1

Suggested time allotment: 3 hours

UNIT

1 INTRODUCTION TO GLOBALIZATION

Lesson 1 Defining Globalization

TARGET GOALS FOR THE UNIT

o Make a video presentation declaring on the positive or negative on the issue of
globalization. (Ap)

Values Desired: Self-awareness, Attentiveness, Creativity

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES

 Write a personal definition of globalization. (U)

 Identify the underlying philosophies of the varying definitions of globalization.
(U)
 Discuss and the positive and negative effects of globalization. (U)

Pre-Exercises:

What do you think is the importance of defining

globalization?

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Enumerate at least three of the most recent songs you have listened. Where did they
originate? Identify the nationality of the writer and/ or artist for each music.

TITLE OF THE SONG ORIGIN ARTIST/MUSICIAN/NATIONALITY

1.
2.
3.
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II. INPUT
Globalization
The term globalization became popular in social science in the 1990s. It derives
from the word globalize, which refers to the emergence of an international network of
economic systems. The term 'globalization' had been used in its economic sense at
least as early as 1981, and in other senses since at least as early as 1944. (Guttal,
2007, p. 523)
Theodore Levitt is credited with
popularizing the term and bringing it into the
mainstream business audience in the later
half of the 1980s. Since its inception, the
concept of globalization has inspired
competing definitions and interpretations. Its
antecedents date back to the great
movements of trade and empire across Asia
and the Indian Ocean from the 15th century
onward. Due to the complexity of the concept,
various research projects, articles, and
discussions often stay focused on a single
aspect of globalization.
Sociologists Martin Albrow and Elizabeth King define globalization as "all those
processes by which the people of the world are incorporated into a single world
society." In The Consequences of Modernity, Anthony Giddens writes: "Globalization
can thus be defined as the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant
localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many
miles away and vice versa." In 1992, Roland Robertson, professor of sociology at
the University of Aberdeen and an early writer in the field, described globalization as
"the compression of the world and the intensification of the consciousness of the world
as a whole."
Globalization is an ongoing process driven by a combination of political,
economic, technological, and sociocultural forces. The process of globalization since
World War II has been driven by the planning of politicians to break down borders
hampering trade so as to increase prosperity and interdependence and to decrease the
chance of future war. (Guttal, 2007, 523)
The process of globalization has been further accelerated by the global
expansion of multinational corporations and the worldwide exchange of new
developments in science, technology and in product manufacturing and design. Hence,
the term “globalization” is often used to refer to economic globalization, that is, the
integration of national economies into the international economy through trade, direct
foreign investment, capital flows, migration, and the spread of technology. However,
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sometimes the term “globalization” is also used to refer to cultural globalization because
many people believe that globalization is driven by the worldwide export of western
culture through the new mass media: film, radio, television and recorded music. The
development of international transport and telecommunication is another driving force
which speeds up the process of globalization.
In Global Transformations, David Held and his co-writers state:
Although in its simplistic sense globalization refers to the widening, deepening
and speeding up of global interconnection, such a definition begs further elaboration.
Globalization can be on a continuum with the local, national and regional. At one end of
the continuum lie social and economic relations and networks which are organized on a
local and/or national basis; at the other end lie social and economic relations and
networks which crystallize on the wider scale of regional and global interactions.
Globalization can refer to those spatial-temporal processes of change which underpin a
transformation in the organization of human affairs by linking together and expanding
human activity across regions and continents. Without reference to such expansive
spatial connections, there can be no clear or coherent formulation of this term. A
satisfactory definition of globalization must capture each of these elements: extensity
(stretching), intensity, velocity and impact.
Swedish journalist Thomas Larsson, in his book The Race to the Top: The Real
Story of Globalization, states that globalization: “is the process of world shrinkage, of
distances getting shorter, things moving closer. It pertains to the increasing ease with
which somebody on one side of the world can interact, to mutual benefit, with somebody
on the other side of the world.”
Paul James defines globalization with a more direct and historically contextualized
emphasis:
“Globalization is the extension of social relations across world-space, defining
that world-space in terms of the historically variable ways that it has been practiced and
socially understood through changing world-time.”
Manfred Steger, professor of global studies and
research leader in the Global Cities Institute at RMIT
University, identifies four main empirical dimensions of
globalization: economic, political, cultural, and ecological.
A fifth dimension—the ideological—cutting across the
other four. The ideological dimension, according to
Steger, is filled with a range of norms, claims, beliefs, and
narratives about the phenomenon itself.

James and Steger stated that the concept of globalization "emerged from the
intersection of four interrelated sets of 'communities of practice' (Wenger, 1998):
academics, journalists, publishers/editors, and librarians." They note the term was used
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"in education to describe the global life of the mind"; in international relations to describe
the extension of the European Common Market; and in journalism to describe how the
"American Negro and his problem are taking on a global significance". They have also
argued that four forms of globalization can be distinguished that complement and cut
across the solely empirical dimensions. According to James, the oldest dominant form
of globalization is embodied globalization, the movement of people. A second form is
agency-extended globalization, the circulation of agents of different institutions,
organizations, and polities, including imperial agents. Object-extended globalization, a
third form, is the movement of commodities and other objects of exchange. He calls the
transmission of ideas, images, knowledge, and information across world-space
disembodied globalization, maintaining that it is currently the dominant form of
globalization. James holds that this series of distinctions allows for an understanding of
how, today, the most embodied forms of globalization such as the movement of
refugees and migrants are increasingly restricted, while the most disembodied forms
such as the circulation of financial instruments and codes are the most deregulated.
Economist Takis Fotopoulos defined "economic globalization" as the opening
and deregulation of commodity, capital, and labor markets that led toward present
neoliberal globalization. He used "political globalization" to refer to the emergence of a
transnational élite and a phasing out of the nation-state. Meanwhile, he used "cultural
globalization" to reference the worldwide homogenization of culture. Other of his usages
included "ideological globalization", "technological globalization", and "social
globalization".
PRACTICE EXERCISES

1. What do you think will be the future of our country in this age of globalization?
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2. Do you think that globalization contributes to improve the living standards around
the world?
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Globalization – beyond internationalisation, liberalisation and universalisation?

Jan Aart Scholte (2005) argues that a new word should not restate what is
already known with other terminology but has to mean something different. He rejects
four meanings of globalization –as internationalisation, liberalisation, universalisation or
westernisation. These do not add anything new and do not capture what is different
about globalization.
Internationalisation involves the growth of transactions and interdependencies
between countries. Things cross borders between states or national territories; for
example, messages, ideas, goods, money, investments, pollutants, and people. But
Scholte says that inter-national transactions are nothing new and the word international
captures what this describes so we don’t need a new word for these sorts of processes.
For Scholte globalization is de-territorialisation or supra-territorialism. These
involve more than just trans-planetary links. Trans-planetary connectivity, connections
between parts of the world, has been around for many centuries. Supra-territoriality,
however, is relatively new and breaks with territorialist geography, with territories and
borders being important. In the first edition of his book Scholte defined globalization as
de-territorialisation. In the second he replaces this with the idea of supra-territorialism.
This, he says, is because the word de-territorialisation suggests that territory doesn’t
matter anymore and this is putting it too strongly.
Trans-planetary relations involve links between people across the world. These
have been around for centuries but they are denser now than before, involve more
people, more often, are more extensive and intensive and of greater volume. Supra-
territorial relations, however, are more recent and involve not just an intensification of
links across the world but different types of global connectivity. They involve not just an
intensification of links across boundaries but the decline of those boundaries. They
transcend and are detached from territory. They involve things like trans-world
simultaneity (e.g. people in lots of places doing the same thing, like consuming the
same make of coffee) or trans-world instantaneity (e.g. the telephone, where distant
people talk to each other at the same time).
Other examples of supra-territorialism for Scholte include jet planes,
telecommunications, global media, finance, ecological problems and global
consciousness (e.g. sports and human rights consciousness). In such cases there is
more than compression of time over space, for instance where communications or
travel over the same distances are quicker. There are social relations beyond territorial
space. The difference between time-space compression and supra-territoriality is
qualitative. It involves not just an intensification of existing relations but new sorts of
relations. For Scholte, territorial domains remain important but don’t define the whole
framework where there is supra-territorialism.
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Scholte says that examples of supra-territorialism include communications (e.g.

books, post, telegraph, phone, fax, texting, internet, newspapers, radio, TV, film); the
movement of people (e.g. tourism, migration/refugees, business travel); production
processes (e.g. production that occurs in many places, global sourcing, global trade);
consumption; global money/finance; global organisations (e.g. MNCs, faith-based,
unions, NGOs, charities); military globalization (e.g. weapons that have global reach,
war carried out from global locations); ecology (in both causes and effects); health (for
instance illnesses that spread globally); law (e.g. international laws); and global
consciousness (e.g. sports competitions, global tours and events, conferences).

Learn more about this topic at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JJ0nFD19eT8

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ASSESSMENT # 1
DEFINING GLOBALIZATION
Name:______________________________________Program/Year:_______________
Subject: Literature 1: The Contemporary World CP No.:____________________
Instructor: Jay D. Ontal

Essay:
Answer the following questions in 3-5 sentences. (5 points each)

1. What are some of the ways that "globalization" is defined throughout your
readings? What is the tone/stance of each author towards "globalization"?
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2. What metaphors are you going to use in order to improve your own definition of
globalization? Enumerate at least three and explain one of them.
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3. What are some positive and negative effects of globalization?

POSITIVE NEGATIVE

Globalization
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4. How will you apply in the context of pandemic crisis from the different concepts of
globalization above? Support your answer.
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5. How is neo-liberalism ideology related to globalization? Cite some examples.

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II. Performance Task: Debate (50 points)

1. You will be given a side to favor positive or negative on the issue of

globalization by your instructor.

2. Research from the internet/journals/newspaper articles that can help you

defend your side on the issue.

3. Construct your opening statement of not less than 100-words

declaring/expressing all the facts to support your claim.

4. Familiarizing your position and practice delivering your speech.

5. Then have a video of yourself delivering that speech and submit it to Wela.

6. There are 2 submissions for this task: the hard copy of the speech and the
video recording.
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Suggested time allotment: 10 hours

UNIT

2 THE STRUCTURES OF GLOBALIZATION

Lesson 1 Global Economy

TARGET GOALS FOR THE UNIT

o Explain the effects of the information revolution in today’s global market. (An)
o Assess the relationship of market integration to efficiency of markets. (An)
o Explain the factors of emergence of some forms of global governance. (An)

Desired Values: Initiative, Cooperation, Open-mindedness

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Define economic globalization. (U)

 Determine the factors that facilitate economic globalization. (U)
 Define the modern world system. (U)

II. INPUT:
The Global Economy has changed in very significant ways during the past
several decades, and these changes are rooted in how the global economy is organized
and governed. The global economy can be studied at different levels of analysis. At the
macro level are international organizations and regimes that establish rules and norms
for the global community. These include institutions like the World Bank, the Inter-
national Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, and the International Labor
Organization, as well as regional integration schemes like the European Union and the
North American Free Trade Agreement. These regimes combine both rules and
resources, and hence they establish the broadest parameters within which the global
economy operates.
At the meso level, the key building blocks for the global economy are countries
and firms. Those scholars who take countries as their main analytical unit (as in the
varieties-of-capitalism literature) provide an institutional perspective on the main,
enduring features of national economies. The global economy is seen as the arena in
which countries compete in different product markets. An alternative approach is to
focus on firms and inter firm networks as the central units of analysis, and analyze these
actors in a global industry or sectorial framework (as in the global commodity chains or
industrial districts approaches). These scholars typically take a more organizational
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approach. In both the institutional and the organizational perspectives on the global
economy, we tend to get a top-down focus on leading countries and firms as drivers of
change.
Institutionalists like those in the varieties of capitalism school tend to focus on
developed or industrialized countries. Alternatively, one can take a development-
oriented perspective with regard to countries, and ask how the economic prospects of
developing nations are shaped by their position in the global economy. These questions
help to bridge the concerns of economic sociologists and development specialists
because the theories of industrial upgrading that have emerged in the last couple of
decades have been shaped very closely by several of the organizational and
institutional theories mentioned above.
At a micro level, there is a growing literature on the resistance to globalization by
consumer groups, activists, and transnational social movements (such as those dealing
with labor issues and environmental abuses).
Many theories related to economic sociology incorporate the global economy in
their frameworks, but they differ in the degree to which it is conceptualized as a system
that shapes the behavior and motivation of actors inside it, or as an arena where
nationally determined actors meet, interact, and influence each other (Therborn, 2000).
The first task is to define what is really “new” about the global economy in the last
half of the twentieth century. The increasingly seamless web of international production
and trade networks that girdle the globe appears to be a distinctive feature of the last
several decades, and it requires a new kind of organizational perspective that has been
growing rapidly. Second section takes a closer look at how and why production and
trade have been reorganized in the global economy in the contemporary era. Research
by a diverse group of scholars from economics, business schools, sociology, and
economic geography, among other fields, has contributed to a reconceptualization of
the key factors that make up the global economy, and to a realization that the
integration of trade and the disintegration of production on a global scale are
fundamentally altering our ideas about what connects national economies, firms, places,
and people. The third section reviews selected institutional and organization
perspectives on the global economy. We will highlight the competing and
complementary claims of various approaches, such as the varieties-of-capitalism
literature, national business systems, and global commodity chains.
How new is the global economy? Much of the globalization debate has been
fuelled by different conceptions of what is happening “out there” in the global economy,
and whether it really represents something new. We need to distinguish the process of
internationalization, which involves the mere extension or geographic spread of
economic activities across national boundaries, from globalization, which is qualitatively
distinct because it involves the functional integration of internationally dispersed
activities (Dicken, 2003).
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The origins of a global economy can be traced back to the expansion of long-
distance trade during the period of 1450–1640, which Wallerstein (1979) has labelled
the “long sixteenth century.” From the fifteenth century onward, a number of chartered
trading companies emerged in Europe, such as the East India Company and the
Hudson’s Bay Company, which created vast international trading empires. Although
their activities were worldwide in scope, their main purpose was trade and exchange,
rather than production. The development of a world trading system over a period of
several centuries helped to create the tripartite structure of core, semi peripheral, and
peripheral economic areas. According to world-systems theory, the upward or
downward mobility of nations in the core, semi periphery, and periphery is determined
by a country’s mode of incorporation in the capitalist world-economy, and these shifts
can only be accurately portrayed by an in-depth analysis of the cycles of capitalist
accumulation in the longue durée of history (Wallerstein 1974, 1980, 1989; Arrighi,
1994).

PRACTICE EXERCISES:

To what extent is the harm inflicted by global poverty to the

global economy?
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The dynamics of the capitalist world-system laid the foundation for a process of
industrialization and new international divisions of labor on a global scale. Originally, as
defined by the eighteenth-century political economist Adam Smith (1976), the “division
of labor” referred simply to the specialization of workers in different parts of the
production process, usually in a factory setting. Quite early in the evolution of industrial
economies, the division of labor also acquired a geographical dimension. Different
areas began to specialize in particular types of economic activity. At the global scale,
the “classic” international division of labor was between the industrial countries
producing manufactured goods, and the non-industrialized economies that supplied raw
materials and agricultural products to the industrial nations and that became a market
for basic manufactures. This relatively simple pattern no longer applies. During the
decades following the Second World War, trade flows have become far more complex,
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and so have the relationships between the developed and developing nations of the
global economy.
The foundations of the contemporary economic order were established in the late
1940s by the system of financial and trade institutions that were set up at an
international conference in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, in 1944. The principal
institutions that constitute the Bretton Woods system are the International Monetary
Fund (IMF), the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (later renamed
the World Bank), and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unlike the
classical gold standard system, which collapsed during the First World War, the Bretton
Woods financial system required that every currency had a fixed exchange rate vis-à-vis
the U.S. dollar, with the dollar’s value pegged to gold at $35 an ounce. In practice,
Bretton Woods became a dollar system because the United States was the leading
economy and the only major creditor nation in the first 25 years following the Second
World War. While the rise of the Eurocurrency market in the 1960s placed increasing
strain on the Bretton Woods financial order, its actual demise came on August 15, 1971,
when President Nixon announced that the U.S. dollar was no longer freely convertible
into gold, effectively signalling the end of fixed exchange rates.
Notwithstanding these changes, the legacy of the Bretton Woods system
remained powerful throughout the latter decades of the twentieth century. The IMF has
policed the rules of the international financial order, and intervened in national
economies (especially in developing countries) to impose stabilization programs when
balance of payments crises were deemed structural rather than cyclical. Following the
post war reconstruction of Europe and Japan, the World Bank increasingly became a
development agency for third world nations (Ayres, 1983). Its policy recommendations
were closely tied to those of the IMF, especially after the neoliberal agenda (dubbed the
Washington Consensus) became established in the 1980s (Gore, 2000). GATT, a
multilateral forum for trade negotiations, became the primary international trade agency
by default when the International Trade Organization, provided by the 1947 Havana
Charter, was abandoned by President Truman after it was staunchly opposed in the
U.S. Congress. In 1995, the GATT was superseded by the much more powerful World
Trade Organization (WTO), which sought to reduce or eliminate a whole range of
nontariff barriers and uneven trading conditions between countries.
PRACTICE EXERCISES:
1. How do call center offices help our country’s economy?
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2. What was the effect of the Cold War events on the emergence of globalization
trends?
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Distinctive Features of the Contemporary Global Economy, 1960s to the Present

