahṛdaya.
This attitude of the spectator is in the form of beliefs which
come under tarkacetanā. Now we take up for consideration
the second form of truth which is an object of bhāvacetanā.
Here realization of truth is possible only if the particular emo-
tion subsists in Sahṛdaya in the form of an impression, other-
wise the question of truth or untruth will not arise.”10
Thus Dr. B.R. Sharma interprets poetry with a new ap-
proach in terms of socialistic ideology, in relation with labor
and laborers. His opinion proves to a turning point for the con-
cept of poetry in modern Sanskrit poetics.
In modern Sanskrit poetics some more and more new
ideas are being emerged to define poetry. Prof. Radha Val-
labh Tripathi in his ‘Abhinavakāvyālańkārasūtram’ adds
folk element in defining poetry. He says “Lokānukīrtanaṁ
kāvyam.”11 ‘Poetry is proclamation of the world.’ Analyzing
both the words he says that loka comprises a vast idea and it
has three types-- ādhibhautika, ādhidaivika, and ādhyātmika.
Ādhibhautika or worldly is related with present time, while
ādhidaivika and ādhyātmika with past and future respective-
ly. Again ādhibhautika creates the puruṣārtha named ‘artha’,
ādhidaivika creates kāma and ādhyātmika dharma and mokṣa.
So, his world or loka is not limited to an individual, but in wid-
10 A Critical study of Indian Poetics. Ch. IV, pp. 40-41.
11 Abhinavakāvyālaṅkārasūtram, I/1/1
243
er sense to the whole of nation, whole of society and whole of
the world. The word anukīrtana used here in this definition is
on the lines of Nāṭyaśāstra, as nāṭya defined by Bharata.
Etymologically, anukīrtana means ‘anu paścāt kītanaṁ
kathanam’ the statement done afterwards. He explains the
word as “Anukīrtanaṁ śabdaiḥ punarāviṣkaraṇam.”12 It
means reproduction of the world through the words. The
world is recreated or reproduced in the form of word. He an-
alyzes that there are four states-- Anūnmīlanam- Awakening,
Anudarśanam- Perception, Anubhava- Direct cognition and
Anuvyāharaṇam- Repetition. While, anūnmīlanam means first
awakening in the mind of the poet, anudarśanam is perception
of the awakened emotion in the mind of the creator. While
anubhava means cognition of the word and meaning for de-
scribing the perceived notion, anuvyāharaṇam is description
of the experience by the manifested or distinct words. So the
combination of these four elements is called the process of po-
etic creation. The poetry after passing through these stages is
created in this way. Thus the definition of kāvya given by Prof.
R.V. Tripathi puts the people in centre. But this idea is quite
contrary so those who hold the view that the experience in
poetry is something beyond the world or worldly experience.
In the long tradition of Sanskrit poetics a number of
ācāryas have used the word lokottara in the context of defin-
ing kāvya. Mammaṭa and Jagannātha admit the factor of lokot-
tara as the basic form of kāvya. In modern age Prof. Rajendra
Mishra again takes the word lokottara for defining poetry and
uses it frequently, as he writes:
“Kāvyaṁ lokottarākhyānaṁ rasagarbhaṁ svabhāva-
jam”13
12 ibid., 1/1/7, Vṛtti.

13 Abhirājayaśobhūṣaṇam, I/34.
244
Poetry is an extraordinary communication, which is full
of sentiment and quite natural.
“Manasā karmaṇā vācā lokottaramasaṁ stutam”14
Poetry is a combination of word and meaning, which is
unusual and extraordinary by mind, voice and action.
“Prajñā cāpi navonmeṣā lokottaratva-kāraṇam”15
…..and poetic genius possessing new and new imagina-
tions is the cause of this super-worldliness.
It is notable here that loka and lokottara both the words
are opposite in their meaning, and two modern poeticians have
used them separately to define poetry. Though it seems that
they are two poles apart, but when we understand it deeply,
this point withers away. The poetry is originated in the world,
but experienced in super-worldly situation. Prof. Mishra gives
a brief and accurate definition of Kāvya:
“Kāvyaṁ tāvat svataḥ sphūrtaṁ bhāvocchalanaṁ
kimapi ”16
‘Poetry a peculiar upsurge of emotions aroused spon-
taneously.’ While defining poetry in this way he comes near
the view of the English poet Wordsworth, who says: ‘Poet-
ry is spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings.’ Prof. R.V.
Tripathi does not agree to Prof. Mishra’s view-point on the
ground that poetry is not only verse, but prose also in the form
of fiction, drama and novel, wherein the poet puts dialogues,
develops theme and characterization thinking again and again.
Moreover, Bhaṭṭikāvya, which is mainly a creation of mental
endeavour, is admitted as kāvya by all. Combining both the
extreme views I can say that poetry originates with a spon-
taneous overflow of emotions. It takes its final shape with a
union of several other artificial and external elements.
14 ibid, 1/36.
15 ibid., I/37.
16 ibid, Unmesa-1, p. 40.
245
Thus we see that in modern Sanskrit poetics also series
of opinions have been expressed on the point of definition of
poetry. After a thorough investigation of all of them one thing
becomes certain that most of the poeticians have put forward
their thoughts on new line, with fresh approaches of the mod-
ern age. Among variety of opinions it is not possible to reach
the point of unanimity. Moving far ahead from their old pre-
decessors modern poeticians have evolved fresh theories like
Satya theory, camatkāra theory, loka theory, lokottaraa theory
more or less on the background of the earlier original theories.
Some of the ācāryas who have propounded their theories out
of track, though with their own convictions, are not acceptable
to all, e.g. Satya theory by Brahmanand Sharma. Even hav-
ing difference of opinion, one common feature is observed in
every doctrine that the combination of word and meaning is
unexceptionally comes within the purview of poetry. It may
be the word camatkāra or ‘lokottara’, rasa or nirvṛti, the el-
ement of beauty and bliss is an inevitable factor in the defini-
tions. Other elements like guṇa, alaṅkāra, etc. may come in its
purview. The element of beauty is also admissible in western
poetics. In modern criticism a definition of poetry is wanted,
which is admissible in all types of poetry, the creativity of all
times and places. We may honour convention and tradition,
but welcome of new ideas convincingly explored is also nec-
essary. At last we may state with full confidence that poetry is
a source of bliss and beauty and that bliss and beauty is nectar
in life.
As far as the discussion on poetry being worldly or
super-worldly experience is concerned, we may observe that
poetry is created in the phenomenon of the world, the creator
is a worldly being, but the whole composition in the process of
creation as well as relish becomes super-worldly. Super-world-
246
ly means one which is not actually happening on earth, but is
a creation of poetic vision. The whole aesthetic experience is
super-worldly. Initially the emotional experience of the poet
blossoms forth in the form of poetry and enjoyed or relished
by the connoisseur in an appreciative mood. Thus, poetry is an
element of the world, but its experience is always super-world-
ly. This super-worldly experience inevitably generates Super
Bliss.
Select Bibliography
Abhinavakāvyālańkārasūtram, R.V.Tripathi (2005),Sampurnanand San-
skrit Uni., Varanasi,
A Critical Study of Indian Poetics, B.N. Sharma (1978), Unique Traders,
Jaipur.
Abirājayśobhūșaṇam, Rajendra Mishra (2006), Vaijayant Prakashan, Al-
lahabad.
Camatāravicāracarcā, R.P. Vedalankar (2004), V.V. Vedic Research Insti-
tute, Hoshiyarpur.
Kāvyālańkārakārikā, R.P.Dwivedi (2001), Kalidasa-Sansthanam, Varanasi,
2nd edn.
Kāvyasatyālokaḥ, B. N. Sharma (2013), Rajasthan Sanskrit Akademi, Jai-
pur, Ed. & Tr.
Rasālocanam, B.N. Sharma (1985), Champa Lal Ranka & Co. Jaipur.
Sāhityasandarbhaḥ, Shivaji Upadhyay (1990), S. S. Vishwavidyalaya, Va-
ranasi.
247
KAUṆḌINYA
A Living Linkage between India
and Southeast Asia
Prof. Sachchidanand Sahai

Adviser to APSARA National Authority,
Siem Reap, Cambodia
Abstract:
The paper delves deep into Indian, Chinese and South-
east Asian written and oral texts regarding the legend relating
to more than one Kauṇḍinya who distinguished themselves in
the Mekong valley. A comparative study of multiple sources
suggest that there is no ground to doubt that the people affili-
ated to the clan of Kauṇḍinya travelled to Southeast Asia and
strengthened India’s links with this part of Asia.
Key words: clan (gotra), endogamous social system,
Buddhist, Jain and Brahmanical sources, homeland and diffu-
sion of Kauṇḍinya gotra.
I
The Gotra
Kauṇḍinya is not a proper noun; it is the name of one
of many gotra to which people in India related themselves in
the past; and they continue to do so in the present. Therefore, a
clear understanding of the concept of gotra as an integral part
of cultural history of India is a prerequisite in order to clearly
delineate the role of Kauṇḍinya segment of Indian society in
countries outside India.
While the gotra is akin to a family name, the given name
of a family is often different from its gotra; given names may
reflect the traditional occupation, place of residence or other
important family characteristic rather than gotra.
248
Gotra originally referred to the seven lineage segments
of the Brahmins (priests), each one tracing its affiliation to
one of the seven ancient seers: Atri, Bhāradvāja, Bhrigu, Gau-
tama, Kaśyapa, Vaśiṣṭha, and Viśvāmitra. An eighth gotra was
added early on, the Agastya, named after the seer intimately
linked up with the spread of Vedic Hinduism in southern India.
In later times the number of gotras proliferated when a need
was felt to justify Brāhmaṇa descent by claiming for one’s line
a Vedic seer.1
As a Rigvedic term, gotra simply means “cow pen” or
“herd of cows”. The specific meaning “family, lineage kin” (as
it were “herd within an enclosure”) is relatively more recent.
In the Atharvaveda(book 5), hymn 21 is consecrated to “the
War Drum”: “Made of forest-tree, brought together with the
ruddy (kine), belonging to all the families(gotra) speak though
alarm for our enemies being smeared with sacrificial butter”2
Whitney translates the term gotra in the Atharvaved as “fam-
ilies”, however, the term seems to have assumed in the latest
of the four Vedas, a more specified meaning that suggests ad-
vanced social ramification.

A Patrilineal Social System
The term broadly refers to people who are descendants
in an unbroken male line in a patrilineal system. It leads to an
exogamous family system in which the marriage within the
same gotra is not allowed. The name of the gotra can be used
as a surname, but it is different from a surname and is strictly
maintained because of its importance in marriages among Hin-
dus. According to the Sanskrit grammarian Pāṇinī the word
gotra denotes the progeny (of a sage) beginning with the son’s
1 https://www.britannica.com/topic/gotra
2 Whitney, William Dwight (trans) Atharvaveda Samhita (vol. i-ii), Book
5, Hymn, 21, verse 3. https://en wikisource.org weiki Atharva.
249
son: apatyam pautraprabhriti gotram (IV. 1. 162).
The gotra organization, itself, occurs first in the Śrauta
Sūtras and is based upon the principle of tracing patrilineal
descent back to a common sage ancestor.3 The practice of
mentioning a man by his mother’s own name or by her gotra
name was well known in ancient India. In the Vaṃśa added
at the end of the Brihadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad about forty names
of sages are matronymic. 4
The Chāndogya Upaniṣad

In its social context, the term gotra is recorded around
the mid-1st millennium BCE in the story of Satyakāma Jābāla,
as given in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. Interestingly, the an-
ecdote suggests that it was possible for a non-Brahmin to
obtain the gotra status in exceptional cases. The story tells us
that Satyakāma attained to the position of a Brahmin in virtue
of his Brahmin qualities, though he was of low and unknown
parentage. According to the Chāndogya Upaniṣad Satyakāma
informs his mother that he wishes to become a Brahmacārin,
and asks her to what gotra he belongs. The mother replies: “I
do not know of what gotra thou art. When I had to move about
much as a domestic servant, I got thee in my youth. I am Jabāla
by name. Say that thou art Satyakāma Jābāla.”
Satyakāma spoke the truth to his preceptor. He got the
gotra of his guru for possessing the virtue of truthfulness and
informing his prospective guru about the uncertainty of his
parentage.5
3 Wendy Doniger(ed). 1993. Purana Perennis: Reciprocity and Transfor-

mation in Hindu and Jain Texts. New York: Suny Press, p. 12.
4 Ghurye, G.S. 1955.Family and Kin in Indo-European Culture. Oxford
University Press (Indian Branch), p. 51.
5 F. Max Mueller. 1900/2009. The Upanishdas. The Sacred Books of the
East, vol. 1, part 1. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas, pp. 60-64.
250
When the antecedents and relations of a certain person
were unknown, it was the practice to adopt the gotra and pra-
vara of his teacher (ācārya). The change of gotra is illustrated
in the story of Sunnhasepa who gets the Viśvāmitra gotra be-
cause that sage was his protector and preceptor.6
Gotra:TheTotem Base
Kosambi suggests7 the gotra identities were extended to
priests, not necessarily Aryans, a term that is invariably non-ra-
cial in Kosambi’s work. Subsequently, the priests acquired a
monopoly over such identities, lending them on occasion to
kṣatriyas and vaiśyas in ritual contexts.8
Amongst other instances, Kosambi elucidated this pro-
cess through an examination of the legends of the rivalry be-
tween Viśvāmitra and Vaśiṣṭha that surface in early and later
Vedic traditions as well as in the epics and the Purānas. At one
level, the two can be seen as competitors for the patronage
of chiefs or kings such as Sudāsa mentioned in the Rigveda.
However, as Kosambi pointed out, it was not simply a case
of conflict over patronage: Viśvāmitra and Vaśiṣṭha seemed to
represent alternative modes of acquiring access to the status of
priests. As in the case of several other gotras, Viśvāmitra was
associated with a totemic element, ‘kuśika’, the owl. Vaśiṣṭha,
on the other hand, was of relatively obscure origin. While both
were recognized as archetypal founders of gotras, the attitude
towards Viśvāmitra within the later brahmanical tradition was
characterized by considerable ambivalence and a more or
less grudging acceptance of his position. This, according to
6 Viswanatha, Sekharipuram. 2009. Hindu Culture in Ancient India.Delhi:
Gyan Publishing House, 134, 168, 169.
7 Kosambi, D.D. 1965[1975] “On the Origin of the Brahmin Gotras” Jour-
nal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (NS) 26: 21-80
8 Ibid: 99.
251
Kosambi, could be explained by taking into account that he
was a kṣatriya who functioned as a priest.
What Kosambi was suggesting is that gotra had become
a marker of the Brahmin identity. Consequently, the ways in
which it was acquired, conferred and hierarchized needed to
be understood through a detailed analysis of complex textu-
al traditions. Through his own analysis he demonstrated that
brāhmaṇa origins were only seemingly uniform: in effect,
brāhmaṇas were recruited through a variety of social process-
es. Also, claims to the status of brāhmaṇa could be validated
through diverse and even conflicting strategies. It may be noted
here an interesting post-Kosambi debate about the nature and
number of gotras.9 Borough believes that the standard number
of gotras were eighteen.10 Chatopadhyaya follows the line of
Kosambi and underlines the tribal and totemic aspects of go-
tra, pointing out that the Kāśikā on Paṇini 4.1.104 furnishes a
gotra name Niṣāda, which otherwise denotes non-Aryan ab-
original tribesman. Simply the sacred puranic number 18 has
been assigned to the gotra classification, as is the case in the
Matsya Purāṇa. The author rightly suggests that like any other
living institution, the gotra system evolved in course of cen-
turies. As part of totem-system the elephant (Mātaṅga), frog
(Mānḍūkya), monkey (Kapi) gotras are possible explanations.
Taking the Sanskrit term vrata ‘observance,’ a futile effort
has been made to find out a specific gotra for an ascetic fol-
lowing the dog-vrata, implying that the dog was the totem of
9 “D.D. KOSAMBI Combined Methods in Indology and Other Writings”.

Compiled, edited and introduced by BRAJADULAL CHATTOPAD-
HYAYA D. D.Kosambi(1907-66) http://www.arvindguptatoys.com/arvin-
dgupta/ddkindopartone.pdf .
10 Brough, John. 1953. The Early Brahmanical System of Gotra and
Pra-vara,a translation of the Gotrapravaramaiijari of Purusottama Pandita.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
252
the ascetic in question. 11
A perusal of contemporary data suggests that the gotra
has been an ever- growing institution. Chatopadhyaya right-
ly cites growing and differing numbers of gotras for various
communities: The Karhada Brahmins of Maharastra have only
24 gotras, the Citpavans 14, Sarasvats 21; the Desasthas have
more than 30 in the Rigvedic branch, well over a hundred
among the Yajurvedis. Yet the system at one time succeeded in
imposing itself over totally foreign sections of the population;
the Bhils call their septs got. Among the Vaiśyas of the south,
there is a list of a thousand gotra. There is yet another is the list
of 102 Komati gotras. 12
The Caraṇa and the Pravara

The term gotra is closely associated with two other
terms caraṇa and pravara. The gotra, in the actual sense of the
term, did not evolved earlier than 800 B.C. Pravara is a chant
addressed to the sages (riṣi), supposedly associated with the
gotras. The term caraṇa signifies schools of Vedic learning
and though perpetuated through chains of gurus and disciples.
A Special Mahayana Understanding

In the Buddhist context, especially in the Mahyana
tradition, the term gotra has been euqted with spsiritual stage
or level of attainment (dhatu) and nature (prakriti). The term
has been variously translated as “family”, species or spiritual
lineage
In this tradition, the term gotra denotes categories
of persons classified into following types according to their
11 Cf: the kukkura-vatika-suttanta , Majjhimanikaya 57; see also Dl-
gha-nikdya 24) where we have the ascetic Acela Seniya following the
dog-vrata as cited by Chattopadhyaya.
12 Kane, P.V. History of Dharmasastra, II. 495.
253
spiritual attainments:
1. The Sravaka gotra, the auditors of the religious
discourse
2. The individual Buddhas or the Pratyeka Buddha gotra
3. The Bodhisattva gotra
4. Aniyata gotra; the persons not yet attached to any of
the three preceding classes.13
5. The Agotra or non-gotra, implying not assigned to
any spiritual class or spiritual “outcasts”.14
II
Kauṇḍinya Gotra in Ancient Indian Sources
The Upaniṣad
According to the Brihadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 2.2.6, Gau-
tama, and Bhāradvāja, Viśvāmitra and Jamadagni, Vaśiṣṭha
and Kaśyapa and Sāṇḍilya are seven sages (also known as
saptariṣī); the progeny of these seven sages are declared to be
gotras. In the same Upaniṣad, Kauṇḍinya also figures as the
name of a gotra.
The Jain Literary Sources

In the Jain canonical texts, Kauṇḍinya gotra is men-
tioned prominently. The Acārāṅa Sūtra informs us that the
Mahāvīra, a contemporary of the Buddha and one of the ex-
ponents of the Jainism in India, was himself of Kaśyapa gotra
and his wife was of Kauṇḍinya gotra. Two Jain monks (stha-
vira) also belonged to the Kauṇḍinya gotra.15
13 Ruegg. D. Seyfort. 1976. “The Meanings of the Term “Gotra” and the
textual History of the “Ratnagotravibhaga” . Bulletin of the School of Ori-
ental and African Studies. University of London, vol 39no 2(1976, pp. 341-
363).
14
15 Jacobi, Hermann (tr) 1884. Jain Sūtras (the Sacred Books of the East),
vol. 22, part I. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass(reprint).
254
A Kauṇḍinya, Contemporary to the Buddha
Both the early Pali texts and the later Sanskrit texts be-
longing respectively to the Theravāda (Hinayāna) and Mahāyā-
na Buddhism unanimously agree that Ajñāta Kauṇḍinya was
the first and the topmost disciple of the Buddha.
The Dhammachakka Pavattna Sutta

The Dhammachakka Pavattna Sutta mentions a Kauṇḍinya
as one of the first five disciples of the Buddha to whom the
Enlightened One gave his first sermon. Thus it is legitimate to
conclude that around the sixth century BC, Kauṇḍinya were
already distinguished by their dissenting attitude towards the
established norms of the Brahmanical social order. One of their
members had joined the small group of people who began to
question the fundamentals of the Brahmanical world-view,
following the line of the Buddha.
He was the son of a very wealthy Brahmin family in the
village Donvatthu near Kapilavastu, the kingdom of Buddha’s
father in what is now Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, India. He was
born before the Buddha.
Raising his one finger, Kauṇḍinya was the only one who
unequivocally predicted upon the birth of Prince Siddhārtha
that the prince would become an enlightened Buddha. The re-
maining four scholars raised two fingers and offered a twofold
prediction: That Siddhārtha would either become a Cakravartī
(supreme king) or would renounce the world and become a
supreme religious leader.
When at the age of 29, Buddha renounced the world to
become an ascetic. Kauṇḍinya along with his four friends fol-
lowed him into the ascetic life. When after six years of practice,
Siddhārtha rejected self-mortification. Kauṇḍinya and his com-
panions, dejected and disillusioned, left Siddhārtha Gautama
and moved away to continue their practices independently.
255
After his enlightenment, Prince Siddhārtha, now the
enlightened Gautama Buddha preached the first sermon to
Kauṇḍinya and his four colleagues. And when the discourse
had been uttered, “there arose within venerable Kondañña, the
eye of truth, spotless and without a stain,” and they become his
first five disciple and wandering monks. Kauṇḍinya and other
monks travelled with the Buddha by foot through the Gangetic
plains to spread the dharma.
Having realized first the status of a person emancipated
from the cycle of rebirth (arhanta) and after a period within
the saṅgha, Kauṇḍinya requested the Buddha for permission
to retire from the world, which was granted with the words
“ehi bhikkhu”. Kauṇḍinya retired to the Himalayas for the last
twelve years of his life. According to the Samyutta Nikāya, he
only left once his Himalayan abode to bid farewell to Gautama
Buddha.
After paying respects to the Buddha, Kauṇḍinya returned
to his Himalayan forest abode where he passed away the fol-
lowing morning. After his cremation his ashes were taken to
Veluvan (Rajgir in Bihar), and enshrined in a silver stupa.
Previous and future rebirths

A poem consisting of sixteen verses in the Pali Buddhist
work entitled Theragāthā is attributed to him. The Māhavastu
cites a previous birth of Kauṇḍinya and his four colleagues as
seafaring merchants. The Divyāvadāna describes two further
rebirths of Kauṇḍinya. The “Five Hundred Disciples” (eighth)
chapter of the Mahāyāna Lotus Sūtra predicts that in the future
he will become a Buddha named Universal Brightness.16
16 http://gopalakri.blogspot.in/search?updatedmax=20121217T06:
37:0008:00&max-results=50&reverse-paginate=true&start=5&by-date=-
false.
256
In the Mahāyāna text, the Saddharma Puṇḍarīka or the
Lotus of the True Law17, the Buddha is eloquent about his first
and foremost disciple: “The scion of Kuṇḍin family, my disciple
here, shall in future be a Tathāgata, a Lord of the World, after
the lapse of an endless period; he shall educate hundreds of
koṭi of living beings.”
Kauṇḍinya Continued in Nepal

The clan of Kauṇḍinya flourished in Nepal at least since
the time of Buddha in the sixth century BC. In his Samkalpa
Ratnāvalī or the Gems of Religious Decisions, published in India
in 1923, Harinātha Śarmā, a paṇḍita from Nepala, discloses his
identity in the Saṃkalpa Mantra: “I, Harinātha Sarmā, belong-
ing to the clan of Kauṇḍinya and three clan segments(pravara),
Kauṇḍinya, Vaśiṣṭha and Maitrāvaruṇa shall take a bath in the
Gaṅgā in order to destroy all my evil.”
In the second half of nineteenth century, Sherring offers
a tripartite division of the Kauṇḍinya Brahma brāhmaṇa a of
Nepal according to their clan, gotra and their professional rank
titles.
Clan gotra Titular Rank

Dolkhā Kauṇḍinya ācārya
Naipal Kauṇḍinya pakumpal
Dyaurali Kauṇḍinya Baskota=
The Degradation of Kauṇḍinya

Pāṇinī and Patañjali
So far the status of Kauṇḍinya in the Brahmin hierarchy
and in Indian social hierarchy has not been examined carefully.
If Kauṇḍinya were at all full-fledged Brahmins, they had already
17 Kern, H(tr). 1884. Saddhama Pundarika or the Lotus of the True Law.
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass(reprint 2006),pp. 198-199.
257
gone down in the scale of social hierarchy by 150 BC, when
Patañjali, commented on the aphorisms of the great Sanskrit
grammarian Pāṇinī
A perusal of his comments leaves us wondering whether
by this time the Kauṇḍinya were not a comparatively low grade
Brahmins, excluded from the mainstream high ranking coun-
terparts. Commenting on the grammatical section hayavarat,
Patañjali offers a stock phrase: “Let Brāhmaṇa be fed and let
Māṭhara and Kauṇḍinya serve.” He further says: “let curd be
given to the Brāhmaṇa and butter-milk to Kauṇḍinya.”18
The above two phrases are considered as the legal max-
ims(nyāya) which were cited by the commentator Patanjali to
explain the grammatical practices, followed as general rules
and exceptions. These are called takra Kauṇḍinya nyāya (butter-
milk- Kauṇḍinya legal maxim) and Māṭhara Kauṇḍinya nyāya,
meaning legal maxim relating to the Māṭhara and Kauṇḍinya
gotra of Brahmins19
From his first comment it appears that Māṭhara and
Kauṇḍinya were communities separate from and inferior to the
Brahmins since their job was to serve the Brahmins.
The Gaṇeśa Purāṇa

