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Refugee debate
Editorial | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated about an hour ago

WITH a peaceful settlement to the Afghan conflict looking increasingly remote, there
are valid fears of a new refugee crisis. And as always, it will be Afghanistan’s
neighbours — particularly Pakistan — who will have to bear the brunt of this crisis,
unwilling and unready as they may be. However, while Pakistan should do all it can to
help Afghan civilians fleeing conflict in their homeland, ‘solutions’ should not be
thrust on this country. In this regard, a senior US State Department official recently
told journalists in Washington that “it’ll be important [for Pakistan] that their
borders remain open”. The comment comes on the heels of a statement by Pakistan’s
national security adviser who, during his trip to the US, reiterated state policy when
he said that arrangements for Afghan civilians fleeing conflict should be made “inside
their country”. Moreover, the US has also suggested that Turkey play host to Afghan
refuge-seekers. Ankara has not reacted positively, with Turkish officials saying the US
plan to use third countries will spark a “great migration crisis” while also rejecting the
“irresponsible decision taken by the United States without consulting our country”.

Indeed, while all states, including Afghanistan’s neighbours, should play their part to prevent a fresh
humanitarian catastrophe in the shape of a refugee crisis, foreign parties should not be dictating
terms. The US, which invaded Afghanistan two decades ago, cannot shift the burden of its failed
nation-building adventures onto others. All states must cooperate to house, feed and care for Afghan
refugees. In this regard, Pakistan’s position is fair: after hosting millions of Afghan refugees for
decades, it is in no position to allow any more in its cities. The best solution, as the government has
highlighted, are safe zones along the border where non-combatants can be housed away from
violence. If this is not possible, camps can be created just across the border in Pakistan to prevent a
fresh influx towards the cities. Moreover, as Pakistan is not responsible for Afghanistan’s crisis —
foreign states and Afghanistan’s political class and warlords share that dubious distinction — it should
not be left in the lurch when refugees do come. Foreign powers, particularly the US and its Nato allies,
must contribute materially to the well-being of Afghans fleeing conflict, under the aegis of the UN.

Nevertheless, while Pakistan is in no position to support a large refugee population, Afghan civilians, if
and when they come, should be treated humanely. It is easy to target such vulnerable populations
with xenophobic vitriol, but it should be remembered that the mess in Afghanistan is not the
handiwork of the common Afghan. Powerful forces have toyed with that country for decades, while

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refugees fleeing conflict from any war zone — Iraq, Syria etc — must be dealt with by the
international community with respect and compassion.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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Police sacrifices
Editorial | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated about an hour ago

THE country observed a special day on Wednesday to pay homage to members of the
police force who sacrificed their lives in the line of duty. In Islamabad, President Arif
Alvi was the chief guest at a function organised by the police and in his speech he
acknowledged that the police were the front-line force against terrorism and crime.
Federal Interior Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed said the next five or six months would
be a challenge for the Capital Police and asked them to remain vigilant. The IG
Islamabad Qazi Jamil Rehman highlighted the steps taken for the welfare of the
families of the martyrs. Many such events took place across the country to highlight
the gallantry of policemen and women who laid down their lives while combating
crime and terrorism.

The police have a valid point when they complain that their services do not get the acknowledgement
they deserve. One reason is that the police’s public dealing leads to negative acts getting highlighted
much more than the positive ones. The police suffer from an image problem because they have faced
years of neglect and abuse at the hands of successive governments. The politicisation of the force,
insecurity of tenure, lack of training, and the traditional role that the state has assigned to the police,
have all contributed to making the law enforcers a target of criticism and public mistrust. However,
recent years have shown that this same force has been at the forefront of fighting terrorism and
achieved remarkable success despite limited resources. Both officers and jawans of the police have
displayed valour in the face of daunting odds and delivered success often at the cost of their own lives.
This admirable role of the police has not garnered sufficient attention from governments and the
people. It is high time therefore that the police are given due recognition for bravely taking on
terrorists and prevailing against them. This recognition should translate into more resources, better
emoluments, improved training, modern equipment and greater accolades. Police reform is a promise
that remains unfulfilled due to the weakness of governments. The police deserve such a reform as
much as the public that they are mandated to serve. Such reform would enable the police to enhance
their capabilities while securing them from political manipulation and abuse. We owe it to the police to
make sure such reforms are implemented sooner rather than later.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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Desecration of temple
Editorial | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated 35 minutes ago