There is considerable controversy over how to characterize the distinctive
aspects of the global economy in the post war period. Wallerstein (2000, 250) argues
that the period from 1945 to the present corresponds to a typical Kondratieff cycle of the
capitalist world-economy, which has an upward and a downward swing: an A-phase of
economic expansion from 1945 to 1967–73, and a B-phase of economic contraction
from 1967–73 to the present day. While the evolution of the capitalist world-economy
stretches from 1450 to the contemporary era, in world-systems theory it is marked by
periods of genesis, normal development, and the current phase of “terminal crisis”
(Wallerstein, 2000, 2002).
From a trade perspective, the level of economic integration in the latter half of the
twentieth century is not historically unprecedented. The decades leading up to 1913
were considered a golden age of international trade and investment. This was ended by
the First World War and the Great Depression, when most of the world’s economies
turned inward. Merchandise trade (imports and exports) as a share of world output did
not recover its 1913 level until sometime in the mid-1970s (Krugman, 1995, 330–31). If
we take 1960 as the baseline, interconnectedness through trade has vastly increased in
recent decades, and furthermore trade has grown consistently faster than output at the
world level. Among the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) nations (the 24 richest industrial economies), the ratio of exports to Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) roughly doubled from 1960 to 1990, rising from 9.5 percent to
20.5 percent in this period, and world merchandise trade grew at an average of one and
a half times the rate of growth of world GDP from 1965 to 1990 (Wade, 1996).
International trade, investment, and finance have become the hallmarks of
economic globalization. Global interconnectedness through foreign direct investment
grew even faster than trade during the 1980s, and the most dynamic
multinationalization of all has come in finance and in technology. Flows of foreign direct
investment grew three times faster than trade flows and almost four times faster than
output between 1983 and 1990 (Wade, 1996, 63), and according to one estimate,
Transportation Network Companies control one-third of the world’s private sector
productive assets (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD),
1993, 1). Globalization appears to have gone furthest in the area of finance. The stock
of international bank lending (cross-border lending plus domestic lending, denominated
in foreign currency) rose from 4 percent of the GDP of (OECD) countries in 1980 to an
astonishing 44 percent in 1990, and foreign exchange (or currency) trading was 30
 14

times greater than and quite independent of trade flows in the early 1990s (Wade 1996,
64). Global financial flows accelerated in considerable measure because of the growing
popularity in the 1980s and 1990s of new financial instruments, such as international
bonds, international equities, derivatives trading (futures, options, and swaps), and
international money markets (Held et al., 1999).
This quantitative assessment of the growth in international trade, investment, and
financial flows is one side of the story, but it is challenged by the notion that the nature
of global economic integration in the recent era is qualitatively different than in the past.
Before 1913, the world economy was characterized by shallow integration manifested
largely through trade in goods and services between independent firms and through
international movements of portfolio capital. Today, we live in a world in which deep
integration, organized primarily by TNCs, is pervasive and involves the production of
goods and services in cross-border value-adding activities that redefine the kind of
production processes contained within national boundaries (UNCTAD 1993, 113). There
is little consensus, however, over what kind of framework to use in analyzing the
contemporary global economy because of the breadth and rapidity of change, and the
fact that countries, firms, workers, and many other stakeholders in the global economy
are affected by these shifts.
A global manufacturing system has emerged in which production and export
capabilities are dispersed to an unprecedented number of developing as well as
industrialized countries. Fröbel, Heinrichs, & Kreye (1980) likened the surge of
manufactured exports from labor intensive export platforms in low-wage economies to a
“new international division of labor” that used advanced transport and communication
technologies to promote the global segmentation of the production process. The
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) coined the term
newly industrializing countries and reflected the concern of advanced capitalist nations
that the expanding share of these emergent industrializers in the production and export
of manufactured goods was a threat to slumping Western industrial economies (OECD,
1979). World-systems theorists argued that the gap between core and periphery in the
world economy had been narrowing since the 1950s, and by 1980 the semi periphery
not only caught up with but also overtook the core countries in their degree of
industrialization (Arrighi & Drangel 1986, 54–55; Arrighi, Silver, & Brewer, 2003).
In retrospect, the assembly-oriented export production in the newly industrializing
countries was merely an early stage in the transformation of the global economy into “a
highly complex, kaleidoscopic structure involving the fragmentation of many production
processes, and their geographical relocation on a global scale in ways which slice
through national boundaries” (Dicken, 2003). Expanded niches for labor intensive
segments have been created by splitting the production of goods traditionally viewed as
skill-, capital-, or technology-intensive and putting the labor intensive pieces of the value
chain in low-wage locations.
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In Mexico, for example, the booming export-oriented maquiladora program has

engaged in more sophisticated kinds of manufacturing operations over time. First-
generation maquiladoras were labor intensive with limited technology, and they
assembled export products in industries like apparel using imported inputs provided by
U.S. clients (Sklair, 1993). In the late 1980s and early 1990s, researchers began to call
attention to so called second- and third-generation maquiladoras. Second-generation
plants are oriented less toward assembly and more toward manufacturing processes
that use automated and semi-automated machines and robots in the automobile,
television, and electrical appliance sectors. Third-generation maquiladoras are oriented
to research, design, and development, and rely on highly skilled labor such as
specialized engineers and technicians. In each of these industries, the maquiladoras
have matured from assembly sites based on cheap labor to manufacturing centers
whose competitiveness derives from a combination of high productivity, good quality,
and wages far below those prevailing north of the border (Shaiken & Herzenberg 1987;
Carrillo & Hualde 1998; Bair & Gereffi 2001; Cañas & Coronado, 2002). A cover story in
the February 3, 2003, issue of Business Week highlighted the impact of global
outsourcing over the past several decades on the quality and quantity of jobs in both
developed and developing countries (Engardio, Bernstein,& Kripalani, 2003).
The first wave of outsourcing began in the 1960s and 1970s with the exodus to
developing countries of jobs making shoes, clothes, cheap electronics, and toys. After
that, simple service work, like processing credit-card receipts and airline reservations in
back-office call centers, and writing basic software code, went global. Today, driven by
digitization, the Internet, and high-speed data networks that circle the world, all kinds of
“knowledge work” that can be done almost anywhere are being outsourced. Global
outsourcing reveals many of the key features of contemporary globalization: it deals
with international competitiveness in a way that inherently links developed and
developing countries; a huge part of the debate centers around jobs, wages, and skills
in different parts of the world; and there is a focus on value creation in different parts of
the value chain. There are enormous political as well as economic stakes in how global
outsourcing evolves in the coming years, particularly in well-endowed and strategically
positioned economies like India, China, the Philippines, Mexico, Costa Rica, Russia,
parts of eastern Europe, and South Africa— that is, countries loaded with college grads
who speak Western languages and can handle outsourced information-technology
work.
However, these shifts reveal a sobering globalization paradox: the dramatic
expansion of production capabilities reflected in global outsourcing across a wide range
of industries does not necessarily increase levels of development or reduce poverty in
the exporting nations. As more and more countries have acquired the ability to make
complex as well as standard manufactured goods, barriers to entry have fallen and
competitive processes at the production stage of value chains have increased. This has
resulted in a pattern that (Kaplinsky, 2000, 120), following Bhagwati’s (1958) original
use of the term, has dubbed “immiserizing growth,” in which economic activity increases
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in terms of output and employment, but economic returns fall. The emergence of China
and, to a lesser extent, India has expanded the global labor force so significantly that
the likely consequence of globalization is to bid down living standards not only for
unskilled work and primary products, but increasingly for skilled work and industrial
products as well (Kaplinsky 2001, 56).
Read more about this topic at: Epping, R. (1995). A beginner's guide to the world
economy: seventy-seven basic economic concepts that will change the way you see
the world I Randy Charles Epping. 2nd ed. New York. Myriad Editions Limited,
London

LESSON 2 Market integration

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Identify what is market integration. (U)

 Identify the various types of markets. (U)

II. INPUT:
What is Market Integration?
Market integration is a term used to identify a phenomenon in which markets of
goods and services that are related to one another being to experience similar patterns
of increase or decrease in terms of the prices of those products. The term can also refer
to circumstances in which the prices of related goods and services sold in a defined
geographical location also begin to move in some sort of similar pattern to one another.
Market integration occurs when prices among different locations or related goods follow
similar patterns over a long period of time. Group of prices time and again move
proportionally to each other and when this relation is very clear among different markets
these markets are said to be integrated. Thus, market integration is an indicator that
explains how much different markets are related to each other. At times, market
integration may be intentional, with a government implementing certain strategies as a
way to control the direction of the economy. At other times, the integration of the
markets may be due to factor such as shifts in supply and demand that have a spill over
effect on several markets. When market integration exists, the events occurring within
two or more markets are exerting effects that also prompt similar changes or shifts in
other markets that focus on related goods. For example, if the demand for wheat within
a given geographical market is suddenly reduced, there is a good chance that the
demand for rice or other staple food would increase in proportion within that same
geographical market. If the wheat requirement increases, this would usually mean that
the market for other staple food may decrease. Both markets would have the chance to
adjust pricing in order to deal with the new circumstances surrounding the demand, as
well as adjust other factors, such as production (Tatum, M. 2020).
 17

Market integration may occur in any type of related markets. With stock market
integration, similar trends in trading prices for assets related to a given industry may
found in two or more markets around the world. In a like manner, market integration
may occur when lending rates in several different markets begin to move in tandem with
one another. In some cases, a market integration within a nation may involve the
emergence of similar patterns within the capital, stock, and financial markets, with those
trends coming together to exert a profound influence on the economy of that nation.
Market integration can often be a very positive situation, especially if the
emerging pattern regarding pricing is indicative of an increasingly prosperous economy.
At the same time, assessing integration between markets can also be a useful tool in
identifying trends that are less than desirable, and having the chance to begin reversing
those trends while there is still time. For this reason, financial analysts as well as
economists often monitor activities in related markets, identify any signs of integration
and make recommendations on what strategies could be used to make the most of the
emerging situation. (Tatum, M. 2020)
The market integration is always related to efficiency of markets. To understand
the market integration, it is necessary to understand the concepts of 'market' and
'integration' separately and the way in which these are interconnected. Generally market
is any physical location where the buyers and sellers can interact with each other and in
which the price of a good tends to the uniformity. Usually, price existing in any market is
depending on the scope of market; which in turn depends on the nature of competition
or efficiency prevailing in the market. The scope of competition or marketing efficiency
or competence in its turn depends on the market structure, market conduct and market
performance. Marketing efficiency is determined by two factors - economic efficiency
and technical efficiency. Economic efficiency deals with matters related to trading or
pricing to improve the degree of competition. Technical efficiency depends on the least
cost input combination. There are two criteria to measure marketing efficiency. One is
price spread and the other is market integration. This chapter deals with a detail
understanding of market structure, analysis of various statistical and econometric tools
employed by previous researchers to measure the degree of market integration, and
integration in food commodities market of India.
Market: An Overview There are many definitions of the term 'market'.
These definitions in general, can be grouped into three categories. The first
category emphasizes the existence of a public place for transaction. The term market is
a derivative of a Latin word 'mercatus' to denote a market place - thereby meaning
merchandise, trade or a place where business is carried out (Gravii, 1929). Cochrane
(1957) described that market is some sphere or space, where the demand and supply
are at work together, to decide or modify price since the ownership of some quantity of
a good, or service was transferred and certain physical and institutional arrangements
might be in evidence. Jevons defines market as, "the central point of market is a public
exchange mart or auction rooms, where the traders agree to meet to transact
 18

business… the traders may be spread over a whole town or region of country, and yet
make a market, if they are by means of fairs, meetings, published price lists, the post
office or otherwise in close communication with each other" (Marshall, 1961). The
second category of definitions undermines the need for any specific location or space.
Cournot (1971) described that "not any particular market place in which things are
bought and sold, but the whole of any region in which buyers and sellers are in such
free interaction with one another that the prices of the same goods tend to equality
easily and quickly". Bliss and Stern (1982) suggested that market is a place to
exchange services of factors and the arrangements for organizing that exchange. They
do not implicated that the market is in any sense a formal one with a specified location.
They also suggested that the market may be perfect or competitive. According to
Stonier and Hague (1982) market is "any organization where the buyers and sellers of a
good are kept in close touch with each other. As per them whenever the market is open,
it is either because they are in the same building or because they are able to talk by
telephone". Other than the existence of location or space; the third group of definitions
gives weightage to the prevailing price out of the interactions of agents. Hotelling (1929)
analyzed the relationship between prices in competing markets and focuses on market
for identical goods separated by distance. Stigler (1969) defined market as "the area
within which the price of a good tends to uniformity, allowance being made for
transportation costs". Similar observation was made by Cournot (1971), where he stated
that in short run, deviations of prices are allowed, but arbitrages or substitutability
ensure that they are related in the long term. "A market is a group of people and firms
who are in contact with one another for the purpose of buying and selling some
commodity. It is not that every member of the market may be in contact with every other
one; the contact may be indirect" (Dorfinan, 1979).
Thus, in simple manner market is a place where exchange takes place and a
market comprises a group of buyers and sellers, who can interact with each other to by
sell goods and services. They can interact with each other with or without physical
contact. The transaction can be conducted over the phone or on the internet. Sellers
communicate their offering, price, availability to the prospective buyers. The buyers
purchase there offering by paying money to the seller. Also, the seller seeks feedback
about the goods and services sold to the buyer to determine his satisfaction level.
Types of Markets
At the macro level, resource markets are found. These markets are raw material
market, labour market and money markets. Markets can be classified into various types
depending on the nature of purchasing and consumption, geographical coverage,
magnitude of selling, or time period.
Markets on the basis of Purchasing and Consumption
This is classification on the basis of the type of user and the nature of product
purchased. Products can be defined as either for industry or for consumer products
 19

depending on buyers' intentions. The main distinction between two types of products is
their intended use. Industrial products are used to manufacture other goods or services,
to facilitate an organization's operations, or to resell to other costumers. Consumer
products are bought to satisfy an individual's personal wants. Sometime same product
can be classified as both. Industrial or business and consumer products are marketed
differently. They are marketed to different target markets and may use different
distribution, promotion and pricing strategies.
Markets on the basis of Products in Trade
These are basic goods markets, intermediary goods market and consumer goods
market. Goods such as steel, cement, chemicals are very basic for industrial and
infrastructural development, these are called basic goods. Markets for machines,
machine tools, equipment, spare parts constitute the intermediary good markets.
Consumer products can be classified according to how much effort is normally
expended to by them. These are convenience products, shopping products, specialty
products and unsought products.
Markets on the basis of magnitude of selling
Wholesale and retail markets vary in the quantum of goods sold. Wholesale
markets are lesser in number but sell in large quantities whereas the goods sold by
retailers or other intermediaries are large in number. They usually sell to end consumers
who buy lesser quantities.
Markets on the basis of geographical areas coverage
Markets can be classified on the basis of geographical coverage are local
markets (in a city or town), regional markets (in a state or a few states), national
markets (in a country), or international markets (across the countries).
PRACTICE EXERCISES:
1. What are the effects of globalization on the formation of competence
requirements in the international labor market?
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2. How do you practice the so-called market integration on the company product?
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Market Integration
Markets are said to be integrated if they are connected by a process of arbitrage.
A well-integrated market system is central to a well-functioning market economy. The
economic proposition of integration is that an element of efficiency is attainable in the
unified operation than in the independent actions. According to McDonald (1953), “the
integrated economy is one in which various economic processes are so functionally
related to every other process that the totality of separate operation forms a single unit
of production with characteristics of its own. He gave some of the signs of integration as
below:
(a) Many diverse, specialized and independent economic processes or
operations, none of which is complete or self-sufficient.
(b) A system of relationship between the various processes which serves to
register this interdependence upon the conduct of each process so that all
are caused, in some manner to fall under the overall plan.
(c) A concatenation of processes in unified pursuance of the aims and purposes
of the larger scheme of things.
(d) A mutual replenishment to spent resources to the end that the continuity of
each and all processes shall not be jeopardized”.
Distribution of productive resources in proper manner is the essential part of
integration. An efficient management of the overall industry is the idea behind
integration so that the economy can serve for the well-being or betterment of society.
Market integration is considered to be a useful parameter to measure marketing
efficiency for temporal and spatial analysis. Horowitz (1981) said that it defining market
integration on the basis of price determination is common in economics. Significance of
the concept of market integration will be clear if one understands the view of Dercon
(1995). He states that "Market integration analysis can assess the transmission speed
of price changes in the main market to the peripheral markets. A reduction in the time
lag of transmitting price signals suggests better arbitrage and therefore an improvement
in the functioning of markets".
Market integration is the phenomenon by which price interdependence takes
place. As per Faminow and Benson (1990) integrated markets are those where prices
are determined interdependently; which is assumed to mean that price change in one
market affect the prices in other markets.
Goodwin and Schroeder (1991) described that markets that are not integrated
may convey inaccurate price information which might distort producer marketing
decision and contribute to inefficient product movements. What market integration
delivers to the economy will be clear from the following views. Information on market
integration presents specific evidences as to the competitiveness of the market, the
effectiveness of arbitrage (Carter and Hamilton, 1989) and the efficiency of pricing
 21

(Buccola, 1983). Monke and Petzel (1984) defined, “integrated market in which prices of
differentiated products do not perform independently. Spatial market integration refers
to a situation in which prices of a commodity in spatially separated markets move
together and price signals and information are transmitted smoothly across the markets.
Spatial market performance can be evaluated by the knowing relationship between the
prices of spatially separated markets and spatial price behavior in regional markets may
be used as a measure of overall market performance (Ghosh, 2000)”.
Another definition given by Behura and Pradhan (1998) described, “Market
integration as a situation in which arbitrage causes prices in different markets to move
together. Here two markets are said to be spatially integrated; when even trade takes
place between them, if the price differential for a homogeneous commodity equals the
transfer costs involved in moving that commodity between them. Equilibrium will have
the property that, if trade takes place at all between any two places which are physically
separated, then price in the importing area equals price in the exporting area plus the
unit transport cost incurred by moving between the two”. If this holds then the markets
can be said to be spatially integrated as per Ravallion (1986). According to Slade
(1986), “two trading localities are integrated if price changes in one locality cause price
changes in the other. The transmission machinery could be that price increases in one
location result the product moving into that location from the other, hence reducing the
supply of product in the exporting region and causing price to increase. Hence, an
interrelated or interdependent movement of prices between spatially separated markets
can be said to be a situation of market integration”.

