SECTION B

3. Lifespan Development

(i) Meaning of Development, growth and maturation.

Meaning of development, growth and maturation; Why is the study of lifespan
development important?
(ii) Infancy - cognitive development, socio-emotional development.
Cognitive – Piaget’s Sensory Motor Stage; socio-emotional development –
emergence of attachment. Mary Ainsworth’s & Lamb’s strange situation test.
(iii)Childhood - cognitive development, Moral development.
Cognitive development – Piaget’s Theory (Preoperational, Concrete and
Formal Operational); Moral development – Kohlberg’s perspective Experiment
on Moral Dilemma – pre-conventional, conventional and post conventional
morality.
(iv) Adolescence - cognitive development, socio-emotional development;
some major concerns.
Cognitive development – Piaget’s Formal Operational Stage; some major
concerns – substance abuse (drugs and alcohol) – meaning of substance abuse,
symptoms; eating disorders - bulimia, anorexia.

(i) Meaning of Development, growth and maturation

Growth refers to an increase in the size of body parts or of the organism as a
whole. It can be measured or quantified, for example, growth in height, weight,
etc.

Development is a process by which an individual grows and changes

throughout the life cycle. The term development applies to the changes that
have a direction and hold definite relationship with what precedes it, and in
turn, will determine what will come after. A temporary change caused by a brief
illness, for example, is not considered a part of development. All changes which
occur as a result of development are not of the same kind. Thus, changes in size

1
(physical growth), changes in proportion (child to adult), changes in features
(disappearance of baby teeth), and acquiring new features are varied in their
pace and scope level. Development includes growth as one of its aspects.

Maturation refers to the changes that follow in an orderly sequence and are
largely dictated by the genetic blueprint which produces commonalities in our
growth and development. For example, most children can sit without support
by 7 months of age, stand with support by 8 months and walk by one year. Once
the underlying physical structure is sufficiently developed, proficiency in these
behaviours requires adequate environment and little practice. However, special
efforts to accelerate these behaviours do not help if the infant is maturationally
not ready. These processes seem to “unfold from within”: following an inner,
genetically determined timetable that is characteristic of the species.

The branch of Developmental psychology focuses on the many ways we

change throughout life. Developmental psychologists study lifespan
development and help us better understand how people grow, develop and adapt
at different life stages. They apply this knowledge to help people
overcome developmental challenges and reach their full potential.

Lifespan Development is a complex process, so learning more about how kids

grow physically, socially, emotionally, and cognitively can lead to a deeper
understanding of kids of all ages.
Studying Lifespan development makes it easier to spot possible signs of trouble.
From problems with cognitive, social, or emotional development in early
childhood to struggles later in life, being able to identify potential problems
is important. The earlier developmental problems are detected, the sooner
intervention can begin and treatment can lead to better outcomes.

2
(ii) Infancy - cognitive development, socio-emotional
development

INFANCY

Infancy is the period between birth and the acquisition of language one to two

years later

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

Jean Piaget's Theory:

**For enhanced understanding. Read only.

**[ Piaget was employed at the Binet Institute in the 1920s, where his job was
to develop French versions of questions on English intelligence tests. He
became intrigued with the reasons children gave for their wrong answers to the
questions that required logical thinking. He believed that these incorrect
answers revealed important differences between the thinking of adults and
children.

Piaget (1936) was the first psychologist to make a systematic study of cognitive
development. His contributions include a stage theory of child cognitive
development, detailed observational studies of cognition in children, and a
series of simple but ingenious tests to reveal different cognitive abilities.

What Piaget wanted to do was not to measure how well children could count,
spell or solve problems as a way of grading their I.Q. What he was more
interested in was the way in which fundamental concepts like the very idea
of number, time, quantity, causality, justice and so on emerged.

Before Piaget’s work, the common assumption in psychology was that children
are merely less competent thinkers than adults. Piaget showed that young
children think in strikingly different ways compared to adults.

3
According to Piaget, children are born with a very basic mental structure
(genetically inherited and evolved) on which all subsequent learning and
knowledge are based.]**

Piaget's theory of cognitive development is a stage theory—a type of theory

suggesting that all human beings move through an orderly and predictable series
of changes.
Piaget called his approach ‘Genetic Epistemology’. Epistemology is the study
of the nature and acquisition of knowledge; Piaget’s approach was ‘genetic’ in
the sense that it focused on origins(genesis) and development.

Central to Piaget's theory is the assumption -known as constructivism- that

children are active thinkers who are constantly trying to construct more accurate
or advanced understanding of the world around them. In other words, from this
perspective, children construct their knowledge of the world by interacting with
it. To Piaget, cognitive development was a progressive reorganization of mental
processes as a result of biological maturation and environmental experience.
Children construct an understanding of the world around them, then experience
discrepancies between what they already know and what they discover in their
environment.

There Are Three Basic Components To Piaget's Cognitive Theory:

1.Schemas (building blocks of knowledge).

2.Adaptation processes that enable the transition from one stage to another
(equilibrium, assimilation, and accommodation).

3. Stages of Cognitive Development

1.Schemas - Piaget called the schema the basic building block of intelligent
behavior – a way of organizing knowledge. A schema can be defined as a set of
linked mental representations of the world, which we use both to understand
and to respond to situations. The assumption is that we store these mental
representations and apply them when needed. Piaget believed that new born

4
babies have a small number of innate schemas - even before they have had
many opportunities to experience the world. These neonatal schemas are the
cognitive structures underlying innate reflexes. These reflexes are genetically
programmed into us.

For example, in babies -the grasping reflex which is elicited when something
touches the palm of a baby's hand, or the rooting reflex, in which a baby will
turn its head towards something which touches its cheek- are innate schemas.
Shaking a rattle would be the combination of two schemas, grasping and
shaking.

2.Piaget viewed intellectual growth as a process of adaptation (adjustment) to

the world. This happens through:
Assimilation– Which is using an existing schema to deal with a new object or
situation. It involves the incorporation of new information or knowledge into
existing schemas. For example, a child seeing a skunk for the first time might call
it a cat.

Accommodation– This happens when the existing schema (knowledge) does

not work and needs to be changed to deal with a new object or situation. It
involves modifications in schemas as a result of exposure to new information or
experiences. Thus a child might change a schema, or create a new one, to fit new
information which he/she learns. The child accommodates when he/she
understands that not all furry, four-legged creatures are cats.

Equilibration– This is the force which moves development along. Piaget

believed that cognitive development did not progress at a steady rate, but rather
in leaps and bounds. Equilibrium occurs when a child's schemas can deal with
most new information through assimilation. However, an unpleasant state of
disequilibrium occurs when new information cannot be fitted into existing
schemas (assimilation).

Equilibration is the force which drives the learning process as we do not like to
be frustrated and will seek to restore balance by mastering the new challenge
(accommodation). Once the new information is acquired the process of
assimilation with the new schema will continue until the next time we need to
make an adjustment to it.
Here's an example of how, in Piaget's theory, these processes operate.

5
A two-year-old child has seen many different kinds of cats and, on the basis of
such experience, has built up a schema for cats: relatively small four-legged
animals. Now she sees a squirrel for the first time and through assimilation
includes it in this schema. As she encounters more and more squirrels, however,
she begins to notice that they differ from cats in several respects: They move
differently, climb trees, have much bushier tails, and so on. On the basis of this
new experience, she gradually develops another schema for squirrels. This
illustrates accommodation—changes in our existing knowledge structures
resulting from exposure to new Information. Piaget believed that it is the
tension between these two processes that encourages cognitive development.
According to Piaget, as these changes occur, children are constantly trying to
make better and more accurate sense out of the complex world around them.

3. Piaget's (1936) theory of cognitive development explains how a child

constructs a mental model of the world. He disagreed with the idea that
intelligence was a fixed trait, and regarded cognitive development as a process
which occurs due to biological maturation and interaction with the environment.

Piaget's four stages of intellectual (or cognitive) development are:

 Sensorimotor- Birth through ages 18-24 months

 Preoperational-Toddlerhood (18-24 months) through early childhood (age 7)
 Concrete operational- Ages 7 to 11
 Formal operational-Adolescence through adulthood

Piaget acknowledged that some children may pass through the stages at different
ages than the averages noted above. He also said some children may show
characteristics of more than one stage at a given time. But he insisted that:

 Cognitive development always follows this sequence.

 Stages cannot be skipped.
 Each stage is marked by new intellectual abilities and a more complex
understanding of the world.

6
Sensorimotor Stage- Birth through ages 18-24 months –

During the early stages, according to Piaget, infants are only aware of what is right
in front of them. They focus on what they see, what they are doing, and physical
interactions with their immediate environment. Infants gradually learn that there
is a relationship between their actions and the external world. They discover
that they can manipulate objects and produce effects. In short, they acquire a
basic grasp of the concept of cause and effect. For example they learn that if
they make certain movements—for instance, shaking their leg-specific effects
follow (for instance, toys suspended over their crib also move), and they begin
to experiment with various actions to see what effects they will produce. The
later stages include goal-oriented behaviour that leads to a desired result.
Throughout the sensorimotor period infants seem to know the world only
through motor activities and sensory impressions. They have not yet learned to
use mental symbols or images to represent objects or events. This results in
some interesting effects. For example if an object is hidden from view, four-
month-olds will not attempt to search for it. For such infants, "out of sight" is
truly "out of mind."
Between ages 7 and 9 months, infants begin to realize that an object exists even
though they can no longer see it. This important milestone -- known as object
permanence -- is a sign that memory is developing. After infants start crawling,
standing, and walking, their increased physical mobility leads to more cognitive
development.

The sensorimotor stage can be divided into six separate sub-stages that are
characterized by the development of a new skill:

Reflexes (0-1 month)

During this substage, the child understands the environment purely through
inborn reflexes such as sucking and looking.

