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4TH of July

The 4th of July, commonly referred to as Independence Day, is a federal holiday in the

United States of America (Perry et al., 7224). This holiday started in 1941; however, its

traditional celebrations go back to the American Revolution in the 18th Century. The Continental

Congress, on July 2, 1776, voted for independence, which resulted in the declaration of

independence two days later by the 13 colonies delegates. Since then, July 4 is celebrated as the

date when America got its independence, where people conduct fireworks, concerts, and parades

and hold family meetings and barbecues. Few colonists sought full freedom from Great Britain

when the Revolutionary War began in April 1775, and those who did were considered radicals

(Burstein, 22). Due to the anti-British sentiment and the dissemination of revolutionary

sentiments like those articulated in Thomas Paine's bestselling pamphlet "Common Sense,"

published in early 1776, several more colonists supported independence in the middle of the

following year (Perry et al., 7234). Richard Henry Lee, a Virginia delegate, proposed a motion

calling for the colonies' independence at the Continental Congress meeting on June 7 at the

Pennsylvania State House in Philadelphia.

Congress delayed a vote on Lee's proposal amid heated debate but named a five-person

committee which included Virginia's Thomas Jefferson, Massachusetts' John Adams,

Connecticut's Roger Sherman, Pennsylvania's Benjamin Franklin, and New York's Robert R.
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Livingston, to draft a formal statement defending the break with Great Britain. The Continental

Congress voted near-unanimously in favor of Lee's resolution for independence on July 2 (Davis,

65). On that same day, John Adams wrote to his wife Abigail, declaring that July 2 "will be

celebrated, by succeeding Generations, as the great anniversary Festival," with "Pomp and

Parade...Games, Sports, Weapons, Bells, Bonfires, and Illuminations from one End of this

Continent to the other,” (Perry et al., 7240). The Continental Congress formally adopted the

Declaration of Independence on July 4, which was largely written by Jefferson (Perry et al.,

7243). Even though the actual vote for independence took place on July 2, the 4th of July has

since become the day commemorating the birth of American independence.

In the years leading up to the Revolution, colonists organized regular festivals of the

king's birthday, including bell ringing, bonfires, processions, and speeches. During the summer

of 1776, some colonists commemorated the birth of independence by staging mock funerals for

King George III, meant to symbolize the monarchy's rule over America being ended and the

victory of liberty (Perry et al., 7246). Concerts, bonfires, parades, and the shooting of cannons

and muskets generally followed the Announcement of Independence's initial public readings,

which began shortly after its adoption (Burstein, 36). Although Congress still was busy with the

ongoing war, Philadelphia held the first annual remembrance of independence on July 4, 1777.

To commemorate the anniversary of independence in 1778, George Washington gave all of his

soldier’s double rations of rum (Perry et al., 7249). Massachusetts became the first state to make

July 4 an official state holiday in 1781, a few months before the crucial American victory at the

Battle of Yorktown.

Following the Revolutionary War, Americans celebrated Independence Day every year,

with celebrations that enabled the new nation's emerging political leaders to address people and
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foster a sense of unity. From the last decade of the 18th century, the two main political forces

that had emerged, the Federalist Party and the Democratic-Republicans, were conducting

independent Fourth of July festivals in several major cities. After the War of 1812, where the

United States once again confronted Great Britain, the revolutionary celebration became much

more popular. The United States Congress declared July 4 a public holiday in 1870, and the

clause was extended in 1941 to include all federal workers (Perry et al., 7254). While the

political significance of the holiday waned over time, it remained a significant public holiday and

a sign of patriotism (Perry et al., 7258). The Fourth of July, which falls in the middle of summer,

has been a key focus of recreational activities and a popular place for family gatherings, with

fireworks and outside barbecues, since the late 19th century (Davis, 90). The American flag is

the most famous emblem of the holiday, and "The Star-Spangled Banner," the patriotic song of

the United States, is a popular musical backing track.