Learn more about this topic at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rdXkSZTsdT0

 22

LESSON 3 THE GLOBAL INTERSTATE

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Identify the challenges of global governance in the 21st century. (U)

 Explain the relevance of the state and globalization. (U)

II. INPUT:
What is Global Interstate System?
The state has traditionally been the subject of most interest scholars of global
politics because it is viewed as “the institution that creates warfare and sets economic
policies for a country.” Furthermore, the state is a political unit that has authority over its
own affairs. In other words, its border are recognized by other countries. It is assumed
that whoever is in charge of those borders has the right to determine exactly what is
going to happen in their country. The Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 established the
notion of the nation-state and the idea of state sovereignty. Today, the globalization of
politics created an atmosphere where the ideas of the nation-state, state sovereignty,
government control, and state policies are challenged from all sides.
With globalization, some scholars suggest a decrease in the power of the state
and that other actors are actually becoming more powerful. These actors include
multinational corporations and global civil society organizations, like the Red Cross, that
cross national boundaries.
Is the idea of the nation-state outdated in the contemporary world? If so, what is
it that we need to think about as “replacements”. We will look at regional alliances and
worldwide organizations of states. This manifests the efforts of countries and
government in the world to cooperate and collaborate together. Next, international and
regional economic bond bodies, such as IMF and the World Bank, must also be
considered as they often push for neoliberal reforms in the world. The third kind
replacements to the traditional nation-state and the idea of national autonomy comes
from the non-state actors. One of these is the private capital groups, including banks
and groups of people, with money that can determine that well-being of people in
particular are. Multinational corporations and non-governmental organizations, such as
the Amnesty International, are significant organizations that put into question the
strength of national autonomy and global politics. The emergence of non-state
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organizations, like Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and terrorist organizations, which seek power try to
depose a government and replace the system with their own ideological belief.
Global Governance in the Twenty-First Century
There is a series of specific factors behind the emergence global governance.
The first on the list must be the declining power of nation-states. If states themselves
were “highly contingent and in flux” (Cerny, 2007), it would open the possibility of the
emergence of some form of global governance.
A second factor is the vast flows of all sorts of things that run into and often right
through the borders of nation-states. This could involve the flow of digital information of
all sorts through the internet. It is difficult, if not impossible, for a nation-state to stop
such flow and in any case, it is likely that such action would be politically unpopular and
bring much negative reaction to the nation-state involved in such an effort. For example,
China’s periodic efforts to interfere with the Internet have brought great condemnation
both internally and externally.
Then, there is mass migration of people and their entry, often illegally, into
various nation-states. If states are unable to control this flow, then there is a need for
some sort of global governance to help deal with the problem. The flow of criminal
elements, as well as their products (drugs, laundered money, those bought and sold in
sex trafficking, etc.), is a strong factor in the call for global governance (Levy &
Sznaider, 2006). In these cases and others, there is a need for some degree of order,
some sort of effective authority, and at least some potential for the improvement of
human life. These are but a few of the things that can be delivered by some form of
global governance.
Another set of issues that has led to calls for global governance involves
horrendous events within nation-states themselves either foment and carry out, or are
unable to control (Nordstrom, 2004). For example, in Darfur, Sudan, perhaps hundreds
of thousands have been killed, millions of people displaced, and the lives of many
disrupted in a conflict that date back to early 2003. The government of Sudan and its
military have implicated in the conflict between ethnic and tribal groups and the
Sudanese government has been resistant to outside interference in its internal affairs.
One could even go back to World War II and argue that the Holocaust could have been
prevented, or at least mitigated, had there been a viable form of global governance to
put pressure on Nazi Germany and ultimately, to intervene in a more material way,
perhaps militarily (Bauman, 1998).
Then, there are global problems that single nation-state cannot hope to tackle on
their one. One is the global financial state crises and panic that sweep the world
periodically, which nations are often to deal with their own (Strange, 1996). Indeed,
some nations (e.g., the nations of Southeast Asia) have often been, and are being,
victimized by such crises. Unable to help themselves, such nations are in need of
assistance from some type of global governance.
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Nations states have long struggled to deal with problems like these through
various interstate systems (e.g., alliances such as NATO), but the more recent trend is
toward the development of more truly global structures and methods of dealing with
various sorts of issues and problems.

Effects of Globalization to Governments

One of the key aspects of state sovereignty is the government. It is a group of
people who have the ultimate authority to act on behalf of a state. Each has a state its
own right to self-determination and that other country should not intervene in the affairs
of that state unless there are extraordinary reasons to do so. Other countries must
recognize sovereignty or the right to govern one’s own territorial borders. Each state is
autonomous unto self and responsible within its own system of government to those
who are governed. The decisions, the conflict, and the resolution of that conflict are
done through the institutions of government established and codified in that particular
state, whether or not through elections. Elections, especially in democratic society,
provide the leadership of the state. In addition, the policy is developed and implemented
in the interest of the people of a state by a specific government. A civil society within a
state can also act as a counterweight or as a supplement to government. Civil society
includes the private economy, educational institutions, churches, hospitals, fraternal
organizations, and other non-profit organizations.
There have been several challenges to the government and ultimately, to state
autonomy. We can divide these challenges into four: traditional challenges, challenges
from national or identity movements, global economics, and global social movements.
Traditional Challenges
External intervention can generally be described as invasion by other countries.
For example, when Saddam Hussein was the ruler of Iraq in 1990, he decided he was
going to take over the oil fields of Kuwait. He invaded Kuwait and took it over. As a
result, he was dislodged by an international coalition led by the United States.
These days, we can see external intervention in other forms. Russia’s external
intervention into the affairs of Ukraine, a sovereign state in the post-soviet era, is
another instance of intervention in the autonomy of the state. Russia intervenes in the
affairs of people in Crimea who want to become part of Russia again even though they
are part of Ukraine. Crimea declared its independence from Ukraine and re-affiliated
with Russia. This is a case of how there might be a national identity within a country that
is assisted by a neighboring country. Ukraine argues to have autonomy to determine the
case for Crimea. As a result, there is a current conflict between Ukraine, not recognizing
Crimea’s sovereignty, and Russia, not recognizing Ukraine’s sovereignty over Crimea.
Internal political challenges can also happen. For example, after the Arab Spring
in Egypt, a new constitution was created and a government was elected. That
 25

government was more fundamentalist and rejected the notion of a plural society that
included religious diversity. The military staged a coup that deposed the government in
order to restore stability. Other examples, include the Taliban’s efforts to control the
government of Afghanistan. In Syria, the original rebellion against Assad came from the
country’s own internal dissenters who wanted to replace the government even though
they were also Syrian nationals.
The United Nations intervened in Sudan because of the several years of civil
war. More recently in Europe, specifically in Greece, it also interfered in the Greek dept
crisis.
Challenges from National/Identity Movements
The next challenges are movement part of a national identity or movement. It is
important to know that a nation has cultural identity that people attached to, while a
state is a definite entity due to its specific boundaries. However, different people with
different identities can live in different states. For example, the Kurds reside in several
different countries including Iraq, Iran, and Turkey. The Catalans live primarily in Spain
but we can also find some of them in France. Scottish nationalism is another example
that challenges the traditional notions of state sovereignty. In 2014, Great Britain had a
vote in Scotland to decide whether Scotland was going to become its own autonomous
state apart from Great Britain. They voted against it but Scotland has a significant
degree of autonomy now as compared to more than two decades years ago.
Global movements, such as the Al-Qaeda and ISIS, are another example of
national or identity movements. In this case, they are structured around the
fundamentalist version of Islam.
PRACTICE EXERCISE:
1. Narrate a short history of global market integration in the twentieth century. (100
words only)

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Global Economics
The third major source of challenge comes from global economic. Global
economy demands the states to conform to the rules of free-market capitalism.
Government austerity comes from developments of organizations that cooperate across
countries, such as WTO and regional agreements, such as North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA), the European Union (EU), and the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN).
Neoliberal economics or neoliberal capitalism started in the 1980s. It focuses on
free trade and dismantling trade barriers. It made sure that governments did not impose
restrictive regulations on corporate presence as well as on the free flow of capital and
jobs. Free trade was seen as the ideal or the normative belief, that is, the best economy
is one of where there is free trade everywhere. Laws and standards that would interfere
with the flow of capital in a particular country, including environmental regulations, were
deemed to discourage economic growth. Neoliberal economics requires a state to
cooperate in the global market through the free flow of capital, the privatization of
services, and fiscal austerity or constraint. In turn, the government’s role is diminished
as it relates to the market. Neoliberal economics is seen as threat, in general, because
a state cannot protect its own economic interest as a sovereign state.
A specific example to expand global economic influence is the use of IMF and
the World Bank in forcing government reforms in poorer country. Furthermore, the
regional economic development efforts focused on expanding free trade and market
liberalization. Businesses from developed countries put their factories and pay people to
build factories and produce goods in developing countries worldwide. These
corporations will sell the products in developing countries. This exacerbates rising
inequality in the world. Greece is one example that explains hoe neoliberal economics
can threaten the sovereignty of a state. It began in 1981 when Greece joined the EU. As
a larger alliance, EU broke down all kinds of barriers among its member states,
including Greece, like passport, visas, and license plates. It allowed people to travel
across European borders and encouraged economic cooperation and collaboration of
member states. Twenty years later, Greece adopted the euro as its own currency and
got rid of the drachma. The government Greece borrowed money for infrastructure
improvements, largely linked to their hosting of the 2004 Olympics. This put Greece in
large dept. In 2007 and 2008, the worldwide financial crisis made Greece’s economy to
collapse.
Aside from high debt that burdened the government, Greece had several of its
employees struggling with pensions. Tax revenues were lower, and as a result, they
could not pay their debts back. In 2009, their credit rating dropped which made it harder
for them to pay back their debt. This led to a series of austerity packages in Greece
which meant that there was less government spending. IMF bailed them out from the
 27

crisis in exchange for more austerity. In conclusion, economic crises can force
government to subscribe to the terms and conditions of the global financial market and
of other nations that can help the regain economic stability.
Global Social Movements
Most of the time, they are not seen as a threat but they definitely challenge state
sovereignty. Social movements are movements of people that are spontaneous or that
emerge through enormous grassroots organization. These social movements are
transnational movements which means they occur across countries and across borders.
Therefore, states have less control over them.
For example, human rights movements create a public sentiment, value, and
agenda. The idea is that there are certain rights that states that cannot neglect or
generally, called human rights. If a country decides that they are going to have a
particular policy and if policy violates that international standard of human rights, there
is a challenge to the ability of states to fully implement it. An example is the United
States’ position on the death penalty. There is an international consensus, with a few
dissenting countries like China, South Africa, and Russia, against the death penalty.
This means that if somebody is sentenced by death penalty and somehow, he is in a
country around the world, there are rules against that state extraditing into the United
States.
The environmental movement is another example of global social movements
related to public policy. Blockadia, or the state where social movements emerging in
local areas fight back as a response to the controlling efforts by the apparatus of
government to protect the interest of neoliberal capitalist. Consensus on women’s rights
is another example in many countries. Arguably, the biggest conflict between the West
and the fundamentalist Islam is over the role of women in society, as well as women’s
autonomy. Rights of personal autonomy are another example and this includes issues
on homosexuality, same-sex marriage, and gender equality.
The Relevance of the State amid Globalization
The state is a distinctive political community with its own set of rules and
practices and that is more or less separate from other communities. It has four
elements: people, country, government and sovereignty. The first element of a state is a
permanent population. This population does not refer to a nomadic people that move
from one place to another in an indefinite time. This permanent presence in one location
is strengthened by the second element of a state, a defined territory. A territory has a
clear boundary. A territory is effectively controlled by the third element, government.
The government regulates relations among its own people and with other states. This
means that the state is a formally constituted sovereign political structure encompassing
people, territory, and its institution on the one hand, and maintaining its autonomy from
other states on the other hand.
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It is important to differentiate the idea of nation from state. Nation refers to a

people rather than any kind of formal territorial boundaries or institutions. It is a
collective identity grounded on a nation of shared history and culture. If we talk about
the Philippines as a state, we may refer to the Philippine government, the Philippine
territory, and its internal or external sovereignty. If we talk about the Philippines as a
nation, we refer to our shared collective nation of democracy, our history, and our
collective identity. In other words, the state is a political concept, while a nation is
cultural concept. States, through its formalized institutions, more or less reflect nations.
This would allow states to have a certain people with their own collective identity. In
turn, they should be allowed to form their own political state. This is the principle of
national self-determination.
This brings us to the concept of the nation-state. It is a territorially bounded
sovereign institution that governs individuals sharing a collective history, identity, and
culture. In reality, it is difficult to drink of any nation as having any shared national
identity. The Philippines, although formally a state, has a variety of ethnic traditions.
A related point is that it would be a mistake simply “to see globalization as a
threat to, a constraint on, the nation-state; it can also be an opportunity for the nation-
state” (Conley 2002, pp. 378-399) For example, the demands of globalization were used
as bases to make the needed changes in Australian society, specifically allowing it to
move away from protectionism and in the direction of neoliberalism, to transform state
enterprises into private enterprises, and to streamline social welfare. With this, the
rhetoric of globalization, especially an exaggeration of it and its effects, was useful to
those politicians who were hopeful of such changes.

Learn more about this topic at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1_x28V4H-AA

 29

LESSON 4. Contemporary Global Governance

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Describe Global Governance. (U)

 Identify the attributes of global corporations. (U)
 Explain the effects of globalization on governments. (U)

II. INPUT:

Global governance is a product of neo-liberal paradigm shifts in international

political and economic relations. The privileging of capital and market mechanisms over
state authority created governance gaps that have encouraged actors from private and
civil society sectors to assume authoritative roles previously considered the purview of
the State. This reinforces the divergence of views about how to define the concept of
global governance, issues that are of the utmost importance and priority. Some scholars
argue that global governance as it is practiced is not working (Coen & Pegram, 2015:
417), while others believe that global governance is constantly adapting by readjusting
strategies and approaches to solutions and developing new tools and measures to deal
with issues that impact communities throughout the world (Held & Hale, 2011). Rather
than judging current global governance, this contribution seeks to provide an overview
of the current state of global governance by discussing its present state vis à vis the
challenges that it faces and its future.
The perspective employed here presents global governance as a tool to identify
solutions to problems created by neo-liberal globalization (Biermann & Pattberg, 2008).
As such, the concept of global governance relates to the interaction of myriad collective
or individual entities emanating from various societal and professional orientations,
which form networks that engage to address issues that threaten local and global
communities. Global governance is concerned with issues that have become too
complex for a single state to address alone. Humanitarian crises, military conflicts
between and within states, climate change and economic volatility pose serious threats
to human security in all societies; therefore, a variety of actors and expertise is
necessary to properly frame threats, devise pertinent policy, implement effectively and
evaluate results accurately to alleviate such threats.
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The current phenomenon of global governance is well captured by Biermann and

Pattberg in their overview of global environmental governance for the Annual Review of
Environmental Resources of 2008. They describe contemporary governance through
the following features: (1) the emergence of new types of agencies and of actors in
addition to national governments; (2) the emergence of new mechanisms and
institutions of global governance that go beyond traditional forms of state-led, treaty-
based regimes; and (3) increasing segmentation and fragmentation of the overall
governance system across levels and functional spheres (Biermann & Pattberg, 2008).

A multitude of actors define and shape

the current structure of
global governance. States, international
organizations, non-
governmental organizations (NGOs),
multinational corporations,
scientific experts, civil society groups,
networks, partnerships,
private military and security companies,
as well as transnational
criminal and drug-trafficking networks
provide world politics
with multi-actor perspectives and take
part in steering the
 31

political system (Dingwerth and

Pattberg, 2006; Biermann and
Pattberg, 2012; Karns and Mingst,
2015). Global governance
actors broaden the scope of activities in
which they are involved
and they also change the patterns of
interaction and cooperation
in tackling current issues on a global
level. Current global
governance arrangements favour
flexibility over rigidity, prefer
voluntary measures to binding rules,
choose partnerships over
individual actions, and give rise to new
initiatives and ideas.
A multitude of actors define and shape
the current structure of
 32

global governance. States, international

organizations, non-
governmental organizations (NGOs),
multinational corporations,
scientific experts, civil society groups,
networks, partnerships,
private military and security companies,
as well as transnational
criminal and drug-trafficking networks
provide world politics
with multi-actor perspectives and take
part in steering the
political system (Dingwerth and
Pattberg, 2006; Biermann and
Pattberg, 2012; Karns and Mingst,
2015). Global governance
actors broaden the scope of activities in
which they are involved
 33

and they also change the patterns of

interaction and cooperation
in tackling current issues on a global
level. Current global
governance arrangements favour
flexibility over rigidity, prefer
voluntary measures to binding rules,
choose partnerships over
individual actions, and give rise to new
initiatives and ideas.
A multitude of actors define and shape the current structure of global
governance. States, international organizations, non-governmental organizations
(NGOs), multinational corporations, scientific experts, civil society groups, networks,
partnerships, private military and security companies, as well as transnational criminal
and drug-trafficking networks provide world politics with multi-actor perspectives and
take part in steering the political system (Dingwerth & Pattberg, 2006; Biermann &
Pattberg, 2012; Karns & Mingst, 2015). Global governance actors broaden the scope of
activities in which they are involved and they also change the patterns of interaction and
cooperation in tackling current issues on a global level. Current global governance
arrangements favour flexibility over rigidity, prefer voluntary measures to binding rules,
choose partnerships over individual actions, and give rise to new initiatives and ideas.
(Jinseop, Jason & Yuliya, 2016, 1.)

Present challenges of global governance

A growing number of emerging global
governance actors aim to
 34

contribute to the solution of

interdependent issues supplement-
ing, and sometimes clashing, with
already established regimes
Present challenges of global governance
A growing number of emerging global
governance actors aim to
contribute to the solution of
interdependent issues supplement-
ing, and sometimes clashing, with
already established regimes
Present challenges of global governance
A growing number of emerging global
governance actors aim to
contribute to the solution of
interdependent issues supplement-
ing, and sometimes clashing, with
already established regimes
Present challenges of global governance
 35

A growing number of emerging global governance actors aim to contribute to the

solution of interdependent issues supplementing, and sometimes clashing, with already
established regimes designed to address certain international problems separately from
other issues. Hale et al. (2013) define the situation when current international
institutions fail to provide a coordinated response to current agendas challenges as
“gridlock”. Through the examples of sovereignty, and by discussing the questions of
power and equality we will show how new developments in international relations affect
and reshape collaborative responses to the most pressing issues.
Various global governance actors coalesce around the ideas and norms of
human rights and human security; however, the principle of sovereignty continues to
challenge the practical application of those ideas internationally. Huge and severe
violations of peoples’ rights and freedoms during inter- or intra-state wars or conflicts
continue to erode human security indifferent parts of the world. However, governance
actors working for the maintenance of peace, security, justice and the protection of
human rights have limited capacity to improve situations because of complicated
approval procedures of humanitarian intervention or authorization of peace keeping
operations. For example, political divisions and part is an interest within the Security
Council (particularly the use of veto power by some of its permanent members) blocked
any international response to the mass atrocities committed in Syria, thus strengthening
impunity and encouraging the expansion of war crimes and crimes against humanity
(Adams, 2015). A rise of nationalist sentiments and movements in Russia and some
European countries also continues to erode international cooperation in response to
challenges such as the huge influx of refugees, and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. All
of these threaten the international security, and order in general, that was created
during the post-Cold War period. Yet, even as the principle of the responsibility to
protect has gained political support and international legitimacy since it was introduced
about a decade ago, its contribution to preventing mass atrocities and protection
population remains low. As Luck (2015) points out, policy practitioners and scholars
need to think in a more nuanced way about sovereignty. Both decision-making
sovereignties, when governments choose to independently determine whether a
particular course of action for the cause of human rights protection is in their national
interest and erosion of sovereignty open the door to more atrocities within and across
states’ boundaries. This scholar, for instance, argues that the ineffective exercise of
sovereignty by a number of states over their own territory becomes a significant barrier
to exercising protection responsibilities in other places (Luck, 2015).
Power in the current system of global governance has become more diffused.
The power shift accompanying the rise of Brazil, Russia, India, China (the BRICs) and
other so-called “rising powers” pose questions about the possible reordering or shifts in
the current state of global governance. While advocating for better representation in
institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the UN
Security Council, the governments of China, India, Brazil and other emerging
economies have started to develop and maintain alternative institutions for economic
 36

and political collaboration. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the New
Development Bank are products of these efforts. While rising powers’ behaviors are
shaped by the structural features of global capitalism, “the differing contours of BRICs’
state-society relations provide the foundations for conflicts with Western powers over
the most liberal aspects of global governance” (Stephen, 2014). The Western ideas of
privatization, autonomous markets and open capital accounts are challenged by state-
controlled approaches to development in the countries of so-called Global South.

