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THE PHILIIPPINES: The Past Revisited by Renato Constantino

A Critique Paper

Renato Constantino was a Filipino historian and scholar who taught us to reexamine,
correct, and learn from our colonial history. He desired for Filipinos to have a valuable memory of
a history that would help them in their search for true nationhood. Many times, Philippine History
was brought up to us, and it made me wonder how this stuff is passed down from generation to
generation. While reading Renato Constantino's novel, it occurred to me that the past that has
been told to us is not as it appears to be, and it is seen from a fixed viewpoint. When I learned
how easily history can be distorted, it changed my outlook. Most foreign sources were discovered
to be biased and illiberal in their approach as Filipino historians' understanding grew. Attempts to
discover national identity, revisit the past, and begin laying the foundations for Philippine history
have increased during this period.

This critique paper is a tribute to this great Filipino thinker, a celebration of his life and
works through an examination of his achievements and influence on Philippine nationalist history.
He will be remembered as one of the most prominent Filipino writers of the twentieth century,
influencing many generations of Filipinos through his pamphlets, columns, and books. From the
late 1960s to the present, his guidance, commentaries, historical writings, and essays have
largely influenced the contemporary nationalist movement. In terms of content and volume of
writings, no Filipino writer has contributed as much to the advancement of the Philippine
nationalist cause in the twentieth century as Constantino. In terms of material and number of
writings, no other Filipino writer in the twentieth century has come close to Constantino's
contribution to the Philippine nationalist movement. In his new novel, The Philippines: A History
Revisited, Constantino continues the effort he started in his early works by taking a fresh look at
the entire Filipino past prior to WWII. Great powers and Filipinos rejecting historical perceptions
of the Philippines.

History prior to the present the pre-pioneer Philippines' social achievements include those
spanning ancient times and early history of the Philippines archipelago and its inhabitants, who
are the forefathers of today's Filipinos. These early Filipinos had a culture and creativity that were
among the best in class, particularly in light of the events of science's history at the time when it
flourished. During the Spaniards' 300-year colonial rule, colonial scholars made significant
contributions to the burdensome legacy of clerical scholarship left by the Spaniards. These
scholars illustrated the Spanish frailocracy and reversed it by correcting some assumptions left
over from the Spaniards' reign, and it was reassessed by American colonialists who went in for
undeserved praise.

Constantino has carved himself a place in Philippine history, as he resembles many of the
big events that led to the Philippines' independence. After a period of prosperous trade with a
variety of cultures and economies, the area was colonized for more than 300 years, first by Spain
and then by the United States, until being briefly occupied by the Japanese during World War II.
As Asia's oldest democracy, the Philippines has a long history of social and colonial oppression
resistance, as exemplified by Jose Rizal (1861-1896), whose anti-Spanish novels and writings
fueled Filipinos' desire for freedom and rights. Rizal, a journalist, psychiatrist, educator, and
Atenean, is now regarded as a national hero in our country. He criticizes Filipino society's
"artificial" culture and identity, which are conditioned by the country's long colonial history, in this
book. The problem of civil enslavement and determinants has exacerbated this, turning the world
into a neocolonial of American imperialists. He was upbeat about the potential for transformational
change. In the face of nationalist movements, he stressed the value of nationalism as the Filipino
people's main weapon. He also said that the most powerful way to build a counter-consciousness
for the purpose of social emancipation is through anti-imperialist nationalism.

The task at hand is to write the history of the Philippines from a Filipino's perspective. The
true history of the Filipinos, on the other hand, can be drawn from the anonymous masses of
Filipinos and the cause and effect of their collective lives and struggles. When people speak about
history, they usually refer to a single person rather than the collective individual that is society.
There can be no past without civilization, and there can be no civilizations without man.
Furthermore, individuals who made history may have done so without the help of the people.
Individuals that are incoherent cannot have their actions documented in history; nevertheless, the
collective effort behind it should be recorded or narrated because of its historical significance.

History narration is both a great honor and a tremendous burden. In certain cases, the
findings presented will be an imperfect representation of history of individual men without the
influence and/or lacking the dynamic and realistic nature of society's masses. These individuals
made history not because they were remarkable, but because they had the love of others to carry
out their beliefs and conduct actions that will go down in history. The foundations and personalities
that history commemorates should be the genuine outcomes of individuals' efforts.