THE shameful desecration of a Hindu temple in the town of Bhong, Punjab, has once
again exposed how tenuous the rights of minorities are in today’s Pakistan. A mob
vandalised the place of worship on Wednesday after a nine-year-old Hindu boy, who
had allegedly urinated in a local seminary, was granted bail by a local court. In a
shocking video of the attack, several men can be seen with rods and a crowbar
smashing the glass cases in which the idols were placed and damaging them as well.

Lighting fixtures, etc were also damaged. One can only be grateful that no one from the minority
community was injured, or worse. However, the orgy of violence, captured on video by several
participants, will send a ripple of fear through the local Hindu community, as well as reinforce the
sense of insecurity among Pakistan’s minorities as a whole, the prime minister’s condemnation of the
incident notwithstanding.

This is yet another case that illustrates the dangerous level to which society has become radicalised,
and how vigilante violence can be fanned by a few mischief-makers, who often have other, very
worldly, agendas. The case was registered against the minor on July 24 under the blasphemy law.
Despite some elders of the Hindu community tendering an apology to the madressah administration,
all hell broke loose on the instigation of some individuals when the court granted relief to the boy
some 10 days later.

Shops in the town were forcibly closed and hundreds of people blocked the Sukkur-Multan
Motorway in protest. There are reports that old financial disputes between the Hindu and Muslim
communities in the area are the underlying cause behind the unrest. It is often the case that religious
disputes are deliberately escalated in order to ‘neutralise’ differences over money or land, and drive
out the
‘target’, be it a family or an entire community. The government must ensure, that all those involved
in vandalising the temple, and those who instigated them, are punished under the law — and
immediately have the temple repaired.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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Fall semester uncertainties


Faisal Bari | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated 21 minutes ago

WE are in the middle of another spike in Covid positivity rates (fourth wave) and we
are also coming close to the beginning of another academic year for universities.
Schools have already started their academic year, with certain restrictions;
universities are likely to be in session by end August or early September.

Education has been, equally or more than other sectors, very severely impacted by Covid over the
last year and a half. Schools and universities have been closed for extended periods and education has
had to move to online and other non-face-to-face platforms where possible. This has definitely
impacted the quality of education. It has also made education access an issue for the millions who
have not had access to these online and other platforms.

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A lot of people thought and had hoped that with vaccines becoming available, the coming academic
year will be less problematic and some of the more optimistic ones amongst us had even hoped we
could return to the old ‘normal’. The way the academic year is shaping up, things are going to be more
complicated.

Vaccines are definitely bringing the incidence of the disease down. They are also reducing the severity
of the disease in people who get the virus even after being vaccinated. No vaccine has shown any
widespread or serious side effects. So, it is a safe and inexpensive way of reducing the probability of
falling sick. But it does not eliminate the disease. Though it is unclear at the moment, vaccinated
individuals may continue to be carriers as well. This raises a number of issues.

It is unlikely that universities can go back to


full, face-to-face teaching soon.

With a population of 200-plus million people, Pakistan still has only 33m or so people who have
received at least one dose of the vaccine. The number is still very small even if we only consider the
eligible (above 18) population. We will not be able to open sectors or reduce the incidence of the
infection just through vaccination at present.

SOP compliance has been poor in general in the country. It has been better in periods when there are
lockdowns and crackdowns but as soon as we move towards reopening, SOP compliance also goes
down.

We are also getting new variants of the virus. So far existing vaccines have been reasonably effective
against the new variants as well, though sometimes with less effectiveness. But the possibility of more
vaccine-resistant new variants remains. This underscores the need to keep SOP compliance levels
high, irrespective of vaccination numbers, in the medium to long run.

So, we are going to continue to struggle in the education sector. A lot of faculty, staff and students at
the university level have been vaccinated. This does not mean that we can fully open universities in
the fall and go back to full face-to-face teaching.