Primary Circular Reactions (1-4 months)

This substage involves coordinating sensation and new schemas. For example, a

child may suck his or her thumb by accident and then later intentionally repeat
the action. These actions are repeated because the infant finds them pleasurable.

7
Secondary Circular Reactions (4-8 months)

During this substage, the child becomes more focused on the world and begins
to intentionally repeat an action in order to trigger a response in the
environment. For example, a child will purposefully pick up a toy in order to
put it in his or her mouth.

Coordination of Reactions (8-12 months)

During this substage, the child starts to show clearly intentional actions. The
child may also combine schemas in order to achieve a desired effect. Children
begin exploring the environment around them and will often imitate the
observed behavior of others. The understanding of objects also begins during
this time and children begin to recognize certain objects as having specific
qualities. For example, a child might realize that a rattle will make a sound
when shaken.

Tertiary Circular Reactions (12-18 months)

Children begin a period of trial-and-error experimentation during the fifth

substage. For example, a child may try out different sounds or actions as a way
of getting attention from a caregiver.

Early Representational Thought (18-24 months)

Children begin to develop symbols to represent events or objects in the world in

the final sensorimotor substage. During this time, children begin to move
towards understanding the world through mental operations rather than purely
through actions.

Near the end of the sensorimotor stage (18-24 months), infants reach another
important milestone -- early language development, a sign that they are developing
some symbolic abilities.

8
SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN INFANCY

Emotional Development and Temperament

To know about the age at which infants begin to experience and demonstrate
discrete emotions research focuses mainly on discrete facial expressions which
are the outward signs of distinct emotions. Research on emotional development
has documented that such expressions appear within the first few months of life
(Izard, 1991). Infants as young as two months old demonstrate social smiling in
response to human faces. They show laughter by the time they are three or four
months old. Other emotions, such as anger, sadness, and surprise, also appear
quite early and are, readily recognizable to adults.
Some expressions appear before others, or at least are more common at early
ages. For example following medical inoculations, two-month-old infants show
pain expressions more frequently than anger expressions. A few months
later, however, they show anger expressions more often than pain. Thus
emotional and cognitive development occur simultaneously, and there are many
connections between them. The finding that; anger expressions in response to
painful experiences become more common during the first eighteen months of
life can be interpreted, for instance, as reflecting infants' growing ability to
understand who or what has caused their discomfort.
As they grow older, infants also acquire increasing capacities to ‘read’ the
emotional expressions of others. At three months, they become upset when their
mothers show an immobile facial expression. By eight or ten months, they
actively seek information about other people’s feelings and begin to
demonstrate a growing understanding of their own mental states and mind.
Thus, after a fall, one-year-olds will often look at their caregivers and
depending on their reactions, will cry or laugh—that is, they engage in social
referencing.

Temperament-

Stable individual differences in characteristic mood, activity level, and

emotional reactivity are known as temperament.
These differences arc present very early in life—perhaps at birth.

9
The key dimensions of temperament involve-

Positive emotionality—the extent to which an infant shows pleasure and is

typically in a good, happy mood;
Distress-Anger- extent to which an infant shows distress and the emotion of
anger
Fear—the extent to which an infant shows fear in various situations and
Activity level-an infant's overall level of activity or energy.

Large individual differences occur in these dimensions. On the basis of such

differences, some researchers have suggested that many infants can be divided
into three basic groups-
Easy children (about 40 percent) are infants who are generally cheerful, adapt
readily to new experiences, and quickly establish routines for many activities of
daily life.
Difficult children (about 10 percent) are irregular in daily routines, are slow to
accept new situations or experiences, and show negative reactions more than
other infants.
Slow-to-warm-up children (15 percent) are relatively inactive and apathetic
and show mild negative reactions when exposed to unexpected events or new
situations.

The remaining 35 percent of infants cannot be readily classified under one of

these headings.
Such differences in temperament are only moderately stable early in life—from
birth until about twenty-four months. After that time, however, they appear to
be highly stable. Growing evidence suggests that individual differences in
temperament are at least partially genetic in origin .

Individual differences in emotional style have important implications for social

development. For example, a much higher proportion of difficult than easy
children experience behavioural problems later in life .They find it more
difficult to adjust to school, to form friendships, and to get along with others. In
addition, many high-reactive children demonstrate shyness as they grow older
and enter an increasingly broad range of social situations.
Finally, there is growing evidence for the view that some aspects of
temperament can influence attachment—the kinds of bonds infants form with

10
their caregivers—and even their abilities to form close relationships with other
persons when they are adults.

Empathy

Empathy is the ability to recognize the emotions of others, to understand these

feelings, and to experience them ourselves, at least to a degree.

Newborns showing more distress in response to the cry of another infant than to
the sound of their own cries could be a sign of empathy. Their capacity for
empathy then increases during the first two years of life. Infants as young as
eighteen months old attempt to do something comforting when another child is
distressed—for instance, touching or patting that child. And by the time they are
two, they may offer an object (e.g., a teddy bear) or go to seek adult help. At
age four, most children can understand why others are upset and have a grasp of
the kinds of situations that can cause people emotional distress. Ultimately,
empathy develops to the point where individuals experience guilt if they view
themselves as the cause of another's distress; empathy also serves as one
important source of prosocial behaviour—actions designed to help another in
some way that do not necessarily benefit the person who performs them. Thus
the development of empathy represents an important aspect of emotional and
social development.

Attachment-

Attachment is an early, stable, affectional relationship between a child and

another person, usually a parent. It is a strong affectional bond between infants
and their caregivers.

John Bowlby and his colleagues in the 1940’s and 50’s studied the
consequences of early mother-child separation by observing children in
institutions. The children they saw had been separated from their mothers quite
early and lived in nurseries or hospitals where no stable substitute was
available. They described these youngsters as unable to relate to other people,
afraid to explore or play and, generally morose. From these and other clinical
observations, Bowlby concluded it is "essential for mental health" that “the

11
infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate and continuous
relationship with his mother (or permanent mother-substitute) in which both
find satisfaction and enjoyment".
Research by Bowlby and others on attachment shows that-
l: Initially, the infant develops an attraction to social objects in general and to
humans in particular; the baby shows proximity maintaining behaviours (crying,
clinging, and other behaviours that serve to keep humans nearby).
2.Next, the baby distinguishes familiar from unfamiliar people and the primary
caretaker (usually the mother) from other familiar people; then proximity-
maintaining behaviours begin to be aimed more directly at familiar persons,
particularly at the primary caretaker.
3. By the second half of their first year, most infants develop a true attachment
to the primary caretaker; they recognize that person and direct proximity-
maintaining behaviours toward that person and not toward others.
4.By the first birthday, the attachment is so strong that children react negatively
to separation from the primary caretaker; they grow fearful and tearful, for
example, when their parent leaves them with a sitter.

Bowlby (1969), suggested that attachment involves a balance between infants'

tendencies to seek to be near to their caregivers and their willingness to explore
new environments. The quality of attachment, is revealed by the degree to
which the infant behaves as if the caregiver, when present, serves as a secure
base of operations—provides comfort and reassurance; and by the effectiveness
of infant-caregiver interactions when the caregiver returns after a separation.

When babies are separated from their caregivers their reactions to such
separations play a central role in measuring attachment. This is known as the
Strange Situation Test: a procedure in which a caregiver leaves a child alone
with a stranger for a few minutes and then returns. This test is based on
Bowlby’s theory.
Mary Ainsworth developed an experimental procedure in order to observe the
variety of attachment forms exhibited between mothers and infants. The
experiment is set up in a small room with a one-way glass so the behaviour of
the infant can be observed covertly. Infants were aged between 12 and 18
months. This procedure, known as the ‘Strange Situation,’ was conducted by

12
observing the behaviour of the infant in a series of eight episodes lasting
approximately 3 minutes each:
(1) Mother, baby, and experimenter (lasts less than one minute).
(2) Mother and baby alone.
(3) A stranger joins the mother and infant.
(4) Mother leaves baby and stranger alone.
(5) Mother returns and stranger leaves.
(6) Mother leaves; infant left completely alone.
(7) Stranger returns.
(8) Mother returns and stranger leaves.
Attachment styles are based primarily on four interaction behaviours directed
toward the mother in the two reunion episodes (Ep. 5 & Ep. 8).

1. Proximity and contacting seeking

2. Contact maintaining
3. Avoidance of proximity and contact
4. Resistance to contact and comforting

Other behaviours observed included:

 Exploratory behaviours e.g., moving around the room, playing with toys,
looking around the room.
 Search behaviours, e.g., following mother to the door, banging on the
door, orienting to the door, looking at the door, going to mother’s empty
chair, looking at mother’s empty chair.
 Affect Displays e.g., crying, smiling

Research using the strange situation test has found that infants differ in the
quality or style of their attachment to their caregivers. Most show one of four
distinct patterns of attachment.
Most infants show secure attachment: They freely explore new environments,
touching base with their caregiver periodically to assure themselves that she is
present and will respond if needed. They may or may not cry on separation from

13
this person, but if they do, it is because of her absence; and when she returns,
they actively seek contact with her and stop crying very quickly.
Another, smaller group of infants show insecure/avoidant attachment. They
don't cry when their caregiver leaves, and they react to the stranger in much the
same way as to their caregiver. When the caregiver returns they typically avoid
her or are slow to greet her.
A third group of infants show a pattern known as insecure/ambivalent
attachment. Before separation, these infants seek contact with their caregiver.
After she leaves and then returns, however, they first seek her but then resist or
reject her offers of comfort—hence the term ambivalent.
A fourth pattern, containing elements of both avoidant and ambivalent patterns,
has sometimes been suggested; it is known as disorganized attachment (or
disoriented attachment). However, it is not clear that such a pattern exists and
is distinct from the others.
The relative frequency of the three major patterns of attachment (secure,
insecure/avoidant, and insecure/ambivalent) differs across cultures and probably
reflect contrasting approaches to child rearing in these cultures.
For instance, the rate of insecure/avoidant attachment is relatively high in
Germany, perhaps reflecting the fact that German parents often emphasize
independence.
One factor that was long assumed to play a central role in attachment is
maternal sensitivity—a caregiver's alertness to infant signals, appropriate and
prompt responses to these, flexibility of attention and behaviour, appropriate
level of control over the infant, and so on. It was long assumed that caregivers
who showed a high degree of sensitivity would be more likely to produce secure
attachment in their infants than caregivers who did not, and some research
findings offered support for this view. However, more recent evidence suggests
that maternal sensitivity may actually play a somewhat smaller role in
determining infants' attachment, and that other factors, such as infant
temperament, may actually be more important.

