CHAPTER – 3

NĀGAS IN THE EARLY HINDUISM

(3250 B.C. – 200 B.C.)
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CHAPTER-3

NĀGAS IN THE EARLY HINDUISM (3250 B.C. - 200 B.C.)

3.1 Introduction

The Nāgas history, mythology, developments and the evolution was

uninterrupted, wide-ranging and full of wondrous minutiae, build the matter which are
providing by the both Literature and Archaeological sources (seals, pottery, art,
inscriptions etc.) during the age of early Hinduism i.e. 3250 B.C. – 200 B.C. The only
source to the Harappa and before times is the archaeological, and then after times was
fulfilled by the both Literature and Archaeological sources.

3.2 Nāgas in Indus Valley Civilisation (2700 B.C. to 1700 B.C.)

Based on the Archaeological evidences it is possible to trace the antiquity of the

Nāgas and their worship in India from the time when a rich civilization i.e. Harappa
culture in the Indus valley which was flourished between 2700 B.C. to 1700 B.C. Ernest
Mackay1 rightly says that, “The snakes are venerated and snake cult was has always been
so popular in the Indus valley.” The Mohenjodaro’s two faience seals and pottery have
thrown much light on the religious life, and adoration of the people towards the Serpent
and they were perhaps the earliest representations of the Nāgas are to be found in the
plastic Art.

Two faience seals from Mohenjo-Daro depict the theme of Snake worship. From
one,2 (Plate No. I) a yogic posture who believed to be a prototype of the historical Śiva of
the Hindu pantheon, seated in cross-legged on a dais, attended on either side by kneeling
each devotee. It has been suggested that these devotees belonged to a tribe known as
Nāga, probably totemistic. Behind each of the devotees is depicted the vertical figure of a
hooded snake over the head of devotees. From another seal the God is in the same
posture, but the only difference is that there is only one face upon a faience seal, flanked
by snakes kneeling with anjali mudra. On a critical observation from the two seals we
may draw some facts that, the snake was used either as an emblem of Proto-Śiva or Śiva-
Pasupati, suggested to became middle of the Trinity in Hindu Pantheon3 or it was the
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totem of devotees who worshipped the God of our seal.4 Some scholars remarks that,5 the
snake appears to be distinct from the kneeling suppliant, but the details being blurred, it
may be that “The tail of the snake is intended to be looped round and suppliant in this
case is meant to be a Nāga”. It was true that the Mahenjodaro Nāga appears as a devotee
and not as a deity. But some scholars believed that the snake from seals appears as a
protective deity i.e. Nāga.6 The Nāgas on the seals and sealings who was represents a
composite creatures, half-human and half-animal form as suppliants to a deity. Therefore,
they are regarded as Nāgas in a mythical form.7 According to Marshall’s8 clarification, “It
was best example for half human-half animal form among the three classes of animal
representation of Mohenjodaro. Anthropomorphism is going hand in hand with
theriomorphism, and the Nāgas seems to have assumed the quasi human form that has
distinguished them throughout the age.” However, the introduction of a Nāga in the role
of a suppliant is in itself a significant fact and it appears that some type of Nāga worship
was prevalent during this period.9 And the depiction of Snake-body is attached to the
back of the kneeling human votaries of the God was taken as the tradition by the early
Kuṣāṇas and subsequent representations of the Nāgas at Mathurā and other ancient sites
in India, the whole Serpent –body and Sometimes only its one or many hoods (five or
seven) are invariably attached behind the human body.10

Some clay amulets also witnessed the serpent during this period. On a clay
amulet the snake appears as being ritually offered milk.11 The snake appearing before a
low stool on which is probably an offering of milk, reminding the offering of, and milk
on the Nāga Panchamī day in honour of the Nāga dēvas.12

There are a few pieces of pottery, which also reveals us that deification, and
worship Snakes in the Indus valley civilization. Figure of a snake, in some cases with
expanded hoods and attendant cobras behind the worshippers was also seen in some of
the clay seals.13 In the other seals, the Snakes were representing in association with trees
was found.14

Scholars are of the opinion that the depiction of Snake on the seals and pottery
shown that the existing the Serpent worship and also informs us that the veneration to the
reptile was regular practice in the Harappan culture.15 It is continuing as an inheritance
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from Harappa civilization to our contemporary Indian society.16 The religion of Harappa
especially the snake cult did not die out but handed down through successive generations
of servile peasants.17

3.3 Nāgas in the Early Vēdic period (1600 B.C. - 1000 B.C.)

The Vēdas are considered as the oldest literature of India wrote in Sanskrit and
believed that the sacred literature of the Āryans. Since the hymns in the Vēda are
composed by ancient seers and passed on from generation to generation through an oral
tradition, they have come to be known as ‘Sruti’, meaning having heard.18 There are four
Vēdās viz, Ṛig Vēda, Yazur Vēda, Sāma Vēda and Atahrva Vēda and they describe the
antagonism between Āryans and the Dasyus i.e. cultured local peoples.19 Nāgas and their
worship were not only known, but prevalent in the Vedic period and it was pre dominant
among the Dravidians and also deep association with the names, such as Asura, Dānava,
Dasyu, Vṛtra, Ahi, Arbuda and Ahibhudhanya.20 Macconell’s surmise the Āryans that,
“Doubtless found the cult of Nāgas extensively diffused among the natives when they
spread over India, the land of Serpents.”21 The study of Nāgas in the Vēdas distinguished
in two parts viz, Rig-Vēdic or early Vēdic period and Later Vēdic period.