Thus, the observed changes in socio-

economic and political
aspects of the current world pose new
questions and create new
challenges for previously active
participants of global policy
processes, as well as for new actors of
global governance. Global
governance actors will need to critically
reflect on the relevance of
earlier policy tools to rapidly changing
conditions in the
current world
Thus, the observed changes in socio-economic and political aspects of the
current world pose new questions and create new challenges for previously active
participants of global policy processes, as well as for new actors of global governance.
Global governance actors will need to critically reflect on the relevance of earlier policy
tools to rapidly changing conditions in the current world.
 37

Read more about this topic at: Hongbo, W. (2014). Global Governance and Global
rules for development in the post-2015 era. United Nations publication.

ASSESSMENT #2
THE STRUCTURES OF GLOBALIZATION
Name: _________________________________ Program/Year: ______________
Subject: Literature 1: The Contemporary World CP No.: ___________________
Instructor: Jay D. Ontal
I. Essay: Answer the following questions in 3-5 sentences. (5 points each)

1. What practical challenges and constraints do states and individuals face in

responding to their global moral duties?

2. Does the pandemic crisis (Covid-19) affect the global economy? Prove your
answer.

3. How does market integration work in the market economy?

4. After knowing the challenges in the 21st century, what do you think are the
challenges of global market integration in our present economy?

5. What do you think is the difference between United Nation and contemporary
global governance? Explain.
II. Using the Venn Diagram, differentiate the vital roles of each type of market.
 38

III. Analysis: (25 points)

Instructions: 1. Choose one developed country and read about issues (political,
economic, social, etc.) affecting that country for the past 30
years and how their government responded to it.

2. Compare the actions/interventions employed by the state

leaders during those time.

3. Use the table on the next page to organize your answer.

Issues Developed country Philippines

Political Then Now Then Now

Economic
 39

Social

Based on your readings, what challenges are being encountered by the government?

_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

UNIT Suggested time allotment: 12 hours

3 A WORLD OF REGIONS

Lesson 1 Global Divides: The North and The South

TARGET GOALS:
o Explain the term Regionalism. (An)
o Differentiate Global South from the Third World. (An)
o Differentiate Regionalization from Globalization. (An)
o Explain the Asian regionalism. (An)
o Analyze how different Asian states confront the challenges of globalization and
regionalization. (An)
Desired Values: Patriotism, Self-reliance, Patience
I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Define the term Global South. (U)

 Determine the impacts of Global South. (U)

II. INPUT:
Pre-exercises:

1. What is your notion about the Third World country?

 40

_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________

2. Are societies in the world becoming more similar or more different?

_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________

Regionalism is often seen as political and economic phenomenon, Regionalism

is a process, and must be treated as an “emergent, socially constituted phenomenon.” It
means that regions are not natural or given, rather, they are constructed and defined by
policymakers, economic actors, and even social movement.
Regions are “a group of countries located in the same geographically specified
area” or are “an amalgation of two regions or a combination of more than two regions”
organized to regulate and oversee flows and policy choices (Beeson, M., 2007).
The words regionalization and regionalism should not be interchanged, as the
former refers to the “Regional concentration of economic flows” while the latter is “a
political process characterized by economic policy cooperation and coordination among
counties.”
The concept of a gap between the Global North and the Global South in terms
of development and wealth. In the 1980s, the Brandt Line was developed as a way of
showing the how the world was geographically split into relatively richer and poorer
nations.
The North-South Divide is a political and socio-economic division and is not
based on geography. It is a bifurcation between the wealthy nations and the rest of the
world. The developed nations are known as “the North” while the rest of the nations are
referred to as “the South”. Most of the nations in the Northern Hemisphere are Global
North but a few from the Southern Hemisphere are also in the same category. The
members of the G8, and four out of the five permanent members of the United Nations
Security Council are located in the North. However, as nations of the South develop,
they become eligible to enter the north.
The history of the North-South divide dates back to the Cold War era. The
countries were classified as East and West on the basis of their economic and
developmental status. China and the Soviet Union formed the East while the United
States and its allies were the West. There was another set of nations known as the
 41

Third World Countries. These countries were neither aligned with the East or the West.
Over time, some Second World Countries became a part of the First World and some
became a part of the Third World. Thus, as per the new classification, the First World
was classified as North while the Third World as South. (Tomlinson, 2003)
The United States and Canada form part of the North, as does almost all of
Europe. Australia and New Zealand, which are not a part of the Northern Hemisphere,
are also a part of the North. Russia also comes under it. The Asian nations of Singapore
and Japan form part of the North. Interestingly, China’s Special Administrative Regions
of Hong Kong and Macau, have been included in the North whereas China is placed in
the South.
Some of the characteristics of the north include: It is much richer, has surplus
food and shelter, and a robust educational system. It has been estimated that a majority
of the manufacturing industries are located in the North.
Meanwhile, developing Asian nations, Africa, as well as Latin America form a
part of the South. Some of the features of the South are political instability, lack of
advanced technology, food and shelter issues, and foreign exchange earnings
depending on primary product exports, to name a few. Nations that make up the south
include India, China, Qatar, Saudi, Arabia, Thailand, and many other nations. While
North Korea is a part of the South, the much more technologically advanced South
Korea is included in the North. Though a part of the South, today China is the world’s
second-largest economy in terms of nominal GDP. Meanwhile, many Middle Eastern
nations have also become highly prosperous. A case in point is Qatar, which has the
highest per capita income in the world.
The gap between the ‘North’ and ‘South’
Despite very significant development gains globally which have raised many
millions of people out of absolute poverty, there is substantial evidence that inequality
between the world’s richest and poorest countries is widening. In 1820 Western
Europe's per capita income was three times bigger than Africa’s but by 2000 it was
thirteen times as big. In addition, in 2013, Oxfam reported that the richest 85 people in
the world owned the same amount of wealth as the poorest half of the world’s
population.
Today the world is much more complex than the Brandt Line depicts as many
poorer countries have experienced significant economic and social development.
However, inequality within countries has also been growing and some commentators
now talk of a ‘Global North’ and a ‘Global South’ referring respectively to richer or
poorer communities which are found both within and between countries. For example,
whilst India is still home to the largest concentration of poor people in a single nation it
also has a very sizable middle class and a very rich elite.
 42

There are many causes for these inequalities including the availability of natural
resources; different levels of health and education; the nature of a country’s economy
and its industrial sectors; international trading policies and access to markets; how
countries are governed and international relationships between countries; conflict within
and between countries; and a country’s vulnerability to natural hazards and climate
change.
The emergence of the term Global South in its historical context constitutes an
interesting process, which illustrates how the term has been charged with various
shades of meaning. Some of the contributions touch on the historical genesis of the
term and narrate how they experienced this process. Thomas Hylland Eriksen and
Jonathan Rigg, among others, reflect on the emergence of the notion, with particular
regard to the historical trajectory of defining different (poor and rich) parts of the world.
He acknowledges that the term is not perfect, yet he considers it more favorable than its
predecessors, “Third World” or “Developing World”. (Winant, 2001)
Accordingly, in 1970s there were two kinds of countries in the world: The
industrialized countries and the developing countries. In Norwegian, they were
abbreviated as i-land and u-land (“i-countries and d-countries”). There were progressive
people who had read up on the latest literature, and who distinguished between the
First, the Second and the Third Worlds; the industrialized, Western countries; the
Communist bloc; and the poor, underdeveloped or developing countries (make your
choice). Some made it more complicated and added the Fourth World, that of stateless
indigenous peoples. In Nairobi, in the mid-seventies – who even differentiated between
the Third, the Fourth and the Fifth Worlds within the general subcategory of the Third:
The Third World countries were those that were well on their way to becoming rich and
“developed.” The Fourth were those that struggled but had potential (Kenya was,
generously, included); and the Fifth World was chanceless and mired in perennial
poverty.
The idea that there were three “worlds” originates, in the Anglophone world, with
the anthropologist and sociologist Peter Worsley (The Third World, 1964; & The Three
Worlds, 1984). However, the notion of the Third World is older, coined by the
demographer Alfred Sauvy in 1952, and his reference to le tier’s monde did not
presuppose the existence of a First or Second World. Rather, when speaking of the
poor countries and colonies, he explicitly drew a parallel with the third estate, le tiers
état, at the time of the French revolution; that is, everyone who did not belong to the
clergy or the nobility. He spoke of those that had potential – those who would eventually
rise and claim their share.
Latterly, these terms have become increasingly unfashionable. This definitely has
something to do with the collapse of the Communist Bloc almost 25 years ago.
The terms have become fashionable very recently. In a bibliographic study by a
group of German scholars, the first recorded use was in 1996. In 2004, the term The
 43

Global South appeared in just 19 publications in the humanities and social sciences, but
by 2013, the number had grown to 248. The scholars who use it associate it largely with
some of the ills of globalization. While the countries of the Global North not only have
stable states but also a strong public sector, the Global South is, to a far greater extent,
subject to the forces of global neoliberalism, rather than enacting the very same forces.
The 1980s, however, not only saw the fragmentation of the First/Second World
dualism with the collapse of the former Soviet Union at the end of the decade, but also –
and perhaps more importantly – the embracing of market reforms by most command
economies (China in 1978, Vietnam and Laos in 1986, and the Soviet Union in 1987, for
example), which in the process became so-called “transition” economies. The Third
World was always nonaligned more in word than in deed, and to add to this much of the
Second World was embracing capitalism with alacrity, notwithstanding some
governments continuing to pay lip service to the rhetoric of Socialism. As Deng Xiao-
ping, the architect of China’s reforms, is said to have remarked, “it doesn’t matter
whether a cat is white or black, so long as it catches mice”. Pragmatism rather than
ideology became the order of the day.
And so, we return to the question: why “the global South” rather than just “the
South”? The reasoning here, is that the addition of the word “global” makes it clear that
this is not a strict geographical categorization of the world but one based on economic
inequalities which happen to have some cartographic coherence. It also emphasizes
that both North and South are, together, drawn into global processes rather than
existing as separate slices of the world. Conditions in the Global South are only
understandable when they are set against those in the Global North; global processes
and structures make all countries part of an increasingly integrated world.
The nations of Africa, Central and Latin America, and most of Asia are
collectively known as the Global South. These nations are also referred to collectively
as the poor world, the less developed world, the non-Western world, and the developing
countries. In fact, the Global South is the latest term used to describe the non-Western
or developing countries. The term is normally used to mean countries that are faced
with social, political and economic challenges – for instance poverty, environmental
degradation, human and civil rights abuses, ethnic and regional conflicts, mass
displacements of refugees, hunger, and disease.
The terms Global North and Global South clearly divide the world into two halves
geographically. Kenya, a country through which the equator passes, could be
considered to be part of both the Global North and the Global South, geographically
speaking. Despite this divide, however, the term Global South is not commonly known
in Kenya, most likely because the donor agencies and development partners refer to
Kenya as a “developing country”. The term Third World is not common either, as most
people would see it as demeaning. (Aldama, 2018)
 44

However, with the current changing world landscape, in which various

institutions, both of higher learning and of development, have started to vigorously use
the term Global South to enhance their cooperation endeavors it is very likely that this
term will start to emerge in Kenya in the near future. For instance, most universities are
currently establishing centers for Global South Studies in the Global North countries,
and these centers have started to attract attention from the Global South countries.
Most of these centers try to capture issues related to social, economic and political
development in the Global South, and in my opinion, I see that through these centers
new international structures and institutions are going to emerge that will create
linkages between the Global North and Global South (Aldama, 2018). Most likely the
Global North have seen the need to change the terms they use – such as “the poor
world”, “the less developed world”, “the non-Western world”, and “the developing
countries” – which they have used for several decades, so as to renew their relationship
with the countries collectively termed the Global South economies.
In addition, the term Global South is a historic and decontextualized. It omits a
critical core of dynamic variables that characterize different kinds of countries,
especially historical, economic, social, cultural, and political variables, among others. It
is these factors that might explain the reality of these countries as a product of a
societal process, and the type and origin of the differences among them.
Independently of the aim to define or classify, the Global South concept confronts
different groups of countries more than it unifies them into a comprehensive one
(“underdeveloped”, “developing”, or “dependent” are better terms to define these types
of countries). In connection with its static character, to which I have already referred, the
concept of the Global South does not sufficiently take into account the types of relations
these different countries have maintained throughout their long histories (Colonialism
and Neocolonialism).
Nevertheless “developed” and “underdeveloped” countries imply one another’s
existence. They are involved in unequal economic and politic relations and potentially
form part of the uneven balance of world power, but they are still part of a shared
dialectic reality. Besides, this static definition does not consider enough the global
character by itself; this means that it does not take into account the increasing
frequency of the contacts or relations among all countries that together make up the
present globalized world. As policy issues become global, global or more integrative
approaches at international level become necessary in order to solve them.
Moreover, the term Global South has been of great benefit in re-introducing
studies on Africa, Asia, and Latin America into the academic field. The necessary
deconstruction of development in post development approaches in the 1990s has
contributed to the – probably unintended – crisis of Development Studies and Third-
World Area Study Centers. The end of the “Third World” has been proclaimed, which
has led to a significant reduction of studies on these areas. After the end of the bipolar
world, and in the context of an accelerated globalization process, Area Studies –
 45

especially on the so called Third World countries – have been displaced by Global
Studies. With a Global South-oriented approach, areas formerly peripheral to global
studies are placed at the center of attention once more.
Yet, the concept of the Global South shares some of the limitations of the
concept of the Third World. It evokes imaginations of a geographical North-South divide,
which does not correspond to the complex entanglements and uneven developments in
the real world. Areas incorporated under the label Global South can also be found in the
geographical North. (Aldama, 2018)

Read more about this topic at: Trefzer,A., Jeffrey T., & Jackson, Mckee, K., &
Dellinger, K. (2014). Introduction: The Global South and/in the Global North
interdisciplinary investigations. Indiana University Press.

LESSON 2. Asian Regionalism

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Identify the benefits of Regionalism both in Asian and in the world. (U)
 Identify the factors leading to a greater integration of the Asian region. (U)

II. INPUT:
Asian regionalism is the product of economic interaction, not political planning.
As a result of successful, outward oriented growth strategies, Asian economies have
grown not only richer, but also closer together. In recent years, new technological trends
have further strengthened ties among them, as have the rise of the Professional
Regulation Commission (PRC) and India and the region’s growing weight in the global
economy. But adversity also played a role. The 1997/98 financial crisis dealt a severe
setback to much of the region, highlighting Asia’s shared interests and common
vulnerabilities and providing an impetus for regional cooperation. The challenge now
facing Asia’s policy makers is simply put yet incredibly complex: Where markets have
led, how should governments follow? (He, 2004)
 46

In the early stages of Asia’s economic take off, regional integration proceeded
slowly. East Asian economies, in particular, focused on exporting to developed country
markets rather than selling to each other. Initially, they specialized in simple, labour-
intensive manufactures. As the more advanced among them graduated to more
sophisticated products, less developed economies filled the gap that they left behind.
The Japanese economist Akamatsu (1962) famously compared this pattern of
development to flying geese. In this model, economies moved in formation not because
they were directly linked to each other, but because they followed similar paths. Since
these development paths hinged on sequential—and sometimes competing—ties to
markets outside the region, they did not initially yield strong economic links within Asia
itself.
Now, though, Asian economies are becoming closely intertwined. This is not
because the region’s development strategy has changed; it remains predominantly non-
discriminatory and outward-oriented. Rather, interdependence is deepening because
Asia’s economies have grown large and prosperous enough to become important to
each other, and because their patterns of production increasingly depend on networks
that span several Asian economies and involve wide ranging exchanges of parts and
components among them. Asia is at the center of the development of such production
networks because it has efficient transport and communication links, as well as policies
geared to supporting trade. As these new production patterns tie Asian economies
closer together, they also boost the international competitiveness of the region’s firms.
(Akamatsu, K. 1961)
Asia’s economic rise is unprecedented. The region is home to over half the
world’s population, produces three tenths of global output (in terms of purchasing
power), and consistently records the world’s highest economic growth rates. The Asian
“miracle” (World Bank 1993) did not end with the 1997/98 financial crisis a decade ago;
for some countries, it marked the beginning of renewed acceleration. The question is no
longer whether Asia will be central to the 21st century economy, but rather how it will
exercise its prominent role and how its dependence on the rest of the world has
decreased.
Regionalism is a relatively new aspect of Asia’s rise. Asia’s economies are
increasingly connected through trade, financial transactions, direct investment,
technology, labor and tourist flows, and other economic relationships. This study
focuses on 16 Asian economies that are already, in some respects, as closely
intertwined as Europe’s single market. This “Integrating Asia” is often referred to simply
as Asia —and conducts more than half of its trade with itself. It includes some of the
world’s wealthiest economies and some of its poorest, large continental powers as well
as small citystates, continuously independent countries and former colonies. Its strength
derives from the openness, diversity, and dynamism of its interconnected economies.
(Emerging asian regionalism, 2008)
 47

Asian economies are principally connected through markets— but where markets
lead, governments are following. Asian leaders have committed to work together more
closely and have already taken concrete steps in some areas. The 1997/98 financial
crisis, in particular, was an important catalyst for this new regionalism and gave rise to a
range of new initiatives. These have not sought to replicate the institutions of the
European Union (EU), but have rather focused on finding new and flexible forms of
cooperation that reflect the region’s diversity and pragmatism. Nor are Asia’s regional
initiatives intended to replace global relationships, but rather to complement them. It is
not a matter of pulling up the drawbridge, but of building bridges that connect Asian
economies together as well as to the rest of the world. (Haruhiko, 2008)
The stakes could not be higher. A dynamic and outward-looking Asian
regionalism could bring huge benefits not just to Asia, but to the world. It could help
sustain the region’s growth, underpin its stability, and—with the right policies—reduce
inequality. And it could help marshal a common response to major new challenges that
often arise suddenly and unexpectedly. As this study goes to press, for instance, Asia is
grappling with the wrenching economic and financial uncertainty sparked by the global
credit crunch since August 2007, several devastating natural disasters, and the pressing
need to ensure affordable food supplies throughout Asia. A vibrant, integrated Asia
could bring the region’s immense intellectual and economic resources to bear on these
and tomorrow’s challenges. And it could help power and stabilize the global economy by
boosting productivity, raising living standards, and reducing poverty everywhere. A
stable, cohesive, and productive Asia is thus in everyone’s interest. (Emerging asian
regionalism, 2008)
This study draws on the 42 years of experience of the Asian Development Bank
(ADB) in financing, analysing, and advising on Asian economic growth. This knowledge
base provides a unique perspective on Asia’s economic integration and the potential
contributions of its emerging regionalism. The report examines the drivers of integration,
explores options for cooperation, and develops realistic strategies for building a
dynamic and open Asian economic community. It thus provides insight on the great
issues that will help to shape Asia’s future. (Haruhiko, 2008)
PRACTICE EXERCISES:
1. How does Asian States confront the challenges of globalization and regionalism?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