The Long-Term Effects of Attachment Style-

Differences in patterns of attachment have effects that persist beyond infancy.
During childhood, youngsters who are securely attached to their caregivers are
more sociable, better at solving certain kinds of problems, more tolerant of
frustration, and more flexible and persistent in many situations than children

14
who are insecurely attached. Further, securely attached children seem to
experience fewer behavioural problems during later childhood.
Some findings suggest that differences in attachment style in infancy may have
strong effects on the kinds of relationships individuals form when they are
adults. People who were avoidantly attached to their caregivers as infants seem
to worry constantly about losing their romantic partners; they didn't trust their
caregivers as infants, and they don't trust spouses or lovers when they are adults.
Similarly, persons who showed ambivalent attachment in infancy seem to be
ambivalent about romantic relationships, too: They want them, but they also
fear them, because they perceive their partners distant and unloving. In contrast,
persons who were securely attached to their caregivers as infants seek closeness
in their adult relationships and are comfortable with having to depend on their
partners.

Critical Evaluation

Although, the Strange Situation is the most widely used method for assessing
infant attachment to a caregiver, Lamb et al. (1985) have criticized it for being
highly artificial and therefore lacking ecological validity. The child is placed in
a strange and artificial environment, and the procedure of the mother and
stranger entering and leaving the room follows a predetermined script.
Also, Mary Ainsworth’s conclusion that the strange situation could be used to
identify the child's type of attachment has been criticized on the grounds that it
identifies only the type of attachment to the mother. The child may have a
different type of attachment to the father or grandmother, for example (Lamb,
1977). This means that it lacks validity, as it does not measure a general
attachment style, but instead an attachment style specific to the mother.
In addition, some research has shown that the same child may show different
attachment behaviors on different occasions. Children's attachments may
change, perhaps because of changes in the child's circumstances, so a securely
attached child may appear insecurely attached if the mother becomes ill or the
family circumstances change.

The strange situation has also been criticized on ethical grounds. Because the
child is put under stress (separation and stranger anxiety), the study has broken
the ethical guideline protection of participants.

15
However, in its defense, the separation episodes were curtailed prematurely if
the child became too stressed. Also, according to Marrone (1998), although the
Strange Situation has been criticized for being stressful, it is simulating
everyday experiences, as mothers do leave their babies for brief periods of time
in different settings and often with unfamiliar people such as babysitters.

Finally, the study's sample is biased - comprising 100 middle-class American

families. Therefore, it is difficult to generalize the findings outside of America
and to working-class families.

Contact Comfort and Attachment-

Contact comfort is the close physical contact between infants and their
caregivers. It involves the hugging, cuddling, and caresses infants receive from
their caregivers, and it seems to be an essential ingredient in attachment. The
research that first established this fact is a classic in the history of psychology; it
was conducted by Harry Harlow and his co-workers.
Harlow was interested in testing the effects of brain damage on learning. Since
he could not perform such experiments with humans, he chose to work with
rhesus monkeys. To prevent the baby monkeys from catching various diseases,
Harlow raised them alone, away from their mothers. This led to a surprising
observation. Many of the infants seemed to become quite attached to small
scraps of cloth present in their cages. They would hold tightly to these "security
blankets" and protest loudly when they were removed for cleaning. This led
Harlow to wonder whether the babies actually needed contact with soft
materials. To find out, he built two artificial "mothers." One consisted of bare
wire, while the other possessed a soft terry-cloth cover. Conditions were then
arranged so that the monkey babies could obtain milk only from the wire
mother. According to principles of conditioning, they should soon have
developed a strong bond to this cold wire mother as she was the source of all
their nourishment. To Harlow's surprise, this did not happen. The infants spent
almost all their time clinging tightly to the soft cloth-covered mother and left
her to visit the wire mother only when driven by pangs of hunger.
Additional and even more dramatic evidence that the infants formed strong
bonds to the soft mothers was obtained in further research where monkey babies

16
were exposed to various forms of rejection by their artificial mothers. Some of
the mothers blew them away with strong jets of air, others contained metal
spikes that suddenly appeared from inside the cloth covering and pushed the
infants away. None of these actions had any lasting effects on the babies'
attachment. They merely waited the periods of rejection were over and then
clung to their cloth mother as tightly as before.

Harlow's research has also shown that monkeys reared with cloth "mothers"
react very differently when frightened than do monkeys reared with wire
"mothers." For example, when placed in a strange test room, together with their
"mothers," the cloth-reared monkeys clung tightly to their "moms." The wire-
reared monkeys, in contrast, made little effort to go to their "mothers." Instead,
they threw themselves on the floor, cried, grimaced, or huddled against the wall,
rocking back and forth while covering their faces with their hands. Evidently
the cloth-fed monkeys had developed a strong attachment to their surrogate
mothers, but the wire-fed monkeys had not. The wire-fed group also showed
strange and occasionally self-destructive behaviour. Some rocked back and
forth or paced their cages for hours on end, and many bit themselves or pulled
out their own hair until their flesh was raw.

On the basis of these and related findings, Harlow concluded that a monkey
baby's attachment to its mother rests, at least in part, on her ability to satisfy its
need for contact comfort- direct contact with soft objects. Satisfying other
physical needs, such as that for food, is not enough.

iii)Childhood - cognitive development, Moral

development

Cognitive development
Preoperational Stage - 18-24 months through early childhood -age 7

During this stage (toddler through age 7), young children are able to think about
things symbolically and they acquire the ability to form mental images of

17
objects and events. develops to the point at which they begin to think in terms of
verbal symbols—words.
The Pre-operational Stage is split into two substages: the symbolic function
substage, and the intuitive thought substage.
The symbolic function substage is when children are able to understand,
represent, remember, and picture objects in their mind without having the object
in front of them
In this stage children are capable of many actions they could not perform
earlier. For instance, they demonstrate symbolic play, in which they pretend
that one object is another—that a pencil is a rocket or a wooden block is a frog,
for example. Such play is marked by three shifts that afford unique insights into
how children's cognitive abilities change during this period.
One is decentration, in which children gradually begin to make others rather
than themselves the recipients of their playful actions—for instance, they begin
to feed their dolls or dress them.
The second shift is decontextualization: Objects are made to substitute for each
other, as when a child pretends that a twig is a spoon.
The third change involves integration—combining play actions into
increasingly complex sequences.

The term preoperational reflects Piaget's view that at this stage, children don't
yet show much ability to use logic and mental operations. They develop
memory and imagination, which allows them to understand the difference
between past and future, and engage in make-believe. But their thinking is
based on intuition and still not completely logical. They cannot yet grasp more
complex concepts such as cause and effect, time, and comparison.
One way in which the thinking of preoperational children is immature
involves what Piaget termed egocentrism—children's inability to understand
that others may perceive the world differently than they do. Egocentrism can be
seen in an experiment performed by Piaget known as the three-mountain
problem. Piaget showed children a model of a mountain with various features- a
path, a small stream- visible only from certain sides. He had children walk
about the mountain, looking at it from all angles. Then he placed a doll at
various positions around the mountain and asked the children to describe what
the doll saw or to choose the photo that showed what the doll could see. In this
experiment, three views of a mountain were shown to the children and were
asked what a travelling doll would see at the various angles. The children

18
consistently described what they could see from the position from which they
are seated, regardless of from what angle they were asked to take the doll’s
perspective. Piaget found that children could not perform this task accurately
until they were six or seven years old.

Similar to preoperational children’s egocentric thinking is their structuring of

a cause and effect relationships. Piaget coined the term “precausal thinking” to
describe the way in which preoperational children use their own existing ideas
or views to explain cause-and-effect relationships. Three main concepts of
causality as displayed by children in the preoperational stage include: animism,
artificialism and transductive reasoning.

Animism is the belief that inanimate objects are capable of actions and have
lifelike qualities. An example could be a child believing that the stars twinkle in
the sky because they are happy. Artificialism refers to the belief that
environmental characteristics can be attributed to human actions or
interventions. For example, a child might say that it is windy outside because
someone is blowing very hard, or the clouds are white because someone painted
them that color. Finally, precausal thinking is categorized by transductive
reasoning. Transductive reasoning is when a child fails to understand the true
relationships between cause and effect. Unlike deductive or inductive
reasoning (general to specific, or specific to general), transductive reasoning
refers to when a child reasons from specific to specific, drawing a relationship
between two separate events that are otherwise unrelated. For example, if a
child hears the dog bark and then a balloon popped, the child would conclude
that because the dog barked, the balloon popped.

The intuitive thought substage- is when children tend to propose the

questions of “why?” and “how come?” This stage is when children want the
knowledge of knowing everything. Piaget called it the “intuitive substage”
because children realize they have a vast amount of knowledge, but they are
unaware of how they acquired it.