The Ṛig Vēda represents a comprehensive effort on the part of the wise men
(Āryans) among the ancients, to comprehend nature in all its incomprehensible and
awesome characteristics i.e. local people or dasyus. From this, we find some words like
‘Rākshesa’, ‘Dētya’, ‘Dānava’, ‘Ausra’, ‘Shūdra’, and ‘Ahi’ which are used for each
other in the very context of Nāga kula or Nāgas. The Āryans had enemies of two different
classes, the Vṛtra i.e. civilized foes and Dāsas or Asura i.e. enemies of non-Āryan origin.
Both of them in a general term applied to the people of the plains and believed to be a
warrior race.22 In the early part of the Rig-Vēda the term Asura is used for the supreme
spirit, also meant a God, divine, and was applied to deities such as Indra, Agni and
especially to Varuṇa.23 But later, the Asura word stood for the demons or enemies of
Suras or Gods.24 According to the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,25 the people “Who are godly
make their burial places four cornered, whilst those who are of the Asura nature the
easterners and others, make them round, and the Gods drove them from the region”.
About the distinction between Dēvas and Asuras, the Sathapatha Brāhmaṇa26 writes that,
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“Though both of them sprang from the creator Prajāpati and inherited speech, both true
and false-but that finally the Gods rejected untruth, whilst the Asuras spurned truth which
led to their downfall.” The later tradition states that though the Gods and Asuras were
equally powerful, their power was divided, the Gods exercising it by day and the Asuras
by night. Then the term Asura denoted the hostile native rulers and tribes opposed to
Aryan religious and political expansion.27

Some hymns of Rig-Vēda, Vṛtra and Dasyu are mentioned together. In Sāma
Vēda, the term Dasyu appears as an epithet of Vṛtra or his associates like susṇa. The
word Dasyu appears twice in a vegetative-cosmological context, once as an epithet of
Vṛtra, 28 and once of Susna; 29 Sometimes Vṛtra mentioned as the master of the Dāsas.30
Both the Dasyus and the Vṛtra had been association with the Serpents and always appear
as the enemies of the Aryans in a majority of cases in the Rig-Vēda.31 Dāsas or Dasyus
are separated from the Āryans by their colour32 black Varṇa.33 They were organized in
communities and against various Āryan Gods, like Indra.34

The Serpents appeared in the Ṛig Vēda Saṁhitā as both demonical creatures and
divine beings. A. A. Macdonell believed that,35 “Among the noxious animals of the Rig-
Vēda the serpents are the most prominent”. The word Sarpā occurs only once in the Rig-
Vēda.36 and another place as sarparāj̃nī 37 was used and has no direct connection with the
Snakes. Śāyana, the famous commentator of ṚigVēda was identified the sarparāj̃nīi as
the Earth Goddess or the Sun God.38 Mahidhara, another commentator suggest that she
was none else than Kadrū, the Serpent mother in the form of the Earth.39 About two
hundred and fifty hymns are devoted to the Vedic God Indra, as war God, the God who
chases away drought and darkness which symbolized by Asuras, Dasyus, Dāsas and
Dānavas.40

3.3.1 Vṛtra the Serpent

Vṛtra was the chief of Asuras is termed as a Snake in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa.
The Amarakosha referred the Vṛtra as the meaning of Devil (Dānava) and also a
Serpent.41 The term Vṛtra seems to have denoted the Serpent God and the worshippers of
the Serpent God, the aborigines who were not on good terms with the Vedic Āryans.42
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The etymological meaning of Vṛtra43 is made clear where Indra is described as having
‘covered up’44 Vṛtra, the demon enveloper. He was one of the most powerful enemies of
Indra and was represented as an Asura, Dasyu and a Dānava and was also of the Serpent
race of Ahi.45 Keith says,46 “From the single Vṛtra the Vedic conception, as often,
produces many Vṛtras, and we find also the plural use of foes who must be clearly
human, perhaps, however, never without a sub-reference to Vṛtra”. References too many
Vṛtras can be best explained by taking them as a tribe of Serpent worshippers.47 The most
important information about the demon in the later Vēdas is that Vṛtra is identical with
Sōma,48 the sacred sacrificial drink of the Vedic Āryans.49 The identification of soma and
Vṛtra appears in connection with a Myth regarding the origin of the some filter known as
Pavitra.50

Vṛtra is designated as Ahi or Serpent and darkness of winter. Vṛtra’s association

with Tamas (darkness) perhaps refers to his imprisoning the dark rain clouds.51 ‘Darkness
prevailed, shaking the foundation of the waters; within Vṛtra’s bowels the mountain (lay
concealed)52 by light (Indra) uncovered the surrounding darkness.53 Hence Vṛtra is
‘surrounded by darkness’.54 Although Vṛtra seems to be the darkness-Serpent, he is
Sometimes identified with the moon; the lord of night, for the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa says
that Indra is the Sun and Vṛtra the Moon.55