2. What are the characteristics of Asian regionalism?

 48

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
How regionalism can benefit Asia
Regional cooperation, effectively structured and implemented, is a powerful new
tool in Asia’s policy arsenal. It can help Asia address regional challenges as well as
provide stronger foundations for its global role. An integrated Asia can:
 link the competitive strengths of its diverse economies in order to boost
their productivity and sustain the region’s exceptional growth;
 connect the region’s capital markets to enhance financial stability, reduce
the cost of capital, and improve opportunities for sharing risks;
 cooperate in setting exchange rate and macroeconomic policies in order
to minimize the effects of global and regional shocks and to facilitate the
resolution of global imbalances;
 pool the region’s foreign exchange reserves to make more resources
available for investment and development;
 exercise leadership in global decision making to sustain the open global
trade and financial systems that have supported a half century of
unparalleled economic development;
 build connected infrastructure and collaborate on inclusive development to
reduce inequalities within and across economies and thus to strengthen
support for pro-growth policies; and
 create regional mechanisms to manage cross-border health, safety, and
environmental issues better.
The opportunities are clear, which is why regional integration deserves a high
priority in national policy making. Yet the challenge of cooperation should not be
underestimated; it will require trust, innovation, and compromise—and, most likely, time.
Policy makers at the highest levels appear committed to pushing the regional agenda
forward, but considerable leadership and energy are needed to achieve results.
(Emerging asian regionalism, 2008)
These benefits from cooperation could extend also to developing Asian
economies that are not yet part of the region’s integrating core. Indeed, in relative
terms, newcomers to regional integration have the most to gain from the expanded
opportunities for economic development that it provides. Hence, an important aim of this
 49

study is to make the case for integration to countries that have not yet adopted an
outward-oriented development strategy and to provide guidance on how to build
stronger regional connections.
How Asian Regionalism can benefit the World
The rest of the world could benefit, too. So long as Asia’s economies continue to
integrate not just with each other, but also with the rest of the world, sustained Asian
dynamism, strengthened by regional cooperation, could bolster Asia’s role as a new and
stabilizing engine of global economic growth. There are many reasons why Asia is likely
to remain outward-looking—not least because its economy is in large part built on
economies of scale and scope in manufacturing and so requires global markets to
perform at its potential. Indeed, because an integrated Asia will continue to have a
powerful stake in the global economy, it would have both an incentive and the leverage
to play a bigger role in keeping global markets open and vibrant. An integrated Asia
can:
 generate productivity gains, new ideas, and competition that boost economic
growth and raise incomes across the world;
 contribute to the efficiency and stability of global financial markets by making
Asian capital markets stronger and safer, and by maximizing the productive
use of Asian savings;
 diversify sources of global demand, helping to stabilize the world economy
and diminish the risks posed by global imbalances and downturns in other
major economies;
 provide leadership to help sustain open global trade and financial systems;
and
 create regional mechanisms to manage health, safety, and environmental
issues better, and thus contribute to more effective global solutions of these
problems.
While Asian regionalism is primarily motivated by the desire to advance welfare
in the region, it would not do so by detracting from development elsewhere. On the
contrary, Asian regionalism can help to sustain global economic progress at a time
when other major regions are reaching economic maturity. (Emerging asian
regionalism, 2008)

Read more about this topic at: Baogang H., & Inoguchi, T. (2011). Introduction to
ideas of Asian Regionalism. Australia. Cambridge University Press.
 50

ASSESSMENT # 3
A WORLD OF REGIONS

Name:______________________________________Program/Year:_______________
Subject: Literature 1: The Contemporary World CP No.:____________________
Instructor: Jay D. Ontal
A. Answer the following questions in 3-5 sentences.

1. Describe the impacts of Global south in our world.

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 51

2. Analyze how different Asian states confront the challenges of Globalization and
Regionalization. (5 points)
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_______________________________________________________________

I. Diagraming: (10 points)

a. Differentiate Regionalization from Globalization using the venn diagram below.

Regionalization
Globalization

b. Trace and analyze the speeches of President Duterte about his decision of clinging
more to the ASEAN countries rather than to developed countries like the US. For
him, why is it more advantageous to make allies in ASEAN countries? Support this
with a copy from any of his speeches. To be attached in this submission. (15 points)
______________________________________________________________________
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Suggested time allotment: 6 hours

UNIT

4 A WORLD OF IDEAS

Lesson 1 Global Media Cultures

TARGET GOALS
o Analyze how various media drive various forms of global integration (AN)
o Assess the effects of the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) (EV)

Desired Values: Cooperation, Self-discipline, Attentiveness

 53

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Define global media cultures (R)

 Identify the challenges of the rise of new media culture (U)
 Distinguish the impacts of global media cultures (U)
 Explain the dynamic between local and global cultural production (U)

II. INPUT:

By definition, Global media is “the mass communication on a global level,

allowing people across the world to share and access the same information.” It is
indeed that technologies made people’s lives easier all over the globe. Today people all
over the world have easy access to communicate with each other and to be aware of
the news all over the world. There are many advantages in global media. Now, people
have easier access of television, radio, internet and in fact, they have access of others
countries’ satellite TV channels. With those all easy access in many regions, western
television shows became more popular. Of course, global media made it easier for
people to learn about other culture via TV shows (Shahida, 2015).

The history of human communication began with the oral or spoken tradition.
Through the course of history, the dissemination of messages progressed from simply
the oral tradition, to script, print, wired electronics, wireless electronics and finally digital
communication. The greatest change in message dissemination in recent history
occurred with the introduction of computers and the Internet in the early 1990s. Since
then, this drastic change of communication medium has significantly affected humans’
perception of the media, the usage of time and space, and the reachability and control
of the media. (Guo-Ming, 2012)
In the present age of digital communication, time has been compressed by
reducing the distance between different points in space, and the sense of space has led
people to feel that local, national, and global space becomes obsolete (Harvey, 1990).
In addition, the reachability of digital media can now extend to all people, instead of a
limited audience. This is significant because without the confinement of time and space,
the control of message production and dissemination is no longer a privilege possessed
only by church, state, and government, but instead, equally shared by all individuals
(Guo-Ming, 2012).

All these innovations in digital media, or so-called new media, have changed and
continue to change the way we think, act, and live. For example, digitalization, as a
hybridization of print and electronic media in a binary code, converts analog to digital
that requires a completely different mode of production and distribution.

As Chen (2007) indicated, the impact of digital or new media on human society is
demonstrated in the aspects of cognition, social effect, and a new form of aesthetics.
 54

Cognitively, new media demands a nonlinear nature and the creation of expectations for
content, which directly influences the way people use media. Socially, the most
manifested impact of new media is the effect of demassification, which denotes that the
traditional design for a large, homogeneous audience is disappearing and being
replaced by a specific and individual appeal, allowing the audience to access and create
the message they wish to produce (Olason & Pollard, 2004). Visually, new media brings
forth a new digital aesthetic view, which refers to, for example, “interactivity,
manipulation, the prepurposing and repurposing of content across media, deliberate
creation of virtual experience, and sampling as a means of generating new content.”

New media is also the main force accelerating the trend of globalization in human
society. The globalization trend has led to the transformation of almost all aspects of
human society. For instance, socially and culturally, globalization has changed the
perception of what a community is, redefined the meaning of cultural identity and civic
society, and demanded a new way of intercultural interaction (Chen & Zhang, 2010).
Economically, global competition has enormously intensified. In order to succeed in
global business, a company is required to not only understand the local markets in order
to meet their global clients’ needs, but they must also seek out open markets globally,
and foster effective management in global business transactions (Gupta &
Govindarajan, 2007). In sum, due to the thrust of new media, the global trend creates
new social networks and activities, redefines political, cultural, economic, geographical
and other boundaries of human society, expands and stretches social relations,
intensifies and accelerates social exchanges, and involves both the micro-structures of
personhood and macro-structures of community (Steger, 2009).

The field of media and cultural studies emerged in the 1970s in Britain on the
basis of resisting the dominance of communication studies in the United States, which
was more oriented towards the empirical or discovery paradigm. Yet, most British media
studies focus on the role media institutions play in the process of globalization. Many
scholars in this area tend to take globalization for granted, by not making an effort to
theorize the concept (Sparks, 1998; Thussu, 2000). As for cultural studies, originated
from the Frankfurt School in Germany, the field suffers from the lack of concern about
the impact media has on people. The problems that exist in media studies and cultural
studies are like those that appear between the studies of international communication
and intercultural communication. As Servaes (2008) pointed out, cultural studies in
Europe and in the United States mainly pays attention to cultural issues instead of
media issues.

The study of globalization began in the early 1990s, a time when the trend of
globalization significantly increased its impact on human society in terms of scope and
scale. Nevertheless, although scholars from different disciplines are involved in the
study of globalization (e.g., Giddens, 1990; Pieterse, 2009; Robertson, 1992; Waters,
1995), and most agreed that without media and communication globalization will not
 55

emerge as such a great impetus of the transformation of human society, the role of
media and communication in the theorization of the concept of globalization remains
vague and less specified. Surprisingly, according to Rantanen (2006), the contribution
of scholars from the field of media and communication to globalization theories is far
less than scholars from other disciplines such as anthropology and sociology.

The separation problem of communication studies, cultural/media studies, and

globalization studies in scholarly research has been gradually alleviated in recent years,
but more studies in this direction are still needed. It is then the purpose of this paper to
integrate these concepts through the examination of the relationship between new
media and intercultural communication. In order to explore how new media influences
the process of intercultural communication, the discussion in this paper contains two
parts. In the first part, I explicate the nature of new media and its interdependent
relationship with globalization. In the second part, I explain the impact of new media on
intercultural communication from different perspectives.
New Media and Globalization
As mentioned above, the rapid development of new media has been the main
force accelerating the trend of globalization in human society during the last few
decades. With its distinctive and unique nature, new media has brought human
interaction and society to a highly interconnected and complex level. Through this
convergence the mutual enhancement of new media and globalization has led to the
transformation of almost all the aspects of human society. New media being considered
“new” is not only because of its successful integration in the form of the traditional
interpersonal and mass media, but also because of its new functions that enable
individuals to equally control messages in interpersonal media, which allows them to
control messages in mass media (Crosbie, 2002). New media functionally allows people
to interact with multiple persons simultaneously with the ability to individualize
messages in the process of interaction.

New media enjoys five distinctive characteristics: digitality, convergency,

interactivity, hypertextuality, and virtuality (Chen & Zhang, 2010; Flew, 2005; Lister,
Dovery, Giddings, Grant, & Kelly, 2009). First, digitalization is the most prominent
feature of new media. New media or digital media dematerializes media text by
converting data from analog into digital form, which allows all kind of mathematical
operations. New media also makes it possible for a large amount of information to be
retrieved, manipulated, and stored in a very limited space.

Third, the interactive function of new media, i.e., between users and the system
regarding the use of information resources, provides users a great freedom in producing
and reproducing the content and form of the information during the interaction. In
addition, the interactivity of new media makes the interaction among different networks
and the retrieving of information through different operational systems, both available
 56

and convenient. The freedom in controlling the information endows new media a great
power in the process of human communication.

Fourth, the hypertextuality of new media brings forth a global network center in
which information can freely move around and spontaneously interconnect. This global
network phenomenon has begun to rebuild a new life experience for human beings,
which in turn will lead the transformation of economic activities, cultural patterns,
interactional styles, and other aspects of human society (Castells, 2000).

Finally, the cyberspace formed by new media allows people to generate virtual
experience and reality. The invisible cyberspace not only induces a gap between reality
and virtuality, but also effectuates the free alternation of one’s gender, personality,
appearance, and occupation. The formation of virtual community that crosses all the
boundaries of human society definitely will challenge the way we perceive reality and
have traditionally defined identity. (Jones, 1995).

With these distinct features new media pushes the trend of globalization to its
highest level in human history. As defined by Steger (2009), globalization “refers to the
expansion and intensification of social relations and consciousness across world-time
and world-space.” In other words, globalization is “a social process in which the
constraints of geography on social and cultural arrangements recede and people
become increasingly aware that they are receding” (Waters, 1995). It involves the
expansion, stretching, intensification, and acceleration of social activities in both
objective/material and subjective/ human consciousness levels, or different levels of
human society, including the entire world, a specific nation, a specific industry or
organization, and an individual (Govindarajan & Gupta, 1997).

The powerful impact of globalization, enhanced by the advent of new media, is

revealed in its dynamic, pervasive, interconnected, hybridized, and individually powerful
attributes (Chen, 2005; Chen & Zhang, 2010). First, globalization is a dialectically
dynamic process, which is caused by the pushing and pulling between the two forces of
cultural identity and cultural diversity, or between localization and 666 behave. Third,
globalization is holistically interconnected. It builds a huge matrix in which all
components are interconnected with networks. Fourth, globalization represents a
culturally hybridized state, which allows cultural transmission via new media to take
place at a very rapid rate by permeating and dissolving human boundaries. Finally,
globalization increases individual power in the new media society, which pluralizes the
world by recognizing the ability and importance of individual components.

Together, the dialectically dynamic, universally pervasive, holistically

interconnected, culturally hybridized, and individually powerful characteristics of
globalization enhanced and deepened by the stimulus and push of the emergence of
 57

new media has led to revolutionary changes in people’s thinking and behaviors,
redefined the sense of community, and restructured human society.

The impact of the integration of new media and globalization can be summarized
into five precise effects, namely, a shrinking world, the compression of time and space,
close interaction in different aspects of society, global connectivity, and accelerated
local/global competition/cooperation (Chen & Starosta, 2000). In other words,
boundaries of human societies in terms of space, time, scope, structure, geography,
function, profession, value, and beliefs are swiftly changing and transforming into a new
pattern of similarities and interconnectedness.

PRACTICE EXERCISE:
1. What is global Media? What does Media do for us?
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2. What roles do social media play in informing the public of international situations ?
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The Impact of New Media on Intercultural Communication

With its distinctive features new media has brought human society to a highly
interconnected and complex level, but at the same time, it challenges the very existence
of human communication in the traditional sense. New media not only influences the
form and content of information/messages, but it also affects how people understand
each other in the process of human communication, especially for those from different
cultural or ethnic groups.

On the one hand, intrinsically, the new culture hatched from new media creates a
continuity gap between traditions and innovations within a culture. Before the
emergence of new media, according to Bagdasaryan (2011), traditions and innovations
in human society co-existed in a dynamically synchronized way, but the speed and
impact of the new media resulted in the inability of traditional values to keep pace with
 58

the new cultural values produced by new media. This cultural gap has caused difficulty
in understanding or communication between generations and among people in the
same culture.

New media also extrinsically breeds communication gaps between different

cultural and ethnic groups. The fragmented nature of new media has switched
traditional cultural grammar, cultural themes, or cultural maps to a new pattern, resulting
in the loss of traditional cultural logic. The rearrangement or restructuring of cultural
patterns, or worldview, demands that members of a culture realign their communication
behaviors within their own community, and to learn a new way of interaction with people
from differing cultures. New media fosters a new culture in human society, in which the
degree of ambiguity and uncertainty has been reshuffled and has reached its highest
point, especially in the process of intercultural communication. How to readjust to this
new situation and smoothly achieve the goal of mutual understanding for people from
different cultural groups in this chaotic stage of cultural change becomes a great
challenge for the practical need of interaction in daily life and research in the scholarly
community. It is under this circumstance that we see more and more scholars are
becoming involved in the investigation of the relationship between new media and
intercultural communication (Allwood & Schroeder, 2000; Pfister & Soliz, 011; Shuter,
2011). After examining the extant literature, we found that emerging topical areas in this
line of research mainly include three categories: (1) the impact of national/ethnic culture
on the development of new media, (2) the impact of new media on cultural/social
identity, and (3) the impact of new media (especially social media) on different aspects
of intercultural interaction (e.g., intercultural relationship, intercultural dialogue, and
intercultural conflict).
National/Ethnic Culture and New Media
As Weick (1983) pointed out, in the international electronic exchange culture
plays a significant role in affecting the process and outcome of the interaction. In other
words, culture as a communication context may dictate the use of media. Chen (2000)
found that three cultural factors, namely thinking patterns, expression styles, and
cultural context, are the three prominent cultural factors that influence how people
behave in electronic media, and the three factors are the manifestation of cultural
values (Chen & Starosta, 2005).

It is assumed that cultural values will influence the social networking process in
new media (Vasslou, Joinson, & Coourvoisier, 2010; Veltri & Elgarah, 2009; Vinuales,
2011). Hall’s (1976) low-context and high context cultures and Hofstede’s (2001)
individualism and collectivism dimensions of cultural values are two of the most
common models used in the study of the relationship between culture and media. For
example, Kim, Sohn, and Choi (2010) found that cultural value orientations affect a
user’s attitude when using new media. Their study demonstrates that although the
motives for using social media are similar for students, those in high-context,
 59

collectivistic cultures, such as Korean college students, show more emphasis on

attaining social support from existing social relationships, while those in low-context,
individualistic cultures, such as American college students, tend to show more interest
in seeking entertainment rather than social relationships. Moreover, Rosen, Stefanone,
and Lackaff (2010) as well found that, compared to high context, collectivistic cultures in
the process of new media interaction, people in low-context, individualistic cultures tend
to emphasize individual achievements and self-promotion to extend their social relations
network, though the orientation may trade privacy in the network.
New Media and Cultural Identity
The convergence of new media and globalization brings about at least six new
experiences for human beings, including new textual experiences, new ways of
representing the world, new relationships between users and new media technologies,
new conceptions of the biological body’s relationship to technological media, and new
patterns of organization and production (Lister, Dovery, Giddings, Grant, & Kelly, 2009).
These experiences will inevitably challenge the traditional formation and definition of
social or cultural identity. In other words, the use of new media is shaking the root of
cultural identity by weakening or strengthening the intensity of the relationship between
people and community (Hampton & Wellman, 1999; Singh, 2010). The time and space
compression caused by the convergence of new media and globalization creates a
universal cyberspace in which new cultural identity is emerging in different virtual
communities.