Throughout history, the Philippines has been freed or liberated four times. The Spaniards
were the first to bring Christianity to the Philippines, freeing us from the "slavery of the devil." The
Americans, on the other hand, were the ones who freed us from Spanish tyranny. The Japanese,
who ruled with an iron hand, effectively liberated us from American imperialism. As a result,
Americans return and free us from the Japanese.

Like every other post-colonial nation, Philippine culture is a mix of all of its colonial rulers,
with roots in the country's long indigenous past. It's a difficult culture to categorize because it's so
diverse; Western influences may appear to be dominant at first glance, but they're just a thin
veneer on top of a pulsing archipelagic culture. The Philippines' many languages represent the
country's diverse histories, with each language defining its own region. English has become the
official language of the nation, even among the locals. That generation is a member of a
Baranganic Society. A defining feature of baranganic culture was the absence of private land
ownership. People of the Philippines were scattered over many islands. They met each other by
sailing between the islands, as inter-island trade was the primary motivator for bringing these
scattered settlements together. The mode of oppression was determined by the nature of the
colonizing Philippine society, as well as the realities of the colony. The character and motives of
each nation that has invaded the Philippines are so critical that we must investigate the social
status of foreign invaders when they took over. The essence of colonialism and whether
marginalized people were impartial, objective, and subjective in any time and place decide the
extent and result of any conflict. The type of repression was influenced by the essence of the
colonizing society as well as the realities of the colony.

Regarding the first liberation, which came at the hands of the Spaniards. The first
impression is that Spain was largely feudal, and as a result, Spain transplanted feudalism's
traditional characteristics to the Philippines. While Spanish culture had feudal elements during
Magellan's mission to the Philippines, it was no longer completely feudal on an economic basis,
as the capitalist trend has diversified the nation's configurations while the old feudal systems have
remained largely unchanged. The towns grew into commercial hubs and modern financial
powerhouses. To put it another way, the working class or workers backed the middle class against
the nobles and clergy. Mercantilism was the physical expression of capitalism. The mercantilists
believed, among other things, that a country's influence was determined by the form of wealth it
accumulated. This made it illegal to move metal around the world and encouraged people to buy
gold and silver. Since the colonies were gold and silver sources, Spain occupied the Philippines,
which was a wealthy land with no functioning government at the time.

Spanish colonialism was an outside force that threatened and diverted the development
of indigenous peoples. It's easy to imagine the delight with which these European settlers greeted
the discovery of such a rich and prosperous culture. With mining traces dating back to 1000 BC,
the Philippines now has one of the world's largest gold mines. The islands had established a
flourishing society that traded in gold, and people wore gold to prove their rank when the Spanish
colonizers landed on Philippine soil. Magellan's trip to the East Indies inspired many Spaniards
to embark on their own discovery and conquest expeditions. The Spanish monarchs wanted to
expand their empire and protect their claimed lands in the East from the Portuguese. They were
similarly interested in bringing riches and spices back to Mexico and Spain from the Isles of the
West, or Las Islas del Poniente, the Spanish word for the East Indies, which stretched from the
Philippines to New Guinea. King Philip of Spain had no idea what he was getting himself into
when he decided to finance an expedition to the East Indies. The lives of the indigenous people
were forever changed as a result of the Spanish invasion. The Spaniards carried with them a new
religion and customs. They brought new practices and institutions with them from their earlier
colonial experiences in Latin America. Even though they wanted to retain certain native social
systems in order to achieve colonial goals, their use for purposes that were alien to native culture
profoundly altered them. The Spanish empire was thought to be dedicated to "all Majesties,"
including God and the king. As de la Costa put it, this proposal laid the groundwork for the union
of Church and State into a single institution that could be viewed as either a civilizing Church or
a missionary State. The patronato real, in which the pope granted the king the right to appoint
candidates for the majority of bishoprics and abbacies in Spain and her dominions, was the king's
authority over the Spanish Church.

When Spain exploited the indigenous model of social organization to make it part of the
exploitative system, most of the old communal lands were turned into private property. Spaniards
encountered cultures at various stages of growth and adopted the standards, traditions, and
frameworks of the more developed societies to use in the absorption of other underdeveloped
indigenous groups. The process of dissemination was aided by Spanish peace movements and
continued during the remainder of the region's occupation.