In the Gaṇeśa Purāṇa, one of the protagonist of a web
of stories is the great sage Kauṇḍinya who lived in the city
of Sthāvara. That the sage lived in the territory of King Janak
in north Bihar is obvious from the context of the story. Through
18 brāhmaṇā bhojayantāṃ māṭharakauṇḍinau pariveviṣātām. dadhi brāh-

maṇebhyo dīyatāṃ takraṃkauṇḍinyāya (Patañjali on Pāṇinī I-1-47, VI-
1-2,VI-4-165 and VII-1-72; Sastri, P.S. Subramanian.1960 Lectures on
Patañjali’s Mahābhāṣya. Volume I (Āhnikās 1-3). 2nd ed. Thiruvaaiyaru.
19 Joshi, Shivram Dattatray and J.F. Roodbergen.2007. The Ashtadhyayi
of Pāṇinī with Translation and Explanatory Notes, vol. 13. New Delhi:
Sahitya Akademi, p. 19.
258
the motif of durvā grass offering (durvā-māhātmya) to Gaṇeśa,
the elephant-tusked son of Śiva, the sage Kauṇḍinya becomes
central to a web of stories involving various gods.20
The Mahābhārata
In the Sabhāparva of theMahābhārata(Chapter 4, stan-
za16), a hermit named Kauṇḍinya lived in the palace of Yud-
hiṣṭhira 21
Indian Epigraphy
One of earliest references is the Maḷavaḷḷi inscription
(in Andhra) of the Sātavāhana king Hāritīputta (3rd century
CE); there the name of the clan (gotra) appears as “Koṇḍin-
ya”22 Brahmins belonging to the Kauṇḍinya lineage are very
common in the early Tamil literature and in the epigraphy
of South India, but also in that of Saurastra. Examples from
South India are the copper-plate inscriptions of the Pallava
ruler Kumaravisnu III at Cendalur from the beginning of
the 6th century,23 the Koṇḍamudi inscription of a hitherto un-
known ruler Jayavarman from northern Tamilnadu naming a
“Koḍinagota”24, and the Kūḍgere inscription of a Kadamba
king mentioning a “Kauṇḍinyagotra.”25 Even a city “Kauṇḍin-
yapura “appears in one inscription26 of the Maitraka ruler
Dharasena II (Gujarat) dated 19th March 573.
From the Kudopali grant Hastipāda in the Madhya-
deśa appears to be a prominent center of Kauṇḍinya gotra.
20 Gaṇeśa Purāṇa: Upśāśanākhaṇḍa. Otto Harrosowitz Verlag 1995,
639 pages, chapter 66, verses27-43,, chapter 67 verse 1.
21 Vettamani. Puranic Encycloppaedia
22 Epigraphia Indica(=EI) X, Appendix, p. 138, No. 1195.
23 EI VIII, pp. 233-236,12.
24 EI VI, pp. 315-319.
25 EI VI, pp. pp.12-16.
26 (Epigrahia Indica, XXI, pp. 179-181.
259
(EI 4, 258). It is learnt from this grant that the Brahmins of
Kauṇḍinya gotra were the followers of the Kaṇva śākhā. They
were related to the mitra varuṇa pravara. Bhaṭṭa was their title.
They migrated to South Kośala in the first half of the tenth centu-
ry, where they got the patronage of the ruling king Mahābhāga-
vat Gupta II(1000-1015). One of the Gupta inscriptions
mentions Kakanada, the ancient name of Sanchi (Bhopal) in
Madhya Pradesh, well-known for its Buddhist stupa. The
inscription mentions “the measuring staff of (Buddha), the
Divine One at Kakinada. (The relics of the virtuous Prabhasa-
na of Kakanada, the Gotiputra of the Kaundinya gotra”27
III
Works Attributed to the Sage Kauṇḍinya
A commentary (bhasya) on Pāśupatasūtra is attributed
to the sage Kauṇḍinya (Kauṇḍinyapancārtham). The term Pan-
cartha in the title of Kauṇḍinya’s commentary on the Pāśupa-
tasūtra, the Pañcārthabhāṣya, is usually taken to refer to the
five categories (padārtha) distinguished by Kauṇḍinya: Kārya,
Kāraṇa, Yoga, Vidhi, and Duhkhānta. The term in fact also
occurs in a string of verses quoted by Kauṇḍinya in his com-
mentary on Pāśupatasūtra 5.30, indicating that it was already
in use in Pāśupata circles before him. In these verses the term
Pañcārtha is used in a different sense. Peter Bisschop exam-
ines these passages in the Pañcārthabhāṣya to identify an ear-
lier phase of Pāśupata thought, and to consider the role of the
author of the Bhāṣya in developing the Pāśupata doctrine.28
The Pañcārthabhāṣya of Kauṇḍinya (ca. fourth/fifth
century) is the only known commentary on the Pāśupatasūtra
27 Sharma, Tej Ram. 1978. Personal and Geographical Names in the Gupta
Inscriptions. Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.
28 Peter Bisschop. 2014 . Pañcārtha Before Kauṇḍinya. Journal of Indian
Philosophy (2014) 42:27–37 DOI 10.1007/s10781-013-9210-7).
260
and has played a key role in the systematization of Pāśupata
doctrine. While the Sūtras constitute the foundational text of
the Pāśupatas, Kauṇḍinya’s commentary is the first major Śai-
va doctrinal work and it may be said to have set a standard for
Śaiva Brahmanical exegesis. Kauṇḍinya.
The Pañcārtha refers to the five categories or principles
(padārtha) distinguished by Kauṇḍinya: (1) Kārya: effect (=
worldly existence); (2) Kāraṇa: cause (= God); (3) Yoga: union
(with God); (4) Vidhi: prescribed regimen (= ritual praxis); (5)
Duḥkhānta: end of suffering (= the goal). These five categories
play a key role in his exegesis of the Sūtra. When we compare
the teachings of the Sūtra with those of the Bhāṣya it becomes
clear that Kauṇḍinya has turned the set of prescriptions of as-
cetic discipline taught in the Sūtra into a doctrinal system of
thought. Kauṇḍinya himself, however, does not explicitly con-
nect the name Pañcārtha with the five principles taught in his
system. Although various pentads are taught in the text, the
term Pañcārtha only occurs in two isolated passages. It is in-
teresting to note that the number five plays a major role in the
Pāśupata system and in Śaivism in general
IV
Kauṇḍinya in Modern India
The Brahmins of different gotra in general and Kauṇḍin-
ya in particular were migrant segments of Indian society.
They constantly moved and settled in new areas in India. Most
audacious ones among them searched their clients (yajamāna),
in countries beyond India. They were active in northern India
in the time of the Buddha in the sixth century B.C. In course of
centuries, they crossed the Vindhya and settled in Maharash-
tra, Karnatak, Andhra and Tamilnadu.
261
Maharashtra
In modern India, people of Kauṇḍinya gotra continue
to excel in different walk of life, marking the vitality of this
section of Indian population. Govind Sadashiv Ghurye was
one of the leading twentieth century Indian sociologist belong-
ing to the Kauṇḍinya gotra. He was born in Maharashtra, and
a founding figure of sociology in India. In Ghurye’s family,
the following prayer chant was used for about 120 years: “Oh
preceptor, I, born in Kauṇḍinya gotra, having the three pra-
varas of Vaśiṣṭha, Maitra-Varuṇa and Kauṇḍinya, student of
Āsvalāyana Grihya Sūtras and its recension by [sage] Sākala,
by name [Govind Sadashiv] Sharma pay my homage to you ”
29
Karnatak
Today the Kauṇḍinya community is particularly affluent
in Karnataka. Bangaluru, the capital city of Karnataka boasts
of a convention center named after Kauṇḍinya. The Kauṇḍin-
ya gotra professionals are marked on the goggle map. Facto-
ries undertaking machines and automation Works are named
after Kauṇḍinya, the sage from whom this gotra people trace
their origin.
The Kauṇḍinya River in Mysore(Karnatak).

Near the Dakṣiṇa Kāśī Temple in Mysore (Nanjangud),
there is the most sacred confluence (sangam) where The Ka-
pila and Kauṇḍinya rivers meet. Kalale, which means tender
bamboo in Kannada, is the name of a nondescript village in
Nanjangud taluk of Mysuru(Mysore) district.
Surrounded by lush greenery, the place has a rich his-
torical and mythological background. According to legends,
King Janamejaya, in the course of his hunt along the Kapila
29 Pillai,S. Devadas. 1997. Indian Sociology Through Ghurye, a Dictio-
nary. Bombay: Popular Prakashan.
262
and the Koundinya rivers came across this village, and built
the temple of Mahavishnu in a bamboo bush.
Kauṇḍinya Govardhana Kshetra in Mysore (Kar-

natak)
The 1,800 year old Sri Santana Venugopalaswamy Tem-
ple at Hemmaragala village, also known as Dakshina Govard-
hana Kshetra and Kauṇḍinya Govardhana Kshetra, enjoys a
rich traditional history. It is situated in a land where Koundin-
ya Maharshi, a saint from the pre-Buddhist era who lived in
the Dwapara Yuga, worshipped Lord Venugopala. The village
lies on the Mysore-Nanjangud-Chamrajnagar route, 14 km
from Nanjangud, 35 km from Mysore and about 180 km from
Bangalore in Nanjangud taluk of Mysore district.
The Koundinya/ Kauṇḍinya River

River Koundinya that originates in Mulbagal in Karna-
taka in despair following assault on it and its natural surround-
ing: State government shows apathy towards protecting and
utilizing its resources.
The river flows through Horsley hill mountain range
in which the Andhra Pradesh Government has established a
Wildlife Sanctuary named after the sage Kaundinya.30
A Christian Kauṇḍinya in the Nineteenth Century

In the sixth century B.C. the first Brahmin to embrace
the teachings of Buddha was of Kauṇḍinya gotra. In the nine-
teenth century, Anandrao Kauṇḍinya was the first Brahmin in
the western Karnataka(Manglore) to embrace Christianity (at
the Basel Mission) and become a missionary. Peter Kauṇḍin-
ya, grandson of Anandrao Kauṇḍinya now lives in Germany.
30 www.indiawaterportal.org/.../river-koundinya-originates-mulbagal-kar-
nataka-despair-... Deccan Herald-May 7, 2012.
263
In one of his visits to Manglore Peter Kauṇḍinya said: “We are
overwhelmed by the hospitality in Mangalore, the friendliness
with which we have been received… we will never forget be-
ing in your midst. He added: Anandrao Kauṇḍinya had said
that “each person should do the best he or she can, in whatever
capacity, for the good of society and community”. This shows
the dynamic character of the people who claim their affiliation
to the sage Kauṇḍinya and use his name as the name of their
clan.
The Non-Brahmin Kauṇḍinya in Modern Karnatak

In modern Karnatak, the community known as Gow-
daru, Gowlaru or Idigaru – claim to be of Kauṇḍinya gotra.
According to the mythology the progenitor of this community
took birth under the influence of ‘Gowda Mantra’ of the great
Sage Atri. Atri embodied Kauṇḍinya through Gowda Mantra.
The sage Kauṇḍinya , with his powers created fruit-yielding
trees, herbs and the concoction of ‘Somarasa’ to help man-
kind get rid of all the disease. Thus Kauṇḍinya became the
progenitor of Idiga community and Idigas derive their gotra,
(Kauṇḍinya gotra) from this sage.
A legend says that with the intention of immortalizing
his progenitor sage Kauṇḍinya, Katamagowda installed a linga
brought from the Himalayas in Muktapura ( a village now in
Ananthpur district) and constructed a temple with 18 enclo-
sures. He also set up an ashrama and named it Kauṇḍinya
ashrama. Katamagowda later started to reside at the ashrama
and came to be known as Katama Maheshwara and Katama
Rusheeshwara. He penned Shivaleela Mahatme, Shivatatava
Saara and other works there. In his old age, Katamagowda en-
trusted the responsibility of the kingdom to his relative Veer-
abhoja and left for the Himalayas to secure Moksha, leaving
his 3,000 disciples in the ashram. (Few books opine Katama-
264
gowda’s period to be the initial years of Kaliyuga, after the
completion of the Great War of Mahabharata).
Before 14th century A.D. the Andhra Ksatriyas have no
surnames or house names but identified themselves by the en-
dogamous gotra names only. According to some manuscripts
available in Tanjore Saraswati Libriary, Andhra Ksatriyas
have only 5 gotra named as—Vasista, Kauṇḍinya , Dhanan-
jaya, Kasyapa and Bharadvaja.
The Kauṇḍinya Wildlife Sanctuary in Andhra Pradesh

The Kauṇḍinya River which originates in Kurudumale
of the Mulbagal taluk(Karnatak), flows to Andhra Pradesh
during the rainy season.
The river flows through Horsley Hill Range where the
Andhra Pradesh Government has established in 1990 a Wild-
life Sanctuary named after Kauṇḍinya . The Wildlife Sanctu-
ary is located at Palamaner in Andhra Pradesh, sprawling over
an area of around 358 sq. km, covered with southern tropical
thorn type forests and different species of trees and animals,
especially the elephants.
V
The Chinese Annals
The Chinese annals offer the legend of Hun-T’ien and
Liu-yeh as founder of the kingdom of Funan, probably in the
second half of the first century of the Christian era. In the be-
ginning, Funan had for a sovereign a woman named Liu-yeh.
There was a man from the country of Mo-fu, called Hun-t’ien,
who loved to render a cult to a genie, with un-relaxing ardor.
The genie was touched by his extreme piety. At night, (Hun-
t’ien) dreamed that a man [genie?] gave him a divine bow and
ordered him to go to sea on board a great merchant junk. In
the morning, Hun-t’ien entered the temple, and, at the foot of
265
the tree of the genie, he found a bow. He then boarded a great
ship and went to sea. The genie directed the wind in order to
make (the ship) arrive at Funan. Liu-yeh wished to pillage (the
ship) and take possession of it. Hun-t’ien raised the divine bow
and fired. (The arrow) pierced the bark (of Liu-yeh) from side
to side. Liu-yeh, frightened, submitted, and thus Hun-t’ien be-
came King of Funan.31
The young queen, Liu-yeh, say the Chinese accounts,
was “celebrated for her virile force and her exploits”32 Hun-
t’ien married her and became the king. Not content with see-
ing her go naked, as was then custom of both men and women
in Funan, he dressed her in a fold of cloth, with a hole through
which she placed it on her body through her head, and made
her to do her hair up in a knot. This was the beginning of
women’s clothing and styles in Funan.
In one Chinese account, the place, from where Hun-
t’ien sailed for Funan, is known as Mo-fu. In other Chinese
accounts, the place is variously known as Chi, Chiao, or Wu-
wen . Pelliot believes that all these variants indicate one and
the same place, which was located on the Malay Peninsula, in
as much as Hun-t’ien seems to have made a continuous voy-
age.33
Pelliot further observes that Hun-t’ien and other vari-
ants are exact Chinese transcriptions of Kauṇḍinya . In his
opinion, the name Liu-yeh, “Willow Leaf” is a graphic alter-
ation of Ye-ye,” Coconut Leaf”, since the willow is unknown
31 Paul Pelliot, 1925 “Quelques textes chinois concernant l’Indochine

hindouisée,” Études Asiatiques 2, pp. 243-63.
32 Marquis d’Hervey de Saint-Denys(tr). 1983. Ma Toun-Lin, Éthnogra-
phie des peoples étragères à la chinois….meridionaux…ouvrages com-
pose du XIIIem siècle de notre ère. Paris: Ernest Leroux, p. 446.
33 Paul Pelliot, 1925 “Quelques textes chinois concernant l’Indochine
hindouisée,” Études Asiatiques 2, 248-49.
266
to Funan.34
According to the Chinese dynastic accounts the founder
couple had a son who succeeded to the throne; and thus was
founded the Hun or the Frist Kauṇḍinya dynasty which ruled
Funan for more than one hundred and fifty years. The same
source informs us that Kauṇḍinya gave seven “cities” to his
sons, while he appears to have ruled directly the rest of the
country. It is difficult to determine how long Kauṇḍinya and
his sons ruled.
One of his successors Hun P’an-h’ang enjoyed a long
reign in the second half of the second century and perhaps
into the early third century. The feudal chiefs becoming trou-
blesome, he sowed dissensions among them and conquered
them. Then he sent his sons and grandsons to govern separate-
ly each of the cities. They were called “little kings.”
Around the beginning of the third century P’an h’uang
died, more than ninety years old. His second son (Hun) P’an-
p’an succeed his father, but died after ruling only for three
years. The people of the kingdom chose Fan Shih-man as the
new king. Thus ended the direct line of the founder Kauṇḍin-
ya .
After reporting the rule of Fan rulers for over a century,
the Liang-shu narrates how a certain Chiao Chen-ju, a Brah-
min of India, followed the commands of a supernatural voice:
“You must go and reign in Funan.” Rejoiced in his heart, he
reached P’an P’an at the south. The people of Funan heard
of him. The whole kingdom rose with joy. They came to him
and chose him King. He changed all the rules according to the
customs of India. 35
A successor of this second Kauṇḍinya , called Che-
li-pa-mo or Che-li-t’o-pa-mo, sent embassies to the Imperial
34 Paul Pelliot, ibid., 245, n. 2.
35 Paul Pelliot, 1903. “Fou-Nan,” BEFEO 3, p. 269.
267
court in A.D. 434-435 and 438 according to the History of the
Sung dynasty (A.D. 960-1297). Pelliot, therefore, concludes
that the second Kauṇḍinya must have died before 434.
Finally, the annals of the Southern Chi and the Liang
dynasties say that a Jayavarman of Kauṇḍinya dynasty was
ruling in 478 and that he reigned until 514.36
VI
THE EPIGRAPHY OF THE KHMER EMPIRE
A Sanskrit inscription from the site of Prasat Pram
Loveng at Thap Muoi in South Vietnam mentions Prince
Guṇavarman, son of the king called “the moon of the fam-
ily(vaṃśa) of Kauṇḍinya .” The king in question appears to
be Jayavarman, a king of Funan, who was ruling in the last
quarter of fifth century. In fact, the fragmentary portion of
the text mentions “King Ja…” , restituted as Jayavarman.
Finot takes the story of Hun-t’ien and Liu-yeh as a local
adaptation of the Indian legend of the Brāhmaṇa Kauṇḍinya
and Somā, daughter of Soma, King of the Nāga.37 Aymonier38
suggests that the founder of Funan gave his wife the myth-
ological name of Somā, as he had taken that of Kauṇḍinya
VII
The Cham Sanskrit Inscription
The tradition about the marriage of Kauṇḍinya and
Somā passed from Īśānapura(present-day Sambor Prei Kuk in
modern Cambodia) to Champa with the marriage of princess
Śarvāṇī, daughter of King Īśānavarman (616-635 A.D.) with
36 Paul Pelliot , ibid , p. 257, 270.
37 Finot, Louis. 1911. “ Sur quelques traditions indochinoises.” BCAI 11,
pp. 20-37.
38 Aymonier, Étienne. 1908. Un aperçu de l’histoire du Cambodge. Paris:
A Challamel, p. 8.
268
Prince Jagadharma of Champa.
According to an inscription of Champa dated 658 A.D.
From Mi-son, Kauṇḍinya landed in Funan, drove his spear,
which he had obtained from Droṇa’s son Aśvatthāmā into
the ground and married Somā, daughter of the serpent-king
or the Nāgarāja.39
VIII
The Khmer Folklore
According to the Khmer legend, Preah Thong, son of
a king of India, chased from his home, went to Kok Thlok
(Cambodia) where a Cham king was ruling. The exiled prince
seized the throne and married a nāga princess, whose father
the Nāgarāja, helped him conquer his kingdom and changed
its name to Kambuja. In the Khmer country side even today
the founder couple presides over the marriage ceremony in
certain villages40
While the parents of the young couple circulate little
metal disks in which the sacred fire of the candle burns, the
music invariably plays the ancient and national air of the Di-
vine Thong and the Dragon Dame (Preah Thong and Neang
Neak); this air whose melancholy notes are listened to reli-
giously and provoke a tender feeling, an emotion often trans-
lated into tears.41
39 Finot, Louis,1904. “Les inscriptions de Mi-son (no III)”, BEFEO 4, 23

Majumdar, R.C. 1927.Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East.I Champa.
Lahore: Punjab Sanskrit Book Depot,3, 23.
40 Briggs, Lawrence Palmer. 1999. The Ancient Khmer Empire. Bangkok:
White Lotus, p., 26.
41 Aymonier, Étienne. 1908. Un aperçu de l’histoire du Cambodge. Paris:
A Challamel, p. 8-9.
269
IX
The Routes of Migration
Taking into consideration the fact that Kauṇḍinya rep-
resents prominently the name of a gotra of Brahmins in In-
dia, an enthusiastic search for the original homeland of the
Kauṇḍinya migrants from India has been going on for near-
ly past hundred years. B.R. Chatterji wrote in 1933: “The
Kauṇḍinya s seem to have been very influential in South India
in the second century A.D. A second century (Mysore) in-
scription of a Cutu Satakarni and a fourth century inscription
of a Kadamba king record grants of land, in connection with
a Śiva shrine to the Brahmins of the Kauṇḍinya gotra. From
the second inscription it appears that the Brahmin of Kauṇḍin-
ya gotra who received the gift of land, was related to the do-
nor, the Kadamba king. The Kauṇḍinya s, who went to Funan,
might have belonged to this aristocratic Brāhmaṇa family of
South India.42
H.B. Sarkar43objected to the Mysore origin of the mi-
grant: the two inscriptions cited by Chatterji “come long after
the foundation of Funan, it is obvious that we cannot pos-
tulate the view that the Kauṇḍinya of Mysore region were
responsible for the foundation of Funan towards the close of
the first century A.D. or the beginning of the second. Apart
from this chronological difficulty, Mysore is an inlands-terri-
tory with no maritime tradition and that there was no port of
international stature on the Coromandel coast in the first or the
second century A.D.”
42 Chatterji, Bijan Raj. 1964 . Indian Cultural Influence in Cambodia.

Calcutta: University of Calcutta (2nd revised ed.).Cf. Journal of Bihar
Orissa Research Society, 1933.
43 Sarkar, H.B.1986. “The Homeland of Kauṇḍinya I of Funan and Tra-
ditions about His Marriage.” Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies (Ma-
dras), 4(1).
270
Sarkar identifies the traditional homeland of the
Kauṇḍinya Brahmins with Kauṇḍinyapura, lying in the Chan-
dur Taluq of Amraoti (i.e. Amarāvatī) in Vidarbha (Maharash-
tra). The Vidarbha region is known for Vaidarbhi Bhārgavas
and Vaidharbhi Kauṇḍinyas.
Kauṇḍinyapura is some 121 kilometers from Nagapur,
an important city of Mahrashtra in Central India. Now a sleepy
village, this famous historic site of the Māhābhārata fame as
the birth place Rukmiṇī, the chief consort of Krishna, was
once upon a time the capital of ancient Vidarbha which com-
prised modern Berar and a large part of the territory lying
within Wardha and the Wainganga. In Kalpadrumakoṣa, the
term Vaidarbha has been understood in the sense of Kuṇḍin;
i.e., Kauṇḍinya pura. Kauṇḍinyapura is located on the west-
ern bank of the river Wardha, a tributary of the river Godavari.
It was a flourishing city of the Maurya- Sātavāhana period.44
According to Sarkar the first migration of the Kauṇḍinya and
the Kalinga people to various places of Southeast Asia seems
to have taken place on account of the military disturbanc-
es caused by the encounters between the Kṣahrāta and the
Sātavāhana between A.D. 50 and 150.
Sarkar postulates, that Kauṇḍinya married twice. His
first marriage was with the Willow-Leaf, and the second with
the Kṣatirya princess Somā of Naga lineage, apparently from
Kanchi. Citing the Manusaṃhitā extensively, he argues that
the descendants from the first marriage were barred from the
royal succession, because the Willow-Leaf was a non-Aryan,
non-Hindu woman. In his support, he cites the inscription of
44 Allchin, F.R., George Erdosy. 1995. The Archaeology of Early Historic
South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States. Cambridge University
Press; Smith, Louise Monica. 1997. Strong Economies, Weak Polities: the
archaeology of Central India in the early centuries AD. Michigan: Uni-
versity of Michigan.
271
Champa which says “The great Brahmin Kauṇḍinya married
Somā for the accomplishment of the rites.” Unfortunately,
there is absolutely no epigraphic evidence in support of such
a fanciful hypothesis. The inscription of Champa does not say
that the Brahmin took another wife for ritual purposes.45
Yet another recent publication46 argues: Kauṇḍinya
was the gotra name of the Nāgara Brahmin. According to the
Nāgarotpatti Kauṇḍinya is one of the 72 gotras of the Nāgara
Brahmaṇa. The Nāgara Puṣpāñjali mentions Kauṇḍinya as one
of 33 gotras of Nagara Brahmins. The publication cites N.N.
Vasu according to whom Kauṇḍinya and Kauṇḍinya -Kauśika
are among the gotra of the Nāgara Vaidika Brahmins of Ben-
gal, Sylehet and Kāmarupa. Since there is a Kuṇḍin River in
the Upper Assam, the researchers argue, that the settlements
of a colony of Brahmins of Kauṇḍinya gotra cannot be ruled
in this region. The next step is to imagine that a Brahmin from
Assam belonging to the Kauṇḍinya gotra was the adventurer
who founded the Kambuja kingdom in far-off Indochina. The
learned authors remain oblivious of the fact that it was not
Kauṇḍinya who was founder of the Kambuja. Yet another ri-
shi, Kambu was brought in the mythology of ancient Khmer
people many centuries later to explain the founding of Ang-
kor, a theme to which we will return in a future writing.
Thakur 47pleads for Mithila in the state of Bihar (India)
as the homeland of the Kauṇḍinya who went to Funan in
45 Sarkar, H.B.1986. “The Homeland of Kauṇḍinya I of Funan and Tra-
ditions about His Marriage.” Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies (Ma-
dras), 4(1), p. 22.
46 Sharma, Suresh Kant and Usha Sharma (eds). 2005. Discovery of North-
East India. Delhi: Mittal Publications.
47 Thakur, Upendra, 1968.“ Kauṇḍinya: The Founder of Indian Kingdoms
in Funan and Kambuja”. Journal of Bihar Research Society, 54, pts. (1–4).
Idem. 1986. Some Aspects of Asian History and Culture. Delhi: Abhinava
Prakashan, pp 13-25
272
ancient Cambodia, though the sources cited by the author from
Mithila are very late.
Finally the Indian historians from the Kalinga region
in Orissa do not fail to claim that Kauṇḍinya travelled to
mainland Southeast Asia from their region. Patnaik48 lists a
third Kauṇḍinya as the king of Po-li(=Bali), cites 21 places
in Orissa that are named after either Kauṇḍinya or Kuṇḍin.
These places are generally located, the author informs, on
the sea cost or on the bank of the rivers of Orissa. In many of
these villages or in their proximity, the author argues we still
find Brahmins of Kauṇḍinya gotra who live along with other
cate groups of Hindus. One of this group of village is called
Aji-Kuṇḍi which the author supposes to be a corrupt form of
Ādi-Kuṇḍin ( Kauṇḍinya ).
Conclusion:
Foregoing survey of existing literature on Kauṇḍinya
leads us to conclude that there is no concrete evidence to
establish the historical identity of a sage (risi) called Kauṇḍinya,
beyond the literary sources which mention such a sage, and
beyond million of people who venerate him as the founder of
their lineage. However, there is no ground to doubt the exis-
tence of innumerable men and women in India tracing the spir-
itual origin of their lineage (gotra) to a sage called Kauṇḍinya.
In spite of pronounced skepticism of scholars like Vickery,
there is no valid reason to dismiss the possibility of one or
two individuals, spiritually affiliated to the sage Kauṇḍinya,
actually travelling to mainland Southeast Asia.
It is pertinent to ask why it was an individual of
Kauṇḍinya lineage whom the Khmers chose as the founder
48 Patnaik, Ashutosh Prasad. 2003. The Early Voyagers of the East: the
Rise of maritime trade of the Kalingas in ancient India, volume 2. Delhi:
Pratibha Prakshan, pp. 580-81.
273
of a royal dynasty in ancient Cambodia. Patanjali commentary
on Kauṇḍinya cited above suggests that the Kauṇḍinya social
segment of the Brahmins in ancient India were less orthodox
and less conservative. Taking a sea voyage for them was per-
haps not a big deal. The main stream Brahmins treated them
as inferior due to their unorthodox behavior. One Kauṇḍinya
resorted to Buddhism in the sixth century B.C. and another
Kauṇḍinya converted to Christianity in the nineteenth centu-
ry. These are the two extraordinary examples of unorthodox
attitude of Kauṇḍinya community in the history of India.
Such examples give credence to the voyage of Brahmins of
Kauṇḍinya spiritual lineage to the Mekong valley. It may be
stressed that at two different individuals bearing the same go-
tra name of Kauṇḍinya came to the region which is called to-
day as Cambodia. Their personal names and family name must
have been different, but they became famous by their gotra
name, representing their spiritual lineage.
In the present state of our knowledge, it is impossible
to pinpoint a particular place or region in India from where an
Indian bearing the gotra name of Kauṇḍinya might have trav-
elled to the Mekong valley.
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278
Barays in Angkor:
Stanzas about taṭāka, which contain
the names of kings, and mebon1
Keiko Sato2
Abstract
From the 9 century to the end of 12th century, great ar-
th
tificial reservoirs called barays or taṭāka with kings’ name and