The new cultural identity formed by new media may not change the traditional
meaning of cultural identity as a unique product through interaction in a specific group
context, which gives members a sense of belongings to the group, but it will directly
challenge the traditional attributes of cultural identity, namely, temporality, territoriality,
constrastivity, interactivity, and multiplicity (Belay, 1996). More specifically, cultural
identity fostered by new media is no longer a product of historical development (i.e.,
temporality) confined in an avowal process of people in a geographical place (i.e.,
territoriality). It may still be a distinct collective consciousness based on the members’
sense-making process (i.e., contrastivity). The virtual community is characterized by a
higher degree of heterogeneity and a lower level of interconnection (Van Dijk, 1998). In
addition, social interaction (i.e., interactivity) as the foundation of developing cultural
identity remains unchanged in the age of new media, but the nature of interpersonal and
group relationships via social interaction in the virtual community is unlike those
constructed from traditional face-to-face interaction. Finally, it is still unknown if the new
cultural identity formed by new media will continue to be a multi-faceted concept or
practice (i.e., multiplicity), which can contrast with the six facets of traditional cultural
identity indicated by Belay (1996), including sociological identities, occupational
identities, geobasic identities, national identities, co-cultural identities, and ethnic
identities.
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New Media and Intercultural Interaction

The impact of new media on different aspects of intercultural interaction is
apparent and has attracted more and more studies from intercultural communication
scholars. This part discusses the influence of new media on three common aspects of
intercultural interaction in the global context: intercultural relationship, intercultural
adaptation, and intercultural conflict.
Intercultural relationships
New media, especially social media such as Facebook, blogs, MySpace,
YouTube, Twitter, and the iPhone, have enabled people from every corner of the world
to represent themselves in a particular way and stay connected in cyberspace. It is
obvious that the flexibility of information presented and shared in the new media will
directly affect, either positively or negatively, the development of intercultural
relationships in the virtual community through the creation of a network of personal
connection (e.g., Boyd & Ellision, 2007; Donath & Boyd, 2004; Ellison, Steinfield, &
Lanmpe, 2007; Parks & Floyd, 1996; Walther, 1992).

Moreover, Elola and Oskoz (2009) found that in foreign language and study
abroad contexts, the use of blogging not only showed a positive effect on the
development of intercultural relationships, but also increased the degree of participants’
intercultural communication competence. In addition to intercultural relationships on a
personal level, social media also helps to establish international business relationships
(Jackson, 2011). Nevertheless, new media may also produce a negative impact on
intercultural communication. For example, Qian and Scott (2007) found that revealing
too much personal information in blogs, especially negative information about one’s
friends, employer, and others, tends to jeopardize or cause problems in establishing
constructive human relationships intraculturally and interculturally.

Finally, McEwan and Sobre-Denton (2011) argued that computer-mediated

communication can promote and develop virtual cosmopolitanism and virtual third
cultures. The authors indicated that through the construction of third culture space, a
new, hybrid culture is created, in which interactants from differing cultures are able to
gather cultural and social information, build online communities, and form intercultural
relationships.

Intercultural adaptation Because new media enables individuals across the globe
to exchange messages for the purpose of understanding people from different cultures,
it has become popular for sojourners or immigrants to use new media to communicate
with their friends, classmates, and relatives or family members in both their native and
host country in their learning process or daily life (e.g., Chen Bennett, & Maton, 2008;
Trebbe, 2007; Tsai, 2006; Ye, 2006). As shown in W. Chen’s (2010) study, the longer
immigrants reside in the host country, the more they communicate with the host
 61

nationals via new media, but the frequency of surfing their original country’s websites is
decreasing. W. Chen also found that the use of new media shows a significant impact
on the process of immigrants’ intercultural adaptation. In other words, the social
interaction conducted through new media by immigrants proves to be a critical element
that can determine whether they can successfully adjust to the host country.

In addition, Sawyer and Chen (2011) investigated how international students use
social media and how it affects their intercultural adaptation. The authors found that
social media provides an environment for international students to connect with people
in both their home and host countries, which in turn helps them strengthen personal
relationships and fosters a sense of belonging to the host culture. The use of new media
obviously helps international students cope with cultural barriers in the process of
intercultural adaptation. The study also found that, due to the influence of culture shock,
sojourners tend to rely more on social media in the initial stage of arriving in the host
country, to keep connected with those people they know in their home country in order
to gain a sense of comfort in the new environment. As time moves on, the use of social
media was switched to interacting with the host nationals to help them better integrate
into the new culture.

Furthermore, Croucher (2011) attempted to propose a theoretical model through

the integration of cultivation theory and ethnic group vitality to illustrate the relationship
between social networking and cultural adaptation. Croucher successfully generated
two propositions: (1) “During cultural adaptation, the use of social networking sites
affects immigrants’ interaction with the dominant culture” (p. 261), and “During cultural
adaptation, the use of social networking sites will affect immigrants’ in-group
communication.
Intercultural conflict
New media provides people and governments with a powerful tool to construct
their own image, to define and redefine the meanings of messages, to set the media
agenda, or to frame the news or messages. However, cultural dissimilarities result in
different ways in media representation on the individual or governmental level. Because
the underlying order, perspectives and practical limitations of the media in any society
are based on their cultural value orientations, the different forms of media
representation tend to reflect the asymmetry of intercultural communication and
inevitably lead to the problem of intercultural confrontation or conflict in interpersonal,
group, and national levels (Chen & Dai, in press; Hotier, 2011). The media coverage of
the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games and Google’s withdrawal from P.R. China are two
good examples of the illustration of intercultural conflict in the media context.

According to Ni (2008) and Zhou (2007), Western media has long portrayed P.R.
China as an authoritarian, backward, irrational, and mysterious nation. The P.R. China
is commonly criticized by Western media for abusing human rights, political corruption,
 62

social instability, and environmental pollution. In order to construct a positive national

image, the Chinese government carefully and tactically used its state-owned media to
set up three agendas for the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, namely, green Olympics,
humanistic Olympics, and scientific Olympics. While most Western media was less
prejudiced and biased in reporting the success of the Beijing Olympic Games and
agrees that the games presented the image of a rising great power (Ding, 2011; Gan &
Peng, 2008; Shi 2009), media agencies such as the New York Times and Washington
Post placed much emphasis on the coverage of protests during the Beijing Olympic
Games by criticizing the Chinese government’s failing to fulfill its promise to loosen
restrictions on free speech during the time of the Olympics. As Murray (2011) argued,
Western media coverage of the protest controversy is embedded in the Western beliefs
in freedom of expression, human rights, individual equality, and social justice, which are
in contrast to Chinese cultural values of harmony, face saving, group interest, and social
order. The coverage based on different cultural values between Chinese media and
Western media made confrontation unavoidable.

Know more about this topic at: Hjarvard, Stig. Global Media Cultures: A Research
Programme on the Role of Media in Cultural Globalization. Retrieved from
https://www.nordicom.gu.se/sites/default/files/kapitel-pdf/37_hjarvard.pdf

Lesson 2 Globalization of Religion

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES:

 Explain how globalization affects religious practices and beliefs (U)

 Analyze the relationship between religion and global conflict and, conversely,
global peace (An)

II. INPUT:
 63

Globalization refers to the historical process by which all the world's people
increasingly come to live in a single social unit. It implicates religion and religions in
several ways. From religious or theological perspectives, globalization calls forth
religious response and interpretation. Yet religion and religions have also played
important roles in bringing about and characterizing globalization. Among the
consequences of this implication for religion have been that globalization encourages
religious pluralism. Religions identify themselves in relation to one another, and they
become less rooted in particular places because of Diasporas and transnational ties.
Globalization further provides fertile ground for a variety of non-institutionalized religious
manifestations and for the development of religion as a political and cultural resource.
(Globalization and Religion, 2020)

Moreover, globalization has played a tremendous rose in providing a context for

the current revival and the emergence of religion. Today, most religions are not
relegated to the countries where they began. Regions have, in fact, spread and
scattered on a global scale. Globalization provided religions a fertile milieu to spread
thrive. As Scholte (2005) made clear: “Accelerated globalization of recent times has
enabled co-religionists across the planet to have greater direct contact with one
another. Global communications, global organizations, global finance, and the like have
allowed ideas of the Muslims and universal Christian church to be given concrete share
as never before (Scholte, 2005)

Information technologies, transformation means, and the media are deemed

important means on which religionists rely on the dissemination of their religious ideas.
For instance, countless websites that provide information about religious have been
created. This makes pieces’ information and explanations about different religions ready
at the disposal of any person regardless of his or her geographical location. In addition,
the internet allows people to contact each other worldwide and therefore hold forums
and debates that allow religious ideas to spread.

Furthermore, media is also playing an important role in the dissemination of

religious ideas. In this respect, a lot of television channels, radio stations, and print
media are founded solely for advocating religions. Modern transportation has also
contributed considerably to the emergence, revivalism, and fortification of religion. In
this respect, Turner (2007) cited the case of Islamic revivalism in Asia which “is related
to the improvement in transportation has allowed many Muslims to travel to Mecca, and
return with reformist ideas”. Modern technology, therefore, has helped religions of
different forms, such as fundamentalist, orthodox, or modernist to across geographical
boundaries and be present everywhere.

Globalization has also allowed religion or faith to gain considerable significance

and importance as a non-territorial touchtone of identity. Being a source of identity and
 64

pride, religion has always been promoted by its practitioners so that it could reach the
level of globality and be embraced by as many people as people. Muslims, for instance,
aspire to establish the Islamic Ummah, a community of believers. By paving the way for
religions to come in contact with each other and providing a context for their flourishing
and thriving, globalization has brought such religions to a circle of competition and
conflicts.
As Turner (2007) explained, “Globalization transforms the generic “religion” into a
world-system of competing and conflicting religions. This process of institutional
specialization has transformed local, diverse and fragmented cultural practices into
recognizable systems of religion. Globalization has, therefore, had the paradoxical
effect of making religions more self-conscious of themselves as being “world religions.”

Such conflicts among the world religions exhibit a solid proof confirming the
erosion and the failure of hybridization. Globalization, as stated in the above, makes
religions more conscious of themselves as being “world religions” reinforcing their
respective specific identities. These identities are strengthened by globalization and
cannot, in any way, intermingle or hybridize. Since religions have distinct internal
structures, their connections to different cultures and their rituals and beliefs contradict.
For instance, Islam and Christianity are mostly incompatible with each other. These
religions cannot be hybridized or homogenized even if they often come in contact.

Though religion is strengthened and fortified by globalization, it represents a

challenge to globalization’s hybridizing effects. Religion seeks to assert its identity in the
light of globalization. As a result, different religious identities come to the fore and assert
themselves. Such assertions of religious identities constitute a defensive reaction to
globalization. Scholte (2005), in this respect, maintained, “at the same time as being
pursued through global channels, assertions of religious identity have, like nationalist
strivings, often also been partly a defensive reaction to globalization.”

It has been difficult for religion to cope with values that accompany globalization
like liberalism, consumerism, and rationalism. Such phenomena advocate scientism and
secularism. This, in fact, pushed Scholte to speak of the anti-rationalist faiths. Since he
equated rationalism with globalization and considered religion anti-rationalist, it can be
deduced that religion is anti-globalization.

To quote Scholte (2005), “transplanetary relations have helped to simulate and

sustain some renewals of anti-rationalist faith, but global networks have more usually
promoted activities involving rationalist knowledge. Contemporary revivalist movements
have largely replayed a long-term tendency – one that well predates contemporary
accelerated globalization – whereby certain religious circles have from time to time
revolted against modern secularism and scientism.
 65

On the other hand, it can be said that the anti-rationalist qualities ascribed to
religion can be the characteristics of fundamentalist and extremist forms of religion. It
cannot be considered religion as surely anti-rationalist since many religious people
reconcile reason and faith and make moderate trends within their religions.
Nevertheless, globalization’s strict rationalism manifested in such phenomena is
liberalism and secularism can be incompatible with the norms and the values of certain
religions.

Globalization is also associated with Westernization and Americanization. The

dominance exerted by these two processes, particularly on the less developed
countries, makes religion-related cultures and identities take defensive measures to
protect themselves. Sometimes, extreme forms of resisting other cultural influence are
being done, such as that of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). As Ehteshami
(2007) pointed out, “Globalization is not only seen as rival of Islamic ways, but also as
an alien force divorced from Muslim realities. Stressing the negative impact of the loose
morals of Western life is a daily feature of airwaves in the Middle East.” The imperialist
aspirations of globalization and its incompatibility with Islam make globalization
completely alien to the Muslim realities. Since globalization is cultural construct at its
core and its meaning is the Western discourse, “promoting and engaging with it on the
part of Muslims is like accepting and promoting Western cultural values and their
dominance.

The challenges globalization to religion link automatically to the challenges of

religion to globalization. In other words, while religion takes caution against the norms
and the values related to globalization, it challenges the latter since religion does not
approve its hybridizing effects. The idea of de-hybridizing effects of religion is approved
also by Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilizations, which maintains that such de-
hybridizing upshots spring also from religious partitioning and clashes.

Know more about this topic at: Chapter 43 of textbook: “Religion and Global
Conflict” by Mark Juergensmeyer

ASSESSMENT # 4
A WORLD OF IDEAS
Name: _____________________________________Program/Year: _______________
Subject: Literature 1: The Contemporary World CP No.:____________________
Instructor: Jay D. Ontal
 66

Set A. Answer the following questions. Use a separate paper for your answer and limit
your answer 3-5 sentences. (5 points each)

1. How does our understanding of media shift in different cultural contexts?

2. How has the rise of digital media affected national and international security?
Support your claim.

3. Describe the reactions of some religious movements to globalization.

4. Describe the interconnectedness of globalization to our religions.

5. Media has become an ever-increasing part of modern life. Do you think media
and its messages have influenced you personally? Prove your answer by citing
examples. (15 points) (See attached Rubric #3)

Set B. Reflection Paper

 PBS Frontline: “The Rise of ISIS”

(http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/film/riseof-isis/)

 Make a reflection paper based on the link given.

 Write it in a short bond paper in at least 200 words.

 See attached Rubric #2

Suggested time allotment: 8 hours

UNIT

5 GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY

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Lesson 1 The Global City

TARGET GOALS
o Analyze how cities serve as engines of globalization. (AN)
o Analyze the political, economic, cultural, and social factors underlying the
global movements of people (AN)
o Display first-hand knowledge of the experiences of OFWs (App)

Desired Values: Integrity, Kindness, Determination

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES

 Define Global City (R)

 Identify the attributes of a global city (U)

II. INPUT
It is barely surprising that the idea of ‘global city’ emerged in the social science
literature in the 1980s, shortly after the concept of globalization captured the social
scientific imagination, becoming one of its most powerful notional gravitational pulls
(Gilpin, 2000). However, the idea of global city was hardly new at the time, and as a
phenomenon, global cities, either as centres of imperial power or ‘free cities’ at the
crossroads of international merchant routes, existed since ancient times. More recently,
the concept was preceded by the idea of ‘world city’. Roderick McKenzie, a Chicago
academic, conceptualized a global network of cities as early as 1927 (Acuto, 2011:
2956).
In order to be able to imagine, observe and define global city, one first needs to
be able to imagine the world, the globe, as one entity. This is not difficult today, with all
its graphic, visual and conceptual representations, and with a constant debate on ‘global
issues’ in the realm of economics, security and the environment. Yet, arguing why and
how the human globe, the global society, is one, or should be one, remains difficult.
Since the 1980s, when the globalization paradigm started to dominate social sciences, it
has produced ongoing conceptual and ideological disputes. Conceptually, the meaning
and timing of globalization have been debated; ideologically, the apologists and critics
of globalization keep arguing about who benefits from the intensification of the
interconnectedness of economic, political, cultural and environmental processes and
transformations of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (Bauman, 1998;
Beck, 2000; Hobsbawm et al., 1999; Wallerstein, 1989).
During this time, there have been attempts to shun the traditional approach of
social sciences as an obsolete ‘methodological nationalism’ dictating a (nation-state)
‘container model’ of society, unfit for the ‘global age’ where trans-nationalism, porous
 68

borders and global interdependency were said to condition all social processes and
prompt social change (Faist, 2000; Wimmer and Glick-Schiller, 2003). While the nation-
state no doubt remains, a powerful institution shaping not only global macro-processes
but also everyday lives of its citizens, its power is increasingly relative and steered by
global forces, primarily economic in nature, but also geo-political, cultural and
environmental. Like many other phenomena of the ‘global era’, the global city also
escapes the full control of the nation state – although each global city is also a national
city, its significance as a trans-national and ‘cosmopolitan’ hub goes beyond its ‘host
nation’. In fact, through global cities the nation-states project their significance onto the
global stage.
What, therefore, is the ‘global city’? This question may be easier to approach
from an empirical angle: we can ask which cities are ‘global’, and why? In her seminal
work on the topic, Saskia Sassen (1991) identified only three global cities: New York,
London and Tokyo. This choice indicated that the criteria for the status of the global city
were, unsurprisingly, primarily economic: global cities, according to Sassen, are the
‘command centres’, the main nodes of triumphant global capitalism (even more
triumphant and global after the fall of its only real-life competitor – communism – at that
time). Sassen (1991: 5) argued that ‘the more globalised the economy becomes, the
higher the agglomeration of central functions in a relatively few sites’ – that is, the global
cities. Twenty years later the three cities are still the main financial centres, and their
respective stock exchanges and indices – New York’s Wall Street, London’s ‘Footsie’
(the informal name for FTSE 100 Index of the largest listed companies) and Tokyo’s
Nikkei, are concepts familiar even to those with no interest in global finance. Sharon
Zukin (1998: 826), taking a ‘cultural view’ of the issue, put New York, London and Paris
at the top of the ‘urban cultural hierarchy’ in terms of cultural innovation and ability to
attract visitors.
Two decades after Sassen’s (1991) book launched the concept, other cities,
primarily in up-and-coming Asia, started to enjoy the status of global cities where
primarily financial, but also other ‘productive services’ such as information technology,
law and accountancy, are concentrated (Sassen, 1991: 5). Therefore, the ‘things’ that
are produced in a global city are not primarily material: large manufacturing
agglomerations are now invariably placed outside global cities, normally in the slum-
ridden ‘megacities’ of the ‘Third World’. In fact, it seems that one of the conditions of the
status of global city is to stop making things and switch to handling and shifting money
and ideas.
Global cities are decidedly post-industrial: Shanghai, for example, previously a
state-controlled socialist industrial powerhouse, claimed its global city status when
chimneys started to be replaced by steel-and glass sky-scrapers, home to finance,
commerce and research and development, facilitated by massive foreign capital inflows
(Wu, 2000). Singapore is another recent addition to the global city club, with its efficient
global transport infrastructure and growing professional service sector. The
 69

development of the city-state of Singapore into a global city neatly reflects the growing
global importance of the Asia-Pacific region (Baum, 1999: 1097).
Zukin describes the process of switching to a ‘service economy’ as a ‘cultural
turn’ in the advanced societies where a ‘symbolic economy’, based on abstract products
such as financial instruments, information and ‘culture’ (arts, fashion, music, etc.), has
increasing importance. Such ‘symbolic production’ by knowledge workers does not
produce smoke, smell, noise or visible motion and is therefore largely invisible. As a
consequence, global cities are no longer experienced as ‘landscapes of production’ but
as ‘landscapes of consumption’ (Zukin, 1998: 825). Indeed, they are places where
consumer culture reaches its late-Western paroxysm. Even if the cities are not Western,
the consumer culture definitely remains an invention of the affluent West (Humphery,
2010).
PRACTICE EXERCISE:
What do you think are the powerful cities in the world? Why?