Vṛtra’s water-withholding nature is dwelt upon in various passages of the

ṚigVēda.56 Ahi, who is identified with Vṛtra,57 is described as Hidden in the waters.58
Vṛtra’s description as water withholding or as one who withheld the waters has given rise
to much poetic imagery.59 The condition of the waters in Vṛtra’s possession is worth
mentioning that, “Which (the waters) Vṛtra encompassed by his greatness60 the
encompassed confined floods,61the Snake who locked up tightly the waters and heaven62
and who lay tightly locking up the great waters.63 Vṛtra lies on or around the waters
which are held back by him in what is sometimes conceived as a hill, or mountain or
fastness.64 The waters and rivers played an important part in the life of the Āryans.
Therefore, that they sought for help from Gods such as Indra, when they believed that
Vṛtra imprisoned the waters, and the Gods obliged them by freeing them. Vṛtra is a cloud,
and he explains as the enveloper of rainwater and the giver of water or the cloud. Hence,
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Vṛtra, the enveloper of water, the cloud, obstructs the waters and thus resists their flow,
and the Indra is explained as “The killer of the cloud obstructer.”65 Indra pierced the
channels of the rivers with his thunderbolt66 when in the war between Vṛtra and Indra.67
Then he opened the channels of the waters, obstructed as they were.68 The water which is
released by Indra after the slaughter of the dragon Vṛtra might be either river or rain
waters. And the waters floods in motion to the sea.69 Long thought that Vṛtra was
“Rather the robber-guardian than the swallower of the waters”.70 According to Narayan
Aiyangar,71 “The Rig Vedic Āryans considered the Vṛtra’s darkness as the Sin.” So it was
seems to be essential to destruction the Sin i.e. Vṛtra.

3.3.2 Myth of Indra-Vṛtra

Vṛtra is the first-born of the dragons72 and is the worst obstructer73 and by this
reason the Gods being terrified by Vṛtra and fled away. They took decision together to
destroy him.74 The Gods guessed that the Vajra of the Indra is the only weapon to do this
and finally Indra made ready to fight against Vṛtra.75 The fight start off between Rain
God Indra and the God of droughts i.e. Vṛtra or just Snake. Vṛtra represented as so strong
than the Indra76 and his clouds are huge Parvata,77 from where Indra smashes the demons.
Although Vṛtra puts up a good fight in the beginning when Indra is alone,78 at the end of
war Indra, together with the maruts,79 is said to have cleaved Vṛtra’s head80 and manages
to kill him and releases the Waters.81

V. A. Gadgil believed that,82 the Indra-Vṛtra conflict represents the eternal

conflict between Tejas (Lighting) and Tamas (Darkness). But K. Ronnow83 thought that
“The Indra –Vṛtra conflict represents the tension between the Dēva and Asura cults of the
immigrant Āryans and the Nāga cults of the native peoples.” H. A. Shaha84 attempted an
astronomical interpretation that, “Vṛtra-Ahi-Snake represents the regent of the Serpent
God Aslēśa. Indra is the regent God of the sun. Indra’s fight with Vṛtra puts him at the
summer solstice point and also at the autumnal equinox.”

Ṛig Vēda 85 and Satapatha Brāhmaṇa 86 informs us that Indra after killing Vṛtra
became afraid. Then the Gods requested Vāyu to find if Vṛtra was really dead. When
Vāyu found that Vṛtra was dead, the Gods rushed towards the dead Vṛtra and seized the
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various cups. But then the dead Vṛtra stank in their nostrils. So Vāyu together with the
Gods blew through Vṛtra. After the second blowing the soma became palatable. Hence
the vessels containing the soma juice are called Vāyaua (Vāyu’s vessel). Aitareya
Brāhmaṇa says that,87 Indra, after having killed Vṛtra, having won all victories, said to
Prajapati, Let me be what you art, let me be great. Prajapati replied, in that Indra became
great, that is why Mahēndra has his name.

3.3.3 Miscellaneous Serpents in the Rig-Vēda

“Vṛtra, the enemy of Indra, reappears in all the Dragons, Snakes or worms slain
by all the heroes of Āryan mythology.88 We have references to Ahi, the demon Vṛtra,
literally a serpent, cloud or water, and to Ahibudhanya (orAhirbudhnya) i.e. another
designination of the “Serpent of deep”,89 may as well stand for an atmospheric deity.
Possibly represents the beneficial aspects of the clouds of heaven. The word Ahi meaning
a Serpent and having a hood is clear and is comparatively more frequent in certain
portions of the text,90 and this term applied to the Asuras or Dasyus91 in negative
character. In many passages of Ṛig Vēda, Ahi appears to have a metaphorical sense and
refers to a demon like Vṛtra that prevented waters from flowing down.92 The word Ahi
appears as an epithet of Vṛtra93 recorded to have thought himself to be immortal. Several
Ahis are mentioned in the Rig-Vēda 94 and Vṛtra acted as their chief and hidden in the
waters.95 The Rivers swallowed up by Ahi and this is the cause of himself killed by Indra,
like Vṛtra to release the waters from his bondage.96 Although the Ahi-Vṛtra was treated in
the Rig-Vēda as an enemy of Indra, but gradually they transformed into Ahibudhnya,
which clearly shown in the later Vedic periods.97 The Ahibudhanya represents probably
the beneficial side of the character of Ahi-Vṛtra is the Aryan attitude but the
Ahibudhanya seems to have been the indigenous attitude and this was accepted by the
Aryans as early as the later Rig Vedic times.98