mebons, which were located at the central of each reservoir, were
built in Angkor. What did the barays and the mebons mean for
the kings of Angkor? I examined this subject based on Khmer
texts. As a consequence, the meaning of them varied across the
reigns of 4 kings (Indravarman I, Yaśovarman I, Rājendravar-
man, and Jayavarman VII) who made mention of taṭāka with
kings’ name and mebon in each text. Among them, there was a
great difference about the meaning of them between the reigns
of Rājendravarman and Jayavarman VII; therefore, there must
have been a conscious change from the 11th until the middle of
12th centuries.
Key words: Angkor, Baray, Mebon
Introduction
Nowadays, we can find both natural and artificial ponds
of various sizes throughout mainland Southeast Asia. Data from
Khmer texts and field surveys of water facilities in villages
show that a viewpoint very similar to that of today, which
would have likely existed in Angkor. From the 9th century to
1 This paper was modified, mainly based on another one that has already
been published (Sato, 2015).
2 Visiting Fellow: Institute of Asian, African, and Middle Eastern Studies
/ Sophia Asia Center for Research and Human Development, Sophia Uni-
versity, Tokyo, Japan.
279
the end of 12th century, great artificial reservoirs called barays
were built. What was the aim of constructing the baray? Almost
all earlier studies on baray in Angkor have been proceeded by
research in the fields of archaeology, epigraphy, agriculture
(agricultural engineering), irrigational drainage engineering,
and geography. For instance, Cœdès suggested that the baray
was a religious type of construction derived from Hindu and
Buddhist ideology (Cœdès, 1948), B.Ph.Groslier analyzed the
barays, canals, moats of temples and embankments, which
spread from 9th century through 12th century; he suggested that
Angkor became a hydraulic city through Hariharālaya and four
phases of Yaśodharapura. He theorized that Angkor produced
126,000 tons of crops in an irrigation zone of 86,000 hectares
(75 % of the area), may have fed 526 people per square kilo-
meter of irrigated land (Groslier 1979, p.190-191), and he also
posited that Angkor collapsed due to its water management
network (Groslier, 1958, 1979). The structure of the baray is
different from irrigation tanks in other parts of Southeast Asia
and South India, and Khmer texts do not refer to using them in
an economic way. Because of that, the possibility of irrigated
agriculture by using the barays as Groslier suggested has been a
controversial topic since 1980s. After that, the scholars continue
to consider the barays from different angles. For instance, the
Greater Angkor Project (APSARA-EFEO-University of Sydney)
explored Angkor’s water management system via archaeological
investigations (Fletcher et.al, 2006, 2008). Barays have been
examined since scholars began to study of Angkor, but we still
do not have all the details about them.
In this paper, I intend to focus on the historical aspects of the
baray. In former academic debates about the possibility of irri-
gated agriculture by using the baray, scholars could not find a
clue in the texts. There are some descriptions of the taṭāka with
kings’ names and the mebon (a structure that is located at the
280
center of the baray) in the part of “royal genealogy” “praising
a king” or “king’s achievements.” Based on Khmer texts, this
paper focuses on the significance of barays and the mebons by
exploring how these elements are linked to the builders－in this
case, the kings of Angkor.
1. Descriptions of taṭāka and mebon

1. Descriptions of Baray and and mebon are
BarayModern
and mebon areKhmer
Modern Khmer words. words.Khmer
Khmer texts
textsterms
contain various contain
associated various terms with
with water facilities, a
ta pool in Sanskrit [Skt] being the most
ssociated with
frequent, as well as
water facilities,
in Old Khmer [O.Kh.], which
with
means pond pool taṭāka reservoir 3 InorKhmer
“pool “lake” in
texts, from
Sanskrit
the pre-Angkorian through[Skt] beingperiods,
the Angkorian the tamost and
especially frequent, as well as travāṅ in
often meant a landmark or geographic
boundary. Although they appear frequently and relate to water
Old Khmer [O.Kh.], which
facilities, there is little information regarding the aim or Chart 1. The percentage of the stanzas on ta in Khmer
significancemeans “pond,”
of and the dates of construction, “pool” oror texts.
the builders,
locations. “reservoir.”
In this paper, I forcus 3
In on Khmerta texts,
during the
Angkorian period, which relates to the process of building, and are described using verbs such as ( to do,
from the pre-Angkorian through the Angkorian periods, taṭāka
make, construct ) or ( ). Although we have these indications, the date of construction is not usually
mentioned;and especially
there are travāṅregarding
few definite descriptions oftenthemeantplaces wherea landmark
ta were built. orTherefore,
geograph- we need
to guess at ic boundary.
details such as the reignAlthough
of respective kingthey
and theappear
date when afrequently
stele or temple was andbuilt;relate
we also needto
water facilities, there is little information regarding the aim or
archaeological and architectural information.
Chart 1 shows a percentage of the total
significance of and
number of stanzas that mention ta
the dates of construction, the builders, or
Based on
this data, Ilocations.
show the number In this paper,
of stanzas aboutI forcus on taṭāka during the Angkorian
ta builtperiod, which relates to the process of building, and are
by royalty (Chart 2). If we consider
the results, the stanzas about that category amount
described using verbs such as √kṛ (“to do, make, construct”) or
to about 70 % of the stanzas, and moreover, the
stanzas about√khan
the ta (“to dig”).
, indicating thatAlthough
a structure we have these indications, the date of
construction
is named after a king, compriseis not90usually
about mentioned;
% of the stanzas.
Indrata
ta there are few definite Indrata
ta de-
A baray is encircled by an embankment, which is raised
3 In the Sdok Kak Thom inscription, similar
above ground level, has a scale of more than 200 hectares,
content is written built
Chart 2. The number of the stanzas on ta
in by
both Skt.
royalty.
a rectangular (or well-regulated) formation, and canals to draw water from rivers, in addition to the mebon atthat
and O.Kh. If we reference this inscription, there is a high probability the
taṭāka
center of the baray.and
The travāṅ were
barays with used
these as synonyms,
features in Khmer textsas areG.Cœdès
the ta andkings
with P. Dupont also
names, namly,
Indrata mentions
4, travāṅ=taṭāka
5, and Jayata(Cœdès andta Dupont, 1943-1946,
6. These
and p.75).
other ta However,
built by
royalty notin Khmer
only amounttexts,
to morethere is amight
than and casecontain
that taṭāka could also
more information thanbetheidentified
ta builtwith danle
by non-royal
actors7, butin O.Kh,
also whichrhetorical
often contain meansdevices.
“a major river;thepond,
Moreover, ta reservoir,
that has a k sea,” for never instance,
writtenK. in
t 383
, even Al.42-43, K. 754 A6, Bl.7.
in O.Kh.texts.
Ta including other ta built by royalty were written about in figurative
3
In the Sdok Kak Thom inscription, similar content is written in both Skt. and O.Kh. If we reference this
inscription, there is a high probability that ta and
281
were used as synonyms, as
Dupont also mentions =ta -1946, p.75). However, in Khmer texts, there is
a case that ta could also be identified with danle river; pond, reservoir,
frequent, as well as in Old Khmer [O.Kh.], which
means pond pool reservoir 3 In Khmer texts, from
the pre-Angkorian through the Angkorian periods, ta and
especially often meant a landmark or geographic
boundary. Although they appear frequently and relate to water
facilities, there is little information regarding the aim or Chart 1. The percentage of the stanzas on ta
scriptions of and theregarding the theplaces
builders,where texts. taṭākas were built. There-
in Khmer
significance dates of construction, or
fore,In we
locations. this need
paper, I to guess
forcus on ta at details
during thesuch as the reign of respective
Angkorian period, which relates to the process of building, and are described using verbs such as ( to do,
king and the date
make, construct ) or (
when a stele or temple was built; we also need
). Although we have these indications, the date of construction is not usually
archaeological
mentioned; there are few definite and architectural
descriptions information.
regarding the places where ta were built. Therefore, we need
Chart 1 shows a
to guess at details such as the reign of respective king and the date when a stele or temple was built; we also need
archaeological and architectural information.
percentage
Chart 1 shows a percentage of theof total the total
number
number of stanzas thatofmention
stanzasta thaton
Based
this data, I show the number of stanzas about
ta
mention taṭāka. Based on
built by royalty (Chart 2). If we consider
thisthe
the results, data,
stanzasIabout
show the num-
that category amount
ber70of%stanzas
to about about
of the stanzas, taṭāka
and moreover, the
stanzas about the ta , indicating that a structure
built
is named afterby royalty
a king, comprise(Chart
about 90 %2). of the stanzas.
Indrata
ta
Indrata
ta
If we
A baray consider
is encircled the results,
by an embankment, which is raised Chart 2. The number of the stanzas on ta built by royalty.
the stanzas about that cat-
above ground level, has a scale of more than 200 hectares,
a rectangular (or well-regulated) formation, and canals to draw water from rivers, in addition to the mebon at the
egory
center amount
of the baray. to about
The barays with these70features in Khmer texts are the ta with kings names, namly,
% of4, the stanzas,
Indrata and moreover,
5, and Jayata 6. These ta
the stanzas about and otherthe ta taṭāka,built by
royalty not only amount to more than and might contain more information than the ta built by non-royal
indicating that a structure is named after
actors7, but also often contain rhetorical devices. Moreover, the ta
a king, comprise
that has a k
about
never written in
t 90 % of the
, even in O.Kh.texts. stanzas. A baray is encircled by an embankment,
which
Ta is raised above including ground
other ta level, has awere
built by royalty scale writtenof more
about than
in figurative
3
In 200
the Sdokhectares, a rectangular
Kak Thom inscription, (orinwell-regulated)
similar content is written formation,
both Skt. and O.Kh. If we reference this
inscription, there is a high probability that ta
and canals
Dupont also mentions
to draw
=ta
water and
from were used as synonyms, as
rivers, in addition to the mebon
-1946, p.75). However, in Khmer texts, there is
at the center of the baray. The barays with these features in
a case that ta could also be identified with danle river; pond, reservoir,
-43, K. 754 A6, Bl.7.
Khmer
4 3.2km texts
[EW] × 0.75km [NS].are240ha. the taṭāka with kings’ names, namly,
Indrataṭāka
7.12km [EW] ×1.7km [NS].
, Yaśodharataṭāka5 and Jayataṭāka6. These taṭāka
1210ha.
5
4
6 3.4km
[EW] × 0.8km [NS]. 272ha.
7
with kings’ - names and other taṭāka built by royalty not only
to compose an inscription. The ta built by non-royal actors is expressed relatively clearly and simply,
amount
containing to about
information more than
the name andin addition
of builder, mightto the contain moreof why
aim or significance information
the ta was
than the taṭāka built by non-royal actors , but also often contain
built, and sometimes the location as well. 7
4 3.2km [EW] × 0.75km [NS]. 240ha.

5 7.12km [EW] ×1.7km [NS]. 1210ha.
6 3.4km [EW] × 0.8km [NS]. 272ha
7 In this paper, “non-royal actors” indicates the influential persons in the
court or locals who could have a power to compose an inscription. The
taṭāka built by non-royal actors is expressed relatively clearly and simply,
containing information about the name of builder, in addition to the aim
or significance of why the taṭāka was built, and sometimes the location as
well.
282
rhetorical devices. Moreover, the taṭāka that has a king’s name
is never written in travāṅ, even in O.Kh.texts.
Taṭāka with kings’ names including other taṭāka built
by royalty were written about in figurative expressions from
9th century to the 12th centuries (Table 1). The most common
expression is “the ocean” as suggested by Jacques (Jacques,
1978, p.315). Various words were used: ambudhi (“recepta-
cle of waters, the ocean”), payonidhi (“the ocean”), payodhi
(“water-receptacle, the ocean”), mahābdhi (“great pond, lake;
the ocean”), amburāśi (“the ocean”), and bhavābdhi (“the
ocean of world existence”). The most figurative expression
after “the ocean” is darpaṇa (“a mirror”). We can see that
this was the case during the reigns of Indravarman I and
Rājendravarman. During the reign of Yaśovarman I, a taṭāka
was written that contains expressions related to the moon,
namely, vidhubimba (“the moon’s surface”) [K. 323 A628;
K. 282 D22] and indukānta (“the moon-stone; night”) [K.281
D22]. Below is the case of vidhubimba.
8 K. 323 A62 is as follows : idañ ca svakṛtan tārataṭākaṃ hlādikāntibhiḥ

catuṣkoṇīkṛtan tvaṣṭrā vidhuvimbam ivāmṛgam “And this Tārataṭāka [shin-
ing taṭāka] was constructed. It was so refreshing that it was as if the moon’s
face, without the gazelle, was made in a square form by Tvaṣṭar.” This stan-
za mentions “the moon’s surface” [vidhuvimbam < vidhu “the moon”, bim-
ba “the disk of the moon; a mirror”] where there is no gazelle [amṛigam].
This expression comes from an anecdote where a black spot on the moon
was seen as a hare or a gazelle. The word tāra means “shining ; clean” or
“a star.” I translated this word as “shining ; clean” because there is no case
that the taṭāka is expressed as “a star.” This stanza falls under the category
of “the king’s achievements” and is among the stanzas about donations to
the Lolei [K. 323 A59-61, 63-64]. Barth suggests that the construction,
that the stanza mentions, was built near the Lolei by the king (Barth, 1885-
1893, p. 393).
283
[K.282 D22]
tad idam udakasāran tena khātan taṭāka-
ñ jitam iva vidhuvimbaṃ pātitaṃ vaktrakāntyā
bhuvi nipatanavegād dhautadhautaṃ vilīnaṃ
vigalitamṛigam urvvīvibhramādarśavimbam ||
He [Yaśovarman] dug the taṭāka like the moon’s surface,
where valuable water fell and was acquired, [the water
having] a bright face. It was poured into the ground
torrentially, washed and purified (there), and the forest
animal [the gazelle] vanished, which clung (there)9, and
reflected the beauty of the ground (like) a mirror.
Although the figurative expression of the moon was
used during the reign of Yaśovarman I, we can recognize a
similar expression to the word darpaṇa, it is not because the
word bimba includes the meaning of “a mirror,” but because
the taṭāka is indicated the place where something is reflected,
as shown by the verb √dṛś. Therefore, “the moon” would have
had close meaning with “a mirror” through the the water in the
taṭāka. We can see the expression “to reflect on the taṭāka” in
the stanza of Jayataṭāka, that was the location which “mirrors
[reflects] [√dṛś] affluent prosperity” [K. 908 D168]. In these
circumstances, the expression “it is reflected [mirrored] on the
taṭāka like a mirror” is also a figurative expression, which was
used from the 9th century to the 12th centuries. Meanwhile, the
mebon is generally expressed as dvīpa (“an island”), pulina (“a
sandbank, a small island in the middle of a river”) or madhya
(“middle”) except during the reign of Rājendravarman. From
these words, we can speculate that mebon indicated “an island
located inside the taṭāka.”
9 The water in the taṭāka “washed” “purified” [√dhāv: to flow; run away]
the ground and “made the the gazelle vanish which clung” [vilīnaṃ vigali-
tamṛigam]. This expression is the same as K. 323 A62.
284
2. Stanzas concerning taṭāka with kings’ names in the
texts.
In this paper, I forcus on taṭāka whose number of the
stanzas is the most, namely, taṭāka with kings’ names, including
mebon, and I examine how they are related to kings. In order
to consider the building background, I not only gathered
concerning stanzas from Khmer texts, but also stanzas of
other taṭāka built by royalty during the Angkorian period10.
10 In this paper, I investigated Khmer inscriptions (until K.1325), that have
been published in the journals and literatures (See the list below in bibli-
ography [sources of inscriptions data]), that I could get to read. Although I
cited scripts that were romanized by leading scholars who published their
works in the journals and literatures, I myself translated and interpreted
them.
E. Lustig, who conducted a quantitative analysis, classified “royal in-
scription,” in that a king is the author, in contrast, a “non-royal inscription”
indicates that the authors are not rulers (i.e., kings). The former instances
are an administrative edict, a record of a new foundation, or a donation
to the foundation, whereas the latter are a foundation or donation to re-
ligious establishments or assert rights to property (Lustig, 2009, p.125).
Although I support these systematic categories, I did not follow them when
I gathered stanzas under the conditions mentioned above. I attached more
importance to where each stanza is written in a text, such as in the catego-
ry of a “royal genealogy,” “praising a king,” and “king’s achievements,”
because I intended to consider the relationship between kings and taṭāka
with kings’names. Therefore, I did not include stanzas from the category
of “the achievements of influential persons in the court and locals.” For
instance, I did not include K. 832: a donation to the Lolei under the reign
of Yaśovarman I, and K. 300: a donation to Yaśodharataṭāka by the people
during around 1330 C.E. In addition, I excluded K. 578 and K. 579 in this
paper. They are inscriptions that were found in 3 parts in fragmented con-
ditions. We can recognize yaśodharataṭāka as part of fragment K. 578, but
breakage occurs throughout the inscription. If these fragments are joined
with K. 579, we can tell that the inscription is from the year 890 śaka, when
Jayavarman V was enthroned. K. 579 belongs to non-royal inscription, be-
cause we can recognize a name: Vīrendravarman [senāpati (a general)]. I
excluded them not only because the stanza on taṭāka appears in the catego-
ry of his achievements, but also because Finot questions their indentifica-
tion (Finot, 1925, p. 365). On the other hand, I added K. 491 and K. 485.
In the former, entire pieces of content are unclear because of breakage, but
285
The stanzas were written during the reigns of 4 kings of Angkor: Indravarman I [c.877-c.889 C.E.],
[c.889-c.915 C.E rman [944-968 C.E.], and Jayavarman VII [1181-c.1220 C.E.].
There are no records of ta (and other ta built by royalty) and mebon from the 11th to
the first half of the 12 centuries (Chart 3 or 4).
th
and were repeated in some inscriptions (Chart 3 or 4), whereas the stanzas were written not only in royal
inscriptions, but also non- (Table 1)11.
Chart 3. The number of stanzas on ta during the reign of each Chart 4. The number of stanzas on ta during the reign of each
king. king. [*without the stanzas being duplicated]
As a result, the following items became clear.

10 In this paper,The stanzas
I investigated Khmer were written
inscriptions during
(until K.1325), the been
that have reigns ofin4thekings
published journals and
literatures (See the list below in bibliography [sources of inscriptions data]), that I could get to read. Although I
citedof Angkor:
scripts Indravarman
that were romanized I [c.877-c.889
by leading scholars who published theirC.E.], Yaśovarman
works in the journals and literatures, I
myselfI [c.889-c.915 C.E.], Rājendravarman [944-968 C.E.], and
translated and interpreted them.
Jayavarman - VII [1181-c.1220 C.E.]. There are no The