Certain characteristics of preoperative thought-

Centration is the act of focusing all attention on one characteristic or dimension
of a situation, whilst disregarding all others.

19
Conservation is the awareness that altering a substance’s appearance does not
change its basic properties. It is knowledge that certain physical attributes of an
object remain unchanged even though the outward appearance of the object is
altered. Children at this stage are unaware of conservation and exhibit
centration. Both centration and conservation can be more easily understood by
Piaget’s famous experimental task. In this task, a child is presented with two
identical beakers containing the same amount of liquid. The child usually notes
that the beakers do contain the same amount of liquid. When one of the beaker’s
liquid is poured into a taller and thinner container, children who are younger
than seven or eight years old typically say that the two beakers no longer
contain the same amount of liquid, and that the taller container holds the larger
quantity (centration), without taking into consideration the fact that both
beakers were previously noted to contain the same amount of liquid. Due to
superficial changes, the child was unable to comprehend that the properties of
the substances continued to remain the same (conservation).

Irreversibility is closely related to the ideas of centration and conservation.

Irreversibility refers to when children are unable to mentally reverse a sequence
of events. In the same beaker situation, the child does not realize that, if the
sequence of events was reversed and the water from the tall beaker was poured
back into its original beaker, then the same amount of water would exist.

Children also seem to lack understanding of relational terms such as lighter,

larger, softer Another example of children’s reliance on visual representations is
their misunderstanding of “less than” or “more than”. When two rows
containing equal amounts of blocks are placed in front of a child, one row
spread farther apart than the other, the child will think that the row spread
farther contains more blocks.

Class inclusion refers to a kind of conceptual thinking that children in the

preoperational stage cannot yet grasp. Children’s inability to focus on two
aspects of a situation at once inhibits them from understanding the principle that
one category or class can contain several different subcategories or classes. For
example, a four-year-old girl may be shown a picture of eight dogs and three
cats. The girl knows what cats and dogs are, and she is aware that they are both
animals. However, when asked, “Are there more dogs or animals?” she is likely
to answer “more dogs”. This is due to her difficulty focusing on the two
subclasses and the larger class all at the same time. She may have been able to

20
view the dogs as dogs or animals, but struggled when trying to classify them as
both, simultaneously.

Transitive inference is using previous knowledge to determine the missing

piece, using basic logic. Children in the preoperational stage lack this logic. An
example of transitive inference would be when a child is presented with the
information “A” is greater than “B” and “B” is greater than “C”. This child may
have difficulty here understanding that “A” is also greater than “C”.

Further, they lack seriation— the ability to arrange objects in order along some
dimension

Concrete Operational Stage- ages 7 to 11

At this time, elementary-age and preadolescent children show logical, concrete

reasoning. Children's thinking becomes less focused on themselves. They're
increasingly aware of external events. According to Piaget, a child's mastery of
conservation marks the beginning of this stage of concrete operations. Children
are able to incorporate Inductive reasoning. Inductive reasoning involves
drawing inferences from observations in order to make a generalization. In
contrast, children struggle with deductive reasoning, which involves using a
generalized principle in order to try to predict the outcome of an event. Children
in this stage commonly experience difficulties with figuring out logic in their
heads. For example, a child will understand that “A is more than B” and “B is
more than C”. However, when asked “is A more than C?”, the child might not
be able to logically figure the question out in his or her head.

During this stage, many important skills emerge. Children gain understanding of
relational terms and seriation. They come to understand reversibility—the fact
that many physical changes can be undone by a reversal of the original action.
Children who have reached the stage of concrete operations also begin to
engage in what Piaget described as logical thought. If asked, "Why did you and
your mother go to the store?" they reply, "Because my mother needed some
milk." Younger children' in contrast, may reply "Because afterwards, we came
home”.

21
Two other important processes in the concrete operational stage are logic and
the elimination of egocentrism.

Egocentrism is the inability to consider or understand a perspective other than

one’s own. It is the phase where the thought and morality of the child is
completely self-focused. During this stage, the child acquires the ability to view
things from another individual’s perspective, even if they think that perspective
is incorrect. For instance, if a child is shown a comic in which Jane puts a doll
under a box, leaves the room, and then Melissa moves the doll to a drawer, and
Jane comes back. A child in the concrete operations stage will say that Jane will
still think it’s under the box even though the child knows it is in the drawer.

Children in this stage can, however, only solve problems that apply to actual
(concrete) objects or events, and not abstract concepts or hypothetical tasks.
Understanding and knowing how to use full common sense has not yet been
completely adapted.

Piaget determined that children in the concrete operational stage were able to
incorporate inductive logic. On the other hand, children at this age have
difficulty using deductive logic, which involves using a general principle to
predict the outcome of a specific event. This includes mental reversibility. An
example of this is being able to reverse the order of relationships between
mental categories. For example, a child might be able to recognize that his or
her dog is a Labrador, that a Labrador is a dog, and that a dog is an animal, and
draw conclusions from the information available, as well as apply all these
processes to hypothetical situations
But during this stage, most children still can't think abstractly or hypothetically

SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN CHILDHOOD

Children also grow in their ability to regulate their own emotional reactions to
others. Infants have very little capacity to do this, but within a few years they
begin to engage in active efforts to understand and regulate their own feelings.
Children's abilities to regulate their emotions increase through the grade-school
years, as does the range of strategies available to them for expressing these
feelings—for communicating them to other. By the time they are ten, therefore,

22
most children are quite adept at these tasks. For instance, they have learned to
express sadness, both verbally and nonverbally, in order to gain sympathy and
support, and to withhold or disguise anger in order to avoid adult disapproval
for such reactions. Progress in both these tasks—regulating and expressing
emotions—plays a key role in children's ability to form increasingly complex
social relationships.

MORAL DEVELOPMENT

Moral development refers to the changes in the ability to reason about what is
right and what is wrong in a given situation.
The most famous theory of Moral development was developed by Lawrence
Kohlberg (1984)

Kohlberg's Stages of Moral Understanding

Kohlberg believed that moral development, follows a series of stages. Building

on earlier views proposed by Piaget, Kohlberg studied boys and men
and suggested that human beings move through three distinct levels of moral
reasoning, each divided into two separate phases. He used the idea of moral
dilemmas—stories that present conflicting ideas about two moral values—to
teach 10 to 16 year-old boys about morality and values. The best-known moral
dilemma created by Kohlberg is the “Heinz” dilemma, which discusses the idea
of obeying the law versus saving a life.

It is as follows:
A man named Heinz has a wife who is ill with a special kind of cancer. There is
a drug that may save her, but it is very expensive. The pharmacist who
discovered this medicine will sell it for $2,000, but the man has only S 1,000.
He asks the pharmacist to let him pay part of the cost now and the rest later, but
the pharmacist refuses. Being desperate, the man steals the drug. Should he
have done so? Why?

In order to determine the stage of moral development participants had reached,

Kohlberg asked them to consider imaginary situations that raised moral

23
dilemmas for the persons involved. Participants then indicated the course of
action they would choose, and explained why. According to Kohlberg, it is the
explanations, not the decisions themselves, that are crucial, for it is the
reasoning displayed in these explanations that reveals individuals' stage of
moral development.

The kinds of reasoning that would reflect several of the major stages of moral
reasoning described by Kohlberg are as follows-

The Preconventional Level-

In the first level of Moral development, children judge morality largely in terms
of the consequences. Actions that lead to rewards are perceived as good or
acceptable; ones that lead to punishments are seen as bad or unacceptable. For
example, a child at this stage might say, "The man should not steal the drug,
because if he does, he'll be punished." Throughout the preconventional level, a
child’s sense of morality is externally controlled. Children accept and believe
the rules of authority figures, such as parents and teachers.  A child with pre-
conventional morality has not yet adopted or internalized society’s conventions
regarding what is right or wrong, but instead focuses largely on external
consequences that certain actions may bring.

Stage 1 : Punishment-and-obedience orientation- Morality judged in terms of

consequences-Stage 1 focuses on the child’s desire to obey rules and avoid
being punished. For example, an action is perceived as morally wrong because
the perpetrator is punished; the worse the punishment for the act is, the more
“bad” the act is perceived to be

Stage 2: Naive hedonistic orientation/ Instrumental Orientation - Morality

judged in terms of what satisfies own needs or those of others. Stage 2
expresses the “what’s in it for me?” position, in which right behaviour is
defined by whatever the individual believes to be in their best interest. Stage
two reasoning shows a limited interest in the needs of others, only to the point
where it might further the individual’s own interests. As a result, concern for
others is not based on loyalty or intrinsic respect. An example would be when a

24
child is asked by his parents to do a chore. The child asks “what’s in it for me?”
and the parents offer the child an incentive by giving him an allowance.

The Conventional Level

As children's cognitive abilities increase, Kohlberg suggests, they enter a second

level of moral development, the conventional level. Now they are aware of
some of the complexities of the social order and judge morality in terms of what
supports and preserves the laws and rules of their society. Thus, a child at this
stage might reason: "It's OK to steal the drug, because no one will think you are
bad if you do. If you don't, and let your wife die, you'll never be able to look
anyone in the eye again’. Throughout the conventional level, Children continue
to accept the rules of authority figures, but this is now due to their belief that
this is necessary to ensure positive relationships and societal order. Adherence
to rules and conventions is somewhat rigid during these stages, and a rule’s
appropriateness or fairness is seldom questioned.

Stage 3: Good boy—good girl orientation stage- Morality judged in terms of

adherence to social rules or norms with respect to personal acquaintances. In
stage 3, children want the approval of others and act in ways to avoid
disapproval. Emphasis is placed on good behaviour and people being “nice” to
others.