We found Arbuda as one more Serpent. Just as Indra was associated in his demon
slaying activities with other Gods, like the Maruts, Viṣṇu or Agni, similarly Vṛtra too was
associated in his activities with lesser demons, like Arbuda, Susnna etc. Arbuda appears
several times as an associate of Vṛtra and mentioned thrice together with Vṛtra and other
demons. Although, Rig-Vēda make it clear that Arbuda too is a demon obstructing the
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smooth flow of vegetal life, after killing whom Indra released the waters,99 but he grow to
be a Serpent God in the later Vedic period.100 Bloomfield suggested that the Rig-Vedic
import of the saga of Arbuda was forgotten in this Later Vedic period and Arbuda
becomes a Serpent God in the Atharva Vēda.101 According to the Aravinda Ghosh,102
“The fact that the clouds of heaven have been conceived” as a Serpent is of interest, as it
appears to us to be the earliest Indian reference to the Nāgas connection with the element
of Water and of its power of bestowing and with holding the rains. The Worship of the
Snake could never have been wholly non- Aryan, for the Aryans themselves worshipped
Ahi Bhudhnya.103 R.C. Majumdar says that,104 “Ahirbudhanya is being a beneficial agent.
This ambivalent attitude towards this creature has persisted all through the centuries in
India shown to the present times.”

The same legends like Vṛtra was also found in the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa,105
Mahābhārata106 and Devī Bhāgavata107 and Some scholars suggested that, during the
classical mythology Vṛtra was replaced by Śeṣa,108 and the later sources told that Vṛtra
was created by Prajapati Kaśyapa to kill the Indra. 109

Winand M. Callewaert stated that,110 “This Vedic battle between an autochthonal

religion and the Vedic religion was fought in mythological times, but in fact it is a
continuous fight, between Drought and Rain, between Evil and Good”. Narayan Aiyangar
opined that,111 “The Ṛig Vēdic Āryans premeditated the Vṛtra’s darkness as the Sin. So it
was seems to be essential to destruction the sin i.e. Vṛtra.” A. P Karmarkar opined that
“The introduction of the Indra-Vṛtra myth was the first step in the Aryanization of the
Snake cult, conquered by the conquerors”.112

The legend may possibly concluded that, this conflict between the original settlers
of India, whose religion was the worship of Nāgas, and the Aryans whose religious ideas
and traditions were different from those of the former had been reconciled. The serpent
was described in Ṛig Vēda as the demonical nature, and then metamorphosed into the
Semi-Divine character attributed to it. It is here also that we meet with the term Nāga for
the first time, attended with anthropomorphic features. Side by side there seems to have
been a non Aryan cult i.e. snake cult which continued by the non Āryan people.113
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3.4 Nāgas in the later Vēdic period (1000 B.C. to 600 B.C.)

Serpent worship in a fully developed form does not appear in the Ṛig Vēda, but it
is found as an object of devotion and an element of religion, especially in the Atharva
Vēda and Yajur-Vēda.114 Vṛtra who is Ahi, appears in the Yajur Vēda personification of
all the benefits derivable from sacrifice, knowledge, fame, food and prosperity.115 And
they were ample references are made to charms against Snake bite to the idea of the
Snake as guardian, and other topics connected with the Snake worship.116 Initially Aryans
may have opposed Snake practice, but later they assimilated the Snake cult from the
Dasyus as part of their religion and was signified in the later Vedic period by the later
Vēdas. In the later Vēdas the Serpents are mentioned as a class of semi-divine beings,
Shishṇa Dēvas and reverence to the divine folk along with Gandharvās, Yakshas and
others,117 and for the first time we find Nāgas as divine anthropomorphic form in the later
Vedic period.

Many passages in the later Vēdās unmistakably refer to the great awe, veneration
and homage to serpents in which these dread. A passage from the Maitrāyaṇī Saṁhitā118
pays homage to the Serpents. Atharva Vēda contains numerous interesting references to
the Serpents. They here are mythic, not the poisonous individuals and calls as the
Dēvajanas (God people),119 and describes them as protectors of quarters.120 They are
stated to be in earth, air and heaven.121 It refers to various Snake Gods by name, for
example: Pridāku, Tiraschiraji, Kalmasagriva etc. and Takṣaka mentions in one passage
as a God and descendant of visala.122 It is a well-known fact that this Vēda consists
largely of magical spells. Many of them are charms resorted to avert the danger of
Snakes,123 and a rite of propitiation on the full moon day of Mārgaśīrsha. They are
recognized as Gods,124 and called euphemistically ‘biting ropes.’125 A passage from the
Atharva Vēda we find two different sentiments. Certain Snakes have been addressed as
Dēvajanas. This leaves hardly any doubt that they were looked upon as divine beings.
On the other hand, the author of the hymn has expressed a desire for their destruction.
The two aspects of propitiation and extermination were celebrated simultaneously and it
was provide a clue about the origin of Snake worship. The terms Asita, Tiraśchirāji,
Svaja and Babhru which occur in this passage, are commonly explained as denoting
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certain extent species of Snakes, and these are the personal names of Snake-demons,
which are associated with the four quarters of the sky. 127