i.e., kings). records of
former instances
are antaṭāka
administrative
with edict, a record of
kings’ a new foundation,
names (and other taṭāka
or a donation to the foundation,
built by whereas
royalty)the latter are
a foundation or donation to religious establishments or assert rights to property (Lustig, 2009, p.125). Although
andthese
I support mebon
systematicfrom theI did
categories, 11not
th
to the
follow themfirst
whenhalf of stanzas
I gathered the 12 th
centuries
under the conditions
mentioned above. I attached more importance to where each stanza is written in a text, such as in the category
(Chart 3 or 4). The most stanzas were written during the reign
because I intended to consider the
of
Yaśovarman
relationship between kingsIand andta were repeated in some inscriptions (Chart
hievements of influential persons not include K. 832: a
3 or 4), whereas the stanzas , and
donation to the Lolei
were written not only
K. 300: a donation to ta
in roy-by the people
duringalaround
inscriptions, but Ialso
1330 C.E. In addition, non-royal
excluded K. 578 and K. 579ones in thisduring
paper. Theythe reign of
are inscriptions that were
found in 3 parts in fragmented conditions. We can 11 recognize as part of fragment K. 578, but
Rājendravarman (Table 1) .
breakage occurs throughout the inscription. If these fragments are joined with K. 579, we can tell that the
inscription is from the year 890 , when Jayavarman V was enthroned. K. 579 belongs to non-royal
inscription, because we can recognize a name: (a general)]. I excluded them not only
because the stanza on ta appears in the category of his achievements, but also because Finot questions their
indentification (Finot, 1925, p. 365). On the other hand, I added K. 491 and K. 485. In the former, entire pieces
of content are unclear because of breakage, but we can recognize mentions of . It is very likely
we tacan recognize
that such relate to kingsmentions
since K. 491of yaśodharataṭāka.
would It is very
indicate royal inscription. likely
In the latter, the that suchthe
part where
ta taṭāka
are mentioned
relate istoalso unclear
kings because
since K.of491
damage.
wouldAlthough it is difficult
indicate royaltoinscription.
translate the stanza,
In thethe
latter, the part where the taṭāka are mentioned is also unclear because of a
inscription can be attributed to . However, I have appended
note that some issues still need to be considered regarding this inscription; not only the content, but also the date
damage. Although it is difficult to translate the stanza, the inscription can
when it was written.
11 K.be522attributed
S15; K. 266to Indradevī,
A14, K. 267 B20,who was
K. 268 C25;a K.
queen of Jayavarman
872 N15; K. 70 A8. VII. However, I
have appended a note that some issues still need to be considered regarding
this inscription; not only the content, but also the date when it was written.
11 K. 522 S15; K. 266 A14, K. 267 B20, K. 268 C25; K. 872 N15; K. 70 A8.
286
3. The subject of the study: taṭāka built by royalty
[and mebon]
In Khmer epigraphy, Claude Jacques considers hydraulic
works to fall under the category of “the baray,” “the moat,” and
“the other (human-made bodies of water)” (Jacques, 1995). He
mentions Indrataṭāka, Yaśodharataṭāka (, the East Mebon), the
Sras Srang, the West Baray (, the West Mebon), Jayataṭāka, and
the Neak Pean in the category of “the baray.” In this paper, I
do not discuss the Sras Srang, the West Baray, and the West
Mebon, because this paper’s theme does not cover them, due
to the following circumstances.
The Sras Srang is located on the eastern side of the Ban-
teay Kdei. The inscriptions that are supposed to mention are
from the Bat Chhum [K.266, K.267, K.268], which is located
on the southern side of the Sras Srang. The Bat Chhum was
built by Kavīndrārimathana who was a mantrin (“minister”)
of Rājendravarman, and these inscriptions were written by
three writers12. In all three, after a prayer to the deities, praising
Rājendravarman and Kavīndrārimathana’s achievements
follow. The stanzas about the taṭāka belong in the last category.
I cite 2 out of 4 stanzas [K. 266 A22, K. 267 B39, K. 268 C39,
K. 268 C41].
[K.266 A22]
vistāritadviśatayuktacatuśśatāgrā- yāme pi satvanivahasya hitārthanīre
tīrābhighātakaraṇan dvipavṛṇdam eva mā ropayantu niyataṃ satatan tatāke ||
The taṭāka, which had 200 yukta and 400 agra, was filled
with water that brought all living beings utility [that was
12 Mratāṅ Śrī Indrapaṇdita, who wrote the texts of the southern monument
[K. 266 (A)], Vāp Rāmabhāgavata, who wrote the texts of the central struc-
ture [K. 267 (B)]; the author of the noethern one is unknown due to wear
[K. 268 (C)] (Cœdès, 1908, p. 215-216).
287
useful to all living beings]. They [People] always took
care not to intrude on the elephant (s) into the taṭāka
(because they) destroyed the bank13.
[K.268 C39]
sarvvasatvābhinandārthan tatākaṃ mahatāṃ matam
sa yathācaritaṃ vauddhaṃ vidadhau dharmmavarddha[naṃ] ||
He constructed the taṭāka based on the buddhistic deed.
It was for the sake of all living beings, that was thought to
be a great deed, and for increasing the virtue (dharma) 14.
Scholars who have eximined where the taṭāka in the Bat
Chhum inscriptions pointed out. E. Aymonier believed that
the taṭāka would be the Sras Srang (Aymonier, 1904, p.17).
Jacques made a similar suggestion in that the taṭāka would
also be the Sras Srang given the measurement of “200 yukta
and 400 agra” which is estimated to be about 720m×360m
(Jacques, 1978, p. 295; 1995, p.153). He also suggests that the
Bat Chhum would have been built by Kavīndrārimathana under
13 K. 266 A22 mentions that “water which brought utility [useful water]
” [arthanīre < artha “aim, purpose, for the sake of; cause; advantage, use,
utility; thing; substance, wealth,” nīra “water”] is filled [hita (√dhā: “to
take, make, hold”)] in the taṭāka. In the part that mentions mā ropayantu,
namely, “must not come in,” it is clear that the elephant [dvipa] were rec-
ognized as harmful to the taṭāka.
14 K. 268 C39 mentions that the construction of the tatāka was “for the
sake of all living beings” [sarvvasatvābhinandārthan < sarva “whole, all, ”
sattva “being ; a living being, creature,” abhinanda “the delight ; wish, ”
artha]. Moreover, this deed was not only one that was considered great
[mahatāṃ < mahatā “greatness” ; matam (√man: “to think, believe”)] du-
ring that time. It was also considered an action that probably increases one’s
dharma [dharmmavarddha[naṃ] < dharma “steadfast decree, ordinance ;
practice ; justice ; virtue ; Law or Justice personified” varddha (√vṛdh “to
increrase, cause to prosper”)].
288
the king’s order due to K. 268 C31 cāraś candaujasas tasya
bhaktyāṅghrau vaddhayābabhau [l.21] śrīkavīndrārimathanaś
śriyāruṇa ivāmvuje [l.22] “A spy of this (King Rājendravarman)
who had a formidable force, Śrī Kavīndrārimatha appeared at
(the king’s) feet with (his) devotion as if the red of prosperity
(was bright inside of) the lotus”15, and the first stage of the Sras
Srang was also completed by the king (Jacques, 1978, p. 295)16.
Stanza C31 occurs at the begining of the Kavīndrārimathana’s
achievements in K. 268, which include the fact that he was
involved in royal construction, namely, of the East Mebon and
the royal palace [mandira]. The stanza about the East Mebon
is as follows: preraṇe sarvvalokasya yaś śailādikṛtau kṛtī yaśo-
dharatatākasya madhye rājñā niyojitaḥ “At the lively place of
all of the world [all people], the wise (Kavīndrārimathana) was
ordered by the king to build (the structure) made of stone and
other (materials) inside of Yaśodharataṭāka”17 [K. 268 C35].
Regarding the royal palace, the stanza states: yaśodharapure
15 From K. 268 C31, we can speculate that Kavīndrārimathana, who was
King Rājendravarman’ s spy [cāraś candaujasas tasya < cāra “a spy,”
caṇḍa “fierce, violent,” ojas “ability, power,” tasya <pron; Gen.> (Rājen-
dravarman)] was close to the king to be able to approach at his feet [bhak-
tyāṅghrau vaddhayābabhau < bhaktya “a division; devotion,” aṅghri “a
foot,” vaddha (√bandh: to bind; to cherish, show), √bhū “to become, be”].
16 G. Cœdès believes that the Sras Sran belongs to the Banteay Kdei, and
suggests that there are quite a few differences among the the content of the
stanza K. 266 A22 as well as early reports of the Sras Srang, that is, the
amont of water, the size of taṭāka, and the dangerous degree to which the
elephants bathe in the taṭāka, which in turn that would cause the bank to
deteriorate (Cœdès, 1908, p. 220-221).
17 The part preraṇe sarvvalolasya [preraṇa <Loc.> “urging, activity,” sar-
va-loka <Gen.> “whole people, whole world”] could also be interpreted
as “the place where all of people live.” In any case, this place modifies
Yaśodharatatāka, because the part in question is common among case en-
dings to yaśodharatatākasya madhye [yaśodharatatāka <Gen.> , madhya
<Loc.> ].
289
ramyaṃ mandiraṃ vivudhapriyaḥ śilpavid viśvakarmmeva yo
nenendreṇa kāritaḥ “He (Kavīndrārimathana), who was beloved
(of deities), was well versed in arts like Viśvakarman, (was
charged with) building a beautiful palace at Yaśodharapura by
this mighty king” [K. 268 C34]. After these stanzas, there are
stanzas about the taṭāka in K. 268. There is thus a possibility
that Kavīndrārimathana, who had a close relationship with the
king, built the taṭāka (including the Bat Chhum) according to
the king’s order that it be built under the same conditions as
the East Mebon and the royal palace. However we cannot deny
that a word, which is like those in the stanzas C35 and C34,
might be used if the king’s instruction was based on building
of the taṭāka. C35 states that the East Mebon was ordered to
build by the king [rājñā niyojitaḥ < rājan “king”, ni-√yuj “be
ordered”]. C34 expresses that the palace was build [kārita (√kṛ)
“cause to be made”] “by this mighty king” [(a)nenendreṇa <
anena<dem.>, indra “a prince; best, the first” <Ins.>]. The
taṭāka might be the Sras Srang if we consider the size, which is
indicated K. 266 A22, and Jacques’s calculation. However, we
need more consideration to judge whether the taṭāka was built
by royal decree. Therefore, in this paper, I exclude the taṭāka
of the Bat Chhum inscriptions from the taṭāka built by royalty,
since I attach much importance to the fact that the Bat Chhum
inscription belongs to Kavīndrārimathana, and the stanzas of
the taṭāka fall under the category of his achievements.
Scholars have investigated the West Baray and the West
Mebon since the beginning of the 20th century. In Kheme texts,
Cœdès suggests that K. 205 st.818 might indicate the West Ba-
ray as a figurative expression (Cœdès, 1951, p. 4). The stanza
18 K. 205 contains 17 lines in Skt, followed by 25 lines in O. Kh., which
include the date 958 śaka. Cœdès suggests that there is no relationship
between each part (Cœdès, 1951, p.4). Stanza 8, which I cited, belongs to
the former.
290
is as follows: mandākinyāḥ khanane tribhuvanacūdāmaner
ggirer vvandhe nagarārambhe ca kṛte narapatināraṃ sa
kṛta............. This stanza translates as : “ ..... Mandākinī (“the
heavenly Ganges”) was dug [khanana (√khan)], the mount,
Tribhuvanacūdāman was constructed [bandha (√bandh: to put
on; form; cause to be built)], and the city was built [started]
[ārambhe ca kṛte < ārambha “undertaking, commencement,”
ca <conj.>, kṛta (√kṛ)] by the king……” [K. 205 st.8]. Cœdès
believes that mandākinī might indicate the West Baray, and
tribhuvanacūdāmani might mean the Baphuon (Cœdès, 1951,
p. 4). Jacques disagrees and suggests that the Gaṅgā, does
not match the description of a baray, which is expressed “the
ocean” in most of case, and barays were “built” rather than
“dug.” Therefore, mandākinī ought to be translated as “the
canal” (Jacques, 1978, p. 315). Mandākinī surely means “the
Gaṅgā” in a dictionary, but we can find some cases with various
expression in Khmer texts. For instance, K. 383 A l.42-43, as
mentiond above, or K. 278 B22, which mentions that building
a dam caused a scene, which was like ambudhi19. Moreover,
mandākinī is expressed using a derivative of the verb √khan.
This verb is often used in stanzas that mention the construction
of taṭāka with kings’ names. Therefore, we can not deny the
possibility that mandākinī indicates taṭāka. We need to take the
word into account based on the unity of its metaphorical mean-
ing, as well as the situation it describes, which we can consider
by consultiong other examples. There are still many angles from
which to consider the West Baray based on the texts, but the West
Baray may have been completed to build during the reign of
Sūryavarman I based on the king’s advance into the wetern area.
Jacques arrived at this conclusion by examining land records,
which were given by Sūryavrman I, from the time following
19 See the stanza below in Chapter 4-4 for further details.
291
a conflict with Jayavīravarman, and the text found at the Ak
Yom (Jacques, 1978, p. 311-315)20. In any case, the location,
scale, and structual characters of the West Baray are similar to
taṭāka with kings’ names, whereas we have not yet had enough
clues to consider it on the texts. Therefore, I do not examine the
West Baray and the West Mebon in this paper.
Jacques states his opinion about the logical meaning of
baray and taṭāka at the beginning of a 1995 paper (Jacques,
1995, p.151). However, he does not explain category of “the
baray.” If we consider the selection of the subject and his opin-
ions about the Sras Srang and the West Baray, we would be able
to speculate that this category indicates that the king participated
in the construction. He interprets the stanzas of Yaśodharataṭāka,
the East Mebon, Jayataṭāka, and the Neak Pean by adding some
archaeological and architectural views. In this paper, I consider
the significance of taṭāka with kings’ names and mebons from the
building background of them through the stanzas. From the next
chapter, I focus on Indrataṭāka, Yaśodharataṭāka, Jayataṭāka,
each mebon, and what they meant to the kings.
4. An analysis of the stanzas

In this chapter, I examine the stanzas about the taṭāka with
kings’ names that describe the reigns of 4 kings, and pinpoint
where they are in the texts.
20 Jacques believes that the West Baray may have been called Sūryataṭāka
at that time (Jacques, 1995, p.154). Meanwhile, Dumarçay suggests that the
West Baray may have begun to be built around 975 C.E., namely, during
the reign of Jayavarman V (968~c.1000). However, Dumarçay arrived at
this conclusion by considering that building new baray was necessity with
deterioration of the East Baray which started from the beginning of the
reign of Rājendravarman (Dumarçay, 1995, p.210). After his paper, some
scientific information have been shown, such as on sedimental speed of
Yaśodharataṭāka (Tsukawaki et. al., 1998).
292
4-1. Indravarman I
The following stanza is about Indradrataṭāka during the
reign of Indravarman I21.

[K.826 B36]
sa nirmmalañ cakārendra taṭākaṅ kīrttidarppaṇaṃ
aurvvāgnibhayaparyyasta nijas hānam ivāmvudhim ||
He (Indravarman I) constructed a purity mirror called
Indrataṭāka; it resembled the ocean and prevented fear
of the flames under the sea from spreading.
Indrataṭāka is interpreted as “a mirror” [darpaṇa] and
“the ocean” [ambudhi]. Aurva means “the flame under the sea”22.
Based on the tale of Aurva, the stanza explains that Indrataṭāka
was built to protect from raging flames.
In the Bakon inscription, the stanza falls under the cate-
gory of the king’s achievements, which are listed together with
other establishments that Indravarman I built. Cœdès suggests
that these establishments (including Indrataṭāka), which are
written from B29 to B36, are not related to the Bakon (Cœdès,
1937, p.32).
21 Cœdès suggests that K. 809 S17 might also indicate to Indrataṭāka

(Cœdès, 1937, p. 43 n.1). Perhaps this is due to the word of arṇnava (“a
wave, flood; the foaming sea; the sea”). However, I did not find a case
where taṭāka was expressed as this word. I recommend that we further
examine whether S17 indicates Indrataṭāka.
22 Aurva indicates “the flame under the sea.” When Riṣi (a holy man) gave
birth to a flame from his thigh, the flame screamed, “I want to eat [burn] up
the world,” and the land became covered with flames. Brahman suspended
the creation of the world and offered a comfortable residence for the flame,
which is the child of Aurva. Brahman was born in the sea and lives there;
therefore the place where Brahman and the flame live is called “a flame
under the sea” (Suganuma, 1998, p. 3-4).
293
4-2. Yaśovarman I
Yaśovarman I built the Lolei, which is located in the center
of Indrataṭāka, and Yaśodharataṭāka. The stanza below is from
the Lolei inscription concerning Indrataṭāka during the reign
of Yaśovarman I. The same stanza is repeated in the Phnom
Preah Bat inscription [K. 95 A15], the inscriptions found at the
Yaśodharāśrama [K. 279 A16, K. 701 A16, K. 290 A17], and the
inscriptions for each direction (northeast, southeast, northwest,
and southwest) at Yaśodharataṭāka [K. 280 A17, K. 281 A17, K.
282 A17, K. 283 A17]. All the stanzas fall under the category
of the king’s genealogy in each text.
[K.323 A16]
śilāmaye veśmaniliṅgam aiśaṃ
śrīndreśvarābhikhyam atiṣṭhipad yaḥ
īśasya devyāś ca samaṃ ṣad arcca-
ś cakhāna ca śrīndrataṭākam agryam ||
He [Indravarman I] established Śivaliṅga, which was
called Śrī Indreśvara, and 6 statues of Śiva and the
goddess [Śiva’s wife] at the residence, which was built
of stone at the same time, and (he) dug Śrī Indrataṭāka,
which was the best.
The stanza mentions that both Śivaliṅga, which was the
name of Śrī Indreśvara [liṅgam aiśaṃśrīndreśvarābbikhyam]
was enshrined [atiṣṭhipad (√sthā: to stand)] and Śrī Indrataṭāka,
which was the best [agryam < agrya “foremost, principal, best”],
was dug [cakhāna (√khan)].
The stanza mentioning the Lolei is bellow:
[K.95 A32]23
catasraś śivayor arccā yaś śrutīr iva pāvanīḥ
dvīpe śrīndrataṭākasya pitṛibhūtyai samaṃ vyadhāt ||
23 This inscription is one of those related to śāsana (“the royal order”).
294
He [Yaśovarman I] established 4 statues of Śiva and his
wives, which were like a sacred Veda24, for the prosper-
ity of (his) father25on the island of Śrī Indrataṭāka at the
same time.
The part of “the island of Śrī Indrataṭāka” [dvīpe
śrīndrataṭākasya] indicates the Lolei. The “the prosperity of
farther” [pitṛibhūtyai] may signify that the Lolei would have
been dedicated to Yaśovarman’s parents and ancestor of his
mother’s family, as other inscriptions are [K. 324 l.12-16, K.
330 l.2, K. 327 l.1, K. 331 l.1].
According to the stanzas concerning Yaśodharataṭāka,
during the reign of Yaśovarman I, had various parts. At first,
the place where Yaśodharataṭāka was built was “the land of
descendants of the king of Kambuja [kamvujeśānvayāmvare26]
[K. 95 A35], and Yaśodharataṭāka demonstrated the king’s glory.
[K. 323 A54]

atrātipūrṇṇaṃ svayaśo nayann iva rasātalam
yaś cakhānorugambhīraṃ taṭākaṃ śrīyaśodharam ||
He [Yaśovarman I] dug the vast and deep taṭāka of Śrī
Yaśodhara as if (he) were bringing [demonstrating] his
full glory to the earth [the lower world]27.
The stanzas of Yaśodharataṭāka express the reason why
Yaśodharataṭāka existed among other taṭāka with kings’ names
24 Barth omitted a translation of this part (Barth, 1885-1893, p. 373).
25 I interpret pitṛibhūtyai [pitṛ “a father”<sg.>, “father and mother”<du.>,
“the fathers, ancestors”<pl.>, bhūti “existence; prosperity”<sg.>] as “the
prosperity for father,” because bhūti is single, whereas Barth interpreted
this part as “a relief for the spirit of ancestors” (Barth, 1885-1893, p. 373).
26 kamvujeśānvayāmvare < kamvu-ja “Kambuja”, īśa “a ruler,” anvaya
“following, succession,” ambara “circumference, neighborhood.”
27 The word rasātala means “regions under the earth, the lower world or
hell; the earth, ground,” therefore I suggest two translations.
295
by showing a doer and a target through such as the Ins. and Dat.
cases. They are written on the steles of Yaśodharāśrama and
Yaśodharataṭāka. The following stanzas fall under the category
of ideology and rules of Yaśodharāśrama.
[K. 279 D94]28

cāturāśramyapatibhi- s sarvvais saṃbhūya yatnataḥ
yaśodharataṭākākhyaṃ pālanīyam idaṃ sadā ||
This (taṭāka which) is named after Yaśodharataṭāka,
will be protected by each head of āśrama [the 4 stages
of life] cooperating and endeavoring [working] together
all the time.
Based on sarvvais saṃbhūya yatnataḥ29, it is clear that
Yaśodharataṭāka states that Brāhmaṇa, which belong to each
āśrama, should cooperate to protect [pālanīyam] all the time
[sadā (adv.)]. On the steles of Yaśodharāśrama, we can find
more remarks about how people recognized Yaśodharataṭāka.
Yaśodharataṭāka was a place where people offered [nirvvapet
(nir-√vap)] many confectioneries (to the deities); such confec-
tioneries were made at āśrama [āśrame piṇḍaṅ kṛitvānīya] [K.
279 C69]30. This location was also a sacred pond [tīrtha] where
people performed their ablutions [snānavidhāyakān] and where
they were served a meal [bhojayet (√bhuj)] [K. 279 C71]31, as
well as a place related to Yaśodharāśrama where no one was hurt
[na hiṅsayet (√hiṃs)] [K. 279 D91]32. Considering the stanzas
28 The stanza is also in the inscriptions on āśrama: K. 701 D94 and K. 290 D92.
29 arva <pron-adj.> “all (i.e., cāturāśramya-pati [4 āśramas, the 4 stages
of life; the head, the leader]),” saṃ-√bhū “to meet, be united or joined
with,” yatna<pl.> “effort.”
30 The stanza is also in the inscriptions on āśrama: K. 701 C70 and K. 290 C66.
31 The stanza is also in the inscriptions on āśrama: K. 701 C71 and K. 290 C68.
32 The stanza is also in the inscriptions on āśrama: K. 701 D91. K. 290
D89 is not exactly like these stanzas, but the content is the same.
296
above, Yaśodharataṭāka contained a part of a sacred taṭāka
under the āśramas; Jacques also suggests that the location was
used as a tīrtha (Jacques, 1995, p.153).
On the stele of Yaśodharataṭāka, the following stanzas
fall under the category of praising a king.
[K. 281 D22]

yuddhoddhatadviṣadurasthalato pi khātā-
d udvelitollasitakīrttipayaḥpayodhiḥ
prahlādanāya jagatāṃ punar indukāntaṃ
sa śrīyaśodharataṭākam idañ cakhāna ||
The arrogant enemy at war was dug into [buried in] the
ground, and the ocean, which was the juice of life, was
filled with glory. He [Yaśovarman I] dug Yaśodharataṭā-
ka, which was like moonstone, to (let) the new happiness
of all living beings (be revived).
[K. 281 D25]33

bhuvas taṭākastanajaiḥ payobhi-
s saṃvarddhitā ye taruvālavatsāḥ
vayassvarāvyaktakalapralāpā-
s tān akṣataṃ rakṣata pāpasarppāt ||
The trees where bird(s) twitter (as) pleasantly (as) chil-
dren, are increased (as much as) horse’s hair, by (the
water) of the taṭāka (which is like) mother’s milk flowing
from the breasts. (He) orders them to keep watch, not to
be harmed by the vicious snake.
33 The stanza is also found in the inscriptions about Yaśodharataṭāka,

namely: K. 280 D25, K. 282 D25, and K. 283 D25.
297
[K. 280 D22]
tenāvanīśapatinā tad idan taṭākaṃ
khātaṃ praphultatarutīram udīrṇṇam ālyā
nṛittabhramaprasarapātitaśāntavegā
mūrddhno viyatsarid iva tripurāntakasya ||
The taṭāka, which (had) an embankment filled with flow-
ers in bloom and was overgrown with trees, was dug by
the king of kings. (Consequently,) a flood [or torrents],
a chaotic current, which was like a dance of a stream in
the sky, which made a chief who destroyed tripura34fall,
was abated.
We can recognize a similar line of thought of concerning
“to surrender the arrogant enemy” and “to dig Yaśodharataṭāka”
[K. 281 D22] in K. 701 B4635. In K. 281 D22, a connection is
expressed by √khan, which has 2 meanings: “to dig” and “to
root up.” K. 701 B46 states more directly that the enemy sunk
down to Yaśodharataṭāka by the word ni-√majj. K. 281 D22
also mentions that King Yaśovarman I built Yaśodharataṭāka to
bring happiness to all living beings [prahlādanāya jagatāṃ36].
According to K. 281 D25, the water is interpreted mother’s milk
[stanajaiḥ payobhis] because the word payas has 2 meanings:
“milk”and “water.” In K. 280 D22, Yaśodharataṭāka had a
34 Tripura means “three cities.” These cities were supposed to be in the
sky and burned during a war against the deities [Harivaṃśa (Purāṇa)]
(Suganuma, 1998, p.235).
35 K. 701 B46: yaśodharataṭākākhyaṃ yas taṭākam amānuṣam cakāra
sarvvabhūpālamānān iva nimajjayan “He [Yaśovarman I] built the di-
vine taṭāka which was called Yaśodharataṭāka as if he made all of arro-
gant kings surrender [sink].” I interpreted sarvvabhūpālamānān as sarva,
bhūpāla “earth-guardian, a king,” māna “purpose; arrogance”<pl.>, iva,
nimajjayan (ni-√majj: to sink down, disappear, perish).
36 prahlādanāya jagatāṃ < prahlādana “the act of causing pleasure,”
jagat <pl.>.
298
blooming bank [praphultatarutīram udīrṇṇam] and played a
role in causing a violent flood to abate, based from the part
nṛittabhramaprasara and śāntavegā37. Jacques suggests that
Yaśodharataṭāka served to irrigate the trees (Jacques, 1995,
p.152). We cannot figure out the details of irrigation from the
stanzas above. However, it is clear that Yaśodharataṭāka was a
fertile pond and helped control the water.
4-3. Rājendravarman
Rājendravarman constructed the East Mebon in the center
of Yaśodharataṭāka. In the following inscription K. 286 (Baksei
Chamkrong), after a type of a prayer to the deities (including
Kambu-Merā), N26 and N29, which are about Indrataṭāka, the
Lolei, and Yaśodharataṭāka, fall under the category of genealogy
and the previous kings’ achievements. Then, N44, which falls
under the category of a king’s achievements, follows.
[K.286 N26]
śrīndreśvaraṃ liṅgam umāpateś śrī-
dharāmvikādeḥ pratimāś ca bhūmau
yo tiṣṭhipad dikṣu ca kīrttim iddhāñ
cakhāna vīryyañ ca ripos taṭākam ||
He [Indravarman I] made the liṇga of Umā’s husband
[Śiva] (which was named) Śrī Indreśvara, Śrīdhara,
Ambikā, and other statues established on the land; (his)
glorious fame spread in all directions, and (he) dug the
taṭāka (as if it made) the force of the enemy (lose).

37 nṛittabhramaprasara [nṛtta “dancing,” bhrama “moving about” prasara

“a torrent”] , śāntavegā [śānta (√śam: appeased, calm), vega <pl.> “a flood,
current of water”].
299
[K.286 N29]
pañcādrikūṭeṣv iva pañcameru-
kūṭeṣu ca dvīpatale mahābdheḥ
śatādhikan devam atiṣṭhipad yo
yaśodharaṃ sthānam apāñ cakhāna ||
He [Śrī Yaśovarman] made (people) establish more than a
hundred deities at the 5 summits, which was like (Mount)
Meru with 5 summits38, and at the island of the great
ocean39. Moreover, (he) dug (the taṭāka of )Yaśodhara40,
which was filled with a massive amount of water.
[K.286 N44]
śaive pure siddham ajasya liṅgaṃ
siddheśvaraṃ siddhavibhūtiśubhram
dvīpe taṭākasya yaśodharasya
niveśitaṃ yena ca liṅgam arccāḥ ||
At Śaivapura, Siddheśvara magnificent, powerful, and
immortal perfect liṅga which had a supernatural power,
38 “Meru with 5 summits” [pañcamerukūṭeṣu] indicates the Phnom Bakhen.
This temple has a complex of five towers; therefore, it is very likely that
this Meru corresponds to the Phnom Bakhen. Cœdès denied that “Meru
with 5 summits” which indicates 5 mountains around the Phnom Bakhen
because there is no hill in the west (Cœdès, 1952, p. 98 n.2), whereas we
can find Phnom Bok (E), Phnom Krom (S), and Phnom Dei (N) at each
location. On the other hand, if we consider a metaphorical expression of
the mebon under the reign of Rājendravarman, it is possible that the Meru
indicates “an island in the grand ocean” [dvīpatale mahābdheḥ]; namely,
the Lolei. However, the Lolei is not a complex of five towers; hence, there
is a high probability that the Meru in this stanza means the Phnom Bakhen.
39 The part dvīpatale mahābdheḥ indicates the Lolei
40 In K. 286 N29, the word taṭāka cannot be found. However, there is
a high probability that the part yaśodharaṃ sthānam apāñ points to
Yaśodharataṭāka, due to the presence of the verb √khan [cakhāna <pf.>].
From this stanza, it is also clear that Yaśodharataṭāka was filled with a
massive amount of water during the reign of Rājendravarman.
300
and on the island of the taṭāka of Yaśodhara, liṅga and
statues of deities, were established by him [Rājendra-
varman].
We can see that both Indreśvara and Indrataṭāka are men-
tioned in stanza N26, and the Phnom Bakhen41, the Lolei, and
Yaśodharataṭāka are in stanza N29. The former stanza states that
Indrataṭāka would have been dug as if it made the force of the
enemy lose [cakhāna vīryyañ ca ripos taṭākam] by using √khan.
This line of reasoning is similar to Yaśodharataṭāka [K. 701
B36, K. 281 D22]. In N44, the East Mebon is expressed as “the
island” of the taṭāka of Yaśodhara [dvīpe taṭākasya yaśodhara-
sya], which is the same expression as other mebon, whereas it
is expressed as “invisable dharma” [adṛṣṭam api dharmmaṃ]
in the following stanza from the Pre Rup inscription [K.806].
The stanza B269 falls under the category of Rājendravarman’s
achievements.