Stage 4: Social order-maintaining orientation- Morality judged in terms of

social rules or laws applied universally, not just to acquaintances. In stage 4, the
child blindly accepts rules and convention because of their importance in
maintaining a functioning society. Rules are seen as being the same for
everyone, and obeying rules by doing what one is “supposed” to do is seen as
valuable and important. Moral reasoning in stage four is beyond the need for
individual approval exhibited in stage three. If one person violates a law,
perhaps everyone would—thus there is an obligation and a duty to uphold laws
and rules. Most active members of society remain at stage four, where morality
is still predominantly dictated by an outside force.

25
The Postconventional Level

Finally, in adolescence or early adulthood many individuals enter a third level

known as the postconventional level, or principled level. At this stage, people
judge morality in terms of abstract principles and values rather than in terms of
existing laws or rules of society. Persons who attain this stage often believe that
certain obligations and values transcend the laws of society.
People now believe that some laws are unjust and should be changed or
eliminated. This level is marked by a growing realization that individuals are
separate entities from society and that individuals may disobey rules
inconsistent with their own principles. Post-conventional moralists live by their
own ethical principles—principles that typically include such basic human
rights as life, liberty, and justice—and view rules as useful but changeable
mechanisms, rather than absolute dictates that must be obeyed without question.
For example, a person at this stage of moral development might argue for
stealing the drug as follows: "If the man doesn't steal the drug, he is putting
property above human life; this makes no sense. People could live together
without private Property, but a respect for human life is essential."
In contrast, if they argue for not stealing the drug, they might reason: "If the
man stole the drug he wouldn't be blamed by others, but he would probably
blame himself, since he has violated his own standards of honesty and hurt
another person for his own gain."
Because post-conventional individuals elevate their own moral evaluation of a
situation over social conventions, their behaviour, especially at stage six, can
sometimes be confused with that of those at the pre-conventional level. Some
theorists have speculated that many people may never reach this level of
abstract moral reasoning.

Stage 5: Legalistic orientation/ Social-Contract Orientation - Morality

judged in terms of human rights, which may transcend laws
In stage 5, the world is viewed as holding different opinions, rights, and values.
Such perspectives should be mutually respected as unique to each person or
community. Laws are regarded as social contracts rather than rigid edicts. Those
that do not promote the general welfare should be changed when necessary to
meet the greatest good for the greatest number of people. This is achieved

26
through majority decision and inevitable compromise. Democratic government
is theoretically based on stage five reasoning

Stage 6: Universal ethical principle orientation- Morality judged in terms of

self-chosen ethical principles. In stage 6, moral reasoning is based on abstract
reasoning using universal ethical principles. Generally, the chosen principles are
abstract rather than concrete and focus on ideas such as equality, dignity, or
respect. Laws are valid only insofar as they are grounded in justice, and a
commitment to justice carries with it an obligation to disobey unjust laws.
People choose the ethical principles they want to follow, and if they violate
those principles, they feel guilty. In this way, the individual acts because it is
morally right to do so (and not because he or she wants to avoid punishment), it
is in their best interest, it is expected, it is legal, or it is previously agreed upon.
Although Kohlberg insisted that stage six exists, he found it difficult to identify
individuals who consistently operated at that level.

Critical Evaluation-

Kohlberg's theory, while providing important insights, requires major revisions

in several respects-

1.Gender Differences in Moral Development-Kohlberg has been criticized for

his assertion that women seem to be deficient in their moral reasoning abilities
when compared to men. Carol Gilligan (1982) argued that women are not
deficient in their moral reasoning and instead proposed that males and females
reason differently: girls and women focus more on staying connected and
maintaining interpersonal relationships. She believed that women base moral
judgements based on care-based principles—concerns over exaggerated by
gender relationships, caring, and the promotion of others' welfare. Because
moral reasoning based on such considerations is scored as relatively immature
in Kohlberg's theory, Gilligan charged that Kohlberg's approach undervalued
the moral maturity of females.
Evidence on this issue is mixed but, overall, fails to provide clear support for
Gilligan's suggestions. Several studies comparing the moral development of
males and females have failed to uncover the differences predicted by Gilligan;
indeed, if anything, females have tended to score higher, not lower, than males.
Further, it appears that contrary to Gilligan's suggestions, females do not seem
to base their moral reasoning solely, or even primarily, on care-based concerns.

27
While females do show a tendency to make more care-based judgments than
males, this occurs primarily for personal moral dilemmas they have experienced
themselves, and does not appear for other types of questions, including the ones
used originally by Kohlberg So, overall, there is little evidence for important
differences between males and females with respect to moral development or
moral reasoning.

2.Consistency of Moral Judgments

Kohlberg's theory, like other stage theories, suggests that as people grow older,
they move through a series of successive discrete stages. If that were true, then
it would be predicted that individuals' moral reasoning across a wide range of
moral dilemmas should be consistent—it should reflect the stage they have
reached. However research shows that people frequently demonstrate
significant inconsistency in their moral judgements. This often occurs in moral
dilemmas involving drinking and driving or business situations where
participants have been shown to reason at a lower developmental stage,
typically using more self-interest driven reasoning (i.e., stage two) than
authority and social order obedience driven reasoning (i.e., stage four). Critics
argue that Kohlberg’s theory cannot account for such inconsistencies.

A study on this issue, Wark and Krebs (1996) asked college students to respond
to the moral dilemmas developed by Kohlberg and also describe real-life
dilemmas they had experienced or witnessed—dilemmas that affected them
personally and dilemmas they knew about but which had not affected them
personally. For these real-life dilemmas, the students also described their moral
reasoning—their thoughts about the issues, what they felt was the right course
of action, and so on. Results indicated that contrary to Kohlberg's theory,
participants showed little consistency across the various types of moral
dilemmas. In fact, only 24 percent obtained the same global stage score (e.g.
Stage 3, Stage 4) across all three types of dilemmas. A large majority, fully 85
percent, made judgments ranged across three different stages. So, contrary to
what Kohlberg's theory suggests, people do not show a high degree of
consistency reflecting a specific stage of moral reasoning.

28
3. Cultural Differences and Moral Development - Critics argue that
Kohlberg’s stages are culturally biased—that the highest stages in particular
reflect a westernized ideal of justice based on individualistic thought. This is
biased against those that live in non-Western societies that place less emphasis
on individualism. The stages described by Kohlberg, and steady movement
through them, do not appear in all cultures. In cross-cultural studies carried out
in many countries (Taiwan, Turkey, Mexico), it has sometimes been found that
persons from tribal or rural village backgrounds are less likely to reach stage 5
reasoning than persons from more advantaged backgrounds.
These findings suggest that Kohlberg's work may, to an extent, be "culture
bound": It may be biased against persons from ethnic groups and populations
different from the ones he originally studied. Cultural factors play an important
role in shaping moral development and should be taken fully into account .

4.Kohlberg’s theory has been criticized for emphasizing justice to the

exclusion of other values, with the result that it may not adequately address the
arguments of those who value other moral aspects of actions.

(iv) Adolescence - cognitive development, socio-

emotional development; some major concerns

ADOLESCENCE-

Adolescence is the period beginning with the onset of puberty and ending when
individuals assume adult roles and responsibilities.
The responsibilities associated with adult life include marriage, entry into the
workforce, and so on.

[Puberty refers to a rapid spurt in physical growth accompanied by sexual

maturation]

29
Cognitive development

Formal Operational Stage- Adolescence through adulthood

Adolescents who reach this fourth stage of intellectual development -- usually at

age 11-plus -- are able to use symbols related to abstract concepts, such as
algebra and science. They can think about things in systematic ways, come up
with theories, and consider possibilities. They also can ponder abstract
relationships and concepts such as justice. Those who have reached the stage of
formal operations can think abstractly; they can deal not only with the real or
concrete but with possibilities—events or relationships that do not exist but can
be imagined.
During this final stage, children become capable of Hypothetico-deductive
reasoning. This is the ability to generate hypotheses and to think logically
about symbols, ideas, and propositions. They develop hypotheses or best
guesses, and systematically deduce, or conclude, which is the best path to
follow in solving the problem. During this stage the adolescent is able to
understand logical proofs and values. They also begin to entertain possibilities
for the future and are fascinated with what they can be.
They become capable of engaging in interpropositional thinking—thinking in
which they seek to test the validity of several propositions. (Children at the level
of concrete operations can sometimes test single propositions.)

Piaget conducted experiments to assess children’s thinking through the use of a

scale and varying weights. The task was to balance the scale by hooking
weights on the ends of the scale. To successfully complete the task, the children
must use formal operational thought to realize that the distance of the weights
from the centre and the heaviness of the weights both affected the balance. A
heavier weight has to be placed closer to the centre of the scale, and a lighter
weight has to be placed farther from the centre, so that the two weights balance
each other. While 3- to 5- year olds could not at all comprehend the concept of
balancing, children by the age of 7 could balance the scale by placing the same
weights on both ends, but they failed to realize the importance of the location.
By age 10, children could think about location but failed to use logic and
instead used trial-and-error. Finally, by age 13 and 14, in early adolescence,

30
some children more clearly understood the relationship between weight and
distance and could successfully implement their hypothesis

Adolescent egocentrism governs the way that adolescents think about social
matters and is the heightened self-consciousness in them as they are, which is
reflected in their sense of personal uniqueness and invincibility. Adolescent
egocentrism can be dissected into two types of social thinking, imaginary
audience that involves attention-getting behaviour, and personal fable, which
involves an adolescent’s sense of personal uniqueness and invincibility. These
two types of social thinking begin to affect a child’s egocentrism in the concrete
stage. However, it carries over to the formal operational stage when they are
then faced with abstract thought and fully logical thinking
While the thinking of older children or adolescents closely approaches that of
adults, however, Piaget, believed that it still falls short of the adult level. Older
children, and especially adolescents, often use their new powers of reasoning to
construct sweeping theories about human relationships, ethics, or political
systems. The reasoning behind such views may be logical, but the theories are
often false, because the young persons who construct them don't have enough
experience or information to do a more sophisticated job.
One crucial point: Even though people who have reached the stage of formal
operations are capable of engaging in advanced forms of thought there is no
guarantee that they will actually do so. Such thinking requires lots of
cognitive effort, so it is not surprising that adolescents, and adults too, often slip
back into less advanced modes of thought.