The galleon trade between China and Mexico also contributed to Mexico's lack of faith in
its ability to improve its economy. Only Spaniards who concentrated in Manila's capital
participated in the trade, which lasted more than two centuries until 1815. As a result of the
Spaniards' determining financial and commercial goals, early proposals to leave the Philippines
were made. Despite this, a consensus was reached. The growth and prosperity of Manila as the
country's single metropolis was a result of the galleon trade. The income from this trade allowed
Manila to construct its stable buildings and houses. Under early Spanish rule, historians claim the
Philippines had three distinct economic structures: Western, Native, and Chinese economies. The
transportation of galleons to Mexico and silver to China, via Chinese luxury goods, was the central
aim of the Western or Spanish economy. To meet the needs of the local Spanish population,
some of these things were held in the Philippines. Manila was able to establish its stable buildings
and houses thanks to the proceeds from this exchange. According to historians, the Philippines
had three distinct economic systems under Spanish rule: Western, Native, and Chinese
economies. The central goal of the Western or Spanish economy was to transport galleons to
Mexico and silver to China via Chinese luxury goods. Any of these events were organized in the
Philippines to address the needs of the local Spanish population.

Filipinos were united in their opposition to colonial oppression. In certain instances,


rebellion was used as a form of resistance. Other Filipinos and Rizal began widespread protests
and opposition to religious practice and values, which Constantino contextualizes. As a result, a
hidden past emerges, one that is just as true as common history and thus deserving of
acknowledgement.

The popular understanding of Philippine history puts a focus on mainstream events like
the emergence of the ilustrado, or middle class, or the founding of the Propaganda Movement.
Meanwhile, it's easy to overlook the fact that Philippine society is characterized by the persistence
of mass revolutions on the underneath [or downstream]. Fanatical, millenarian, and outlier
movements have all been categorized as common movements. Renato Constantino has offered
an alternate interpretation of Tagalog cultural movements in the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries through his indigenous interpretation.

The Propaganda Movement started in the late 1800s among young Filipino expatriates as
a reform and national consciousness movement. Despite the fact that its supporters pledged
allegiance to the Spanish colonial government, the organization was violently suppressed by
Spanish authorities, who executed José Rizal, the organization's most powerful founder. One of
the aims of the Propaganda Movement was narrow and specific to their social class. Assimilation,
democracy, civil and political rights, and parliamentary representation were unimportant to the
predominantly farmer-indio class in Philippine society.The indios' demands would have been
more straightforward, expressing their desperate need for freedom and relief from misery and
oppression. Propagandistas like Rizal, del Pilar, and Antonio Luna aimed for eventual
independence after a period of assimilation and nationalist development. ls However, the
ilustrado's concept of liberty differed greatly from what the general public understood at the time.
The Propaganda Movement should be considered a failure because it did not accomplish
the integrationist changes it desired. The campaign, however, was not completely futile.Instead,
it succeeded in "damaging the prestige of the friars in particular and of Spaniards in general
among the Filipinos" and "in a positive way, it succeeded more thoroughly in awakening a sense
of unity and national consciousness among Filipinos." This anti-foreign and anti-colonial
sentiment, as well as a growing Filipino sense of being part of a single country, was most strongly
felt in Luzon. The ideas of Rizal, del Pilar, and other Propagandistas inspired Andres Bonifacio
and Emilio Jacinto, leaders of the Katipunan, the clandestine, mass-based movement that
sparked the Philippine Revolution of 1896.

Since Jose Rizal is the heart and soul of the Philippine Revolution, Constantino always
puts him in the spotlight. The Philippines' national hero, writer José Rizal, was Southeast Asia's
first intellectual to systematically think about social and political issues. Rizal's ideas about the
nature of Filipino colonial culture can be credited with laying the groundwork for a distinct
Southeast Asian colonial sociology. His works on the Philippines can be divided into three
categories. The first is a critique of colonizers' attitudes toward the Philippines. Second, he has
opinions on the life and circumstances of imperial society. Finally, there are Rizal's discussions
on what liberation is and how it is defined. It served as a stepping stone for Constantino and other
Filipinos for me. Rizal was not content with writing books to rouse and encourage his fellow men
in the fight for their rights in literary, political, and polemic ways. He delved into ancient literature,
works by past explorers, and writings by former Spanish government leaders in order to achieve
his objectives. He attempted to show, through a persuasive work, that the people of the
Philippines had a high level of culture and morality prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, that they
had mastery of a unique handicraft art (possibly ship construction), that they had a thriving trade,
and that they had good contact with the outside world. Awareness of his country's past could raise
his countrymen's self-confidence, allowing them to prosper politically and scientifically.