______________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
Perhaps the most famous, and of late also notorious, symbolic products created
in the command posts of global capitalism are ‘financial products’, the inflation and then
implosion of which triggered the ‘global financial crisis’ in 2008. Apart from being
financial centres, global cities are also concentrations of geopolitical power, and cultural
and trendsetting powerhouses, higher education hubs and playgrounds of creative
industries, such as arts, fashion and design. They therefore create a specific labour
demand – its key workforce is the professional class which, according to Sassen (1991:
280), constituted only five per cent of New York residents at the beginning of the
twentieth century but grew to 30 per cent by the late 1980s. These ‘knowledge workers’
are not necessarily part of the core wealth and power elite of global capitalism, but are a
highly (globally) mobile, career-minded middle class (Colic-Peisker, 2010). Their
burgeoning presence in global cities, along-side withdrawal of manufacturing and its
working class, lead to gentrification of previously industrial inner-city neighbourhoods
over the past half-century. Gentrification is at the same time a process of social class
polarization and residential segregation of the affluent from the poor. According to Zukin
(1998: 835) gentrification and consumption of the gentrifies drives a ‘wedge between
urban social classes’. The lifestyle and needs of the well-off professional classes bring
into the global city an army of low-paid workers who deliver personal and labour-
intensive services: cleaning, child-care, delivery, restaurants and eateries, catering,
maintenance, transport, hotels, domestic help and retail (Sassen, 1991; Zukin, 1998:
831, 835).
 70

According to Sassen (1991), global cities are characterized by occupational and

income polarization, with the highly paid professional class on the one end and
providers of low-paid services on the other. Instead of being egg-shaped, with those in
the middle being a majority, the labour market of global cities is increasingly ‘hourglass-
shaped’, with a hollow middle (Autor et al., 2006; Baum, 1999). The polarization of the
service-dominated post-industrial labour market is reflected in the polarization of
housing markets. Gentrified inner city and other attractive, well-connected and services-
rich areas have expensive real estate because in a highly developed and sensitive
housing market (a ‘thick’, dynamic housing market with much supply and demand) the
attractive features and advantages of an urban area end up being readily capitalized
into higher property prices. The opposite happens with less attractive and less liveable
outer areas with fewer job opportunities and services (Wood, 2004). Given that most
people (at least in home-ownership English-speaking societies) have most of their
wealth stored in their homes, the polarized housing markets exacerbate general socio-
economic inequality (Wood, 2004).
The global cities that attract large population intakes have high real-estate prices
and as a consequence of population growth suffer falling housing affordability. This is
especially noticeable in Australia over the past decade of very high immigration intakes
(Wood, 2004). Zhong, Clark and Sassen (2007) used census data for all US metro
areas to support their argument that income polarization is mostly present in large gate-
way cities, where large immigration intakes tend to depress wages at the bottom of the
labour market. This section of the large urban labour markets now comprises the most
flexible labour – those who hold casual and insecure jobs, often in the grey economy. Of
course, the polarization argument should be applied with caution, as every city, however
‘global’, has its local, national and regional contexts that colour and condition economic
and social processes driven primarily, but not solely, by economic globalization (Baum,
1999). In Singapore and Shanghai for exam-ple, the processes of globalization are far
less laissez-faire than in the ‘Western’ cities and are in fact tightly managed by the state
(Baum, 1999; Wu, 2000). Singapore’s dual industrial strategy, where ‘up-market’
manufacturing is kept alongside burgeoning professional services, lessened the
workforce polarization effect (Baum, 1999).
In the twenty-first century, the list of global cities expanded to encompass cities
across Asia, and few cities in other parts of the world. According to Japanese Mori
Foundation’s Global Power City Index, the global power of cities is measured by a
combination of six criteria: economy, research and development, cultural interaction,
liveability, environment and accessibility (Mori Memorial Foundation, 2011: 1). The top
five cities according to these criteria are New York, London, Paris, Tokyo and
Singapore. Of course, there are different rankings and criteria and this one cannot be
considered definitive. Ultimately, according to the Mori Foundation, cities deserve their
global status through their ‘“magnetism”: a comprehensive power to attract creative
people and excellent companies from around the world amidst accelerated interurban
competition’ (2011: 1). The main thesis of a recent book by Italian-American economist
 71

Enrico Moretti (2012) is in agreement with such a view: he argues that the most
important twenty-first century cities are those which represent ‘brain hubs’, that is,
concentrations of innovative people and firms, and are also good ‘human ecosystems’
for cutting-edge businesses, providing all the support functions or ‘secondary services’
for the innovators (Moretti, 2012: 133, 247; Solimano, 2006).
Moretti (2012) argues, alongside many other economists, that the continuation of
the success of Western economies nowadays hinges on the ‘knowledge economy’: the
creation of new ideas, technologies and products (2012: 5, 40–1). A more novel aspect
of his argument is that even more than traditional industries, the ‘knowledge economy’
has an inherent tendency towards geographical agglomeration. This goes against the
widely accepted view that Internet communication makes the place of work irrelevant.
According to economist Moretti (2012: 5, 144) as well as sociologist Florida (2005: 29)
the geographic ‘economies of scale’ remain relevant, because larger ‘brain
concentrations’ have a ‘thicker labour market’ – a high supply of professionals and a
high demand for them, with a possibility to fast recruit, which is critical in the ‘time-driven
and horizontal’ knowledge economy – and a more specialized supply of business
services, as well as more opportunities for what they call ‘knowledge spill overs’. The
latter means, in a nutshell, that creative people thrive in the company of other creative
people and tend to stagnate in isolation, even if Internet-connected.
The role of cities as critical concentrations of people and hubs of exchange of
products and ideas is not new: they have been the engine of civilization since the
beginning of history. Focusing on the United States, Moretti adds a new dimension to
the global cities debate, identifying the most important American cities not primarily as
financial hubs but rather as thriving hubs of digital innovation, and opposes them to
‘struggling cities’ with low human capital base, that is, a low proportion of university
graduates in the population. The main brain hubs with more than half of their population
with college degrees are Silicon Valley (San Francisco–San Jose area) the home
ground of the digital era giants such as Google and Apple, followed by Washington DC,
Boston and Seattle.
Moretti (2012) further develops the thesis about growing polarization of the
labour market, not just between cities and regions but also within large cities (2012:
164): he calls it the ‘Great Divergence’ and marks the 1980s as its beginning (2012: 4).
While American cities may be less racially segregated that a few decades ago, he
argues, they are becoming increasingly segregated by education and earnings. Moretti
argues that workers in the dynamic brain hubs have two to three times higher earnings
than their equally qualified counterparts in the stagnating ‘rust belt’ cities. The brain
hubs are also good at attracting the best and brightest from around the world, while low-
skilled immigrants typically go to the low-tech cities (2012: 93).
Learn more about this topic: Sassen, Saskia. 2005. “The Global City: Introducing a
Concept.” Brown Journal of World Affairs XI(2): 27-43.
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Lesson 2 Global Demography

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES

 Describe the demographic transition of the different countries in the

contemporary world. (U)
 Explain the theory of demographic transition as it affects global population. (U)

II. INPUT
Demography is the study of human populations – their size, composition and
distribution across space – and the process through which populations change. Births,
deaths and migration are the ‘big three’ of demography, jointly producing population
stability or change (Department of Sociology, 2019).
A population’s composition may be described in terms of basic demographic
features – age, sex, family and household status – and by features of the population’s
social and economic context – language, education, occupation, ethnicity, religion,
income and wealth. The distribution of populations can be defined at multiple levels
(local, regional, national, global) and with different types of boundaries (political,
economic, and geographic). Demography is a central component of societal contexts
and social change.
Demographic transition is a singular historical period during which mortality and
fertility rates decline from high to low levels in a particular country or region. The broad
outlines of the transition are similar in countries around the world, but the pace and
timing of the transition have varied considerably.
What demographers do go well beyond this broad definition and draws
extensively from related disciplines – Sociology, Economics, statistics, History, Political
Science, Anthropology, Psychology, Public Health and Environmental Sciences. 
Demography is very useful for understanding social and economic problems and
identifying potential solutions. Demographers are engaged in social planning, market
research, insurance forecasting, labor market analysis, economic development and so
on. They work for private firms and public agencies at local, regional, national and
international levels.
The transition started in mid- or late 1700s in Europe. During that time, death
rates and fertility began to decline. High to low fertility happened in 200 years in France
and 100 years in the United States. In other parts of the world, the transition began
later. It was only in the twentieth century that mortality decline in Africa and Asia, with
the exemption of Japan. According to Maddison (2001), life expectancy in India was
only 24 years in the early twentieth century while the same life expectancy occurred in
China in 1929 until 1931. Fertility decline in Asia did not begin until the 1950s and so
on. In the case of Japan, it was until 1930s that “total fertility rate did not drop below five
 73

births per woman” (Shigeyuki et al., 2002). This resulted in rapid population growth after
Second World War, affecting the age structure of Asia and the developing world.
Specifically, the baby boom in the developing world was caused by the decline of infant
and child mortality rates. The West, on the other hand, experienced baby boom that
resulted from rising birth rates.
A remarkable effect of the demographic transition, as Shigeyuki et al. (2002)
stated, is “the enormous gap in life expectancy that emerged between Japan and the
West on the one hand and the rest of the world on the other.” By 1820, the life
expectancy at birth at Japan and the West was 12 years greater than that of other
countries. It is increased by 20 years by 1900. Although there was an improvement in
life expectancy all throughout the world in 1900-1950, the gap had reached 22 years. In
1999, the gap declined to 14 years. These differences in time of transition affected the
global population. During the nineteenth century, Europe and the West had an
increased in share in the world’s population, from 22.0 percent to 33.0 percent, while
Asia and Oceania’s contribution dropped from 69.0 percent to 56.7. India and China
suffered from economic stagnation and decline during that time.
There was a reverse in global population shares during the twentieth century as
Africa, Asia, Latin America, Oceania had high levels of population growth rates.
According to Shigeyuki et al. (2002), population growth shows a more remarkable shift:”
Between 1820 and 1980, 69.3 percent of the world’s population growth occurred in
Europe and Western offshoots. Between 1950 and 2000, however, only 11.7 percent
occurred in that region.”
The United Nations projected that population growth will be shifted toward Africa.
It is estimated that 2150, the regions’ share to the world population will be almost 20
percent, relatively much greater than its share in 1820 (seven percent) and in 1900 (six
percent). Also in 2150, there will be a projected increase of two billion if we combine the
populations of Asia, Latin America, and Oceania.
In terms of the age structure, the overall trend in Japan and the West was
downward until 1950. Their dependency ratio was close to 0.5. It only increased,
although temporary, when the baby boom after the Second World War occurred.
Japan’s dependency ratio, however, increased between 1888 and 1920. Its dependency
ratio was higher than the West between 1920 and the early 1950s. It dropped in 1970
and later since its precipitous decline in childbearing during the 1950s and low fertility
rates in recent years.
The developing countries like India and the Philippines had higher dependency
ratios than the West in 1900. A great increase in dependency ratio was caused by the
decline in infant and child mortality and high levels of fertility, with its peak around 1970.
Dependency ratios started to disappear because there is a decline in global birth
rate. Furthermore, the gap in fertility between the West and the less developed
countries became smaller by the twenty-first century. Over the next 50 years, the cases
 74

of dependency ratios of these two areas in the world will be reversed (Shigeyuki et al.,
2002). The aging of populations will cause a rise in dependency ratio, starting in the
West.
PRACTICE EXERCISE:
1. How is demography defined?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

2. What would be the advantages and disadvantages of a decreasing population?

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
Demographics and Their Implications for the Economy and Policy
 Demographic Implications for Labor Markets
Demographics influence the supply of labor. Typically, as mortality rates decline
and people live longer, the supply of labor increases. We saw this pattern begin in the
U.S. in the late 1960s and the 1970s, especially as women and the baby boomers
began entering the workforce. The result was an increase in the available supply of
prime-age workers, both females and males, and potential growth rates in the 3 to 4
percent range (CBO, 2017).
Even though increased life expectancy means individuals will need to work
longer in order to save more for retirement, usually, population aging eventually leads to
a downward trend in labor force participation in the aggregate (CBO, 2017). This is
already happening in the U.S. Labor force participation peaked at 67.3 percent in early
2000 and fell to 66.0 percent in December 2007, as the Great Recession was
beginning. Since then, it has fallen further, to 62.7 percent as of October. While some of
the decline represents cyclical factors, research suggests that most of the fall in the
overall participation rate can be attributed to demographics: the combination of an aging
population and reduced participation rates at older ages (Aaronson, et al. (2006) &
Aaronson, et al. (2014).
As a result of lower population growth and labor force participation, the growth of
the U.S. labor force has slowed considerably, from 2.5 percent per year, on average, in
the 1970s, to around 0.5 percent per year over 2010-2016. It is expected to remain near
that level over the next decade.
 75

The changing age distribution of workers can affect not only labor force growth
and participation but also the longer-run natural rate of unemployment. Older workers
typically have lower unemployment rates than other age groups, and they tend to
change jobs less frequently (Bean, 2004). Young people now make up a smaller share
of the labor force. All else equal, the combination of lower quit rates for older workers
and lower numbers of younger workers should imply a lower natural rate of
unemployment compared to the 1990s (Aaronson, et al., 2015). Of course, the timing
and magnitude of this demographic effect are not certain because there are some
counterbalancing factors, including the fact that, so far, contrary to expectations, the
retirement age for older workers hasn’t changed much, the productivity of a worker
varies with age, and policies such as unemployment and retirement benefits can affect
labor market choices.
 Demographic Implications for Economic Growth
The expected slowdown in population growth and labor force participation rates
will have implications for long-run economic growth and the composition of growth. The
key determinants of the economy’s longer-run growth rate are labor force growth and
structural productivity growth – how effectively the economy combines its labor and
capital inputs to create output. Demographics suggest that labor force growth will be
considerably slower than it has been in recent decades, and this will weigh on long-run
economic growth.
In addition, in theory, the aging of the population may also have a negative effect
on structural productivity growth. Over the past five years, labor productivity, measured
by output per hour worked in the nonfarm business sector, has grown at an annual rate
of only about a half of a percent; over the entire expansion, it has averaged 1 percent.
While some part of the slowdown is likely cyclical, reflecting persistent effects of the
Great Recession on investment spending, structural factors are also weighing on
productivity growth. Older workers tend to stay longer in their jobs than younger
workers, who are more likely to change jobs and employers. This allows older workers
to gain deeper experience, which can be positive for productivity growth. At the same
time, lower labor mobility means workers may remain in jobs that are not the best match
to their skill sets. This would be a negative for productivity growth. Indeed, one study
finds that both short tenures and long tenures adversely affect productivity growth
(Auer, et al., 2005). And historical evidence suggests a hump-shaped relationship
between age and productivity, with productivity increasing when a person enters the
workforce, stabilizing, and then declining toward the end of a person’s work life
(Skirbekk, 2008 & National Research Council, 20120. Research also indicates that an
individual’s innovative activity and scientific output peaks between the ages of 30 and
40, although that age profile has been shifting older over time (National Research
Council, 2012).
Labor mobility and business dynamism, including the number of start-ups in key
innovative sectors like high-tech, have been declining for some time (Haltiwanger,
 76

2015). Whether dynamism will remain low is an open question, but the aging of the
population is here to stay. So far, the magnitude of the negative effect of the aging
workforce on productivity growth appears to be quite small (National Research Council,
2012). Even so, the demographics-induced slower growth of the labor force and the
possible dampening effect on productivity growth suggest that longer run output growth
will likely remain below the 3 to 3.5 percent rate seen over the 1980s and 1990s, unless
there is some effective countervailing policy response.
In addition to affecting the economy’s trend growth rate, demographics will likely
affect the composition of growth by shaping aggregate consumption, saving, and
investment decisions. Increased longevity means that people will need to save more
over their working life to fund a longer retirement period. This is especially true given the
degree of underfunding of public pension plans at the state and federal levels. Demand
for healthcare will continue to rise, and an aging population will place different demands
on the housing sector than a younger population, affecting the demand for single-
versus multi-family properties, for owning versus renting, and for residential
improvements that allow older adults to age in place (Joint Center for Housing Studies
of Harvard University 2014). By affecting the composition of output, changes in the age
distribution have the potential to affect the business cycle. Because of its cyclical and
structural implications, demographic change also has implications for monetary policy.
 Demographic Implications for Monetary Policy
First, although monetary policy cannot affect the growth rate of potential output or
the long-run natural rate of unemployment, it needs to take these into account as part of
the economic environment, and to consider the downward pressure demographics put
on both relative to their historical levels.
Second, changes in demographics could also affect the transmission mechanism
of monetary policy to the economy, in particular, the strength of wealth effects versus
income effects. Older people tend to hold more assets than the young and tend to be
creditors while drawing down their assets to fund their consumption during retirement.
Younger people tend to be borrowers but face tighter credit constraints than the old
because they hold fewer assets. As the share of the population shifts from young to old,
the propagation of an interest rate change through the economy is likely to change.
There will be a smaller share of young borrowers able to take advantage of a decrease
in interest rates but a larger share of older people who benefit from higher asset prices;
similar reasoning applies for an increase in interest rates. Demographic change may
mean that wealth effects become a more important channel through which monetary
policy affects the economy (Bean, 2004 & Imam 2013).
A third important implication of demographic change for monetary policy is
through its effect on the equilibrium long-term interest rate. FOMC participants have
been lowering their estimates of the fed funds rate that will be consistent with maximum
employment and price stability over the longer run. The median estimate has decreased
 77

from 4 percent in March 2014 to 2.8 percent today. And empirical estimates of the
equilibrium real fed funds rate, so-called r-star, while highly uncertain, are lower than in
the past.
Demographic change may be a factor in this decline to the extent that it results in
a lower long-run growth rate of consumption and, therefore, of output, which is a key
determinant of the longer-run equilibrium interest rate. The magnitude of any effect is
difficult to determine because complicated dynamics are at work. Static analysis might
suggest that as longevity increases, people will want to accumulate more assets to fund
their retirements and this would put upward pressure on asset prices and, therefore,
downward pressure on returns. Moreover, because people prefer to reduce their
exposure to risk as they age, we might expect to see a shift toward assets with fixed
returns, putting upward pressure on risk premia and downward pressure on risk-free
rates (Bernanke 2005). However, older people also tend to save less because once
people reach retirement age, they need to draw down their savings and perhaps sell
assets to fund their retirement. This countervailing effect from dissaving, as well as
public spending on retiree benefits, would tend to put upward pressure on interest rates.
Thus, the magnitude and even the sign of the effect of demographic change on interest
rates are empirical questions.
So far, there is little evidence that demographic trends are driving large-scale
shifts into fixed-income investments that would depress returns; indeed, the evidence
suggests that people are under-saving for retirement (National Research Council,
2012). Historically, there appears to be only a weak correlation between age structure in
the U.S. and asset returns (Poterba, 2004).
Ultimately, how demographics affect economic outcomes will also depend on
how governments respond, so in the remainder of my time, let me discuss the
implications of demographic change for fiscal and other government policies.
 Demographic Implications for Fiscal and Other Government Policies
The rising share of older people will put significant pressure on Social Security
and Medicare in the U.S., which are structured as pay-as-you-go programs, with current
workers providing support for current retirees. Other developed countries’ government
pension and healthcare funds will also be stressed. Projected longer-run fiscal
imbalances are unlikely to be sustainable, and it seems likely that governments will
need to respond with some combination of increased borrowing, reduced benefits,
increased taxes, program restructuring, and policies intended to stem the growth rate of
healthcare costs (Auerbach (2016). Longer-run fiscal sustainability will depend on what
combination is used, and how effective the actions are.
According to CBO projections, under current policy, the federal deficit as a share
of GDP will more than triple over the next 30 years, from 2.9 percent in 2017 to 9.8
percent in 2047.35 During this time period, outlays for Social Security and Medicare are
projected to rise from 8 percent to 12.4 percent of GDP. As a result, the federal debt-to-
 78

GDP ratio rises dramatically, from 77 percent in 2017 to 150 percent in 2047. This
increase dwarfs the run-up in debt to fund World War II. The extent to which such an
increase, per se, will crowd-out productive investments and lower economic growth is
debatable (Cecchetti, et al. 2011), Auerbach & Gorodnichenko, 2017), and Reinhart &
Rogoff, 2010). But the sovereign debt crisis in Europe over 2009-2012 shows that high
debt levels can pose severe problems if investors lose faith in the ability of governments
to service their debts, generating spikes in what had previously been viewed as risk-free
rates.
If financing the funding shortfall through increased government borrowing is
undesirable, raising taxes and reducing benefits or other expenditures are not very
appealing either. Depending on how such policies are implemented, they could
ultimately hurt the economy’s longer-run growth prospects, leaving the fiscal outlook
even worse. Moreover, in a world where countercyclical fiscal policy is constrained,
business cycle volatility could rise, and monetary policy could find itself near the zero
lower bound more often, potentially requiring the use of non-traditional policy tools such
as asset purchases and forward guidance in order to meet monetary policymakers’
economic objectives (Kiley & Roberts, 2017).
More effective policies to overcome the effects of the aging population on fiscal
imbalances would focus on reducing the rising costs of healthcare, not just on health
insurance. In addition, policies that increase the growth and productivity of the
workforce would address not only fiscal imbalances but the downward pressure on
longer-run growth from demographics or other sources.