[K.806 B269]
yaśodharataṭāke śrī- yaśovarmmakṛte kṛtī
adṛṣṭam api dharmmaṃ yaḥ pratyakṣaṃ samadarśayat ||
Wise (Rājendravarman) made invisible dharma on
the inside of Yaśodharataṭāka, which was built by Śrī
Yaśovarman, manifest.
41 Jacques shows that the Phnom Bakhen is expressed as Yaśodharaparvata,

Yaśodharagiri, Vnaṃ Kantāl, or Yaśodhareśvara in Khmer texts (Jacques,
1978, p. 283-284). According to his opinion, the Phnom Bakhen had been
slight forgotten during the reign of Rājendravarman, it was recovered during
that of Jayavarman V since the expression Yaśodhareśvara, Yaśodhara-
parvata, and Vnaṃ Kantāl appeared in texts (Jacques, 1970, p. 63; 1978,
p. 283). K. 286 N44 suggests that the Phnom Bakhen appears as Meru.
We speculate that there was a recognition that it was one of the Yaśovarman
I’s building achievements during the reign of Rājendravarman.
301
From the following stanzas, it is clear that the East
Mebon was not only dedicated to the king’s parents, but also
the place where the liṅga with the name of Īśvara and king’s
name, namely, Rājendreśvara was established.
[K.528 B207]
saṃprāptayoḥ prāptayaśās svapitror
bhuvaḥ patis so pi bhavodbhavena |
sa[ṃ]sthānatāṃ sthāpitavān sthitijño
nime ime dve śivayoś śivāya ||
He [Rājendravarman], the king of the world who found
stability, won honor, that his parents42were granted from
Bhavodbhava [Śiva], and together erected [founded] the
2 (statues) of Śiva and his wives for happiness43.
[K.528 B218]
śākābde gaṇyamāne kṛtanagavasubhir māghamāsasya puṇye
śuklasyaikādaśāhe nimiṣam api bhave yāti varṣārddham indau |
arccābhiś śaurigaurīgiriśakajabhuvāṃ sārddham arddhendumauleś
śrīrājendreśvarākhyaṃ sthitim akṛta parāṃ liṅgam atredam ābhiḥ ||
In the month of Māgha, 26 , 874 śaka, Friday, at 11 o’clo-
ck, this liṅga, which was named for Śrī Rājendreśvara,
Śauri [Viṣṇu], Gaurī, Giriśa and the one who was born of
a lotus [Brahman] together found perfect stability here44.

42 Rājendravarman’s parents, who are written about in the inscription of

the East Mebon, are Mahendravarman (father) and Mahendradevī (mother).
43 This stanza mentions what Rājendravarman erected. “2 (statues) of Śiva
and his wife” [dve śivayoḥ <dvi “2,” Śiva <du.>] and his parents [svapitṛ]
are represented with the same case.
44 This stanza mentions that it was here [atra] that the liṅga named for
Śrī Rājendreśvara was erected [sthiti “standing”] with other statues [arccā
“an image or idol” i.e., śauri-gaurī-giriśa-kajabhuva] together [sārdha].
302
4-4. Jayavarman VII
Jayavarman VII built Jayataṭāka and its mebon, the Neak
Pean, which is at the center of Jayataṭāka. The stanzas about
them are in the Preah Khan Inscription [K.908]. “14 (deities are
established) on the island of Rājyaśrī45with the thousand liṅgas”
[rājyaśrīpuline liṅgasahasreṇa caturdaśa] [K.908 B41], “22
deities (are established) on the shore of Jayataṭāka”46[tīre jaya-
taṭākasya viṃśatir dve ca devatāḥ] [K.908 B42], “10 rites (were
held) [or 10 ritual prasat(s) (yāgamaṇḍapa) (were constructed)]
47
on the shore of Yaśodharataṭāka” [yaśodharataṭākasya tīre
yāgāḥ punar daśa] [K.908 D121]. Based on these stanzas,
we can conclude that Yaśodharataṭāka, Jayataṭāka, and the Neak
Pean would be recognized as sacred places where deities were
enshrined, because each place is indicated by the Loc. case.
Other stanzas concerning Jayataṭāka and the Neak
Pean are as follows :
[K.908 D168]
suruciviracitāyā bhūmahiṣyās samasta-
prakṛtasukṛtakeśaśrījayaśrīkavaryām
upalakanakamālārañjitāyāṃ śriyāḍhyaṃ
vyadhita jayataṭākādarśam eṣo vanīndraḥ
45 “A thousand liṅga” [liṅgasahasra] on “the island of Rājyaśrī”
[rājyaśrīpuline] indicates the Neak Pean.
46 Cœdès interprets valabhīṣu ca tīre jayataṭākasya [valabhī <pl.> “the top
or pinnacle of a house”, ca<conj.>, tīra “a shore, bank”, jayataṭāka] to
mean “ towers on the bank of Jayataṭāka” (Cœdès, 1941, p. 290). However,
I interpret the stanza as 2 sentences: “on the bank of Jayataṭāka” and “at
the towers” where the statues of deities were established, because the sen-
tences are written in the locative case and connected by the conjunction ca.
47 Yāga means “an offering, sacrifice ; any ceremony in which offerings
or oblations are presented.” Cœdès interprets yāga as yāgamaṇḍapa (“pa-
vilions for the oblations”) (Cœdès, 1941, p. 296). Considering this, two
interpretations might be possible : “tens rituals (were performed)” or “tens
towers (pavilions) for rituarls (were constructed) ” on the bank of Yaśodha-
rataṭāka.
303
King (Jayavarman) established Jayataṭāka at glorious
Jayaśrī, which was built (as) beautiful (as) the queen’s
knitted hair. It was decorated with jewelry and wealth,
(and) mirrored the affluent prosperity.
[K.908 D169]
ambhojarāgāñjitaśātakumbha-
prāsādabhāsāruṇitāmvurāśiḥ
vibhrājate bhārgavabhāvitasya
raktahradasyākṛtim udvahan yaḥ
[Jayataṭāka] is the shining ocean, which is (as shiny as)
a glittering golden tower and is dyed red, which is like
a lotus. It is shining (as if) the red ocean which Bhārga-
va shed (as blood) himself flashes across the minds of
(people).
[K.908 D156]
vyāmā jayataṭākādi- taṭākānān navāyutāḥ
trisahasrāḥ pañcaśatās tathā sapta samantataḥ
From Jayataṭāka down to other taṭāka [Jayataṭāka and
other taṭāka]48, 93507 vyāma.
[K.908 D170]
yasyāntare tīrthajalaikarāśi-
khātābhirāmaṃ pulinaṃ parārddhyam
saṃsparśināṃ kṣālitapāpapaṅkaṃ
vahitrabhūtan taraṇaṃ bhavāvdheḥ
There is the best and beautiful island, where the water
of sacred pond (s) are gathered, inside this (Jayataṭāka).
The sin(s) of people who cross the temporal ocean by
boat and visit there are purified.
48 jayataṭākāditaṭākānān < jayataṭāka, ādi “beginning; beginning with, et
caetera, and so on,” taṭāka <pl.>.
304
Stanza D168 mentions that Jayataṭāka was built at Jayaśrī
(i.e., the Preah Khan). The taṭāka [Jayataṭāka] is expressed as an
object that mirrors [adarśam] affluent prosperity [śriyāḍhyaṃ]
with jewelry and wealth [upalakanakamālārañjitāyāṃ 49].
D169 is about Jayataṭāka because it follows the previous
stanza, D168. The stanza states that the color red makes peo-
ple imagine the blood of the injured Bhārgava based on the
part aruṇitāmvurāśiḥ50. Considering the view of Cœdès, that
Bhārgava is supposed to be a king of Campā (Cœdès, 1941, p.
300), Jayataṭāka would be one of the creations connected to
the triumph over Campā. Jacques also believes that D169 states
that Jayavarman VII ended a conflict with Campā, which started
from the reign of Tribhuvanādityavarman, and conqured Campā
(Jacques, 1995, p.154). This line of thinking might match up
with Indrataṭāka and Yaśodharataṭāka during the reigns of
Yaśovarman I and Rājendravarman, given the point about “to
make the enemy surrender” and “to dig taṭāka with the king’s
name.” Stanza D156 mentions the length of the taṭākas51. On
the other hand, stanza D170 mentions that the Neak Pean is ex-
pressed as “the best and beautiful island” [abhirāmaṃ pulinaṃ
parārddhyam] where sin(s) of people who visited were purified
[saṃsparśināṃ kṣālitapāpapaṅkaṃ vahitrabhūtan taraṇaṃ52],
49 upalakanakamālārañjitāyāṃ < upalaka “a stone,” kamala “wealth,
prosperity,” rañjita (√raj: to be coloured, to rejoice).
50 aruṇitāmvurāśiḥ < aruṇita “dyed red,” amvurāśi “the ocean”; ambho-
jarāga < ambhoja “the day lotus,” rāga “color, dye, red color.
51 We recognize a similar stanza in the Ta Prohm inscription : ṣaṭsapta-
tis tu vistāre vyāmā vāpitaṭākayoḥ śataṃ sahasraṃ pañcaśad āyāmena tu
piṇdditāḥ “The total vyāma of vāpi and taṭāka : the width 76 vyāma, the
length 1150 vyāma”[K. 273 C79]. Cœdès speculates that the numbers were
calculated based on the Ta Prohm or new constructions by Jayavarman VII
and proprietors (Cœdès, 1906, p.47).
52 saṃsparśināṃ kṣālitapāpapaṅkaṃ vahitrabhūtan taraṇaṃ < saṃsparśin
“coming into contact with,” kṣālita (√kṣal : to wash, purify), pāpa “bad,
sin,” paṅka “moral impurity,” vahitra “a boat,” bhūta (√bhū), taraṇa “cros-
sing over.”
305
and Jayataṭāka is compared to “the temporal (the life and death)
ocean” [bhavāvdhi].
5. The relationship between the kings and the taṭāka with

kings’ names [and the mebon].
In this chapter, based on the above stanzas, I consider how
the taṭāka with kings’ names and the mebon had significance
for Angkorian kings.
5-1. The relationship between Indravarman I and In-

drataṭāka
Inscriptions written during the reigns of Indravarman I,
Yaśovarman I, and Rājendravarman mention the construction
of Indrataṭāka. However, it is difficult to determine whether all
stanzas about Indrataṭāka had the same meaning. During the
reigns of Yaśovarman I and Rājendravarman, Indrataṭāka was
written with regarding the establishment of Indreśvara (i.e., liṅ-
ga with the name of Īśvara and Indravarman I). Each reference to
Indrataṭāka is as follows: “Śrī Indrataṭāka which was of the best”
[śrīndrataṭākam agryam]; that is, “the best of taṭāka” was dug
[K.323 A16: Yaśovarman I] and “(Indra) taṭāka was dug (as if it
made) the force of (the) enemy (lose)” [cakhāna vīryyañ ca ripos
taṭākam] [K.286 N26: Rājendravarman]. Ph. Stern suggests that
a liṅga or liṅga with the name of Īśvara and the king’s name
together was connected with the mountain temple53, which was
in the center of the city and the liṅga might have been placed at
its central sacred site. The liṅgas with the name of Īśvara and
53 Stern demonstrates that Ak Yom, Bakon, Phnom Bakhen, Prasat Thom,
East Mebon, Pre Rup, and Baphuon were as the temples which were erect-
ed the liṅga (Stern, 1935, p. 611). He believes that “foundations of public
interests” at the beginning of the reign, then “temple dedicated to ancestor,”
at last “mountain temple” were built during a reign. Among them, “moun-
tain temple” was the most important construction for liṅga or royal cult:
Bakon, Phnom Bakhen, Pre Rup, and Bayon (Stern, 1951, p. 684-685).
306
the king’s name that meet this criterion are Indreśvara (Bakon)
in addition to 3 others: Yaśodhareśvara54, which was combined
with the name of Yaśovarman I (Phnom Bakhen)55, Rājendreś-
vara (East Mebon) and Rājendrabhadreśvara (Pre Rup), which
were combined with the name of Rājendravarman (Stern, 1935,
p. 611-615)56. It is possible to hypothesize that the liṅga with the
name of Īśvara and the king’s name, would have been important
symbols for kings or temples built by kings, at least during the
reigns of 2 kings, namely, Indravarman I and Rājendravarman,
because the date when each liṅga was erected is written clearly
in the inscriptions: Indreśvara (803 śaka), Rājendreśvara (874
śaka), Rājendrabhadreśvara (883 śaka). Thus, it is possible to
conclude that during the reign of Indravarman I, Indrataṭāka
was less important than or had a different building background
from future reigns, for the following reasons: (1) Bakon was
consecrated to the Indreśvara, as Stern stated (Stern, 1935, p.
611). (2) In spite of that, during the reign of Indravarman I, it
is possible that Indrataṭāka was one of the kings’ achievements
that did not relate to Bakon.
We need to examine the background of the reign of In-
dravarman I to determine how Indrataṭāka had significance for
54 We recognize Yaśodhareśvara in K. 464 and K. 558. Although each
text shows 890 śaka, it is the date of the proclamation of Jayavarman V’s
śāsana, that Jayavarman (V) ordered kaṃsteṅ añ Rājakulamahāmantri and
other 2 persons to copy a practice concerning the Phnom Bakhen based on
Yaśovarman I’s śāsana. This śāsana mentions the list of people who served
to vraḥ kamrateṅ añ Śrī Yaśodhareśvara. Although we recognize another
number 82... on the line 5, it is illegible because of damage. Cœdès consi-
ders that this number might be the date during Yaśovarman I if it was not
about total number of servants (Cœdès, 1911, p. 398) , meanwhile Jacques
believes that it is 829 śaka (907 A.D.) (Jacques, 1970, p. 65).
55 Stern believes that the Phnom Bakhen was Yaśovarman I’s mountain
temple and central liṅga was named Yaśodhareśvara as royal liṅga (Stern,
1951, p.669).
56 Stern concludes the opinion from the angle of Devarāja (Stern, 1935).
307
Indravarman I. The following stanzas (although they are not
about Indrataṭāka) are from Phnom Bayan, and might provide
some information on the topic above. They are about the con-
struction of taṭāka that belonged to āśrama, which has the name
of Indravarman I (i.e., Indrāśrama): śrīndravarmmaniyukto
ya uttarendrāśramādbipaḥ toyaṃ vijñāpayām āsa durlabhaṃ
bhogyaṃ āśrame “The head of northern Indrāśrama, who was
appointed by Śrī Indravarman, informed (the king) that the wa-
ter ―which ought to be blessed in the āśrama was difficult to
get” [K.853 st.10], itivijñāpito yena śrīndravarmmāvanīśvaraḥ
tatākaṃ kārayāṃ āsa
narair viṣayavāsibhiḥ “Śrī Indravarman, who was a
sovereign on (the) land, accepted the report from the sage, and
made the people who lived in the area (of āśrama) build a taṭāka”
[K.853 st.11] 57. It might be not proper to put Indrataṭāka in the
same category as the taṭāka (that belongs to Indrāśrama), but it
is certain that the issue of the water supply concerned Indravar-
man I, based on the stanzas above. This issue is written about
in K.809 as well, which was also composed during the reign of
Indravarman I. K. 809 was dedicated by Śivasoma, who was
a guru of Indravarman I. The following stanzas fall under the
category of praising Indravarman I: atṛptipītam avalānetrais
subhagatāmṛtam yena śoṣabhayeneva jagatāṃ hṛdaye rppitam
“The attractive amṛta [the nectar], which the eyes of women
never get tired of “absorbing” [getting drunk off of]. The amṛta
[water] appeared in the minds of all living beings due to him
[Indravarman I], as if (that was because people) feared dry
57 The construction of the taṭāka belonged to Indrāśrama is also written
about in K.14. Stanza 14 mentions that the taṭāka was meant for “supplying
life (at the Indrāśrama)” or “being separated for life (at the Indrāśrama)”
[bhogopabhogaparibhogayutañ < bhoga “enjoyment, use, application,”
upabhoga “enjoyment, using,” paribhoga “enjoyment, means of subsis-
tence or enjoyment,” √yu “to separate, to keep or drive away; to be or
remain separated from”][K.14 st.14].
308
weather conditions” [K.809 S14] 58, and yasya hemādidānāmbho
bhūridhārāplutā mahī śaṅke kalyagnidagdhāpi nābhradbārā-
daraṃ vyadhāt “I think. (We) do not worry about a drop of rain
brought from a (rain) cloud in (our) country where a fortune,
such as gold, of (Indravarman I) (and) abundant water are filled,
even if (the country) is burned by the flame of Kali [kālī]” [K.809
S22]59. We recognize that during that time, people worried
about dry weather conditions and wished for the land to become
abundant with water. The fear of dry weather conditions might
indicate a common awareness that evokes “a fear of the flame
under the ocean” [aurvvāgnibhaya (K.826 B36)] in the stanza
on Indrataṭāka. Therefore, Indravarman I built Indrataṭāka to
be free from the fear of dry weather conditions (i.e. the fear of
the flame under the ocean) and ordered that the taṭāka belong-
ing to Indrāśrama be built in such a way that it dealt with the
problem of the water supply in the āśrama, because the king
intended to grant the people’s wishes (i.e., amṛta). The parts that
the land where Indravarman I ruled was abundant with water
[yasya (Indravarman I)....ambhobhūridhārāplutā mahī] and
he relieved people from the fear [nābhradbārādaraṃ vyadhāt]
prove that background. Under these circumstances, during the
reign of Indravarman I, Indrataṭāka might not have been equal
to Indreśvara, whereas there was a possibility that building the
taṭāka, including Indrataṭāka, was based on an ideology of
contributing to the environment, which was full of water, and
58 K. 809 S14 mentions that dry weather conditions are an apprehensive

problem [śoṣabhayena < śoṣa “drying up,” bhaya “fear, alarm dread ap-
prehension”] ; therefore amṛta (“immortal ; the nectar (conferring immor-
tality), milk, water”) appeared in the minds of all living beings [jagatāṃ
hṛdaye]. This suggests that amṛta has a double meaning : (1) “immortality”
and “nectar (ambrosia) ” are dear to the women and (2) “water” in arid
conditions is important to people.
59 kalyagnidagdha, namely, to “be burned by the flame of Kālī” points to
dry weather conditions similar to those of a fire. Kālī is one of Śiva’s wives.
309
to people’s living.
5-2. The relationship between Yaśovarman I [and the

Lolei] and Yaśodharataṭāka
The Lolei, which was built at Indrataṭāka, was dedicated
to the parents and grandparents of Yaśovarman I’s mother’s fam-
ily. However, when viewed from the angle of a king’s authority,
there was more emphasis on Indrataṭāka than the Lolei during
the reign of Yaśovarman I for following reasons : (1) The stan-
za mentions both Indrataṭāka and Indreśvara60. (2) The stanza
states that Indrataṭāka is the best of the taṭāka. The assumption
that Yaśovarman I would attach importance to Yaśodharataṭāka
comes from the fact that it had various unparalleled roles: (1)
The construction of Yaśodharataṭāka “in the land of descendants
of the king of Kambuja” [kamvujeśānvayāmvare (K.95 A35)]
was intended to “bring an abundance of the king’s glory to the
earth” [atrātipūrṇṇaṃ svayaśo nayann (iva) rasātalam (K.323
A54)]. We can relate these remarks to his superiority in the roots
and the character. (2) Yaśodharataṭāka was a sacred place where
people made offerings to deities and purified themselves. (3)
It was a place that caused a violent flood to abate [śāntavegā
(K.280 D22)]. (4) It was a fertile place where the water flowed
like mother’s milk were filled and trees and living beings grew;
in short, it was a place of happiness for all living beings [K.281
D22].
The expression that building taṭāka would be help people
via concerning words, for instance, jagat <pl.> or sarva and
abhinanda (“the delight ; wish”) or artha, is few among the
60 It might be difficult to estimate how important the liṅga with the name
of Īśvara and king’s name was during the reign of Yaśovarman I. We need
more consideration the issue, but I attach importance to the fact that In-
drataṭāka is written together with Indreśvara, which might have been im-
portant erection during the reign of Indravarman I, among Indravarman I’s
achievements.
310
stanzas about the taṭāka built by royalty. However, we can
recognize the similar phrases in the stanzas about the taṭāka
and other constructions for water management built by influ-
ential persons in the court, in addition to and locals, during the
reign of Rājendravarman: K.266 A22 and K.268 C39, which I
mentioned Chapter 3. There is one more example, which may
have been written in line with the same ideology, during the
reign of Rājendravarman. K.56 was composed by Mahendrādhi-
pativarman who was a mantrin, just like Kavīndrārimathana.
[K.56 D31]
gahjaḥpure prati……….
…..nārāyane……………..
nau unmīlya yas sa didyas
taṭākam akhanaj jagaddhitakṛt ||
In Gahjaḥpura .........becoming visible (?).......he (Mahen-
drādhipativarman) dug the taṭāka which caused [brought]
all living beings to be satisfied61.
A lthough the words, which are the same as the stanzas
above, do not use, the following stanzas contain meaning about
the works of taṭāka and other water management constructions
meant to help people: K. 702 A2262, K. 278 B2263, K. 235 B77,
61 There is a deficit in the beginning of D31. However, we can recognize
that the taṭāka in Gahjaḥpura created the people’s pleasure [jagaddhitakṛt
< jagaddhita “the satisfied world, the thing with which people are satis-
fied,” kṛt “making, accomplishing”].
62 K. 702 was written by Jaṅghāla (Lakṣmīndrapaṇḍita), who was “a mes-
senger who (was sent) to distant city because he had freet like a horse”
[dūre ripupure dūtas tasya bhṛtyo bhavad yataḥ yo vājivad dravan] during
the reign of Sūryavarman I. He dug [built] Lakṣmīndrataṭāka from his
charitable heart [the goodness of his heart] [karuṇādhyas].
63 K. 278 was written by Śivavindu, who was from the family of Kapāleś-
vara, which had served as a priest (hotṛ) starting during the reign of Jaya-
varman V. He was given the title Śrī Kshitīndropakalpa during the reign of
311
B79, B82, C119, K. 736 C2264. They had been written from
the reign of Sūryavarman I to that of Sūryavarman II. I cite
below K. 235 C119 as an example. Sadāśiva was a composer
Sūryavarman I. Stanza B22 does not mention taṭāka, but a dam [saridbhaṅ-
ga]: saridbhaṅgaṃ mahāgāḍham āyatan nirbhayaṃ bhayāt ādhvagānāṃ
sukhāyaiva yaś cakārāmvudhes samam “He [Śivavindu] built a very deep
and vast dam, which was like the ocean, to be secure for the travelers’
comfort because of (his) fear.” We can translate saridbhaṅga literally as
“changing the current” [sarit “ariver, stream,” bhaṅga “breaking, dividing;
a break or breach; bending”]. If we refer to the texts of Sdok Kak Thom
[K.235 B77, B80, B82, B87], this word has the same meaning as daṃnap
(“that which obstructs: obstruction; barrage, dam”) in O. Kh. Barth trans-
lates the stanza as “(By means of) a dam of the river, he made a vast, deep
(pond)...” (Barth, 1885-1893, p.116). However, I interpreted the stanza
as indicating a dam that Śivavindu built. The verb cakāra (√kṛ) is used
in the part iva…cakārāmvudhes samam [iva <adv.> “like; as if,” cakāra
(√kṛ), ambudhi, sama “same, similar”], namely, the construction that was
built by him resembled amvudhi. The following stanza is the previous one,
B22: bhadreśvarāśramaṃ kṛitvā gaurīśāśramam apy alam bhadreśvara-
tatākākhyaṃ śrītatākañ cakhāna yaḥ “After he [Śivavindu] built Bhadreś-
varāśrama and Gaurīśāśrama, (he) also dug the Śrī tatāka which was called
Bhadreśvarataṭāka, (it was) adequate for (the āśrama)” [K.278 B21]. If the
amvudhi indicates Bhadreśvarataṭāka, this stanza would be a rare example
that has the same expression as the stanza of taṭāka built by royalty (ex-
cept K. 702). However, Bhadreśvarataṭāka, which belonged to the āśrama,
was already mentioned by using the verb cakhāna (√khan). Therefore, the
amvudhi would not be related to Bhadreśvarataṭāka. On the other hand,
although the verb √kṛ is often used to express the building water facilities,
the case that it is used for the dam occurs more frequently than the case for
the taṭāka (q.v. ex. the stanza of the Sdok Kok Thom and other ones I cite
in this paper). Hence, there is a high probability that this amvudhi would be
the figurative expression for the surface of the water, which was caused by
the building of the dam.
64 K. 736 was written by Vāgindrapaṇḍita, who had the titles of vraḥ
kaṃsteṅ, in addition to vraḥ kaṃrateṅ añ, a position of dūta (“a messen-
ger, envoy”). He built [cakhāna (√khan); pracakāra (pra-√kṛ: to make,
produce, accomplish)] the facilities which were not only the taṭāka, but
also “all works bigining with (the building of) a house” [veśmādi sarvvaṃ]
under the reign of Sūryavarman II. The stanza states that the works were
duty [kāryyam (√kṛ) <Fut. Pass. Pt.> “to proper to be done; duty”].
312
of K. 235. He was a steṅ añ65, a (raja) purohita (royal priest)
who had served under Sūryavarman I and Udayādityavarman
II. Sadāśiva returned to secular life after he married a sister of
Queen Śrī Vīralakṣmī and was given the title kaṃsteṅ Śrī Jay-
endrapaṇḍita in O.Kh. and Deva Jayendrapaṇḍita in Skt. Śrī
Jayendrapaṇḍita (Sadāśiva) built 5 tatākas66 during this time.
Then he was given the name of dhūli aṅghri [Jayendra]varman
and the title in O.Kh. dhūli jeṅ vraḥ kamrateṅ añ under the
reign of Udayādityavarman II. He became a vraḥ guru 67of the
king. The following stanza mentions that Śrī Jayendrapaṇḍita
was built the taṭāka during this time. From these stanzas in K.
235, we can conclude that the taṭāka and the dam were built
for welfare or prosperity, and these works were proceeded by
Sadāśiva for the common people. Jacques also suggests that the
works mentioned in the stanzas of the Sdok Kak Thom indicate
“public works” (Jacques, 1995, p.157).
65 Steṅ añ was one of a tilte in O.Kh. used for officials and other members
of society: poñ, loñ, chloñ, vāp, tāṅ, mratāñ, mratāñ añ, mratāñ khloñ,
steṅ, steṅ añ, kaṃsteṅ añ, vraḥ kaṃsteṅ añ, dhūli jeṅ kaṃsteṅ, kamrateṅ
añ, vraḥ kamrateṅ añ, bhagavat pāda kamrateṅ añ, dhūli jeṅ kamrateṅ añ,
etc. (Sahai, 1970, p.56).
66 Stanza B77 states that the taṭāka was one of the works that brought
“the various prosperities” [vahuvidharddhi[ṃ] < bahu “much, many, abun-
dant,” vidha “measure, form, kind,” ṛddhi “prosperity, success, wealth”].
B79 mentions that taṭāka and saridbhaṅgan [daṃnap in O.Kh.] (i.e. a
dam) were built for purposes of welfare [cakre saridbhaṅgan taṭākan tatra
(“there”) bhūtaye [√bhū](“become; welfare, prosperity”)] in Bhadrapaṭṭa-
na. B82 also mentions that taṭāka, sarit-bhaṅga (a dam), and dīrghikā were
built for purposes of welfare [dīrghikāṃ (“an oblong lake or pond”) sa-
saridbhaṅgāṃ taṭākaṃ bhūtaye karot] at Vaṃśahrada. The word dīrghikā
would be translated as añcan (“trench, ditch; moat”) in O. Kh. if we refer
to other stanzas of Sdok Kak Thom. Cœdès and Dupont also suggest that
and translate it as “moat” (Cœdès and Dupont, 1943-1946, p.75). Sadāśi-
va built other taṭāka which is written in B80 and B 87 besides the taṭāka
mentions above.
67 The head of the spiritual part, who held an enthronement ceremony
(Sahai, 1970, p.17).
313
[K.235 C119]
maṇikanakamayādi dyumnajātaṃ vadanyas
satatam adita deve bhūri bhadreśvarādau
kṛtavasatitaṭākādiḥ parārthaikavṛttiḥ
pathiṣu pathikasārthān prīṇayāṃ yo babhūva
Generous (Sadāśiva) gave repeatedly and constantly
Bhadreśvara and other deit(ies) jewels, gold, and other
wealth (that he) was gained. He built house(s), taṭāka(s),
and others that were necessities for everyone [everyone
needed] along the roads to please the caravans of way-
farers68.
Considering the circumstances above, one of the signif-
icances of the construction of taṭāka and other water facilities
would have been based on the ideology of serving others.
Therefore, it was not an unusual motive. Yaśodharataṭāka was
indeed a rare case who wished for the happiness for all living
beings among the taṭāka with kings’ names and other taṭāka
built by royalty, but one of the significances of building of
Yaśodharataṭāka would be a public work for the environment,
which was kept for purposes of fertility, safety, and the happiness
of all living beings. In this point, it is possible that a common
ideology worked between Indrataṭāka and Yaśodharataṭāka
when each taṭāka was built.
5-3. The relationship between Rājendravarman and the
East Mebon
The East Mebon was dedicated to the king’s parents
and the king’s liṅga; Rājendreśvara was established there. The
68 Stanza D119 mentions distinctly that the taṭāka was one of “the neces-
sities for everyone” [parārthaikavṛttiḥ < parārtha “the highest advantage
or interest; designed for another,” eka “preceding or following; alone; the
same,” vṛtti “mode of life or conduct; general usage, common practice”].
In this case, it was built for “the parties [caravans] of wayfarers” [pathi-
kasārthān] on the road.
314
East Mebon is not directly related to Indrataṭāka and the Lolei.
However, in K. 286, the stanza mentions both Indrataṭāka and
the king’s liṅga, and refers to the Lolei together with the Phnom
Bakhen, where Yaśodhareśvara was dedicated (if we refer to
K. 464 and K. 558), as the place dedicated to deities. The East
Mebon might have been intended as a symbolic construction
through the efforts of previous kings (i.e., Indravarman I and
Yaśovarman I) to indicate succession after Indrataṭāka, the
Lolei, and Yaśodharataṭāka. We can also see expressions regard-
ing to the succession of previous kings in K.806. K.806 includes
the category of praising Rājendravarman (in 253 stanzas out of
298) and a list of works that he established (18 stanzas) after
the mention of his genealogy (8 stanzas). The following stanza
falls under the category of Rājendravarman’s achievements.
K.806 B269, which is cited above, follows after B268.
[K.806 B268]
devān yaś śrīndravarmmaśrī yaśovarmmādibhir nṛpaiḥ
sthāpitān kalpite stheyo yajñāṅge tair atiṣṭhipat ||
He [Rājendravarman], an arbitrator, stabilized the deities,
which were erected by Śrī Indravarman, Śrī Yśovarman,
and the other kings: in this way, a type of worship formed.
Rājendravarman is called as “an arbitrator” [stheya] in
stanza B268, which mentions that Rājendravarman, who re-es-
tablished Angkor as the king’s city, allows himself to succeed
the kings in Angkor69. This connection between Rājendravar-
man and previous kings is expressed in the name of the East
69 In stanza B268, only the names of Śrī Indravarman (I) and Śrī Yśovarman
(I) are written among “the other kings” [ādibhir nṛpaiḥ]. I translated that
Rājendravarman “stabilized” [atiṣṭhipat (√sthā )] the deities which were
erected by the previous kings. Cœdès suggests that it was the stanza where
Rājendravarman confirms the foundations by the previous kings (Cœdès,
1937, p.76).
315
Mebon. As I discussed above, the mebon is generally seen as “an
island which is located inside of the taṭāka,” but had a striking
aspect during the reign of Rājendravarman. It is metaphorical
in the sense of the words Meru, Kailāsa, and dharma (Table 1).
Moreover, this figurative expression is only meant to indicate
the East Mebon. The words Meru and Kailasa express Hindu
cosmology by comparing the taṭāka to “the ocean,” namely
Yaśodharataṭāka70. On the other hand, the word dharma would
indicate both the East Mebon and the reign of Rājendravarman,
from which the original meaning of dharma is derived. I cite
another sample K. 806 B276. It also falls under the category of
Rājendravarman’s achievements: magnānyabhūbhṛtku-
lamānaśṛṅge py ucchrāyabhāg atra taṭākapadme yanmānaviṣṇur
bhuvanaṃ vilaṅghya padaṃ vyadhāt tūryyapadāvadātam “Here,
Viṣṇu who resembled (the king) crossed the earth [universe],
(and) placed (his) foot, which was purified by tūryya71, on the
growing point of the lotus of taṭāka, which resembled the top of
other kings’ noble famil(ies), which were sunk” [K.806 B276].
The stanza mentions “other kings’ noble famil(ies), which
were sunk” [magnānyabhūbhṛtkula72]. Cœdès suggests that this
indicates that Jayavarman IV interrupted the succession of the
descendants of Yaśovarman I, and Rājendravarman returned to
the dynasty (Cœdès, 1937, p.139 n.8). We recognize the word
taṭāka in this stanza. It might be meaningless to consider that
there is no word to indicate construction here, nor a need for
70 The word dvīpa means not only “an island,” but also “the continent
situated near Mount.Meru” (Suganuma, 1998, p. 219-220). Hence, there
is a possibility that dvīpa indicates Hindu cosmology. However, the figu-
rative expression of the mebon during the reign of Rājendravarman would
differ from the one found during other reigns. Because there are cases that
the mebon is expressed by using a proper noun or an abstract one, namely,
Meru, Kailāsa, or dharma.
71 There is a need to considerate tūryya, that is why I do not taranslate this
part. Cœdès mentions that ryya is not clear (Cœdès, 1937, p.102 n.1).
72 magnānyabhūbhṛtkula < magna (√majj: to sink, be submerged; to strike),
anya “other,” bhūbhṛt “a mountain; a king,” kula “a (noble) family.”
316
more consideration to identify what the taṭāka is, because this
stanza is based on Hindu ideology after all. However, I forcus
that the king is identified with Viṣṇu [mānaviṣṇur < māna
“resemblance,” viṣṇu<Nom.>]. According to Bhagavadgītā,
Viṣṇu appears to make dharma whenever adharma (injustice)
is rampant in the world (Suganuma, 1998, p.80). Therefore, this
stanza might indicate that the dharma, which was the figurative
expression of the East Mebon, appeared at Yaśodharataṭāka and
the king’s reign in dharma started due to the actions of the king,
who was like Viṣṇu. The stanzas during the reign of Rājendra-
varman would suggest that the East Mebon was a symbol of the
king, who succeeded previous kings and proved his legitimacy,
and the taṭāka with kings’names and the mebon were empha-
sized to symbolize legitimate royal authority during the reign of
Rājendravarman.
On the other hand, the stanzas about (taṭāka and) mebon
in inscriptions composed by influential persons in the court or
locals (i.e., non-royal inscriptions) were only written during
the reign of Rājendravarman from the angle of this study’s
sampling survey. It means that the Rājendravarman’s intention,
which would appear legitimate royal authority through (taṭāka
and) mebon, was well-known among them. An inscription from
Kuk Sla Ket provides another example that uses a figurative
expression by describing the East Mebon as dharma.
[K.522 S15]73
yaśodharataṭākaṃ yaḥ pūritaṃ puṇyavāribhiḥ
adṛṣṭasyāpi dharmmasya vyadhād darśanadarppane ||
He [Rājendravarman] created a mirror that reflected the
invisible dharma of the inside of Yaśodharataṭāka, which
was filled with sacred water.
73 This inscription was written by Kṣetrajña (Mhendropakalp) who was