**For enhanced understanding. Read only

**[Educational Implications

Piaget (1952) did not explicitly relate his theory to education, although later
researchers have explained how features of Piaget's theory can be applied to
teaching and learning. Piaget has been extremely influential in developing
educational policy and teaching practice. For example, a review of primary
education by the UK government in 1966 was based strongly on Piaget’s
theory. The result of this review led to the publication of the Plowden
report (1967).

31
Discovery learning – the idea that children learn best through doing and actively
exploring - was seen as central to the transformation of the primary school
curriculum. 'The report's recurring themes are individual learning, flexibility in
the curriculum, the centrality of play in children's learning, the use of the
environment, learning by discovery and the importance of the evaluation of
children's progress - teachers should 'not assume that only what is measurable is
valuable.'

Because Piaget's theory is based upon biological maturation and stages, the
notion of 'readiness' is important. Readiness concerns when certain information
or concepts should be taught. According to Piaget's theory children should not
be taught certain concepts until they have reached the appropriate stage of
cognitive development.

According to Piaget (1958), assimilation and accommodation require an active

learner, not a passive one, because problem-solving skills cannot be taught, they
must be discovered.

Within the classroom, learning should be student-centred and accomplished

through active discovery learning. The role of the teacher is to facilitate
learning, rather than direct tuition. Therefore, teachers should encourage the
following within the classroom:
o Focus on the process of learning, rather than the end product of it.

o Using active methods that require rediscovering or reconstructing "truths."

o Using collaborative, as well as individual activities (so children can learn

from each other).

o Devising situations that present useful problems and create disequilibrium in

the child.

o Evaluate the level of the child's development so suitable tasks can be set. .]**

32
Critical Evaluation

Support

 The influence of Piaget’s ideas in developmental psychology has been

enormous. He changed how people viewed the child’s world and their
methods of studying children.

He was an inspiration to many who came after and took up his ideas.
Piaget's ideas have generated a huge amount of research which has
increased our understanding of cognitive development.

 His ideas have been of practical use in understanding and communicating

with children, particularly in the field of education (e.g.Discovery
Learning).

Criticisms
Researchers have suggested revisions in Piaget's theory with respect to
three important issues:
(l) the cognitive abilities of infants and pre-schoolers (these turn out to be
considerably greater than Piaget believed)
(2) the discreteness of stages of cognitive development
(3) the importance of social interactions between children and caregivers in the
children's cognitive development.

1.Piaget underestimated the abilities of children because his tests sometimes

used abstract terms which were confusing or difficult for the child to
understand. Piaget failed to distinguish between competence (what a child is
capable of doing) and performance (what a child can show when given a
particular task). When tasks were altered, performance (and therefore
competence) was affected. Researchers have found that young children can
succeed on simpler forms of tasks requiring the same skills Therefore, Piaget
might have underestimated children’s cognitive abilities.

For example, a child might have object permanence (competence) but still not
be able to search for objects (performance). When Piaget hid objects from

33
babies he found that it wasn’t till after nine months that they looked for it.
However, Piaget relied on manual search methods – whether the child was
looking for the object or not. Later, researchers such as Baillargeon and Devos
(1991) reported that infants as young as four months looked longer at a moving
carrot that didn’t do what it expected, suggesting they had some sense of
permanence, otherwise they wouldn’t have had any expectation of what it
should or shouldn’t do.

Piaget believed that children could not perform the three mountain task
accurately until they were six or seven years old. When, instead, this task
involves more distinctive and familiar objects—for instance, people and trees-
children as young as three or four can respond accurately.

2.Piaget proposed that cognitive development passes through discrete stages and
that these are discontinuous— children must complete one stage before entering
another. Most research findings, however, indicate that cognitive changes occur
in a more gradual manner. Rarely does an ability entirely absent at one age
appear suddenly at another. Further, these changes are often domain specific—
children may be advanced with respect to some kinds of thinking, but far less
advanced with respect to others

3.Piaget concentrated on the universal stages of cognitive development and

biological maturation and failed to consider the effect that the social setting and
culture may have on cognitive development. Dasen (1994) conducted studies in
remote parts of the central Australian desert and found that spatial awareness
abilities developed earlier amongst the Aboriginal children than Swiss children.
Such a study demonstrates cognitive development is not purely dependent on
maturation but on cultural factors too – spatial awareness is crucial for nomadic
groups of people.

4.Piaget’s methods (observation and clinical interviews) are more open to

biased interpretation than other methods. Piaget made careful, detailed
naturalistic observations of children, and from these he wrote diary descriptions
charting their development. He also used clinical interviews and observations of
older children who were able to understand questions and hold conversations.
Because Piaget conducted the observations alone the data collected are based on
his own subjective interpretation of events. It would have been more reliable if

34
Piaget conducted the observations with another researcher and compared the
results afterward to check if they are similar (i.e., have inter-rater reliability).

5.Piaget studied his own children and the children of his colleagues in Geneva
in order to deduce general principles about the intellectual development of all
children. Not only was his sample very small, but it was composed solely of
European children from families of high socio-economic status. Researchers
have therefore questioned the generalisability of his data.

6.For Piaget, language is seen as secondary to action, i.e., thought precedes

language. The Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1978) argues that the
development of language and thought go together and that the origin of
reasoning is more to do with our ability to communicate with others than with
our interaction with the material world. Vygotsky suggested that cognitive
growth occurs in an interpersonal, social context in which children are moved
beyond their level of actual development (what they are capable of doing
unassisted) and toward their level of potential development (what they are
capable of achieving with assistance from older—and wiser-tutors). Vygotsky
termed the difference between these two levels the zone of proximal
development. During reciprocal teaching, in which the teacher and the child
take turns engaging in an activity, the adult (or other tutor) serves as a model for
the child. In addition, during their interactions with children, adults provide
scaffolding—mental structures the children can use as they master new tasks
and new ways of thinking.

SOME MAJOR CONCERNS IN ADOLESCENCE

SUBSTANCE ABUSE-

Substance use is any consumption of alcohol or drugs. Something as

commonplace as having a beer with friends during dinner is considered
substance use. Substance use may not be a problem or lead to abuse or
dependency in some people.

35
 Substance abuse - substance abuse generally involves a pathological use of a
substance resulting in potentially hazardous behaviour, such as driving while
intoxicated, or in continued use despite a persistent social, psychological,
occupational, or health problem.
It occurs when someone continues to use drugs or alcohol even when it causes
problems, such as trouble with work, family, or their health. For instance,
continuing to use drugs knowing you’ll be fired if you fail a drug test is a sign
of abuse. A substance use problem is a medical condition which interferes with
a person's relationships with family and friends, with a person's ability to fulfil
work, school, or family obligations, or results in legal problems and dangerous
behaviour

It can also involve using or taking a substance in increasing amounts, going to

great lengths to obtain the substance, experiencing withdrawal symptoms when
the substance is stopped, or being unable to stop or reduce the use of the
substance.

Marijuana, synthetic marijuana, depressants (e.g., alcohol, barbiturates,

benzodiazepines), stimulants (e.g., amphetamines, cocaine, MDMA, or ecstasy),
hallucinogenics (e.g., LSD), opioids (e.g., codeine, heroin, and morphine), and
over-the-counter medications are the most commonly abused substances.
Anabolic steroids are sometimes abused in order to improve athletic
performance.

Substance use among adolescents ranges from experimentation to

severe substance use disorders. All substance use, even experimental use, puts
adolescents at risk of short-term problems, such as accidents, fights, unwanted
sexual activity, and overdose. Substance use also interferes with adolescent
brain development. Adolescents are vulnerable to the effects of substance use
and are at increased risk of developing long-term consequences, such as
mental health disorders, underachievement in school, a substance use disorder,
and higher rates of addiction, if they regularly use alcohol, marijuana, nicotine,
or other drugs during adolescence.

Distinction between dependence, addiction and tolerance

Substance dependence includes more severe forms of substance-use disorders

and usually involves a marked physiological need for increasing amounts of a

36
substance to achieve the desired effects. Dependence in these disorders means
that an individual will show a tolerance for a drug or withdrawal symptoms
when the drug is unavailable.
In medical terms, Dependence specifically refers to a physical condition in
which the body has adapted to the presence of a drug. If an individual with drug
dependence stops taking that drug suddenly, that person will experience
predictable and measurable symptoms, known as a withdrawal syndrome.
Although dependence is often a part of addiction, non-addictive drugs can also
produce dependence in patients.

A prime example is prednisone, a synthetic form of the steroid hormone cortisol

that is used to treat asthma, allergic reactions, Crohn’s disease, and many other
inflammatory conditions. Prednisone is not known to produce addiction.
However, if a patient has taken prednisone for several weeks and then stops
suddenly, they are likely to suffer from withdrawal symptoms such as fatigue,
weakness, body aches, and joint pain. Dependence thus is caused by changes in
the body as a result of constant exposure to a drug. Drug dependence is a
medically treatable condition. The goal is to separate the patient from the drug
slowly, instead of suddenly, to allow the body to readjust to normal functioning.
For patients who have developed dependence as a side effect of taking a needed
medication (e.g., an opioid painkiller), a doctor can use the tapering method
(slowly decreasing the dose of the drug over time) to minimize withdrawal.