From the two hymns in the Atharva Vēda, 128 we find such a group of four Nāgas
is often invoked, although under different names, associates with the Vedic divinities are
connected with the four quarters for protection. Both these hymns contain homage to the
Gods of the Quarters, but it is significant that the first of the two is also used as Serpent-
incantation. Ralph Griffith is right in explaining the twenty seventh hymns, as a magical
formula to win the favours of Serpents of all the regions under heaven. That these
secondary guardians are divine Serpents is evident from their names, which to some
extent agree with that group of four Serpents mat within various passages of the Atharva
Vēda. Vogel surmise that the idea of four or six Dragons guarding the corners of the
world is more primitive than that of the anthropomorphic Lōkapālas.129

Hence, the Snake Worship in the later Vedic period is varied and complicated in
character. Barth rightly observes that,130 “The Serpent religion in India during this period
form a complex whole and as such is not accounted for viewing it as a sample worship of
deprecation.” He distinguishes it as the three manners i.e. the direct adoration of the
Snake, the most formidable and mysterious of all the enemies of men. Worship of the
deities of the waters, springs and rivers, symbolized by the waving form of the Serpent.
Conceptions of the same kind as that of Ṛig Vedic Ahi and connected clearly with the
great myth of the storm and the struggle of light with darkness. So, The Snake Worship
was predominant among the Dravidians as well as the Āryans in the Later Vedic period is
shown by the term Nāga gradually superseding the other names used in Sanskrit literature
for the Dravidians.”131

3.5 Nāga cult in the Gṛihyasūtra period (600 B.C. to 200 B.C.)

The second component of early Hinduism was called as the Sūtra or Gṛihyasūtra
period which deals with the domestic life of the people with a special perspective of the
early religious beliefs of the Hindus. The duties of people from birth to death are
described in detail. There is no doubt that the Gṛihyasūtras represent popular tradition far
more truly and completely than any other form of literature, in spite of their being stepped
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in dogmatic rules and regulations about the most apparently trivial acts. And we have
ample references to the adoration of the Snake, and the propitiation of Snakes and its
offerings in a prescribed form in this period. The belief and worship of Nāgas is
renowned in Indian literature during this period, and the motif of Nāgas doing paying
homage to a deity is a very favourite theme in Indian art.132

In the later Vedic period, Nāgas appear in the Vedic Pantheon as semi-divine
beings, but in the sūtra period they are raised to an equal position of the Vedic Gods,133
and are called for the first time as the Nāgas as their name, and are supposed to belong to
Earth, Sky and Heaven, as also to the quarters.134 In the Sutras offerings are prescribed
for the Snakes of the three regions,135 they are washed, combed, presented with
collyrium, ointment and garlands, and duly fed.136 They receive offerings along with
Gods, Plants and Demons, and blood is poured out for them,137 and a fact which brings
them into conjunction with Rudra.138 It is only reasonable to recognize in this direct
worship of the terrible Snake, which is thus propitiated and honoured with the hope that it
will stay away from the houses of those who shows it respect. A. B. Keith rightly says
that,139 “The feeling is common in ancient India, and is a good case of propitiation due to
terror and awe rather than to loving admiration. It is possible that the mention of Snakes
of the air and the sky, may have been aided by the conception of the Snake Vṛtra, but it
may be merely due to the formalism of the ritual, and the constant tendency to spread
every power over the three parts of the universe”.

The Gṛihyasūtras contains an account of the Sarpābali140 (Nāgabali or offering to

a Nāga deity) which has two-fold purpose, honouring and warding-off the Serpents. The
whole observance takes no less than four rainy months for every year. A five hooded
Snake of wood or clay is to be made and worshipped for a year under this ceremony.
According to A. Coomaraswami,141 this is an interesting evidence of the making of
images in impermanent materials. And it is may be the first object to worship the Nāgas
as prescribed in literature. The ceremony is started on the full moon of Śravaṇa (August-
September) and concluded on the full moon of Mārgaśira (November-December).
During this period, people sleep on bed steads raised from the ground in order to protect
themselves from the dangerous animal. The sacrificer should go out to the east, pour
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water in the ground on a clear spot and offer sacrifice with the following formula:142
To the divine hosts of the Serpents, svaha, the Serpents which are terrestrial, which are
aerial, which are celestial, which dwell in the direction (of the horizon) to them, I have
brought the Bali (sacrificial offerings), them I give over these Bali.

Further the sacrificer should offer the Bali to the Serpents in the evening and in
the morning until the pratyavarohaṇa (it is a Sanskrit word, meaning descending or
moving downwards. The ceremony of resident is performed on the full moon to full
moon on the 14th tithi. And it is designated as the concluding the ceremony) with the
formula, “to the divine hosts of Serpents Svaha.” The Āsvalāyana GS143 says that to
gratify the Snake the sacrificer should offer them the blood of the sacrificial animal with
the formula: Hissing ones, noisy ones, searching ones, seizing ones, Serpents, what here
belongs to you, take that.