a barber [kṣurakarman (“the act of shaving”)] of Rājendravarman. This
stanza falls under the praising Rājendravarman.
317
5-4. The relationship between Jayavarman VII and
Jayataṭāka [and the Neak Pean]
From the stanzas mentioned in Chapter 4-4, Jayataṭāka
symbolizes “wealth,” not “fertile pond” of Yaśodharataṭāka,
based on the stanza that mentions “affluent prosperity, which was
decorated with jewelry and wealth, was mirrored in Jayataṭāka”
[K.908 D168] and “victory against Campā” in the stanza that
states “the ocean which is dyed red as Bhārgava bled” [K.908
D169]; in contrast, we cannot figure out the meaning of the Neak
Pean. Jacques suggests that there is no evidence of Buddhism
today during that time, and also no relationship between the
ponds of the Neak Pean and Anavatapta (Jacques, 1995, p.155).
The stanza only indicates that the Neak Pean was one of the
places where statues were built [K.908 B41] and became a sort
of a religious place that was different from the Lolei and the
East Mebon, each of which had a history of ancestor worship, as
based on the stanza “a pond where water of tīrtha was gathered”
and “[the place where] sin(s) are purified” [K.908 D170].
No stanza about Jayataṭāka has been identified except
for the Preah Khan inscription [K.908]. Stanzas about taṭāka
built by royalty do exist. We recognize there similar expres-
sion of Jayataṭāka, but it is not clear what Jayataṭāka meant
to the king74. Therefore, I speculate on the background of
74 During Jayavarman VII, we recognize stanza about the taṭāka built by
royalty in K. 692. This inscription belongs to a family that had the title
of Bhūpendrapaṇḍita, which served Jayavarman VI, Dharaṇīndravarman,
Sūryavarman II, and Jayavarman VII. Bhūpendrapaṇḍita, who served Jaya-
varman VII as a judicial director [sabhyādhipa], composed this inscription.
K. 692 C39, which falls under the category of “praising a king” (including
the “king’s achievements”); therefore, it is probably from the time of Jaya-
varman VII, and is as follows: yatra st̐ rīstanacārucandanarucā śubhras
taṭāko dhiko [l.9] rodhoropitaraicayo harajatāgaṅgeva bhūmyuddhṛtā
[l.10] yaṅ kallolakarair vviluptalalanālīlālalāmaṃ bhṛśaṃ [l.11] sā kāntā
pratitādayet kucakulaiḥ pīnair aho vigrahaḥ [l.12] “In that place, there was
a taṭāka, which was shining with brilliance of pleasing sandalwood (which
318
was like) a woman’s breast, and (had) a bank raised up with fortune. She,
the wife, struck him [the king] violently with her swelling breasts, (because
he) had a mark made by a charming lover, who was carried away (from her).
Oh, (this was) a battle! It was like a surge of the Gaṅgā that [Śiva] who
went out from the earth, received with his hair twisted together” [K.692
C39]. We recognize double figurative expressions of “the female breast” in
this stanza. The latter “breast,” which is indicated at the part “She, beloved,
striked [him] with her swelling breasts” [sā kāntā pratitādayet kucakulaiḥ
pīnair], is used the word kuca. This is not a figurative expression of the
taṭāka, but rather of “a surge (of the Gaṅgā)” [kallolakarair]. This expres-
sion refers to a Hindu tale. The sons of King Sagara of Ayodhyā was killed
due to the horses that were prepared for Aśvamedha. Bhagīratha, who was
a descendant of King Sagara, paid for their sins and caused the Gaṅgā to
decsend from heaven to purify their sins. Śiva, more precisely, Śiva’s hair
received the impact, which occurred when the Gaṅgā descended (Suganu-
ma, 1998, p. 123-124). The fommer “breast” is used the word stana. The
stanza about Yaśodharataṭāka also used stana. The stana represented milk
that flowed in the same way as the water of Yaśodharataṭāka [K. 281 D25],
whereas, stana in K. 692 C39 is interpreted as candana (“sandalwood”);
therefore, the stana is related to shining, giving off fragrance and fortune.
It suggests that the expression of C39 is more similar to Jayataṭāka than
Yaśodharataṭāka.
In K. 692, there is another stanza about vāpī (“a large oblong pond,
tank”): dairghyena gambhīratayā prathimnā naivāsya vāpī jaladhīyamānā
[l.17] ākīrṇakārttasvaramapravimvair aurvvāgnibhūtair api madhyadṛṣṭaiḥ
[l.18] “This oblong pond, which was not long, deep, and wide, was not
comparable to the ocean. But it scattered (a shine) with a reflection of gold-
en ramparts [the bank], (as if) the fire of Aurva, which (was located in
the) middle, apperared” [K. 692 B27]. I translated kārttasvaramapra as
kārttasvaravapra [kārttasvara “gold,” vapra “a rampart, mound; a high
river-bank”], as Cœdès referred to Finot’s hypothesis (Cœdès, 1937, p. 234
n.1). B27 mentions distinctly that the vāpī was not the ocean [jaladhi]. That
is, the vāpī is different from the taṭāka. Moreover, we recognize “the fire
of Aurva” whose tale is also cited in the stanza about Indrataṭāka [K. 826
B36]. However, each meaning is different. The fire of Aurva, of the latter,
is a fearful subject which ought to be removed, whereas the former is a
comparable object that makes the surface of the taṭāka shine.
Cœdès translates K. 692 C39 and B27 as un étang, and suggests that
it could correpond to the fosse-basin which encloses the Prasat Tor, but the
text does not express that this étang was “here” (Cœdès, 1937, p.230), a
consideration that is probably based on B27. The taṭāka in C39 and vāpī in
B27, which indicate the oblong tank or the fosse, were different construc-
319
Jayataṭāka from where the stanzas fall on the text. First of all,
Jayataṭāka is very likely recognized as one place, including
Yaśodharataṭāka, where the statues of deities were established
[K.908 B42, D121]. Then, we can recognize D156. Regarding
D156, Jacques suggests that “93,507 vyāma” represents the
scale not only of Jayataṭāka and the city’s moats, but also the
moats and the basins (etc.) of all of sacred places that belonged
to this temple, namely the Preah Khan (Jacques, 1995, p.157).
Vyāma means “the measure of the two extended arms.” Jacques
estimates that “93,507 vyāma” is around 168,312m by 1.80
m, and believes this scale includes other water facilities in the
Preah Khan (Jacques, 1995, p.157). This stanza falls under the
category of the king’s achievements in various areas, starting
from C112. After the list of areas where the statues and other
works are erected, the following stanzas continue : rājñā dattās
svayan dattā grāmavadbiś ca bhaktitaḥ grāmā aṣṭau sahas-
rāṇiśataṃ ṣaṭsaptatis tathā. This stanza translates as : “8176
villages were given by the king himself and the proprietors of
village(s) in succession [through devotion]75[K.908 D141]. The
text continues : strīpuṃsā niyute cāṣṭau sahasrāṇi śatāni ca pañca
dvātriṃśadadhikāny atra devabhujiṣyakāḥ “ 208,532 men and
women are the servants of deit(ies) here” [K.908 D142] . After
the details about servants [slaves], the lists from the beginning
of D145 continue: prāsādādikaraṅkādi karaṇañ cātra kāñcanam
śatan triṃśat tathāṣṭau ca bhārā dvādaśa kaṭṭikāḥ “ The objects
for making temple and others, cup and others, and gold are
here ; 138 bhāra, 12 kaṭṭikā” [K.908 D145]. Afterward, D156
follows with D153: śatāni pañca valabhiprāsādās tu caturdaśa
tions, because they have different meanings, and each stanza appears at
intervals throughout the text.
75 From next stanza D142, the description, that the king himself and the
proprietors of villages gave offerings [rājñā dattās svayan dattā grāmavad-
biś] to the 8176 villages, continues.
320
dve sahasre śilāveśmakhaṇḍāṣ ṣaṭṣaṣṭir eva ca “The temples with
pinnacles (amount to) 514 ; the sections of a construction made
of stone [rock-abode] (consist of) 2,066”[K.908 D153], D.154 :
ayutaṃ ṣaṭ sahasrāṇi vyāmāś śatacatuṣṭayam prākārā navatiś
cāpi śarkaraughaśilāmayāḥ “ The enclosure made of a mass of
pebbles and sandstone, 16,490 vyāma76”[K.908 D154], D155 :
ayute dve sahasrāṇi catvāri ca śatāni ṣaṭ vyāmā viṃśatir aṣṭau
ca dīrghikāṇāṃ samantataḥ “The circumference of the oblong
lake [moat] (dīrghikā) (measures) 24,628 vyāma” [K.908 D155],
and D157 : kuṭyas sārddhaṃ sahasran dvādaśa cādhyetṛvāsinaḥ
dvisahasrā navaśatā navāśītiś ca piṇḍitāḥ “The students who
live in 1,512 huts amount to 2,989” [K.908 D157]. Considering
the stanzas mentioned above, although there is a possibility
that the various types of watering constructions or places might
include this taṭāka, the moats would not be included in the scale
of “93,507 vyāma”.
The next point concerns ādi, which is written about in the
part of “from Jayataṭāka down to (other) taṭāka” [jayataṭākādi-
taṭākānān], as indicated in D156. Cœdès considers atra in D142
and suggests that it indicates “8,176 villages” [D141], or that “
(the service to) 20,400 deities ” is very likely D127 [rairūpya-
kaṃsāśmamayā devās sayamakālakāḥ piṇḍitās te pratikṣetram
ayute dve catuśśatā “The total of the deities made of gold,
silver, brass, and stone, including Yama and Kāla, (distributed to)
all the areas, amounts to 20,400”77] (Cœdès, 1941, p.297 n.1).
This suggestion is suitable because the properties which (were
76 Cœdès translates śarkaraughaśilāmayāḥ as “made of laterite” (Cœdès,
1941, p. 298). The enclosure might be usually made of laterite, but the part
does not indicate it in the text : śarkaraughaśilāmayāḥ < śarkara “consisting
of gravel ; a pebble,” ogha “heap or quantity, abundance,” śilāmaya “made
of stone.”
77 This stanza mentions that it is in the areas [te pratikṣetram < tad<dem.
pl.>, pratikṣetra “place”] where the deities were placed and amounted to
20,400.
321
given) to the atra consisted of “the servants of deit(ies)”. The
atra in D145, which lists materials up to D152, also indicates
“8,176 villages” based on the context. The problem is where we
should place the stanzas from D153 to D156 and D157 in the
context, because there is no atra in D153. However, from the
context, it is valid to assume that the total number of servants
for the deities, materials, constructions, and huts that the king
and the proprietors of villages offered to “8,176 villages” are
listed starting in D141 (more precisely, from D127), or that
they include all the areas where the various foundations were
erected by the king, which are mentioned from C112 onward.
Therefore, the ādi indicates the taṭākas in such areas78. By this
point, we can recognize that both Jayataṭāka and other taṭākas
are written about in the same category (or stanza). This means
that Jayataṭāka was not unique.
After from D168 to D170, which are about Jayataṭāka
and the Neak Pean, the stanza continues: kṛtvā prakṛṣṭasukṛtāny
amitāny ajasram arthāya so vanipatir nikhilāsubhājām [l.55]
kurvvaṃs tv imāni kuśalāni pitṛprakṛṣṭa bhaktyā viśeṣata iti
praṇidhiṃ vabhāṣe [l.56]. This translates as : “After having
made innumerable good deeds, but why doing this good deeds
specially with the great devotion for his father. He pronounces
78 In K. 908 C104: sahasre dve śate cāṣṭātriṃśat sthāneṣu pañcasu
vyāma[s sama]n[ta]to vaprāś śarkaraughaśilāmayāḥ “The circumference
of enclosures made of a mass of pebbles and sandstone at five places: 2,238
vyāma.” Cœdès estimates that “2,238 vyāma” represents 4,500 m by 2m
according to vyāma. He suggests that this number includes the monuments
listed in B41 and B42, which I partially cited above, in addition to the
enclosure of the Preah Khan (about 2,900 m) (Cœdès, 1941, p.264). C105
is lacking in terms of part of the object, but Cœdès posits that this stanza
is about moats by comparing it with the text of Ta Prohm (Cœdès, 1941,
p.294 n.5), namely K. 273 C79, which I cited above. However, practically
speaking, the stanza mentions vāpi and taṭāka. If we consider his sugges-
tion, information on the scales of the areas which include Jayataṭāka and
the Neak Pean are already mentioned in C104 and probably C105. “”
322
his solicitation as follows:” [K.908 D171]. Although this stanza
mentions that the virtue that Jayavarman VII gained through his
great works was meant for his father, Dharaṇīndravarman II,
the part that I focus on is l.55, which mentions that the works,
including the donations and constructions which are refered
up to D170, were for the sake of all living beings [arthāya ....
nikhilāsubhājām79]. Stanza D171 is not about Jayataṭāka or the
Neak Pean, but this expression is similar to the stanza about
Yaśodharataṭāka, K. 281 D22. Based on what is mentioned,
although Jayataṭāka and the Neak Pean might have been
built for all living beings, we could assume that these king’s
works were meritorious deeds and donations, and were offered
to deities of the Preah Khan and other provinces. Therefore,
Jayataṭāka and the Neak Pean were built as part of the king’s
donative works.
Considering the circumstances above, although there is
a possibility that Jayataṭāka served a purpose like Yaśodharataṭāka,
whose means included a public work. I also suggest that for
Indrataṭāka whose purpose was similar, it was one of the
works which was meant for his father. Moreover Jayataṭāka
was very likely recognized as one of the taṭāka, including
Yaśodharataṭāka, and did not symbolize legitimate royal
authority like taṭāka with kings’names during the reign of
Rājendravarman. Under these circumstances, the taṭāka with
kings’ names, during the reign of Jayavarman VII (that is,
Jayataṭāka and probably Yaśodharataṭāka) would have been
less important than in previous eras.
Conclusions
What did the barays and the mebons mean for the kings
of Angkor? I examined this subject by gathering stanzas from
79 arthāya ....... nikhilāsubhājām < artha, nikhila “all, whole,” asu “breath,
life,” bhāj “possessing, forming a part of.”
323
Khmer texts and evaluating them in relation to the categories
that the texts fall under. As a consequence, the topic of taṭāka
with kings’ names and the mebon was only adopted during the
reigns of 4 kings (Indravarman I, Yaśovarman I, Rājendravar-
man, and Jayavarman VII). We can recognize some meanings
common to each king or some kings: (1) The taṭāka with kings’
names are generally interpreted as “the ocean” and “the place
which reflects something” by using the words darpaṇa or √dṛś.
Furthermore, the mebon is seen as “an island located inside of
the taṭāka.” (2) The king’s glory was revealed by making the
enemy surrender and building (or digging) taṭāka with king’s
name, except during the reign of Indravarman I. On the other
hand, we can also see different meanings for each king. During
the reign of Indravarman I, Indrataṭāka might have been an
important construction for the common people, rather than the
king. The king did not intended to demonstrate his authority
through Indrataṭāka, but rather would built it to contribute to
the environment, which was full of water and meant for people
to live. However, during the reign of Yaśovarman I, Indrataṭāka
became the best of taṭāka and was concerned with the king’s
authority by mentioning with Indreśvara. Yaśodharataṭāka was
concerned with the king’s glory, whereas it succeeded the ide-
ology of Indrataṭāka. This means that Yaśodharataṭāka would
have played a role in pulic works to control and sustain water,
and increase the happiness of all living beings. In addition, it
was a sacred place for āśrama. Considering the circumstances,
Yaśodharataṭāka had the most parts among taṭāka with kings’
names. During the reign of Rājendravarman, Indrataṭāka and
Yaśodharataṭāka became a tool to demonstrate the king’s
legitimacy by building his construction, namely the East
Mebon. Moreover, the king’s intentions influenced other
people. We could say that the authority of the taṭāka with kings’
names was the highest during that time. However, it decreased
324
during the reign of Jayavarman VII. Yaśodharataṭāka was
mentioned as the place where the statue was erected, but
Indrataṭāka, the Lolei, and the East Mebon did not. Jayataṭāka
might have been include a role in pulic works, but was placed
among the taṭākas; more precisely, Jayataṭāka might be one
of the king’s donative works.
There was a great difference between the reigns of
Rājendravarman and Jayavarman VII; therefore, there must
have been a conscious change from the 11th until the middle of
12th centuries, while there was no inscription about taṭāka with
king’s name (or the baray) and the mebon. Some questions
remain: Why have taṭāka with the name of Rājendravarman
not been found? He would have attached greater importance to
taṭāka with kings’ names. In Chapter 5-4, I cite references of
taṭāka built by non-royal actors. Case that indicate taṭāka were
built as public works would have been recognized during the
reign of Rājendravarman and from the reign of Sūryavarman
I to that of Sūryavarman II. Is there any connection to the fact
that the stanzas about taṭāka with kings’ names have not been
found, including taṭāka built by royalty? We need to consider
the causes of conscious change in attitudes toward the barays
based on the background of the reign of Rājendravarman to that
of Jayavrman VII.
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Acknowledgments
I wish to thank Dr. Chirapat Prapandvidya, Assistant
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University, for advice on the interpretation of Sanskrit language.
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National Research Council of Thailand (NRCT) for accepting
the study in Thailand.
328
Number of stanzas Figurative expression
K.No. Form Name St.No. language Date Composer [non-royal actor] Reign
(or lines) mention object mebon
49 st. (a mirror)
Stele de Bakon / Bakon Stele
1 826 stele A1-27( 1 l.) B36 skt. 881A.D.) ambudhi (the ocean)
Inscription
B28-49 Indravarman I
Bayang / The Bayang Temple belonging to

2 14 stele 15 st. 14 skt.
Inscription
50 st.
3 [B:34 l.(kh.)] A15 skt.
95 Stele de Prah Bat/Prah Bat Sele
stele
Inscription of Yasovarman
4 A32 skt. Lolei
5 A35 skt. payonidhi (the ocean)
6 A16 skt.
7 Stele de Loley/Loley Inscription of A54 skt.
323 stele 93 st.[B:53 l.]
Yasovarman
8 A62 skt. vidhu-bimba (the moon's surface)
9 108 st. A17 skt.