Learn more about this topic: Lee, Ronald. 2003. “The Demographic Transition:
Three Centuries of Fundamental Change.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 17(4):
167–190
 79

Lesson 3 Global Migration

I. LEARNING OUTCOMES

 Describe global migration (U)

 Analyze the impact of global migration to the current global era. (An)

II. INPUT
Global Migration
Migration is a way to move from one place to another in order to live and work.
Movement of people from their home to another city, state or country for a job, shelter or
some other reasons is called migration. 
Migration is traditionally governed either by “push” factors such as political
persecution, economic depression, war, and famine in the home country or by “pull”
factors such as a favourable immigration policy, a labor shortage, and a similarity of
language and culture in the country of destination (Ritzer, 2015). Global factors, which
facilitate easy access to information about the country of destination, also exert a
significant influence.
Nowadays, many people decide to migrate to have a better life. Employment
opportunities are the most common reason due to which people migrate. Except this,
lack of opportunities, better education, construction of dams, globalization, natural
disaster (flood and drought) and sometimes crop failure forced villagers to migrate to
cities.
Migration also alters population patterns. Globally, 191 million people live in
countries other than the one in which they were born. On average, during the next 45
years, the United Nations estimates that over 2.2 million individuals will migrate annually
from developing to developed countries. (The UN estimates regarding future migration
are not very informative, a reflection of the inherent difficulty of constructing accurate
projections of migration flows.) According to the UN Population Division, the United
States will receive by far the highest number of immigrants (1.1 million a year), and
China, Mexico, India, the Philippines and Indonesia will be the main sources of
emigrants.
 80

Several factors affect migration from developing to developed countries. A

significant number of working-age people in developing countries are underemployed
relative to the opportunities they perceive in developed countries. At the same time,
developed countries face a declining share of working-age people and a growing
number of elderly who need care, creating more opportunities for immigrants. Because
migrants are disproportionately of working age, migration can affect the age distribution
in both sending and receiving countries. The ratio of workers to dependents will tend to
rise more slowly in sending countries and decline more slowly in receiving countries
than it otherwise would. Williamson (2006) provides an economic explanation of the
emigration life cycle. First, people are too poor to emigrate; this is the ‘migration poverty
trap’. As wealth increases and demographic booms begin, more people are able to
emigrate and more are driven to emigrate.
Emigration later subsides in response to remittances, industrialization, conditions
improving at home, and there being relatively fewer workers. In the case of Europe, as
transport and industrialization spread within the continent, the poorer countries joined
the richer ones in sending migrants to the Americas.

The nuances of the movements of people around the world can be seen through
the categories of migrants – “vagabonds” and “tourists” (Bauman, 1998). Vagabonds
are on the move “because they have to be” (Ritzer, 2015) – they are not faring well in
their home countries and are forced to move in the hope that their circumstance will
improve. Tourists, on the other hand, are on the move because they want to be and
because they can afford it.

Refugees are vagabonds force to flee their home countries due to safety
concerns (Haddad, 2003). Asylum seekers are refugees who seek to remain in the
country which they flee. According to Kritz (2008), those who migrate to find work are
involved in labor migration. Labor migration is driven by “push” factors (e.g. lack of
employment opportunities in home countries), as well as “pull” factors (work available
elsewhere). Labor migration manly involves the flow of less-skilled and unskilled
workers, as well as illegal immigrants who live on the margins of the host society
(Landler, 2007).

Unlike other global flows, labor migration still faces many restrictions. Many of
these barriers are related to the Westphalian conception of the nation-state and are
intimately associated with it. Shamir (2005) discussed that the state may seek to control
migration because it involves the loss of part of the workforce. An influx of migrants can
lead to conflicts with local residents. Concerns about terrorism also affect the desire of
the state to restrict population flows (Moses, 2006).

Practice Exercise:

1. Has globalization facilitated or obstructed greater labor migration?

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
 81

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

2. Why do some countries commit illegal migration?

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

Migration is traditionally governed either by “push” factors such as political

persecution, economic depression, war, and famine in the home country or by “pull”
factors such as a favourable immigration policy, labor shortage, and a similarity of
language and culture in the country of destination (Ritzer, 2015). Global factors, which
facilitate easy access to information about the country of destination, also exert a
significant influence.

Many countries face issues of illegal migration. The United States faces a major
influx of illegal immigrants from Mexico and other Central American states (Thompson,
2008). A fence is being constructed on the US-Mexico border to control this flow of
people (Fletcher & Weisman, 2006) However, its efficacy is questioned and it is thought
that it will only lead illegal immigrants to adopt more dangerous methods to gain entry.
In addition, tighter borders have also had the effect of “locking in” people who might
otherwise have left the country (Fears, 2006). Other countries with similar concerns
about illegal immigration include Great Britain, Switzerland, and Greece as well as
countries in Asia.

A strong case can be made on the backlash against illegal immigrants

(Economist, 2008). In the north, such immigrants constitute a younger workforce that
does work which locals may not perform, and they are consumers who contribute to
growth. They also send remittances back to the family members in the country of origin,
which improves the lives of the recipients, reduces poverty rates, and increase the level
of education as well as the foreign reserves of the home country (Economist, 2007).
Banks are often unwilling or unable to handle the type (small amounts of money) and
volume of remittances. As a result, specialized organizations play major role in the
transmission of remittances. According to Malkin (2007), the Philippines is one of the
leaders when it comes to the flow of remittances (14.7 billion dollars), next to India (24.5
billion dollars).

The term “diaspora” has been increasingly used to describe migrant

communities. Of particular interest is Paul Gilroy’s (1993) conceptualization of the
diaspora as a transnational process, which involves dialogue to both imagined and real
locales. Diasporization and globalization are closely interconnected and the expansion
of the latter will be an increase in the former (Dufoix, 2007). Today, there exists “virtual
diaspora”

(Laguerra, 2002) which utilize technology such as the internet to maintain the
community network.
 82

Learn more about this topic: Castles, Stephen. 2000. “International Migration at the
Beginning of the TwentyFirst Century: Global Trends and Issues.” International Social
Science Journal 52 (165): 269-281

ASSESSMENT # 5
GLOBAL POPULATION AND MOBILITY
Name: _____________________________________Program/Year: _______________
Subject: Literature 1: The Contemporary World CP No.:____________________
Instructor: Jay D. Ontal

Set A: Answer the following questions in 3-5 sentences. (5 points)

1. Does the emergence of global cities around the world contribute to homogenizing
or diversifying global culture? Justify your Answer.
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

2. How is globalization transforming our cities?

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

3. Why are demographics important? Has the Philippines undergone the

demographic transition? Why or why not?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
 83

4. How do countries decide whom to allow in? What factors do they consider?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

Set B: Performance Task

1. Find a former or a current Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) to be interviewed
(online). Your respondents name should not be revealed in a class to protect
person’s identity.

2. Their stories could provide a concrete understanding of how globalization affects

themselves, their families, and the country.

3. Use the following guide questions (you may add additional questions):
- How long have you stayed abroad?
- What are the purposes for your stay there?
- What were your most unforgettable experiences there? How will you describe
them, good or bad, or an inspiration?
- How will you compare the Philippines with other countries? In terms of
population (area/space), age of their labor market, economic growth and
government policies.
- Do you want to go back abroad or to other countries in the future? Why or
why not?

4. After having your interview, write a personal insight or reflection about your
respondent’s experience.

5. See attached Rubric #3

 84

Suggested time allotment: 10 hours

UNIT

6 Global Citizenship

Lesson 1 Global Citizenship

TARGET GOALS
o Explore the connections among global citizenship, citizenship in general, and
globalizing influences in the modern world. (An)
o Write a term paper on a topic related to globalization. (App)

Desired Values: Respect, Self-discipline, Initiative

I. Learning Outcomes:

 Articulate a personal definition of global citizenship. (U)

 Identify the ethical obligations of global citizenship. (U)

II. INPUT:
Global Citizenship
Citizenship is associated with rights and obligations, or instance, the right to vote
and the obligation to pay taxes. Both rights and obligations link the individual to the
state. It also has to do with our attitudes. We need to be willing to engage and to spend
time and effort to the community of which we feel part of. Community has traditionally
been regarded as something very local. How, then, can the idea of citizenship be
transferred to the global level?
Caecilia Johanna van Peski as cited in Baraldi (2012) defined global citizenship
“as a moral and ethical disposition that can guide the understanding of individuals or
groups of local and global contexts, and remind them of their relative responsibilities
within various communities.” Global citizens are the glue which binds local communities
 85

together in an increasingly globalized world. In van Peki’s words,”global citizens might

be a new type of people that can travel within these various boundaries and show still
make sense of the world” (Baraldi. 2012).
Global citizenship does not automatically entail a single attitude and a particular
value with globalization. We must remember that globalization is not a single
phenomenon; rather, there are many globalizations. While some need to be resisted,
others are welcomed and should be encouraged. They are bound to be multiple futures
for multiple globalizations. These globalizations created enemies because according to
one broad view, globalization failed to deliver its promises (Cohen, 2006). The so-called
bottom billion lacks infrastructures and has been disenfranchised. The opponents of
globalization blame either Westernation or global capitalism. Thus, the enemies resist
globalization, especially when it comes to global economy and global governance.
There are three approaches to global economic resistance. Trade protectionism
involves the systematic government intervention in foreign trade through tariffs and non-
tariff barriers in order to encourage domestic producers and deter their foreign
competitors (McAleese, 2007). Although there exists a widespread consensus regarding
its inefficiency, trade protectionism is still popular since it shields the domestic economy
from systematic shocks. Fair trade is a different approach to economic globalization,
which emerged as a counter to neoliberal “free trade” principles (Nicholls & Opal, 2005).
Fair trade aims at a more moral and equitable global economic system in which, for
instance, price is not set by the market; instead, it is negotiated transparently by both
producers and consumers. While it is popular among consumers in the North, it has met
only limited acceptance among producers (Ritzer, 2015). Its ability to supply a mass
market and its applicability to manufacture products are also doubted. The third form of
residence to economic globalization relates to helping the bottom billion based on
Collier (2007). Increasing aid is only one of the many measures that are required.
International norms and standards can be adapted to the needs of the bottom billion.
The reduction of trade barriers would also reduce the economic marginalization of these
people and their nations.
When it comes to dealing with political globalization, increased accountability
(Germain, 2004) and transparency are the key issues. All political organizations, at
different levels, should be more accountable for their actions because they are now
surrounded by an “ocean opacity” (Holzner & Holzner, 2006, p.336). Increased
transparency has been aided by various mechanisms such as transitional justice
systems, international tribunals, civil society, and particularly the Transparency
International.
Like globalization, resistance to globalization is multiple, complex, contradictory,
and ambiguous. This movement also has the potential to emerge as the new public
sphere, which may uphold progressive values such as autonomy, democracy, peace,
ecological sustainability, and social justice. These forces of resistance are themselves
products of globalization and can be seen as globalization from below (Smith, 2008).
 86

According to della Porta et al. (2006), the impetus for such a movement comes from
individuals, groups, and organizations which are oppressed (i.e., self-perception) by
globalization from above (neoliberal economic systems or aggressively or expanding
nations and corporations). They seek a more democratic process of globalization.
However, globalization from below also involves less visible, more right-wing elements,
such as the America First Party and the Taliban.
The World Social Forum (WSF) is centered on addressing the lack of democracy
in economic and political affairs (Fisher and Ponniah, 2003). However, the diversity of
elements involved in WSF hinders the development of concrete political proposals. A
significant influence on WSF has been that of cyber activism, which is based on the
“cultural logic of networking” (Juris, 2005) and “virtual movements,” such as Global
Huaren. This cyberpublic was formed as a protest against the violence, discrimination,
and hatred experienced by Chinese residents in Indonesia after the 1997 Asian financial
crisis. In 1998, worldwide rallies condemning the violence were made possible through
the Global Huaren which according Ritzer (2015) “became an interesting global
watchdog for Chinese interest” (p. 307).
Since there is no single globalization, the future is also multi-dimensional. Some
foresee the continuing expansion of globalization both in general as well as in more
specific globalization. Others have a far more pessimistic vision of “Mad Max”
scenarios that could end the current era of globalization (Turner, 2007).
In any case, given that there is no world government, the idea of global
citizenship demands the creation of right and obligations. Moreover, fulfilling the
promises of globalization and the solution to the problems of the contemporary world
does not lie on single entity or individual, but on citizens, the community, and the
different organizations is societies. The dynamics of globalization demands the efforts of
the whole array of inter-governmental organizations such as the United Nations and the
World Bank; international NGOs like Greenpeace and Amnesty International; and the
citizen initiatives and community action groups that reach above the nation-state level
like the World Social Forum and Occupy Movement. Ultimately, reforms in global
governance are required to allow world citizens to take more part directly in all aspects
of human life at the global level.

Learn more about this topic at: Carter, A. 2001. “Global Civil Society: Acting as
Global Citizens” in The Political Theory of Global Citizenship. London: Routledge, pp.
147-176.
 87

ASSESSMENT # 6
GLOBAL CITIZENSHIP
Name:______________________________________Program/Year:_______________
Subject: Literature 1: The Contemporary World CP No.:____________________
Instructor: Jay D. Ontal

Essay: Answer the following questions in 3-5 sentences. (5 points each)

1. How does global change start with local action?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

2. How did we get to the idea of global citizenship that we have today?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

3. How do people become global citizens and express their global citizenship?
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

4. What are the global citizenship responsibilities?

 88

________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________
________________________________________________________________

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https://www.scribd.com/document/388326431/LESSON-5-Contemporary

APPENDIX
Rubric #1

CATEGORY 5 4 3 2-1
Amount of All topics are All topics are All topics are One or more
Information addressed and addressed and addressed, and topics were not
all questions most questions most questions addressed.
answered with answered with answered with
X2 at least 2 at least 2 1 sentence
sentences sentences about each.
about each. about each.
Quality of Information Information Information Information has
Information clearly relates to clearly relates clearly relates little or nothing
the main topic. to the main to the main to do with the
X2 It includes topic. It topic. No details main topic.
several provides 1-2 and/or
supporting supporting examples are
details and/or details and/or given.
examples. examples.
Organization Information is Information is Information is The information
very organized organized with organized, but appears to be
with well- well- paragraphs are disorganized. 8)
X1 constructed constructed not well-
paragraphs and paragraphs. constructed.
subheadings.
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Mechanics No grammatical, Almost no A few Many

spelling or grammatical, grammatical grammatical,
punctuation spelling or spelling, or spelling, or
X1 errors. punctuation punctuation punctuation
errors errors. errors.

Rubric #2

CATEGORY 4 3 2 1
Ideas Ideas were Ideas were Ideas were The letter seemed
expressed in a expressed in somewhat to be a collection of
x1 clear and a pretty clear organized, but unrelated
organized manner, but were not very sentences. It was
fashion. It was the clear. It took very difficult to
easy to figure out organization more than one figure out what the
what the could have reading to figure letter was about.
Reflection was been better. out what the
about. letter was about.
Neatness Reflection is Reflection is Reflection is Reflection is typed
typed, clean, not neatly hand- typed and is and looks like it had
wrinkled, and is written, crumpled or been shoved in a
x1 easy to read with clean, not slightly stained. It pocket or locker. It
no distracting wrinkled, and may have 1-2 may have several
error corrections. is easy to distracting error distracting error
It was done with read with no corrections. It corrections. It looks
pride. distracting was done with like it was done in a
error some care. hurry or stored
corrections. It improperly.
was done
with care.
Content The Reflection The The Reflection The Reflection
Accuracy contains at least Reflection contains 1-2 contains no
5 accurate facts contains 3-4 accurate facts accurate facts about
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x1 about the topic. accurate about the topic. the topic.

facts about
the topic.

Rubrics #3
Criteria 4 3-2 1
Content Essay has a central Central idea is Unable to find specific
idea that is clearly vague; supporting details; more
stated; appropriate, somewhat than 4 errors in
concrete details sketchy and non- information.
and show originality supportive to the
and focus. topic; lacks
focus.
Organizatio Essay is logically Essay somewhat Central point and flow of
n organized and well- digresses from essay is lost; lacks
structured the central idea; organization and
displaying a ideas do not continuity.
beginning, a body, logically follow
and a conclusion. from each other.
Critical thinking
skills are evident.
Style Writing is smooth, Sentences are Lacks creativity and
coherent, and varied and focus. Unrelated word
consistent with inconsistent with choice to central idea.
central idea. central idea, Diction is inconsistent.
Sentences are vocabulary and
X1 strong and word choices.
expressive with
varied structure.
Diction is consistent
and words well
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chosen.