The Gobhila GS,144 while describing the rites connected with the house
(vāstuśamana), mentions that “Ten offerings (bali) are to be made to the regents of the
ten regions (diśas), among the others Vāsuki is supposed to the downwards.” The
Pāraskara GS145 prescribes that one that wishes the Snakes not to enter in his certain
area, should go round that area three times, sprinkling an uninterrupted stream of water
with the following verses: Drive away, o white one! With thy for with the hind-foot, These
seven children of Varuna and all the daughters of The king’s tribe. Within the dominion
of the white one, the Serpent has seen nobody. To the white one, the son of Vidara!
Adoration! Svaha!

The Pāraskara GS146 also prescribed the sacrificial rites to the Serpents. We can
clearly have shown that the Serpent rite is prescribed in the rainy season only. During the
period of Sarpābali, the Serpents driven out of their holes by water, and seek refuge in
the dwellings of men. At this movement, the danger from the Serpents is greatest. Vogel
points that, “This observation also helps us to understand the close relationship with a
popular belief has established between the Snakes and the water.”147 The fact that Snakes
regularly appear at the commencement of the rainy season, it could be easily concluded
that the advent of the rains was due to the magical power of this animal.
 49

The continuity of the Sarpābali ceremony and traditions which are prescribed in
the Gṛihyasūtras regarding the Snakes was also found in the later literature,148 which lay
down rules regarding the killing of Snakes. They says, if man kills a Snake “He must fast
one day, and on the next day he must give a dish of a milk, sesame and rice mixed
together to a Brahman and give him an iron hoe as his fee. It is also mentioned that the
list of duties of a householder that respect should be paid to the Serpent demons Taksha
and Upataksha. The evidence from the Law Book of Viṣṇu regarding the Snakes is
enough to show that the Snake cult was adopted by the Āryans. The custom of
worshipping the Asṭa Nāgas (Vāsuki, Takṣaka, Śeṣa, ets.) and the Snake Goddess
Mānasā, (Serpent deity of Bengal region) during the rains and especially on the Nāga
Pañcamī day, even now this practice was prevalent all over India, and seems to be the
popular counterpart of the Sarpābali practice of the Gṛihyasūtras.149

In the words of D. C. Sircar, “Nāgas formed from metamorphosed into the semi-
divine character attributed to it when it is classed with Gandharvā, etc during the Sūtra
period”150 and to be sure that we meet with the term Nāga for the first time, attended with
anthropomorphic features. An important legacy received by Indian art from its Vedic
sources of life and literature that includes the symbols of Serpent also. All this shows that
Nāga worship became part and parcel of the Āryan religion during the Sūtras period. The
popularity of the festivity (Nāga -māha), fairs and processions in their honour (Nāga-
yātra) from one corner of the country to the other certainly makes the cult of Nāga
worship more ancient than even that of Yaksha and others worship itself. Sarpābali type
of cult of adoration seems to have been derived from the association of the Āryans with
the aboriginals of the land, which is evident from the Harappan representations. We have
a long tradition in our literature relation to this cult.151
 50

References

1. Ernest Mackay, The Indus Civilization, (London, 1935), p.83

2. John Marshall (Ed), Mohenjodaro and the Indus civilization, Vol. I, ch. I-XIX,
p.68; Volume: III, p. 395, fig. CXVI. No. 29, CXVIII. No 11; Vijneshu Mohan,
Harappan civilization, B.R. Publishing Corporation, (Delhi, 2005), p.135, pl.1;
Joseph Compbell, The Masks of God: Oriental Mythology, Vol. II, (London,
1962), p. 170, fi.19
3. John Marshall, op.cit, Vol. I, p. 56; Vol. II, p.395, pl. CXVI, No.29, CXVII.
No.11; E.J.H. Mackay, Further Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro, Vol. 1, pp.359-
362; Joseph Compbell, op.cit, p.170
4. J. N. Banerjea, DHI, (New Delhi, 1974), p. 176; Benjamin Rowland, The art and
architecture of India, Penguin books, Maryland, (U.S.A., 1970), pp. 37-38
5. John Marshall, op.cit, Vol. I, p. 68
6. Arun Bhattacharjee, Bharatavarsha, (New Delhi, 1988), pp.28-29
7. John Marshall, op.cit, p. 68; Ernest Mackay, op.cit, p. 83
8. Ibid, Vol. I, p. 74
9. Ernest Mackay, op.cit, p.83
10. John Marshall, op.cit, p.68
11. Radhakamal Mukerjee, The Culture and Art of India, (London,1959), p. 52
12. Ernest Mackay, op.cit, p.83
13. E. J. H. Mackay, op. cit., pp. 359-360 and 362; Ernest Mackay, op.cit, p.83
14. A. P. Karmarkar, The Religion of India, Vol. I, p. 190
15. John Marshall, op.cit, Vol. I, p. 56; Vol. II, p.395. pl.CXVI-No.29, CXVII-
No.11; E.J.H. Mackay, op. cit., pp. 359-362; Ernest Mackay, op.cit, p.83
16. Edgar Thurston, Ethnographic notes in Southern India, Part. I, (Delhi, R.P, 1975),
pp. 285-286
17. Arun Bhattacharjee, op.cit, p. 28
18. Edavana Damodaran, The story of India, (Mumbai, 1997), p.78
19. R. D. Baneerjee, Pre Historic Ancient Hindu India, (Delhi, 1979), p. 19
 51