For individuals who are dependent on illicit or prescription drugs due to abuse
rather than medical need, detoxification (detox) facilities may also use a
controlled taper and/or medications to prevent serious withdrawal symptoms.
They may also substitute dangerous drugs with similar—but safer—drugs to
manage dependence. For example, people detoxing from heroin are often given
a longer-acting opioid like methadone or buprenorphine to alleviate withdrawal
symptoms and cravings. Detox is a relatively short-term process lasting several
days to several weeks that helps drug abusers safely stop taking drugs while
avoiding dangerous withdrawal symptoms. While the detox process is a
necessary step towards recovery, detox does little itself to treat addiction in the
long term. Research has shown that individuals who do not participate in drug
treatment programs after undergoing detox are likely to relapse and end up
needing detox again in the future

37
Addiction is a “chronic, relapsing brain disease that is characterized by
compulsive drug seeking and use, despite harmful consequences. In other
words, addiction is an uncontrollable or overwhelming need to use a drug, and
this compulsion is long-lasting and can return unexpectedly after a period of
improvement.

Addiction is a psychological condition that describes a compulsion to take a

drug or engage in other harmful behaviors. Individuals can develop addictions
to illicit street drugs, prescription medications, and even activities such as
gambling. Addictions are persistent, and addicted individuals can relapse into
drug use after years of abstaining.

Addiction arises in association with changes in the brain caused by the use of
addictive substances. This is because nearly all addictive drugs either directly or
indirectly activate an area of the brain, the nucleus accumbens, that is normally
stimulated by naturally rewarding activities important for survival like eating or
spending time with friends. Addictive drugs stimulate pleasure and motivation
pathways in the brain much more strongly than natural rewards. Therefore,
repeated exposure to these drugs can fool the brain into prioritizing drug-taking
over normal, healthy activities.

The effect of addictive drugs on the brain’s reward pathways helps explain two
important features of addiction:

1. The inability to limit or cease substance use.

2. The irresistible urge to continue seeking and taking the drug despite
serious negative consequences.

People with an addiction to alcohol, for example, will not be deterred from
drinking even if they are advised by a doctor to stop for health reasons or are
dismissed from a job. This irrational persistence is what sets addiction apart
from mere physical dependence. Addiction results from a complex interplay of
a number of social, biological and psychological factors, including

• Genetic makeup.

• Socioeconomic status.

• Family environment.

38
• Drug accessibility.

The treatment of addiction is likewise complex and requires medical attention,

behavioural counselling, and long-term support to prevent relapse.

Tolerance refers to the need for increased amounts of a substance to achieve

the desired effects. It is defined as a person’s diminished response to a drug that
is the result of repeated use. It results from biochemical changes in the body that
affect the rate of metabolism and elimination of the addictive substance from
the body.
People can develop tolerance to both illicit drugs and prescription medications.
As stated above, tolerance is a physical effect of repeated use of a drug, not
necessarily a sign of addiction. For example, patients with chronic pain
frequently develop tolerance to some effects of prescription pain medications
without developing an addiction to them.

Withdrawal symptoms are physical symptoms, such as sweating, tremor and

tension that accompany abstinence from the drug.

Symptoms and Complications

With substance use problems, people become dependent on the substance
physically, psychologically, or both.

Physical dependence involves becoming tolerant to a substance. This means

that more of the drug or substance is needed to obtain the same effect. When
people stop taking the substance, they suffer withdrawal symptoms that can
include shaking, headaches, behavioural changes, and diarrhoea. Drug
withdrawal can even be life-threatening. Mental or psychological problems such
as depression and anxiety can also occur during drug withdrawal. Some people
can be physically dependent on a substance without being psychologically
dependent on it, especially when a medication is being used for a valid medical
condition.

Psychological dependence involves feeling that a substance is needed to feel

good and function. With psychological dependence, people often crave the
substance and will go to great lengths to acquire the substance to fulfill their

39
craving. Substances that cause psychological dependence usually act on the
brain and have one or more of the following effects:

 changes in mood (e.g., feeling "high")

 reduced anxiety

 feelings of superior abilities

 effects on the senses (sight, hearing, etc.)

There are many Complications to substance use problems. They can cause
physical problems such as liver disease, lung disease, heart disease, vitamin
deficiencies, and brain damage. Some substances can cause birth defects and
others can damage the immune system, increasing the risk of infections.

People using amphetamines can suffer from heart attacks, strokes, severe
anxiety, and paranoia. Hallucinogens, because they distort reality, can make
people temporarily psychotic or make them try things they can't realistically do,
like flying. Conditions such as AIDS or hepatitis transmitted through shared,
dirty needles are another possible complication. Overdoses of certain substances
can even lead to death.

Other complications of substance use problems include social consequences

such as damage to work, family, and personal relationships. Those who
neglect their families create social problems for their parents, siblings and
friends. They may commit criminal acts such as stealing to support their
substance use problem. If they drive while under the influence of substances,
death or injury to themselves or others can result. Some substances can alter the
perception of reality and make people apathetic about work or school. If a
woman with a substance use problem is pregnant, she may make her foetus
physically dependent on the substance she's using.

Making the Diagnosis

Urine and blood tests can show evidence of substance use but cannot distinguish
if there is a problem or not.

The following may indicate that there is a substance use problem:

40
  not being able to stop using the substance or cut down on the amount
being used

 feeling angry or defensive when someone comments about substance use

 feeling guilty about substance use

 inability to complete obligations at work, school, or at home

 using substances first thing in the morning

 using substances to become impaired in hazardous situations, such as

driving

ALCOHOL USE-

Alcohol-Related Consequences

The consequences of underage drinking include a range of physical, academic,

and social problems. Alcohol use is the primary cause of death in individuals
younger than 21 years of age. Among studies of adolescent trauma victims,
alcohol is reported in 32% to 45% of hospital admissions. Numerous studies of
adolescents report that alcohol use is linked to both violent behavior and to
violence-related injuries. Some adolescents seek out new and potentially
dangerous situations and thrill-seeking includes experimenting with alcohol use.

Neurocognitive and Neurodevelopmental Effects- Chronic heavy drinking

during adolescence and into young adulthood appears to be associated with
detrimental effects on brain development, brain functioning, and
neuropsychological performance. Recent evidence suggests that heavy drinking
during adolescence is associated with poorer neurocognitive functioning during
the young adult years and is associated particularly with impairment of attention
and visuospatial skills.

Brain imaging and studies of event-related potentials have demonstrated

significant abnormalities in brain structure and function. Magnetic resonance
imaging studies have shown Hippocampal volumes to be smaller in youth with
alcohol use disorders. The earlier an individual developed an alcohol use
disorder and the longer the duration of the alcohol use disorder, the smaller was

41
the volume of his or her hippocampus. Other studies have demonstrated that
white matter integrity was reduced in the corpus callosum of youth with alcohol
use disorders.

Liver Effects

Elevated liver enzymes, indicating some degree of liver damage, have been
found in some adolescents who drink alcohol.

Growth and Endocrine Effects

In both boys and girls, puberty is a period associated with marked hormonal
changes, including increases in the sex hormones estrogen and testosterone.
These hormones, in turn, increase production of other hormones and growth
factors, which are vital for normal organ development. Drinking alcohol during
this period of rapid growth and development (ie, before or during puberty) may
upset the critical hormonal balance necessary for normal development of
organs, muscles, and bones.

Factors affecting Alcohol Usage-

Sensitivity and Tolerance- The nature of the brain of the maturing adolescent
may explain why many young drinkers are able to consume much larger
amounts of alcohol than adults before experiencing the negative consequences
of drinking, such as drowsiness, lack of coordination, and withdrawal or
hangover effects. This unusual tolerance may help to explain the high rates of
binge drinking among many adolescents and young adults.

Personality Traits, Psychiatric Comorbidity- Children who begin to drink at

a very early age (before age 12 years) often share similar personality
characteristics that may make them more likely to start drinking. Young people
who are disruptive, hyperactive, and aggressive—often referred to as having
conduct problems or being antisocial—as well as those who are depressed,
withdrawn, or anxious, may be at greatest risk for alcohol problems. Other
behavior problems associated with alcohol use include rebelliousness, difficulty
avoiding harm or harmful situations, and a host of other traits seen in young
people who act out without regard for rules or the feelings of others (ie,
disinhibition).

42
Hereditary Factors - Some of the behavioral and physiological factors that
converge to increase or decrease a person’s risk for alcohol problems, including
tolerance to alcohol’s effects, may be linked directly to genetic factors. For
example, being a child of an alcoholic or having several alcoholic family
members places a person at greater risk for alcohol problems. Children of
alcoholics (COAs) are between 4 and 10 times more likely to become alcoholics
themselves than are children who have no close relatives with alcoholism.
COAs also are more likely to begin drinking at a young age and to progress to
drinking problems more quickly. Expectations

Expectations- How adolescents view alcohol and its effects also influences
their drinking behavior, including whether they begin to drink and how much.
An adolescent who expects drinking to be a pleasurable experience is more
likely to drink than one who does not. Beliefs about alcohol are established very
early in life, even before entering elementary school. Before age 9 years,
children generally view alcohol negatively and see drinking as bad and
associated with adverse effects. By approximately age 13 years, however, their
expectancies shift, becoming more positive. Accordingly, adolescents who
drink the most also place the greatest emphasis on the positive and arousing
effects of alcohol.

DRUG ABUSE-

Reasons for Drug Use-

Adolescents experiment with drugs or continue taking them for several reasons,
including:

 To fit in: Many teens use drugs “because others are doing it”—or
they think others are doing it—and they fear not being accepted in a
social circle that includes drug-using peers.

 To feel good: Abused drugs interact with the neurochemistry of the brain

to produce feelings of pleasure. The intensity of this euphoria differs by
the type of drug and how it is used.