SOPs have to be maintained. This means we cannot fill lecture halls and classes the way we used to. If
physical distancing needs to be maintained, we might be able to fill rooms to 50 per cent of their
capacity. We will also have to restrict classes to well-ventilated rooms. How do we then offer face-to-
face classes to all? The same will be true of hostel facilities (we cannot have too many people in the
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dorms) and other facilities on campus (dining, sports, library, laboratories, etc). So, the ability of
universities to serve students under SOPs will be limited.

Rooms will need to be reserved in hostels for quarantine and isolation, in case students become
symptomatic. Rapid testing facilities will need to be present. All of these will raise costs and/or reduce
the numbers of those who can be on campus.

There will be a certain number of faculty, staff and students who, due to their co-morbidities or due to
people with co-morbidities living in their families/households or having young children in their homes,
might not be able to or want to have face-to-face interactions. Universities will have to make
arrangements for them. It might mean that some percentage of courses will need to remain online or
be in hybrid format. This also raises costs and/or time pressures.

If a student or faculty member falls ill — and some will despite vaccination and even with reasonable
SOP compliance — they will be isolated for a few weeks. So what will happen to their classes in the
meanwhile? Again, online options will have to remain.

There are likely to be subsequent waves as well. We do not know how many and for how long. It
might be a few years before Covid subsides and we have ‘herd’ immunity or better medicines to
manage the infection. When there is a wave, the government response is likely to be the same:
shutting down activities and closing off areas to break the transmission chain. So education provision,
a service that relies heavily on face-to-face interaction, is likely to continue to face periodic
shutdowns. We have to be prepared for that too.

Everyone is tired of Covid-19 and wants to go back to ‘normal’ life. Faculty, students and staff are no
exception. Everyone wants face-to-face education and normalcy. But it is unlikely that that particular
‘normal’ will return for some time. What we have is the possibility of management, post vaccination,
of some face-to-face interaction with strict compliance with SOPs. Even then we will continue to have
disruptions, closures and so on. Individuals will continue to fall sick; we will need to manage that too.

As we prepare for the fall semester, all of the above makes the situation that much more
unpredictable. Still, life must go on. Classes will happen, learning will go on. But it will take a lot of
management to ensure we can do it optimally, given the constraints. The universities will need to
have flexible and quick decision-making abilities and they will have to prepare well. We only have a
month to go.

The writer is a senior research fellow at the Institute of Development and Economic Alternatives,
and an associate professor of economics at Lums.

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Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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Healthcare and Budget 2021-22


Zafar Mirza | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated 26 minutes ago

PAKISTAN is a known low-spender on health. To put things into perspective,


according to estimates done in 2017-18, Pakistan spent $45 per person on health,
while Iran spent $484 and Qatar spent $1,716 per capita.

However, what minimum amount governments should spend to provide essential healthcare is
debatable. One credible and frequently quoted estimate comes from the High-Level Taskforce on
Innovative International Financing for Health Systems, which stipulates an average figure of $86 per
person (updated in 2012). A more recent estimate from 2017, including investments in the health
system, sets the bar at $271 per person.

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What is of note is that $86 is recommended as minimum public-sector spending whereas the above-
mentioned $45 per capita in Pakistan is the total health expenditure. The breakdown is disturbing:
only $14 is spent by the public sector on each citizen annually whereas the citizens themselves spend
$28 (private-sector spending) and a mere $3 comes from external sources.

Such low government spending results in high out-of-pocket expenditures ie around 60 per cent.
This is where the importance of social health insurance comes for the poor as indicated in my last
article
‘Unpacking social health insurance’ (July 9) on these pages.

Not only do we need more money for health


but also need more health for the money
spent.

While building a universal health coverage investment case recently, the World Bank estimated that
in order to implement the UHC agenda in 40 poor districts of Pakistan over a period of five years, an
additional expense of $17.4 per capita would be required. This would mean more than doubling of
public-sector spending ie $31.4. Regardless of how inflated or conservative these estimates are, the
fact remains that by local standards a huge increase is required in order to advance towards the goal
of UHC in Pakistan, yet it is far below $86. The dividends, however, far outweigh the costs. The
above-mentioned additional public sector spending in 40 districts, for example, would result in 10pc
reduction in stunting, 30pc reduction in under-five mortality, 33pc lowering of neonatal mortality,
and maternal mortality going down by 35pc ie averting the deaths of 3,306 mothers.