20. Gilbert Slater, The Dravidian element in Indian culture, (New Delhi, 1982), p. 83;
E.W. Hopkins (Ed), The Religions of India, (London, 1902), p. 154
21. ASR., AR, 1924-25, p. 61
22. Modali Nagabhushana Sarma, Mudigonda Veerabhadra Sastry(Ed), History and
culture of the Andhras, (Hyadarabad, 1995), p.451
23. RV, I.7.2, p.100; I.10.2.ver-9, p.172
24. RV, I.7.2, pp.100-105
25. SAB, 8.8.1.5
26. Ibid., 9.5.1.12
27. Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, 4.5
28. RV, II.11.18
29. RV, VIII.6.14
30. RV, IV. 17.1; X.111.9
31. RV, I.63.4; I.78.4; VI.29.6;
32. RV, I.104.2; II.12.4; X.86.19
33. RV, II.20.7; VI.47.21; VIII.73.18
34. RV, IV.28.4; VI.25.2; X.148.2
35. A. A. Macdonell, A History of Sanskrit Literature, P-110
36. RV, X.16.6; Satya Shrava, A Comprehensive History of Vedic Literature, (New
Delhi, 1977), pp.229-230
37. RV, X.189.1-3
38. A. K. Bhattacharya, Tara as a Serpent Deity and its Jain Counterpart Padmavati,
(Ed) D.C.Sirkar, The Sakti cult and Tara, (Calcutta, 1967), pp.152-153.
39. Ibid.
40. RV, X.11, pp. 445-446; X.11.6
41. P. S. Dwivedi (Ed), Essays on Indian art and culture, (Varanasi,1992), p.114
42. 148-51
43. RV, III.34.3
44. Ibid.
45. SAB, I. 6. 3.9; RV, I, II, 6-7
 52

46. Arthur Berriedale Keith, The religion and philosophy of the Veda and
Upanishads, (Delhi, 1976), p. 234
47. RV, VI. 29.6; VII. 19. 4; X. 83. 7; VI. 33. 3; VII. 83. 9; IX. 88. 4
48. E. Washburn Hopkins, Epic Mythology, (Delhi, 1915), p.185
49. Taittiriya Samhita.VI. 4.7
50. Gordon R. Wasson. Soma: divine mushroom of immortality, (New York,1968),pp.
51-58
51. RV, VI. 104.2
52. RV, I.54.10
53. RV, V.31.3
54. RV, X.113.6
55. SAB quoted in Muir’s Texts, V.p.96
56. RV, II.14.2; IV.20.2; IX.61.22
57. RV, VI.20.2
58. RV, II.11.5
59. RV, VIII. 100.7
60. RV, I.32.3
61. RV, IV.19.8
62. RV, II.11.5
63. RV, VIII.6.16
64. Ajoy Kumar Lahiri, Vedic Vṛtra, (Delhi, 1984), p.206
65. Four Holy Places of Pilgrimage , p. 2
66. RV, II.15.3; I.16.80
67. RV, I.51.4; V.32.2; VI.17.1; VIII.32.25; I.32.11
68. RV, IV.28.1
69. RV, VIII.100.12; VI.17.12; VI.30.4; VIII.6.13; VIII.76.3; II.13.5; III.33.7;
IV.19.2
70. Andrew Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, vol. I, Longmans and Green, (London,
1887), p.42
71. Narayan Aiyangar, Essays on indo Aryan mythology, (New Delhi, 1987), p.173
72. RV, I.32.3-4
 53

73. RV, I.32.5

74. RV, IV.18.11; VIII.96.7
75. RV, IV. 19.1; VI.17.8; VI.25.8; VIII.12.22
76. RV, I.100.15; I.32.11; X.2.7.V. 2, p75; X.11.5.V2
77. RV, I.32.1; I.32.2; I.51.4; I.57.6; V.32.1; VI.30.5; V.32.2
78. RV, VIII.6.6
79. RV, VIII.76.2
80. RV, I.100.2; III.35.9; III.47.3;VI.17.11
81. RV, I.15.10; I.10.2.v 4-5; I.13.7.v 2-13; I.1.7.2; I.1.7.3; X.10.1.v 4-8; X .12.1
82. Indra the Representative of the Highest Physical Aspect of Nature, ABORI; vol.
XXVII, parts I-IV, p-134
83. K. Ronnow, Vedic Krivi, Acta Orientalia, vol.XVI, (1927), p.161
84. H. A. Shaha, Vedic Gods, ABORI, vol. XVII, part .II, p. 97,121-136
85. RV, I.32, 14
86. SAB, IV.1.3. 1-10
87. Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, III.21.
88. C. S. Wake, Serpent Worship and other essays, (London, 1888),p. 85
89. RV, VI. 18.14; I.32.2; I.32.11
90. RV, I.15.9.ver.2; X.10.12.ver-6-8; VI.75.14, (ahiriva bhogaiḥ paryeti bāhum)
91. RV, IX.88.4; X .139.6; I.32.14
92. RV, I.32.11
93. RV, VI.20.2; II.11.5
94. RV, IX.88.4; X.139.6; I.32.14
95. RV, II.11.5
96. RV, IV. 17.1;X.111.9
97. P. Banerjee, Early Indian religions, (Delhi,1975), p.100
98. Ibid, p.66
99. RV, II.11.20; II.14.4; VIII.3.19; VIII.32.3; VIII.32.26; X.67.12; VI.20.7
100. AV, 9.23
101. Bloomfield, Hymns of the AV, SBE. vol. XLII, p.631
 54