 To feel better: Some adolescents suffer from depression, social anxiety,

stress-related disorders, and physical pain. Using drugs may be an attempt
to lessen these feelings of distress. Stress especially plays a significant
role in starting and continuing drug use as well as returning to drug use
(relapsing) for those recovering from an addiction.

43
  To do better: Ours is a very competitive society, in which the pressure to
perform athletically and academically can be intense. Some adolescents
may turn to certain drugs like illegal or prescription stimulants because
they think those substances will enhance or improve their performance.

 To experiment: Adolescents are often motivated to seek new

experiences, particularly those they perceive as thrilling or daring.

Addiction occurs when repeated use of drugs changes how a person’s brain
functions over time. The transition from voluntary to compulsive drug use
reflects changes in the brain’s natural inhibition and reward centers that keep a
person from exerting control over the impulse to use drugs even when there are
negative consequences—the defining characteristic of addiction.

Risk factors- Some people are more vulnerable to this process than others, due
to a range of possible risk factors. Stressful early life experiences such as being
abused or suffering other forms of trauma are one important risk factor.
Adolescents with a history of physical and/or sexual abuse are more likely to be
diagnosed with substance use disorders. Many other risk factors, including
genetic vulnerability, prenatal exposure to alcohol or other drugs, lack of
parental supervision or monitoring, and association with drug-using peers also
play an important role.

Drug use in adolescents frequently overlaps with other mental health problems.
For example, a teen with a substance use disorder is more likely to have a
mood, anxiety, learning, or behavioral disorder too. Sometimes drugs can make
accurately diagnosing these other problems complicated. Adolescents may
begin taking drugs to deal with depression or anxiety, for example; on the other
hand, frequent drug use may also cause or precipitate those disorders.
Adolescents entering drug abuse treatment should be given a comprehensive
mental health screening to determine if other disorders are present. Effectively
treating a substance use disorder requires addressing drug abuse and other
mental health problems simultaneously.

Signs of Drug Use

If an adolescent starts behaving differently for no apparent reason—such as

acting withdrawn, frequently tired or depressed, or hostile—it could be a sign he
or she is developing a drug-related problem. Parents and others may overlook
such signs, believing them to be a normal part of puberty.

Other signs include:

44
  a change in peer group

 carelessness with grooming

 decline in academic performance

 missing classes or skipping school

 loss of interest in favourite activities

 changes in eating or sleeping habits

 deteriorating relationships with family members and friends

EATING DISORDERS

Eating disorders are complex illnesses that affect adolescents with increasing
frequency. They rank as the third most common chronic illness in adolescent
females, with an incidence of up to 5%, a rate that has increased dramatically
over the past three decades. Two major subgroups of the disorders are
recognized: a restrictive form, in which food intake is severely limited (anorexia
nervosa), and a bulimic form, in which binge eating episodes are followed by
attempts to minimize the effects of overeating via vomiting, catharsis, exercise
or fasting (bulimia nervosa). Both anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa can be
associated with serious biological, psychological and sociological morbidity,
and significant mortality.

Anorexia Nervosa:

Anorexia nervosa involves an intense and excessive fear of gaining weight

coupled with refusal to maintain a normal body weight. In other words, people
with this disorder relentlessly pursue the goal of being thin, no matter what this
does to their health. They often have distorted perceptions of their own bodies,
believing that they are much heavier than they really are. As a result of such
fears and distorted perceptions, they starve themselves to the point where their
weight drops to dangerously low levels.

Common symptoms of anorexia nervosa include :

45
  being considerably underweight compared with people of similar age and
height
 very restricted eating patterns
 an intense fear of gaining weight or persistent behaviors to avoid gaining
weight, despite being underweight
 a relentless pursuit of thinness and unwillingness to maintain a healthy
weight
 a heavy influence of body weight or perceived body shape on self-esteem
 a distorted body image, including denial of being seriously underweight

Obsessive-compulsive symptoms are also often present. For instance, many

people with anorexia are often preoccupied with constant thoughts about food,
and some may obsessively collect recipes or hoard food.

Such individuals may also have difficulty eating in public and exhibit a strong
desire to control their environment, limiting their ability to be spontaneous.

Anorexia is officially categorized into two subtypes — the restricting type and
the binge eating and purging type.

Individuals with the restricting type lose weight solely through dieting, fasting,
or excessive exercise.

Individuals with the binge eating and purging type may binge on large amounts
of food or eat very little. In both cases, after they eat, they purge using activities
like vomiting, taking laxatives or diuretics, or exercising excessively.

Anorexia poses a serious threat to the physical as well as the psychological

health of the persons who experience it. Along with the lower body weight, girls
with anorexia nervosa can lose their menstrual periods (amenorrhea). The loss of
periods is associated with osteopenia, early bone loss that can lead to painful
fractures. Over time, individuals living with it may experience the thinning of
their bones, infertility, brittle hair and nails, and the growth of a layer of fine
hair all over their body In severe cases, anorexia can result in heart, brain, or
multi-organ failure and death.

46
Bulimia: The Binge-Purge Cycle

In this disorder individuals engage in recurrent episodes of binge eating—

eating huge amounts of food within short periods of time. Each binge eating
episode usually continues until the person becomes painfully full. During a
binge, the person usually feels that they cannot stop eating or control how much
they are eating. Binges can happen with any type of food but most commonly
occur with foods the individual would normally avoid.
Individuals with bulimia then attempt to purge to compensate for the calories
consumed and relieve gut discomfort. They thus engage in some kind of
compensatory behaviour designed to prevent weight gain. This can involve self-
induced vomiting, the misuse of laxatives, fasting, or exercise so excessive that
it is potentially harmful to the person's health.

Symptoms may appear very similar to those of the binge eating or purging
subtypes of anorexia nervosa. However, individuals with bulimia usually
maintain a relatively normal weight, rather than becoming underweight.

Common symptoms of bulimia nervosa include :

 recurrent episodes of binge eating with a feeling of lack of control

 recurrent episodes of inappropriate purging behaviors to prevent weight
gain
 a self-esteem overly influenced by body shape and weight
 a fear of gaining weight, despite having a normal weight

Side effects of bulimia may include an inflamed and sore throat, swollen
salivary glands, worn tooth enamel, tooth decay, acid reflux, irritation of the
gut, severe dehydration, and hormonal disturbances .

In severe cases, bulimia can also create an imbalance in levels of electrolytes,

such as sodium, potassium, and calcium. This can cause a stroke or heart attack.

47
Teens with eating disorders are often in denial that anything is wrong. They
may be moody, anxious, depressed. They may withdraw from friends, and
become overly sensitive to criticism. The problem arises when parents are not
aware of these symptoms because the teen keeps them hidden -- just like the
trauma, insecurities, depression, or low self-esteem that may help trigger the
disorder

Causes of Eating Disorders

There is no one cause of an eating disorder. Experts link eating disorders to a
combination of factors, such as family relationships, psychological problems,
biological factors and genetics.
Genetics -Twin and adoption studies involving twins who were separated at
birth and adopted by different families provide some evidence that eating
disorders may be hereditary. This type of research has generally shown that if
one twin develops an eating disorder, the other has a 50% likelihood of
developing one too, on average
Biological factors- Experts have proposed that differences in brain structure
and biology may also play a role in the development of eating disorders.
In particular, levels of the brain messengers serotonin and dopamine may be
factors. However, more studies are needed before strong conclusions can be
made.
Personality traits - are another cause. In particular, neuroticism, perfectionism,
and impulsivity are three personality traits often linked to a higher risk of
developing an eating disorder
Other Causal Factors- include perceived pressures to be thin, cultural
preferences for thinness, and exposure to media promoting such ideals.
The teen may have low self-esteem and be preoccupied with having a thin body.
That intense social pressures do indeed play a role in anorexia nervosa is
suggested by the findings of a recent study by Paxton and her colleagues (1999).
These researchers found that among fifteen-year-old girls, the greater the
pressure from their friends to be thin, the more likely the teens were to be
unhappy with their current bodies and to be greatly restricting their food intake.
In fact, certain eating disorders appear to be mostly non -existent in cultures that
haven’t been exposed to Western ideals of thinness. However, though

48
culturally accepted ideals of thinness are very present in many areas of the
world, in some countries, few individuals end up developing an eating disorder.
Thus, they are likely caused by a mix of factors.

. The causes of bulimia nervosa appear to be similar to those of anorexia

nervosa: Once again, the “Thin is beautiful" ideal seems to play an important
role. Another, and related, factor is the desire to be perfect in respects, including
those relating to physical beauty. Research findings indicate that women who
are high on this trait are at risk for developing bulimia, especially if they
perceive themselves to be overweight (Joiner et al., 1997). And, in fact,
bulimics—like anorexics—do tend to perceive themselves as much heavier than
they really are. This fact is illustrated clearly by a study conducted by
Williamson, Cubic, and Gleaves (1993). These researchers noted that when
current body size was held constant statistically, both bulimic and anorexic
persons rated their current body size as larger than did control participants, and
both rated their ideal as smaller than did controls. Both groups with eating
disorders viewed themselves as farther from their ideal than did persons who
did not suffer from an eating disorder.

Sometimes, being part of a sport such as ballet, gymnastics, or running, where

being lean is encouraged, is associated with eating disorders in teens. In one
study, researchers linked anorexia with an obsession with perfectionism --
concern over mistakes, high personal standards, and parental expectations and
criticism.

Fortunately, it appears that the frequency of eating disorders tends to decrease

with age, at least for women. Men, in contrast, may be more at risk for such
problems as they get older: The percentage of men who diet increases somewhat
with age, and dieting can sometimes lead to excessive efforts to reduce one's
weight.

49