There has been an epochal change in the global racial order that had existed for decades

since the end of World War II (Perry et al., 7268). The atrocities of fascism and a surge of ant

colonialism promoted a break from biologic and eugenic race ideologies, challenging White

supremacy ideology on various fronts. Antiracist movements became a critical part of

progressive political projects around the world, and scholarly projects in genetics, anthropology,

and culture, among others, were profoundly rethought (Perry et al., 7280). The Civil Rights

Movement in the United States was instrumental in opposing and eventually undermining Jim

Crow1 segregation practices in the south. The Movement's initial strategic drive was for racial

integration in different institutional arenas and the expansion of legal equality for all people

regardless of "color." This occurred in the sense of economic development and the central

government's expanding position and reached (Perry et al., 7292). The world has changed, and
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there are many ironies to be found. "The core issues of race still appear historically in

articulation, in a creation, with other categories and distinctions, and are continually crossed and

reclosed by categories of class, gender, and ethnicity," Hall writes in a critique of racial idealism

(Perry et al., 7296). When we speak about African - Americans of color, we always talk about

race; when we talk about women, we only talk about gender; and when we talk about the poor

and working-class, we only talk about class. Any precise demarcation of basic "difference" in

institutional and daily life is continuously broken (Perry et al., 7302). This emphasizes the

importance of comprehending how changes in racial context are influenced by changes in gender

and social status (Burstein, 72). Racism is also associated with color consciousness, although its

absence is associated with color blindness (Perry et al., 7308). They regard affirmation of

distinction and racial identity among racially identified black students as racist in this way.

In the United States, there have been historical continuities in trends of race relevance.

Throughout most of America's past, the color line was strictly applied, and racial disparities have

persisted despite political changes (Perry et al., 7316). However, I agree that the present

historical period is relatively special in terms of racial definitions. White privilege has been

severely questioned in the United States and worldwide over the last 50 years (Hawken, 120).

Since the end of World War II, there is an epochal change in the logic, structure, and activities of

the nearly a century global racial order (Philip, 180). The Civil Rights Movement in the United

States and anti-fascist movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America initiated the break from

biological and eugenic race ideologies (Perry et al., 7334). Antiracist programs have become

critical components of a larger project in the United States to expand political democracy. These

events offer a specific historical background for comprehending the significance we place on

race.
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While older race paradigms can help us understand what's going on today, it's critical to

place different models of race and ethnicity in a historical context and see them as reflecting

historically relevant issues (Philip, 223). At the turn of the century, the massive influx of various

groups of European immigrants sparked sociological debate about assimilation and group

integration into American life. Similarly, the increasing surge of migrant communities from

Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean, the former Soviet Union, and elsewhere offers an

opportunity to reconsider the essence of immigration, identity, and community formation;

however, the jury is still out on whether older models should be changed to account for modern

realities, or whether new and fundamentally different models are needed.

One of America's favorite holidays is celebrating the birth of our nation. Picnics,

barbecues, lawn games, fireworks, and reunions with friends and relatives make this a truly

family holiday (Hawken, 134). It also signifies the start of hot days, summer fun, and the joy of

being outside. But, above all, Independence Day brings us together to celebrate our shared

history as Americans, regardless of our political beliefs (Perry et al., 7390).Presidents' Day,

Memorial Day, Flag Day, and Veterans Day are among America's patriotic holidays. Still, it is

the celebration of "The Fourth" that most evokes American history and the freedoms we enjoy.

Most Americans know what they'll be doing to celebrate the holiday well in advance, and

children all over the country look forward to staying up late to watch fireworks, which has been a

long-anticipated tradition since childhood. Even the smallest towns and villages have their

special salute to our country for daytime events.

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Works Cited

Burstein, Andrew. America’s Jubilee. New York, Vintage Books, 2002.

Davis, Susan G. Parades and Power: Street Theatre in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia.

Berkeley, Calif., University Of California Press, ©, (Printing, 1986.

Hawken, Henry A. Trumpets of Glory: Fourth of July Orations, 1786-1861. Granby, Conn.,

Salmon Brook Historical Society, 1976.

Perry, Joe, et al. A History of Western Society, Value Edition, Volume 1. 2013. Vol. 1.

Philip Sheldon Foner. We, the Other People. Alternative Declarations of Independence by Labor

Groups, Farmers, Woman’s Rights Advocates, Socialists, and Blacks, 1829- 1975, Ed.,

with Introd. And Notes, by Philip S [Heldon] Foner. Urbana, Ill., Etc., University Of

Illinois Pr, 1976.