The majority of the ilustrados, or elites, resisted the revolution from the start. Some, such
as Rizal, claimed that the time was not yet right to create an independent nation because the
people lacked the requisite education and political maturity. Many, on the other hand, did so out
of love for their homeland of Spain. When the Katipunan appeared to be gaining ground, the elites
started to rally behind them. Unfortunately, their agenda and desires did not coincide with the
Katipuneros' objectives. The capitalist class fought to maintain their social status and financial
resources. While the country's founding movement was once again undermined, and the
collaborationist leadership accepted a more insidious and clandestine mode of colonial education,
the reality of the people's Revolution remained hidden behind the mask of peace and harmony.
Scholars have recognized the challenges of studying the Philippine Revolution because it involves
issues of class, race, and gender. The wealthy are seen as the key victor because they were able
to retain and continue to perpetuate their status before and after the Revolution. Apart from social
status, race is a significant factor. Race has played a crucial role in the imagining and creation of
a modern nation-state since the Revolution established the First Philippine Republic. Women
played an important role in the Revolution, so gender is still a subject worth exploring.More
research is required, however, to see if women's working conditions are changing.

Rizal, on the other hand, was quickly apprehended by the Spanish, exiled to a remote
island in the south, and finally executed in 1896. Meanwhile, within the Philippines, a strong sense
of autonomy had developed among a segment of the population that was marginalized. entsious
semi-religious uprisings had accentuated Spain's long rule over the Philippines, but none had the
necessary coordination to drive the Spaniards out. Regardless, a well-informed Filipino working
class emerged in the nineteenth century, along with a desire for Philippine independence.

The Filipino people have had the misfortune of being "liberated" four times in their history.
Spaniards were the first to "liberate" them from the "devil's enslavement," followed by Americans
who "liberated" them from Spanish dictatorship, Japanese who "liberated" them from American
imperialism, and Americans who "liberated" them from Japanese fascists. After each "liberation,"
they witnessed their country being occupied by international "benefactors." Every tyrant was met
with opposition from the people. Despite the fact that each struggle sought to change certain
objective conditions, the people were the ones who were most affected.

Mid-colonization, class interests emerged that would ultimately jeopardize the legitimacy
of their future movements, despite the fact that the people were acquiring more resistance
experience and education, and that they were actively engaging in the historic movement that
would gradually lead to unity and awareness of national identity. When the people's dissatisfaction
with colonial abuses reached a boiling point, a chief or another would seize power and impose
himself as the new authority in place of the Spaniards. Kinship dependency, on the other hand,
has now been turned into exploitative relationships.

However, observing Catholic traditions did not prohibit them from appropriating or
damaging church property during any of these rebellions and revolts in the midst of Spanish
settlements. Some priests were hanged, and others were incarcerated or banished. Both of these
uprisings served as the base for the Filipinos' subsequent series of uprisings against Spanish
colonialism. Another aspect that contributed to the rebels' high morale was their mountain units'
cooperation. The establishment of mountain settlements was advantageous in a number of ways.
There was a revival of old tribal ties in these mountain settlements. The revolutionaries were
undeniably better off than they had been before, free of tax and forced labor commitments, and
no longer subject to the threats and demands of oppressive officials and priests.

Despite the fact that people were often exploited and betrayed by government officials,
their opinions were not entirely negative. Participating in acts like these revolts taught them about
their own strength and the importance of rebellion. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
this led to the Philippines' economic transition, with new classes emerging and existing ones being
changed. Each uprising was a move forward in the revolutionary awakening of the people. Each
local rebellion contributed to the formation of national consciousness.

In 1945, the Americans arrived in the Philippines to liberate the Filipinos from Japanese
rule. While the Americans' arrival in the archipelago fifty years ago, ostensibly to free the Filipinos
from the Spaniards, was met with fierce resistance and even a war, the Americans were now
recognized as liberators in 1945. As a result of their shared war experiences, the Philippines and
the United States established stronger relations.

According to Luzviminda Francisco, who wrote an article that I read, the Philippine-
American War was a forgotten war in American history. 24 American history textbooks devote
several pages to the Spanish-American War but just a paragraph or two to the Philippine-
American War, despite the fact that the latter was more pronounced in terms of duration, scale,
and number of casualties. The Revolutionary War legacy remained alive in their hearts. However,
their subsequent challenges would be markedly different because they were the elite of their
objectives.