10 A1-27 Steles du Thnal Baray(SE)/Eastern D22 skt.
11 280 stele B28-54 Baray Stele Inscription of D24 skt.
C55-81 Yasovarman
12 D25 skt. stana (the breast)
D82-108
13 108 st. A17 skt.
14 A1-27 Steles du Thnal Baray(NE)/Eastern D22 skt. (the moon-stone)
281 stele Baray Stele Inscription of
15 B28-54 D24 skt.
Yasovarman
C55-81
D82-108
17 108 st. A17 skt.
A1-27 vidhu-bimba (the moon's surface)

18 Steles du Thnal Baray(NO)/Eastern D22 skt.
282 stele B28-54 Baray Stele Inscription of bimba (a mirror) [
Yasovarman
19 C55-81 D24 skt.
20 D82-108 D25 skt. stana (the breast)
21 108 st. A17 skt.
(as if the lotus

22 A1-27 Steles du Thnal Baray(SO)/Eastern D22 skt.
that the creator was born)
283 stele Baray Stele Inscription of
23 B28-54 Yasovarman D24 skt.
C55-81
D82-108
25 96 st. A16 skt.
26 A1-27 C69 skt.
Steles du Thnal Baray/La stele de
27 279 stele B28-54 C70 skt.
Prei Prasat
28 C55-81 D91 skt.
29 D82-96 D94 skt.
30 108 st. A16 skt.
31 A1-27 B46 skt.

Stele de Prasat Komnap / Prasat
32 701 stele B28-54 Komnap Stele Inscription of C70 skt. 889A.D.)
33 C55-81 Yasovarman C71 skt.
34 D82-108 D91 skt.
35 D94 skt.
36 108 1 st. A17 skt.
37 A1-27 1 C66 skt.
La Stele de Tep Pranam/Stele de
38 290 stele B28-54 Tep Pranam/Tep Pranam Stele C68 skt.
39 C55-81 Inscription of Yasovarman D89 skt.
40 D82-108 D92 skt.
41 491 inscriptio Angkor Thom, Terrasse l. 25-26 skt.

28l. 14s.
n Bouddhique M
42 48 st. N26 skt.
S1-21
43 286 pillar Inscription de Baksei Camkron N29 skt. 948A.D.)
N22-48 Lolei (the ocean)
44 N44 skt. East Mebon
33 st.
45 522 pillar Inscription de Kuk Sla Ket S15 skt. (a mirror) dharma
]
S1-12 / N13-33
218 st.
Mebon Inscrition of
46 528 stele A1-103 B205 skt. 952 A.D.) East Mebon
Rajendravarman
B104-218
47 266 Inscriptions de Bat Cum (tour

A1-14 [ 12 l.(kh.)] A14 skt. East Mebon payodhi (water-receptacle; the ocean) Meru
meridionale)
48 267 pillar Inscriptions de Bat Cum (tour

B1-40 [ 1 l.(kh.)] B20 skt. East Mebon mantrin ]
centrale)
Inscriptions de Bat Cum (tour
49 268 C1-43 C25 skt. East Mebon Meru
septentrionale)
298 st.
A1-122
50 B123-298 B269 skt. East Mebon dharma
806 stele Stele de fondation de Pre Rup 961A.D.)
51 B276 skt.
24 st.[ 24 l.(kh.)]
52 872 pillar Inscriptions de Prasat Ben Vien N.15 skt. East Mebon
N1-19 / S20-24 [ (946A.D.)
kh.]
13 st.[ 14 l.(kh.)]
53 70 stele Stele de Basak (Romduol) A8 skt. East Mebon
A1-12 / B13 [ kh.] ]
145 st.
54 273 stele A1-36; B37-72; C73- Ta Prohm C39 skt.
A.D.)
108; D109-145
61 st.
55 692 stele Prasat Tor C39 skt. stana (the breast) ]
A1-18; B19-36; C37- (1189 or 1195 A.D.)
45; D46-61
56 179 st. B41 skt. pulina Neak Pean
57 A1-36 B42 skt.
Jayavarman VII
58 B37-72 D121 skt.
59 C73-120 D156 skt.
908 stele Stele de Preah Khan 1191A.D.)
60 D121-179 D168 skt.
61 D169 skt. (the ocean)
(the ocean of worldly

62 D170 skt. Neak Pean pulina (an islet)
existence)
63 102 st. B44 skt.

485 stele Phimanakas
A1-26; B27-52; C53-
64 B45 skt.
78; D79-102
Table 1. The number of stanzas on built by royalty during the reign of each king.
in Angkor: Stanzas about , which contain the names of kings, and [Keiko Sato]
The stanza being duplicated
329
Plurality of Religions in the
Globalised Thai Society
Sophana Srichampa
Centre for Bharat Studies,
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia
Mahidol University, Thailand
sophana@gmail.com
Abstract:
Thailand is a diverse multicultural and multi-religious
society. In terms of religions, there are five official faiths:
Buddhism, Islam, Hinduism, Christianity and Sikhism.
According to Appadurai, five globalised activities have had an
inevitable impact on religions in Thailand. With materialism
becoming a significant feature of most people’s lives, economics
and commerce have also influenced the administration of some
religious places. Religions have also become commodified.
Many religious venues and personnels are confronted by the
challenge of globalisation and the tension between idealism and
materialism. Therefore, religions in Thailand are adapting and
functioning using pluralistic approach by taking multifarious
roles such as : Centre of religious teachings and practices, ethnic
groups’ center, socio-cultural roles, well-being center, tourist
site and preparation for end-of-life.
Keywords: Plurality, religion, globalisation, Thai society
Thailand is a multicultural society with more than 70

ethnic groups and five official religions: Buddhism (official),
Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, and Christianity. The followers
believe in their own religion and some also combine it with local
beliefs such as many Thai Buddhists respect some Hindu gods
330
and goddesses. Due to the strong influence of globalisation to
Thai society, ways of life have been affected including religions
and beliefs. Religion and beliefs can still function to guide the
moral behavior of people. At the same time, they play pluralistic
roles in Thai society depending on the purposes of the followers
and this will be discussed in this paper which is part of the two
research projects.1
Religion is an ideological, practical and symbolic
device through which the individual and collective meaning
of belonging to a particular lineage of beliefs is constituted,
maintained and developed (Hervieu-Leger 1999: 24). Each
lineage may refer to different dimensions: a communitarian
dimension, which distinguishes the ‘in’ from the ‘out’ group;
an ethical dimension, which refers to values expressed by a
particular tradition and message; a cultural dimension, including
art, habits concerning food, clothing, etc.; and an emotional
dimension…(Voyé 2008: 200-101).
Clifford Geertz (1993:90) defines religion as : (1) a system
of symbols which acts to (2) establish powerful, pervasive, and
long-lasting moods and motivations in men by (3) formulating
conceptions of a general order of existence and (4) clothing
these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that (5) the
moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic...
Globalisation started actively after the Second World War.
Al-Rodhan, Naya, R.F. (2006:5-6) states that “Globalisation is a
process that encompasses the causes, course, and consequences
of transnational and transcultural integration of human and non-
human activities”… It is evolutionary; it is a fluid process that
is constantly changing with the development of human society.”
1 “The Role of Hinduism, Sikhism and Jainism in strength-building Indian-
Thai Families, Society and Culture in Thailand” and “Managing Cultural
Diversity: Case studies of the Chinese, Indian and Burmese diaspora in
Malaysia and Thailand”
331
When we consider the current situation in Thai society,
inevitably all the five types of global connectivity of Appadurai
impact on Thai People. It seems that materialism is the highest
goal of globalisation. In capitalism, development always focuses
on power and the domination of natural resources. This is a
new form of “colonisation”. The greater the economic growth,
the less people are valued. The principles of some religions in
Thailand, especially Buddhism, have become affected. Many
followers do not understand and do not practice according to
the core teachings of religion, but rather pay more attention
to peripheral practices or beliefs. Therefore, some aspects of
religions have to adjust according to globalisation trends in
order to fully benefit people and to survive. That is why religion
and beliefs play multifaceted roles in globalised Thai society,
with positive and negative outcomes. In this paper, I apply
Appadurai’s, Golberg’s and others’ concepts in my analysis.
Religious center serve believers or followers with an
assumed role according to members of the society and an actual
role as implemented in each community.
1. Centre of religious teachings and practices

In any religious place, there are sacred symbols which
are the centre of faith and respect of the followers. According
to Geertz’ concept, religion is “ a system of symbols… These
symbols have all meanings… These symbols give us a message
about how to respond to our experience…”2 . There are various
means of teaching religious principles such as in schools, in the
religious places, at home and media. Religious places function
significantly as centres of a religious instruction. As laymen
cannot fully understand and practice in line with the principles
of a particular religion alone without the guidance of religious
gurus, religious centres are important for religious education
2 /www.colorado.edu/Religiousstudies/chernus/4800/GeertzSummary.htm/
332
and other related activities as will be discussed later. Religious
places are like homes of spirituality for followers, for their peace
of mind and security, to strengthen their discipline and behavior
in the right way. Furthermore, religious gurus help followers
navigate the difficulties of life by offering support and guidance
through the provision of appropriate religious principles and
remedies. As Chernus3 states,
“Religion formulates conceptions of a general order of
existence…Religious symbols intend to persuade us that there
is a good fit between the nature of reality and the way we live.
So they aim reassure us that both reality and our lives make
sense—that there is some meaningful order rather than mere
chaos in our lives. Most of the time we take this for granted. But
each of us encounters times of crisis, when the world simply does
not make sense. These crises most often arise when we must
endure some kind of suffering, especially when that suffering
seems unjust or undeserved. Religious symbols do not take the
pain away; they do not always give clear explanations for such
crises. But they do make the pain endurable because they affirm
that there are answers, even if we will never understand them.
A religious symbol tells us that the confusion and suffering
we may experience is not the ultimate meaning of reality.
The religious symbol represents a wider or more permanent
reality—an overall cosmic order in which the crisis ultimately
has meaning and makes sense.”
Religious principles are taught by monks or religious
gurus of such religion. Regardless of background, followers can
freely attend regular teaching sessions of any religion. There
is no discrimination. Religions play a role in linking followers
with common ethnic roots, culture, beliefs or faith. Religions
transfer socialization from one generation to another through
active participation.
3 /www.colorado.edu/Religiousstudies/chernus/4800/GeertzSummary.htm/
333
Some religions manage to adjust themselves according
to the impact and speed of globalisation, such as the Sikhs of
Thailand. For example, at gurudwaras, Indian Thais and others
who do not understand Punjabi are able to follow the sermons of
the guru by reading translations in English which are projected on
screens above the pulpit. Moreover, announcements or notices in
both Punjabi and Thai are used for conveying messages targeting
specific groups: the old generation, the new generation who
understand English and Thai well, and Thai participants, like
the Hindu group at Dev Mandir in Bangkok. This phenomenon
reflects how much they wish to preserve their Punjabi and Hindu
identities which is unique among their religio-cultural groups.
At the same time, they display their alternative identity which is
“Thai”. Consequently, “internationalization” is clearly evident
in the use of different languages at their religious places.
Moreover, the followers of different religions in
Thailand, such as Sikhism and Hinduism can easily access
religious teachings and sermons via satellite TV broadcast
from overseas, especially India. This represents ‘new cultural
space’ or the ‘new global media map’, as described by Robins
K. (1998). Therefore, media and technology enables followers
connect their spirituality to the holy places. Moreover, all
religions in Thailand promote their religio-socio-cultural
activities via their own websites which supports Appadurai’s
description of mediascape and finanscape for global
connectivity.
Inflows of people into Thailand through migration,
tourism, business, etc. mean that those who stay for prolonged
periods need to attend religious places for their spiritual
maintenance. At one masjid in Bangkok for example, the imam
teaches in Thai and English for international attendees: mostly
Muslim Indians and African businessmen. Some Buddhist
temples provide meditation courses for Thai and foreigners
334
in both Thai and English. This situation reflects how religious
places in Thailand have adjusted according globalisation,
whilst preserving the “Thai Buddhist’ that is recognized. Such
phenomena serve to illustrate Appadurai’s description of
ethnoscape and Golberg’s concept of Transaction: to create and
sustain healthy communities and provide guidelines for moral
behavior and ethical relationships.
2. Ethnic groups’ center

Thailand is one of the attractive destinations in Southeast
Asia which has welcome migrants from South and Southeast
Asian countries such as India, Nepali, Bangladesh, Pakistan,
China, Vietnam, Cambodia and Malaysia, etc. since post-colonial
time. Pushing factors caused them to migrate to Thailand, such
as drought, political instability, war and poverty. They migrated
to Thailand to find new opportunities or to transit to third
countries, especially Europe or America. However, the varrious
diaspora who have chosen to settle in Thailand, demand spiritual
security like they did at home. Vertovec (2008: 282-3) states
that “Upon settling in a new environment, immigrants often
soon set about collectively organizing themselves for purposes
of religious worship..Sometimes immigrant associations seek
to draw upon a remembered past in an attempt to replicate as
nearly as possible an old ethnic-religious community in anew
setting”. Therefore, religion plays a role as a spiritual hub for
people. The Thai government has permitted the five official
religions to establish formally places of worship. This freedom
helps the followers of each religion to have their own space for
their religious and social activities under the law of Thailand
as shown below:
335
Numbers of religious places
Religions
in Thailand
Buddhism 33,9021
Christianity 2,8422
Islam 3,7213
Sikhism and Hinduism 204
Table 1: Religious places in Thailand
However, the new ethnic groups who migrate to Thailand

for work, such as Burmese, Lao, Cambodian, Vietnamese, are
mostly Buddhists. They attend monasteries in nearby areas
to their jobs. Burmese laborers are mainly of Mon ethnicity
followed by Bamar, Karen and Shan ethnic groups. In general
Burmese labor migrants do not integrate well with the local
Thai community as well as among themselves, and so a need
for a Burmese space exists. The Mons and Bamars are strict
in their religious practices. Monasteries and chapels in the
proximity of their places of work serve a religio-cultural
centers. These workers are big donors to the monasteries. From
Cohen’s perspective, religions do not constitute diasporas
in themselves, but ‘can provide additional cement to bind a
diasporic consciousness’ (cited by Vertovec 2009:135).
There is one monastery in Samutsakhon province4 which
provides a spot in front of the monastery where Bamar workers
can meet. They have built a Burmese style stupa with some
space nearby and one small building for their activities. For the
Burmese feelings, this space is like their own and makes them
feel at home. They can participate in religious activities at the
monastery or can arrange their own. The workers feel free to
go there for big functions or just to relax.
4 Samutsakhon locates in the central of Thailand which is far from Bangkok
30 kilometers.
336

There are some monasteries for the Mon. In Samutsakon
province, Mons are a large and long established group divided
into old Mon and new Mon. The old group migrated to Thailand
about 200 years and the new Mon are made up of recently
arrived workers. One Buddhist monastery has a particularly a
large number of Mon abbots as leaders. Many Mon monks join
this monastery mixed with some Thai monks. This monastery
displays twin swans as the Mon symbol in the temple grounds.
On Buddhist holy days, including Mon National Day, they
decorate the place beautifully with Mon script banners. They
perform activities in which thousands enthusiastically join in.
They dress in Mon traditional dress and some sell religious
paraphernalia such as CDs of Mon preaching, plastic flowers,
monk’s robes, etc. Some of which is as offerings to the Buddha
image or to monks. Renowned Mon monks are invited to preach
here on special occasions and money is collected and donated to
the monastery. They feel at home in the monastery. According
to Appadurai (1999), people, media and finance flow in and out
of many religious places to accommodate the diasporic groups,
including some to their homeland.
Many Indians and Indian Thais, follows Hinduism
and Sikhism, two of the five official religions of Thailand.
They are freely permitted by law to construct their religious
mandirs and gurudwaras (temples) both in Bangkok and other
provinces. These religious places serve all Indians and Indian
Thai followers of these faiths as well as non-Indians; there is no
discrimination. Both old and young generations gather at these
religious places and many of the young have learned the rituals
and practices by for example regularly participating in sewa at
the gurudwara. Sermons in Punjabi and Hindi and the playing
of traditional musical instruments are features of these services.
Some Burmese Christians also go to chapels nearby.
Teaching and preaching are done in Thai, English and some
337
ethnic languages such as Indians, Nepalese, Burmese or Karen
according to the fixed program. Some chapels also provide
a specific room for some particular ethnic groups to do their
religio-cultural activities. Religion helps them to strengthen
their spirituality and social-bonding as well, as their identity
awareness. These people feel safe and happy when they come
together in faith.
These cases mentioned exemplify the phenomena
described by Jonathan Z. Smith (cited by Vertovec 2008: 286).
For the native religionist, homeplace, the place
to which one belongs, was the central religious
category. One’s self definition, one’s reality
was the place into which one had been born-
understood as both geographical and social place.
To the new immigrant in the diaspora, nostalgia
for homeplace and cultic substitutes for the old,
scared center were central religious values…
Diasporic religion, in contrast to native, locative
religion, was utopian in the strictest sense of the
world, a religion of “nowhere,” of transcendence.
Without such religious spaces, there is no spiritual center,
either for the individual, group or community in which to
express and maintain identity, the basis of self pride and respect.
3. Socio-cultural roles
Religion provides spaces for socio-cultural activities
for followers, outsiders and society at large. Most religious
places rely on committees for planning the internal and external
religio-socio-cultural activities. Various types of activities can
be organized within religious places or outside to encourage
participating by the religious community and/or supporters
and interested observers. Long established diasporic groups
in Thailand such as Indian Thais, Chinese Thais, Mon, etc.
regularly initiate events for all to enjoy.
338
From a social perspective, religious places are centers for
followers and the related organizations. Some Thai Buddhist
monasteries are schools for monks and novices. They also
provide specific courses for the public such as meditation or
Dhamma camp for the kids, or summer novice ordination
ceremonies. Golberg (2013) described these kinds of religious
functions in terms of “(i) Transaction: to create and sustain
healthy communities and provide guidelines for moral behavior
and ethical relationships. (ii)Transformation: to foster maturation
and ongoing growth, helping people to become more fulfilled
and more complete.”
Religious places especially these of diasporic groups such
as Hindu Thais and Sikh Thais, are used as places for prayer
in their own languages: Hindi and Punjabi. Moreover, these
languages are used in daily life by the older generation. Learning
and using the languages allow the faithful to better study and
absorb the dogma presented in the religious texts. However, the
Thai-born generations whose Hindi or Punjabi proficiency is
not so strong must often rely on places such as the gurudwara in
Bangkok or Chiangmai for extra help learning Punjabi. Volunteer
graduated from India or guru invited from Malaysia take the
charge of instructing the young. Moreover, religious music
and religious contents are usually incorporated into language
activities and performances as a means of enhancing language
and religio-cultural awareness.
Religious places serve as centers of culture for all groups
where, for example Indian Thais are able to participate in
customary practices and religious rituals from birth to death.
Most women dress in their traditional dress called Salwa
Kameez5 or sari when going to their mandir or gurudwara,
although they often dress Thai-style at home. The strength of
5 Shalwar or salwar are loose pajama-like trousers. The legs are wide at
the top, and narrow at the ankle. The kameez is a long shirt or tunic. (http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shalwar_kameez)
339
their culture means that most follow the traditions, including
the young generation. For Sikh men in Thailand, the five
Ks6are religious obligation. Most Sikh men still strictly dress
accordingly by retaining the 5 symbols of religious identity.
However, some young Sikhs feel that Sikh identity excludes
them from mainstream Thai society in some provinces. One
Sikh man, in fact, suggest that, after shaving his beard and
cutting his hair, he made more friends and successes better in
his business. Therefore, there are some young Sikhs who choose
to ignore the five K’s since they prefer to blend in and resemble
mainstream Thai men. They promote their Thai identity although
they look different physically. Although they do not display the
Ks symbol like the older generation, they are normally strictly
religious, attending the gurudwara wherever required.
For diasporic groups such as the Mons, turns are taken
to organize Ancestors Memorial Day at one of the Mon
monasteries. Most Mons in Thailand join together, not for
politics, but for socio-cultural purposes with the support of
the old Mons who happily welcome new Mon migrants. They
dress in traditional Mon style. A common ethnicity, religion
and culture unite them. Although they do not have their own
state, their Mon roots have been preserved and strengthened
in the familiar surroundings of the Thai Buddhist monasteries.
Moreover, there are growing bonds between the new Mons to
6 Kesh - uncut hair and beard, as given by God, to sustain him or her in
higher consciousness; and a turban, the crown of spirituality
Kangha - a wooden comb to properly groom the hair as a symbol of
cleanliness.
Katchera - specially made cotton underwear as a reminder of the
commitment to purity.
Kara - a steel circle, worn on the wrist, signifying bondage to Truth and
freedom from every other entanglement.
Kirpan - the sword, with which the Khalsa is committed to righteously
defend the fine line of the Truth. (http://www.amritsar.com/The%20
Five%20K.shtml)
340
the old Mons in terms of language and cultural revitalization.
Some ethnic groups such as the Karen, continue to live
in the jungle border areas between Thailand-Myanmar. They
respect their Rishi whilst maintaining their Buddhist traditions.
Monks have tried to integrate local beliefs with Buddhism in
order to encourage the preservation of forest in Karnchanaburi
province. Monasteries stand out as places for grooming children
in the right behaviors and values by providing summer ordination
for boys as well as girls.
Moreover, some temple schools in areas with large
migrants populations such as Samutsakon province, reserves
places for the children of migrant laborers to study alongside
local Thai students and this is supported by Thai regulations
and some financial support as is available Thai students. This
educational opportunity provides them with fundamental Thai
language skills to help them to live in Thailand with some
life a degree of quality, independence and rights. Furthermore
education at these monasteries helps them avoid the cycle of
child labor and the negative implications associated with forced
labor. Monasteries also support some activities of the schools.
Thai students have an opportunity to learn from each other’s
culture and share their feelings and experiences, paving the way
to a better understanding of their ASEAN brothers and sisters.
From this, it can be seen how much Thai society has
tried to manage living together harmoniously with other ethnic
groups, with equal rights for all. As Vertovec (2008:283) states,
“Another important set of activities that immigrant associations
engage concerns campaigns for legal tolerance or cultural rights
surrounding specific practices, freedom from discrimination,
and access to public resources offered to other groups… such as
mode of practice, aspects of education, laws, and legal protection
against religious discrimination…”
However, the influence of globalisation has led many
Buddhist monasteries to focus on revenue earning by various
341
means such as organizing annual festivals, renting out temple
facilities, donations or festival. Several Buddhist monasteries
amalgamate images and rituals from diverse Buddhist sects
as well as from Hinduism. One such, is a monastery in Nakon
Nayok, in Chachoengsao provinces which present effigies of
deities in various styles and sizes for followers and as a tourist
attraction. Ceremonies are also arranged to attract donations and
donation boxes can be found throughout the temple compound.
According to Geertz, “Religious symbols perform a
distinctive function: they persuade us that there is a direct
connection between our worldview (how the world is) and our
ethos (how we live or ought to live). Religious symbols tell
us that we ought to live a certain way because the world is a
certain way. They also tell us that the world is especially well
suited to the way that we live. In religious symbols, worldview
and ethos—the way we see the world and the way we live in
it—seem to fit together perfectly, so each reinforces the other”.
(Chernus, n.d.). These Buddhist monasteries employ various
strategies to attract people’s interest. Most people seek to
overcome difficulties in life and wish for better fortune, to be
happy, successful and rich. Each effigy on display serves the
need particular supporters who crave the favour of the deity
with offerings or souvenirs, despite not really understanding
the essential meaning of the symbolism. Some monks there
have tried to present some inappropriate rituals to get more
donations which deviates from basic Buddhist principles. The
symbols widely displayed in some monasteries are mainly for
commercial purposes.
4. Well-being center
“Subjective Well-Being” (SWB), as defined by Deiner
(2009), is a general evaluation of one’s quality of life. The
concept has been conceptualized as having three components:
“(1) a cognitive appraisal that one’s life was good (life
342
satisfaction); (2) experiencing positive levels of pleasant
emotions; (3) experiencing relatively low levels of negative
moods”.
One role of Buddhist monasteries in the past was as a
health care center offering traditional medicine. In the modern
era, due to the impact of globalisation, there are many patients
who cannot afford treatment fees at hospitals. Some of their
diseases are chronic and take a long time to overcome requiring
expensive medicines. Therefore, some Buddhist monasteries
have revived their role as health care centers for helping patients
with treatments. These monasteries have monks who possess
knowledge and experience administering herbal therapies. They
provide their services several days a week, without charge.
Patients can offer a donation in return. There are many poor
or hopeless patients both Thai and foreign, who cannot expect
to recover with western medicines, so they come to the monks
for help. Some get better. Some just feel better. The increasing
numbers of patients attending monastery health clinics is
because information gets passed along social grape vine, through
media and on websites. One example of a temple providing a
nursing home for holistic cancer care is Wat Khampramong in
Sakonnakhon province, in the northeast of Thailand. Mixing
western and eastern methods of medicine with various therapies
including dhamma teaching, a peaceful, holistic and spiritual
approach is taken in caring by monks, volunteer doctors and
nurses and other volunteers. This alternative treatment helps
promote total health care which aims at the physical and mental
well-being of people.
Moreover, many older people like to attend religious
places as much as they can. Some only go for the teachings, some
to help out with the chores and maintenance. Some are members
or on committees. Some donate money for public services. The
invalid are assisted by family, friends or supporters to ensure
the elderly can benefit their mental well-being from religious
343
participation. In old age, they have to prepare themselves for
the next world by detaching themselves from this one. Religious
places serve as centres for their mental preparation. As Golberg
(2003) identified, one religious function is “Transcendence: to
satisfy the longing to expand the perceived boundaries of the self,
become more aware of the sacred aspect of life, and experience
union with the ultimate ground of Being”.
Some monasteries take care of orphans through donations.
For example, Sra-kaew Temple in Ang-thong province in central
Thailand, looks after more than 1,500 poor orphans in the
monastery. It is a great responsibility for the monks and their
supporters. But the financial situation is difficult which worries
the monks. Therefore, the public who know about the activities
of this monastery use the internet to seek donations from kind-
hearted people with funds and other necessary items.
In this way, some monasteries are not dominated by
globalisation, but simply utilize beneficial tools of it, such as
media, websites and other social networks. They want to help and
care for the poor, desperate or suffering in society by reviving
one of the major historical functions as places of refuge, relief
and reason. With the monks’ strong will to do good for others,
success in their acts is assured.
5. Tourist site
Tourism is one of the strong motivation of mobility of
people according to Appadurai’s ethnoscape connectivity type.
In 2012, 22.3 million tourists visited Thailand. Religious places,
as cultural tourist attractions can be divided into two sub-types:
1) Material culture such as Buddhist architecture,
painting and sculpture including the historical sites in each area.
2) Spiritual culture such as beliefs, customs and Buddhist
ways, etc.
Each year, increasing numbers of tourists visit monasteries
which contain historical sites and artifacts. This has both positive
344
and negative impacts on the monasteries and communities
concerned. Of course, income for the monasteries and
communities increases and endangered customs are revitalized
for tourists’ interest which unites communities and brings a
good quality of life. However, negatively, poor management has
had a detrimental effect on historical sites and artifacts. Some
organizers create inauthentic cultural activities or representations
which lead to tourists’ misunderstanding; for example there are
many monasteries which erect shrines associated with other
Buddhist sects within Theravada temples compounds which
confuse those unfamiliar with the actual history and tradition.
It is essential for related organizations to meet and plan
properly in order to be able to handle mass tourism which is
a major policy of the Thai government for earning income for
the country. Therefore, monasteries need to effectively plan
and well manage religious sites to establish a balance material/
commercial needs and spiritual functionality for Buddhists.
6. Preparation for end-of-life