102. Arabinda Ghosh, Remains of the Barhut Stupa in the Indian Museum, Part-I,
(Calcutta, 1978), pp.46-47
103. Arthur Anthony Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, (Varanasi, 1963) pp.72-73
104. R. C. Majumdar, (Ed), The age of imperial unity, Vol. II, (Bombay, 1951),
pp.471-472
105. SAB, 1.6.3
106. MB, Udyoga, ch.9-10; Ādi, ch. 65, 169; Vana, ch. 101; Santi, ch. 281-283;
Aranya, ch.101
107. E. Thurston, Casts and Tribes of South India, Vol. V, MTOP, (Cosmo, 1975), pp.
35-37; Sir William Jones (Ed), Asiatic researches, Vol. VIII, (New Delhi,1979),
p.6 and 39
108. A. L. Basham, The origin and development of classical Hinduism, (Ed) Kenneth
G. Zysk, p. 75
109. Devī-Bhāgavata, skanda.6; Padma Purāṇa, Bhumi Khaṇḍa. ch. 23-24
110. Winand M. Callewaert, The gods and temples in south India, (Delhi,1995), p.79
111. Narayan Aiyangar, op. cit., p.173
112. P. Banerjee, op. cit., pp. 95-96
113. A. K. Bhattacharya, op. cit., pp.153-154
114. A. A. Macdonell, A History of Sanskrit Literature, (London, 1900), p. 182
115. Yazur Vēda, Tr.by A.B. Keith, I.10.1
116. Pradyot Kumar Maity, HGM, (Calcutta, 1966), p.16
117. Tr.by Maurice Bloomfield, Hymns of AV, SBE, Vol. XLII, (Oxford,1897),
pp.151-153
118. Maitrāyaṇī Saṁhitā, II, 7. 15; IV, 2.2
119. AV, VI, 56, Iff; Maurice Bloomfield, op. cit., p.580
120. AV, III, 27.1
121. AV, XI.9; Maurice Bloomfield, op. cit., pp. 631-634
122. Maurice Bloomfield, op. cit., IV.6, pp. 373-374,554
123. Ibid., IV.6; VI.12; VI.13; VII.56
124. M. Bloomfield, op. cit., VI. 56
125. Ibid, XLII, pp. 151-154, 425,487, 552ff, 605, 640, 43, 119, 126, 162, 147
 55

126. AV, VI. 56

127. J. Ph. Vogel, ISL, (New Delhi, 1995), p.8
128. AV, III, 26 and27; V. 13; VII. 56; X. 4
129. J. Ph. Vogel, ISL, p. 9
130. A. Barth, The Religions of India, ( New Delhi), p.166
131. Gilbert Slater, op. cit., p. 83
132. John Marshall, op.cit, p. 68; Monier Williams, Religious thought and life in India,
(Calcutta,1978), pp.79-80
133. S. R. Goyal, A religious history of ancient India, (Meerut), Vol. I, p.79
134. N. N. Bhattacharyya, Buddhism in the history of Indian ideas, (Manohar,1993),
p.109
135. AGS, ii.1.9; PGS,ii,14.9
136. AGS, iii,4.1; PGS.ii, 14.17; GGS, iv. 9.3; iv. 15.4
137. AGS, iv. 8.27
138. AGS. iv, 8.27; PGS. ii.14
139. Arthur Berriedale Keith, op. cit., p.194
140. AGS. ii.1.9; ii, 1.1-15; ii, iii. 1-3; PGS. ii.14
141. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian art, (New
Delhi,1972), p.43
142. AGS. ii. i.9
143. Ibid., iv.8.27
144. GGS, iv, 7, 41, pp. 123-124
145. PGS, ii. 14. 3-5
146. Ibid, ii.14.9
147. J. Ph. Vogel, ISL, p.11
148. Tr.by Julius Jolly, The institutes of Vishṇu, SBE. Vol.VII, (Oxford, 1880), L.31.p.
160; LXVII. 4-5, p. 212
149. Shantilal Nagar, Indian Gods and Goddesses, Vol. III, (Delhi, 2005), p.166
150. D. C. Sircar, The Sakti cult and Tara, p. 153
151. V. S. Agrawala, Prachina Bharatiya Lokadharma. P. 68; H. Zimmer, The Art of
Indian Asia. Vol. I, pp. 25-26