During the “Turbulent Decades,” when a new generation of American-educated rulers tried
to use the independence movement to improve their political power and status, while prominent
Revolutionary War leaders sought compromise within the political system by nomination or
election to public office, Chapter 17 “Turbulent Decades” was written. And, given the Philippines'
history of independence, it's easy to see how determined we were to survive all of these incidents.

The past, as a concrete historical fact, must be regarded as an integral part of the evolution
of absolute truth. The present must be understood as a phase in which true historical past
transforms into true historical future. Only by seeing the present as a continuation of a previous
period, as a part of history in motion, can the future be consciously influenced.
The actions of the Philippine-American war and the American-Vietnamese war was almost
identical in terms of military victory and coordinated colonial rule in the Philippines. Regardless,
America's inevitable mastery of Philippine national life since 1946 has not been well received by
many keen and persistent observers of the Philippine scene. The Philippines' neocolonial status
in relation to the United States has largely remained hidden behind the veneer of Philippine
"independence" and "sovereignty."

By broadcasting pro-Americanism as the basis of their approach, Filipino presidents and


other members of the Philippine foundation have made a difference in concealing the facts. In
1946, President Manuel Roxas not only vindicated American rule over the Philippines by
expressing gratitude for Dewey's victory over the Spanish forces in 1898, but he also stated close
cooperation with the United States in international endeavors.

Filipinos have responded by reviving their labor growth and demanding government
securities. The Philippine labor movement's origins can be traced back to 1902, when Wear
Isabelo de Los Reyes "bound together with the creation under the primary labor alliance amid the
continuing repression under the American colonial administration" (Sibal 2004). About 600 trade
unions now meet and talk with experts from the "38.8 million-strong workforce" in private and
open branches (ILO). With dedicated organizations for Filipinos in the diaspora, the labor
production has gained international recognition.

According to the reliance theory, the new Philippine government perpetuates American
neocolonialism by oppressing its people. This is advantageous to the advanced imperialist nation
because it holds Filipinos obedient to the US government's association. Rodrigo Duterte, the
current Philippine President, believes that a "law-and-order" policy is essential to address the
country's problems. Approximately "three hundred authors, human rights legal advisors, earthy
citizens, laborer pioneers, trade unionists, and human rights guards were murdered" during the
first three years of his presidency (Chew 2020).

The history of the Philippines is the legacy of its people's struggles for freedom and a
better life. The indigenous population of the archipelago gradually became aware of their status
as a single nation during anti-colonial struggles against Spaniards. However, since colonial rule
was developed at a young age in the people's social development and was only retained for a
brief reign until the twentieth century, the democratic movement was mainly negative reactions to
colonialism rather than progressive movements aimed at achieving national goals. At each stage
of the war, the main between both cultures, the governed and the leader, played a significant role.
Of form of resistance must be understood in relation to the oppressor and oppressed populations.

It is critical that we look at the other side of any text we read and set aside our prejudices
before identifying the facts and considering other important information. Following the Philippines'
independence from Spain, the United States takes control of the region. Filipinos were known for
their creativity, which they used against the United States to show that, while promising the
country independence and modernity, Americans continue to benefit from its money and wealth.
The American occupation of the Philippines sparked a revolt that lasted until July 4, 1946

Contsantino's book is one of Asia's most interesting histories, resembling a short history
of the Philippines. This is a topic that affects individuals as well as communities. Learning about
the Philippines before and after such events is also exciting and educational. This book's historical
events are necessary to study and analyze so you must understand and know what occurred in
the past in order to comprehend the country's future and current state.

Citations

Rousset, P. (2009). Philippines, colonial protests during the Spanish era. The International
Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest, 1-8. doi:10.1002/9781405198073.wbierp1176

The Philippines: An overview of the colonial era. (2020, May 28). Retrieved April 19, 2021,
from https://www.asianstudies.org/publications/eaa/archives/the-philippines-an-overview-
of-the-colonial-era/

Contributor, S. (2017, January 11). CONSTANTINO, Renato r. Retrieved April 18, 2021, from
http://www.bantayog.org/constantino-renato-r/

Neil. (2019, March 07). 100 years of A Nationalist: RENATO Constantino as social critic and
public intellectual. Retrieved April 20, 2021, from https://www.bworldonline.com/100-
years-of-a-nationalist-renato-constantino-as-social-critic-and-public-intellectual/

History of the Philippines. (n.d.). Retrieved April 20, 2021, from


https://www.csub.edu/pacificrim/countryprospectus/history.htm

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