There are many elderly people who plan well for the last
period of their lives using religious practices. Religious places
serve this purpose by playing a role in spiritual preparation for
the aged.
For example, groups of elders may be observed staying
overnight at temples during Buddhist holy day. They chant by
themselves as well as listen to the monks’ sermons. On important
Buddhist days, elder folk often go to the monasteries with their
children to offer food to the monks and attending sermon. If there
are some performances related to Buddhism, many elders join
in the performances, enthusiastically and actively. Some of the
older males devote themselves to helping the monks maintaining
the grounds and doing light duties. It seems that they choose to
serve Buddhism during the last period of their life.
Jana District in Songkhla province is a district with a
345
big muslim community. One pondok there provides free places
to those elderly who which to forgo their layman’s life in
preparation for God world after death. It is called “Heavenly
Garden”. More than ten old men and women stay there provided
with necessary facilities. They live in the simple huts, grow their
own vegetables and help each other. Their children visit them
on occasion bringing necessities and food. If they are sick, they
take care of each other, but in severe cases, their children have
to take them to hospital. Their daily routine comprises reading
the Koran, praying regularly and participating in religious
discussions. Life is peaceful with Islamic teaching and practices.
This is a good model for spending the last period of one’s life. If
religious places provided spiritual spaces for the well-being of
the elderly, it would strengthen their quality of life and reduce
the burden for some families. It is as if the elderly could take
care of each other based on religious principles. These examples
demonstrate Golberg’s concept of “Transcendence: to satisfy the
longing to expand the perceived boundaries of the self, become
more aware of the sacred aspect of life, and experience union
with the ultimate ground of Being”.
Summary
Religions and beliefs are inevitably affected by
globalisation both positively and negatively. According to
Appadurai’s five types of global connectivity, and Golberg’s
religious functions, religions play six assumed roles in society
and effective roles in each community as: Centers for religious
teachings and practices; ethnic groups social centers; socio-
cultural zones, well-being centers; tourist places; and transition
stations for the next life. Although they are trying to adapt to
the inevitable impact of globalisation, some manage to preserve
their traditional role and function as sustainers of well-being
for the faithful and needy, as described by Golberg. Some
346
blend traditional functionality with trend-driven activities or
performances to cater the needs of followers. Some, however,
fail to do so properly which leads to increased materialism
and commercialism, far removed from the ultimate goal of life
presented by religion. Many people feel upset and disillusioned
by this obvious deviation from core religious tenets and are often
hostile towards those who promote it.
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Shalwar kameez. (n.d.). (Online), Retrieved July 20, 2013, from http://
en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Shalwar_kameez
Sikhism and Hinduism. (n.d.). (Online), Retrieved July 17, 2013, from http
://www.Thaiwisdom_org/p_religion/index_stat_re.htm
Subjective Well-Being (SWB). (Online), Retrieved July 20, 2013, from http://
link. springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-90-481-2350-6_2#page-1
Towards a Broader Understanding of Religion’s Functions. Religion.
(Online), Retrieved April 18, 2013, from http://www.huffingtonpost.
com/philip-goldberg/toward-a-broader-understa_b_545314.html.
The 5K’s. (n.d.). (Online), Retrieved April 18, 2013, from http://www.
amritsar.com/The%20Five%20K.shtml
Vertovec, Stephen. (2008). Religion and Diaspora. New Approaches to the
Study of Religion 2. New York: de Gruyter.
Voyé, Liliane. (2008). A Survey of Advances in the Sociology of Religion
(1980-2000): A New Approaches to the Study of Religion 2. New
York: Walter de Gruyter.
The Central Islamic Council of Thailand. (n.d.). (Online), Retrieved July
17, 2013, from http://www.cicot.or.th/2011/main/mosque.php?page
=&category=61&id=837
The 5K’s. (n.d.). (Online), Retrieved April 18, 2013, from http://www.
amritsar.com/The%20Five%20K.shtml
(Footnotes)
1 3 http://www.dhammathai.org/watthai/watstat.php
2 http://www.dooasia.com/church/
3 The Central Islamic Council of Thailand: http://www.cicot.or.th/2011/
main/mosque.php?page =&category=61&id=837
4 1999: http://www.thaiwisdom.org/p_religion/index_stat_re.htm
348
Sanskrit Studies in Thailand:
Past, Present and Future
Sombat Mangmeesukhsiri, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor,
Sanskrit Studies Centre, Faculty of Archaeology,
Silpakorn University, Bangkok, Thailand
A paper presented in the International Seminar on
“Sanskrit in World, the World in Sanskrit”
Organized by the Department of Sanskrit,
Doctor Harisingh Gour University
(A Central University), Sagar, M.P., India
on 16-18 March 2018
1. Introduction
Sanskrit is one of the most important languages that has
moulded the Thai way of life and thought in ancient till the
present days. It has also constituted the greatest literary heri-
tage of Thailand. Without the knowledge and appreciation of
Sanskrit, no knowledge and appreciation of Thai literature, such
as the Rāmakian (Skt. Rāmakrti), is possible. Sanskrit has not
only conveyed the literary heritage, but also the way of life, the
rituals, the way of thinking from India to Thailand. Now, Thai
people always use Sanskrit words directly and indirectly, and
Thai-ize Sanskrit as their own heritage. For instance, in Thai
national anthem, the first word used is Sanskrit. That word is
‘Prathet’ or ‘Pradeśa’ in Sanskrit. Sanskrit and Pali loan-words
in modern Thai language are around 50 per cent.
2. The Past
Thai people were exposed to Indian culture in various
forms not later than 11th century, when their appearance in
349
Southeast Asia is attested by the bas-reliefs on the outermost
southern corridor of Angkor Wat. The Thais established
Suthodaya kingdom in 1249 after they freed themselves of
from the yoke of Kambuja’s rule. King Ramkhamheang, the
Great (1279-1298), introduce Sri Lankan Buddhism to his
kingdom in his reign. Since then Buddhism has become the
dominating and flourishing religion in Thailand up till the
present day.1
It is noteworthy here that the king’s names in the first
ever kingdom of the Thais were in Sanskrit, for instance,
Ramkhamheang was derived from Rāma (Sanskrit) + Kham-
heang (Thai). This is the influence of Sanskrit used in
the ancient Khmer kingdoms that had flourished in the main-
land of Indo-China for centuries before the appearance of
the Thais. However, after the introduction of Buddhism in
their first kingdom, Pali has been dominant language and
played the important role in their way of life. Except the
royal court in which the influence of the Khmer customs was
still practiced and Sanskrit loan words was regularly used
to name the king and officers in high ranks, Thai people
generally used their own Thai language in daily life. This trend
had continued till the raising of the present dynasty, Chakri
dynasty, in 1782.
The first king of Chakri dynasty, invited all eminent
scholars to compose the great Thai RāmāyanÜa or Ramkien
in Thai language, not only for the royal court, but also for all
the Thais to study and follow the main characters, such Rāma,
Stā, Hanumāna and so on. From this period, Sanskrit was
gradually getting its popularity like in the ancient Khmer
kingdoms. The names of all kings of the Chakri dynasty were
1 Chirapat Prapandvidya, (1999), Hindi in Thailand, Past, Present and
Future, A paper presented in VI World Hindi Conference, 14-18 September
1999, at School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
350
‘Rāma’, such as the present king’s name is ‘Rama X’. The Thais
had to accustom themselves to Sanskrit, but it was not quite
prevalent to the Thais of lower classes. A century later, King
Rama VI ordered all Thai people for the first time to have their
surname which in the past they never had. Since King Rama VI
was graduated in Sanskrit literature from the Great Britain, then
he regularly present the lovely surnames to his subject and all
surnames almost were in Sanskrit. Moreover he composed a
number of dramas based on Sanskrit dramas, such as Shakun-
tala, Savitri and so on. From that period Sanskrit has got more
popularity among the Thais.
3. The Impact of Sanskrit to Thai way of life

Thai language is a very rich in words which we can use
at our will. All Thai people owe this to Sanskrit-Pali, because
when the people living in Thailand adopted these, Sanskrit and
Pali have already enriched Thai language with its words and
vocabulary. Such loan-words are ready to use for any purposes
such as communication in daily life, composition of verses and
the most important use of Sanskrit and Pali in the modern Thai
society, naming people. Although, nowadays, Thai people have
less knowledge of Sanskrit and Pali than the past, comparing to
their ancestors, but when they want to name newborn babies or
desire to change their unpleasant or unlucky names to auspicious
names, they always resort to Sanskrit and Pali. This is not only
the belief or superstition of the last generation, but it also is the
most popular trend in the new generation even under the impact
of western civilization, especially western languages, such as
English and French. It is quite amazing that new generation of
Thailand prefers English or French nickname to Thai nickname,
but they never use these western languages as their real name in
place of Sanskrit and Pali. Thus, we can safely say that naming
351
people is the most important role that Sanskrit and Pali play
in modern Thai society.
Table below shows instances of Thai names in Sanskrit
and Pali origin.
Meaning in
Thai Sanskrit Pali
Thai Concept
Sombat Sampatti Sampatti Wealth, prosperity
Abhijay Abhijaya Abhijaya Great Victory
Vichian Vajra Vajira Diamond
anujā anuja Anuja Younger brother
kāndā kānta Kanta Beloved
janāthip janādhipa janādhipa Big boss, king
Anong anaṅga anaṅga Pretty (for women only)
Nakorn Nagara Nagara City, town
Sasikarn śaśikānta Sasikanta Lovely like the moon
Netchanok Netra Janaka Nayana-janaka Father’s eyes
Suthee Sudhī Sudhī intelligent
Besides, it is worth noting that the contribution of

Sanskrit and Pali towards Thai language is unique and
unparalleled, especially in coining the new words and
technical terms, which came from another cultures, especially
from the West.
“To coin a word is to put it circulation with a stamp
of authority-State authority in the case of legal terms in the
Codes or laws or terms determined by the Royal Institute…”2
“The rhythm of the word coined must conform to that required
by the genius of the language.” The above said suggestion
was made by Prince Wan Waithayakorn (known in Thailand
as พลตรี พระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ กรมหมื่นนราธิปพงศ์ประพันธ์), who once was the
chairperson of word coining committee and very famous in
2 Coining Thai words by Prince Wan Waithayakorn. Siam Society Journal,
in the Memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadhon. Bangkok : 1970. p. 33-38
352
coining new words for use in Thai society. He also gave the
easy way of coining new words, only two principles which
Royal Institute is still utilizing at the present day. The two
are following:
1. Create new word: In coining new word, we must use
Thai word first. If we could not find any Thai word
which is suitable and can convey meaning of that
word, both morphological and semantic, then we can
coin new word by using Sanskrit and Pali word or
combining them together to get the very close form
and meaning of that western word.
2. Transliteration with minor change: In the case that
we cannot find any Thai, Sanskrit or Pali word which
is suitable to that word, we can use that word as its
origin in Thai language.
4. Time line of the development of Sanskrit Studies

in Thailand (based on the historical background of Sanskrit
Studies Centre, Silpakorn University, Bangkok)
In 1955, at the inception of the Faculty of Archaeology
at Silpakorn University Sanskrit was included as one of the
major subjects in the curriculum of the faculty with a view
to enhancing the understanding of Indian culture which was
widely spread in Thailand and other countries in Southeast
Asia. Faculty of Archaeology is the first in Thailand that offered
a course leading to Bachelor degree in Archaeology in which
students are required to study seriously the art and architecture
of India and Southeast Asia apart from other subjects.
In 1974 a course leading to Master’s degree in Oriental
Epigraphy was introduced in the Department of Oriental
Languages of the Faculty of Archaeology in which students
are required to study as majors Sanskrit and Khmer. For the
353
former students not only have to study Sanskrit Inscriptions
in India, Thailand and Cambodia but they have to study
Sanskrit language and literature also. HRH Princess Maha
Chakri Sirindhorn obtained her Master’s degree in Oriental
Epigraphy from here in 1980.
Since 1988 a chair of Visiting Professor of Sanskrit with
the auspices of ICCR, Government of India has been instituted
at Silpakorn University.
In 1988 a course leading to Master’s degree in Sanskrit,
the first of its kind in Thailand, was introduced in the Depart-
ment of Oriental Languages of the Faculty of Archaeology. To
date 212 students obtained their Master’s degree in Sanskrit.
In 1996 Sanskrit Studies Centre was established at Sil-
pakorn University.
In 2000 a course leading to Ph.D. degree, the first of its
kind in Thailand, was introduced in the Department of Oriental
Languages of the Faculty of Archaeology and to date 8 students
have obtained their Ph.D.
In 2001 Sanskrit Studies Centre, with major financial
support from the Government of India, organized the Interna-
tional Conference on ‘Sanskrit in Southeast Asia: Harmonizing
Factor of the cultures’ in which scholars from 16 countries par-
ticipated. Not long after the conference a philanthropist who
had witnessed the success of the conference donated 2.5 acre
of land to Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn as a premises for
Sanskrit Studies Centre, Silpakorn University.
In 2001 MOU between Silpakorn University and Shri Lal
Bahadur Shastri Sanskrit Vidyapith was signed.
In 2005 Sanskrit Studies Centre, with the major financial
support from the government of India, organized the Internation-
al Conference on ‘Sanskrit in Asia: Unity in Diversity’ to com-
memorate the 50th birth anniversary of Princess Maha Chakri
354
Sirindhorn in which scholars from 18 countries participated.
In 2006 Budget of 74 million was allotted by the Gov-
ernment of Thailand for the construction of the building for
Sanskrit Studies Centre which is estimated to cost 100 million
Baht. The site of the centre is about 20 minutes drive from
the present Office of the President, Silpakorn University. The
building consists of five stories. In spite of the fund being 30
million Baht short of the actual target Silpakorn University has
started to constructed the building in 2007. Simultaneously
Sanskrit Studies Centre tried to get the financial support from
the Government of India. Finally, in June 2007 the fund of 10
million Baht was granted by the Government of India to be
added to budget for the construction. Now, the building was
unofficially opened in February 2010 and is almost complete.
Only the auditorium is under the construction and will hopefully
be complete in 2019.
In 2015 Sanskrit Studies Centre and the International
Association of Sanskrit Studies (IASS), with the major financial
support from the government of India, successfully organized
the 16th World Sanskrit Conference to commemorate the 60th
birth anniversary of Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn in which
530 scholars from 43 countries participated.
With the completion of the construction of Sanskrit Stud-
ies Centre, we aspire to become a major international institute for
Sanskrit learning in Southeast Asia and for conducting research
in and on Sanskrit and its allied subjects. It is well known that
Sanskrit had a great bearing on the culture of both India and
other Asian countries not to mention Southeast Asia. It is hope
that the centre will carry out activities which may bring about
mutual benefit to India Cultural Centre which has just been set
up in Bangkok recently.
355
5. The involvement of our HRH Princess Maha Chakri
Sirindhorn in Sanskrit Studies.
The HRH Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn has been
herself a great scholar of Sanskrit and she has graduated, as
mentioned above from the Faculty of Archaeology of our
university. She is an avid India lover and has been to sites of
Indian culture several times in the past 25 years. In 2016 she
was awarded ‘World Sanskrit Award 2015’ and in March 2017
she received the ‘Padma Bhushan Civilian Award’ from Liter-
ature and Educational works, as she was the only one foreigner
receiving the awards this year from His Excellency Mr. Pranab
Mukherjee, President of the Republic of India at Rashtrapati
Bhavan in New Delhi, Republic of India. She has been the cul-
tural bridge between us. Her love of Sanskrit and admiration
for Indian culture have become the nurturing force driving us
to promote Sanskrit Study, to research and to disseminate San-
skrit learning. Sanskrit Studies Centre, therefore, is our hope
in that direction and as auspicious symbol for SSC we have had
the gracious permission of Her Royal Highness Princess Maha
Chakri Sirindhorn to name the centre and the newly constructed
building after her.
6. Sanskrit currently taught in universities in Thai-

land.
6.1 Silpakorn University, Faculty of Archaeology, the
Department of Oriental Languages offers:
6.1.1 Master degree in Sanskrit Studies, the
newly revised curriculum since 2014. Existing number of
students 16.
6.1.2 Ph.D. degree in Sanskrit Studies, the
newly revised curriculum since 2013. Existing number of
students 14. Silpakorn University is the only university in
356
Thailand that offers Master and Ph.D degree in Sanskrit
Studies.
6.1.3 Master degree in Epigraphy in Thai and
Oriental languages, newly revised curriculum in 2017, in
which Thai, Sanskrit and Khmer are compulsory.
6.1.4 Ph.D. degree in Epigraphy in Thai and
Oriental languages, newly revised curriculum in 2017, in
which Thai, Sanskrit and Khmer are compulsory.
6.2 Chulalongkorn University, Faculty of Art,
Department of Eastern Languages offers:
6.2.1 Bachelor degree in Pali and Sanskrit
6.2.2 Master degree in Pali and Sanskrit
6.2.3 Master degree in Pali-Sanskrit and
Buddhist Studies
6.2.4 Ph.D. degree in Pali-Sanskrit and
Buddhist Studies
6.2.5 M a h a c h u l a l o n g k o r n r a j a v i d y a l a y a
University, Faculty of Buddhism offers:
6.2.6 Bachelor degree in Pali and Sanskrit
6.3 Mahamakutarajavidyalaya Buddhist University,
Faculty of Religious Studies offers:
6.3.1 Bachelor degree in Pali,Sanskrit and
Buddhism.
6.4 Chiangmai University, Faculty of Humanities
offers:
6.4.1 Minor subjects in Pali, Sanskrit and Hindi
at Bachelor level.
6.2 Other universities (around 48 in number) in
which major in Thai language is offered Sanskrit and Pali
are usually required subjects.
357
7. List of Indian entity or Ministries which are sup-
porting Sanskrit locally.
7.1 With Cooperation of the Indian Council for
Cultural Relations (ICCR) a chair has been created in the
Sanskrit Studies Centre, Silpakorn University for a visiting
professor from India, each for two years term, so as to upgrade
Sanskrit study here and to contribute valuable Sanskrit
works. To strengthen the chair, the ICCR signed MoU with
Silpakorn University in 2014. From the beginning of this
scheme till now, the followings are the visiting professors:
Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri 1994-1997
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Usha Satya Vrat 1997-1998
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hari Dutt Sharma 1999-2001
Prof. Dr. Radhavallabh Tripathi 2002-2005
Prof. Dr. Radhamadhab Dash 2005-2007
Assoc. Prof. Dr. (Mrs.) Prativa Manjari Rath 2007-2009
Prof. Dr. Kedar Nath Sharma 2010-2014
Prof. Dr. Panduranga Bhatta 2014-2016
Prof. Narasingha Charan Panda 2016-present
7.2 Indian Government through the good offices of
the Embassy of India, Bangkok, supported Sanskrit Studies
Centre in organizing international conference in Sanskrit and
Hindi. The last one was the 16th World Sanskrit Conference
in 2015.
7.3 Gita Ashram Thailand annually awards Scholar-
ships for students who study Sanskrit at Silpakorn University,
Chulalonkorn University, Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya
University, Mahamakutarajavidyalaya Buddhist University
and Chiangmai University.
7.4 Sanskrit Studies Foundation under the Royal
Patronage of H.R.H. Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn was
established in 2007. Considering the fact that Sanskrit Studies
Centre (SSC), Silpakorn University is run with the govern-
358
ment tiny budget shared also by the Department of Oriental
Languages, Faculty of Archaeology, as well as with small
amount of the interest from endowments, Prof. Chirapat
Prapandvidya formed a Foundation Committee with a view to
alleviating the financial difficulty and to promoting SSC and
Sanskit Sutudies Foundation (SSF), of which Prof. Chirapat
Prapandvidya is the Chairman, has been registered since
December 3, 2007. Sanskrit Studies Foundation regularly
supports publishing some works done by Sanskrit scholars and
also support some of Sanskrit Studies Centre’s activities.
7.5 The Indian and Thai private sectors, businessmen
and the Embassy of India to Thailand always raise financial
support. At the present, 15 endowments have been founded and
the interest thereof has been spent to carry out the SSC activities
but unfortunately the amount of interest is quite small due to
the low interest rate as well as less deposit.
7.6 The Indian and Thai private sectors, businessmen
and the Embassy of India to Thailand support in the form of
funds, textbooks, documents and so on. At the present, more
than 4,000 Sanskrit and related books are in stock at the SSC
library, one of the richest in terms of Sanskrit books.
8. The state of Sanskrit Studies in Thailand:

Contemporary Scenario
When we see the Sanskrit words and terminology being
used in our culture, we are sometimes pondering as what would
be the future scene? It is true, some Sanskrit loanwords and its
word combination are taught at high schools. At the same time,
it is also true that there are four Thai educational institutions
where Sanskrit is being offered at College level, and at my
place (Silpakorn University), it is offered as an exclusive
MA Program. The number of such students also crosses
30 every year. It is a subject learnt with certain dignity. It
draws the attention of people around and gets wider academic
359
support as evidenced in our holding of the two international
Sanskrit Conferences hosted in 2001 and 2005 and the World
Sanskrit Conference in 2015. The problem however remains.
What would be the future job prospect for such pass-outs?
How they would be able to seek jobs of respect for their
livelihood? The answer keeps on coming now through the
revolution of Yoga and Meditation which has become
a new craze among the people in the Southeast Asia in general
and Thailand in particular. New spas are coming up where
the Mantra healing, hot Yoga (different from Hatha-yoga) and
Yogasana are highly sought after. In this scene, those who
learn from us has a silver lining in the future. Such trend
may help us not only in continuing the Sanskrit teaching at
the University level but also give some hope for the students
to survive in a better way. Let us pray, such scenario remains
for quite a while.
360

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THAI PRAJÑĀ

International Journal of Indology and Culture

Sanskrit Studies Centre,

Sanskrit Studies Centre,

Editor-in-chief: Joint Editors:

Editor: Associate Editors:

Peer Reviewers’ Board: Computer Graphics

Published by Sanskrit Studies Centre and Department of Oriental

Sponsored by: The Ministry of Culture, Government of India

First Edition: 200 copies in February 2019

Printed at: Nititham Press. 76/251-3 Soi Watphrangern Kanchanapisek Road,

I am very glad to hear that the second and third volume of

Since the Faculty of Archaeology always supports SSC to be

I congratulate the Editorial Broad of the Journal and convey

Asst. Prof. Chawalit Khoakhiew

After the successful attempt in bringing out the first

Asst. Prof. Chirapat Prapandvidya,

Prof. Satya Vrat Shastri

My dear Dr. Panda,

Dear Professor NC Panda,

Sanskrit is indispensable for deeper understanding of

(Dr. Bal Mukund Pandey)

Sādhu, sādhu, sādhu! How pleasing to see that the San-

Dr. Mc Comas Taylor

The contribution of Sanskrit as a treasure of knowledge

Dated: 12. 02. 2019

Prof. N.C. Panda

Influence from southern India

The Episodes Peculiar to the TRK

The Birth of Sītā

The Episode of Phra Lak (Lakṣmaṇa) being tied by

The Episode of Benyakāy

Fig. 6 Rāvaṇa lifting the Mount Kailāasa at My Son, Vietnam

Fig. 8 koyil) in ya country

4 In the Atlas des Langues du Monde (Breton 2003), Sanskrit appears on

2.1 The volume Dialectes dans les Litératures In-

2.2 Of special interest is the attribution of a quite distinct

2.3 The difficulties with respect to our judgment of sys-

Madhav Deshpande (2006: 141) rightly explains that:

3.1 As Sanskrit had its place in a ‘linguistic area’ from

24 Both early Buddhist texts (e.g., Aṅguttaranikāya 2 and 4) and early

4.1 The third recent publication which deserves a brief

25 G. Fussman (2008: 163) considers it the most important Indologi-

5.1 Although clapping is never done with a single hand,

27 To us these requirements may seem to be difficult to meet, but for

5.2 Sanskrit is therefore a classical language not only of

6 Yā āpo divyā Uta Vā Sravanti Khanitrimā uta vā yāḥ swayaṁjāḥ |

Varuṇa’s name in modern age:

Water is the source of universe:

15 Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa 1995) (VI-1.3) Gītā press Gorakhpur, U.P.

Dr. Bibhuti Bhusan Mohapatra

Generally, tapas can be done in three ways, i.e. 1. mind,

4. Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad : tapasā cīyate brahma tato`nnamabhi-

5. Taittirīya Upaniṣad : tapaśca swādhyāya pravacane ca ...tapa

a) udasya śocirasthāddidiyuṣo vyajaram /

b) indravaruṇābabhyām tapanti māghānyaryo

b) devānām māne prathamā atiṣṭhan kṛntatrādeṣāmuparā

8 dṛṣtvā tuṣṭāva tānidras te cendramṛṣayo’bṛvan /

14 prājāpatyāsurī tvāsīd vikuṇṭhā nāma nāmataḥ /