The federal budget 2021-22 has seen an increase of 11pc relative to the previous year. In nominal
terms, the health budget has gone up from around Rs25.5 billion to Rs28.3bn though it is still a mere
0.4pc of the total budget. The federal development budget (PSDP) has a “particular focus on
strengthening the health sector” and it has seen an increase of 49.6pc ie from Rs14.5bn in 2020-21 to
Rs21.7bn, including Rs5.6bn for the Sehat Sahulat Program­­me. One of the government priorities for
the current fiscal year is impact mitigation of Covid-19. Rs100bn is dedicated only for Covid-19
related expenditures ie almost four times the budget for routine healthcare.

Punjab, which comprises almost half the population of Pakistan, has increased its budget by a
gargantuan 134pc — from Rs156.7bn in 2020-21 to Rs370bn. Likewise, the development programme

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budget has seen a huge increase of 182pc. Out of Rs96bn of the development budget, Rs78bn is
allocated for tertiary and only Rs19bn for primary and secondary care. The province aims to provide
social health insurance to the whole population by the end of 2021, an ambitious and misplaced target.
Rs80bn have been allocated for this purpose and Rs106bn have been put aside for mitigating the
effects of Covid-19.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa increased its health allocation in the provincial budget 2021-22 to Rs142bn
from Rs124bn. The Annual Development Plan (ADP) allocation for health in KP this financial year is
Rs22.4bn. KP has led social health insurance development in the country. This year the province also
announced providing universal health insurance (Sehat Plus Card), which is debatable for various
reasons. They have also added organ transplantation and outpatient health services in the insurance
coverage.

Sindh increased its budget allocation by 29.5pc ie from Rs132.8bn last year to Rs172bn but also
announced a 30pc increase in the health budget in 2022-23. For the new financial year, Sindh also
pitched Rs18.5bn as its ADP budget for health. This is the only province which has opted out of the
Sehat Sahulat Programme primarily for political reasons, which is sad.

Balochistan has increased its budget by Rs13.2bn (42pc) ie from Rs31.4bn in 2020-21 to Rs44.6bn in
the current year. The ADP for 2021-22 is Rs11.8bn. Balochistan had not been able to introduce social
health insurance under the current government but finally an amount of Rs5.9bn has been allocated
to introduce the Balochistan Health Card to provide financial protection to 1,875,000 families.

As is obvious, there is an overall upward trend in health budget allocations at the federal and
provincial levels which is good news. Covid-19 has played a significant role in this. The drive to
provide health insurance to the entire population of Punjab and KP has also moved budgets up, which
is a policy that may bring political benefits but it is a flawed approach. Instead, social health insurance
needs to be expanded to ambulatory poor patients in the private sector. Pakistan needs primary
healthcare-based UHC, and for this new health system investments are needed. Much more attention
needs to be given to strengthening primary healthcare where up to 70pc of essential healthcare can
be delivered.

Another extremely important issue is that of huge inefficiencies in the health sector. According to one
estimate 20pc to 40pc of health spending is wasted one way or the other. Spending less and wasting
up to 40pc speaks volumes about the state of governance and poor management. Not only do we need
more money for health but also need more health for the money spent.

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Pakistan has to go a long way in terms of allocating enough public money to achieve UHC. Once it
becomes a fiscal priority it will also find fiscal space.

The writer is a former SAPM on health and currently serving as a WHO adviser on Universal
Health Coverage.

zedefar@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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Giving charity
Amin Valliani | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated 38 minutes ago

HUMAN societies are mostly heterogeneous. They consist of different people. Some are
physically strong while others are weak. Some are intellectually superior while others
are not, but the most crucial and stressful difference relates to finances. Some are
economically well-off, born with a silver spoon in their mouths while others live hand
to mouth.

In all societies, the economically weak are in the majority. They face tremendous difficulties to make
ends meet. Often, they are severely hit by natural and non-natural calamities. Similarly, the present
Covid-19 pandemic has jolted all segments of society but the worst-hit include the middle and lower
classes.

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The pandemic has increased the gap between the rich and poor and added a new layer to
socioeconomic vulnerabilities. Many workers engaged in informal and non-formal business sectors
have lost their livelihood due to prolonged lockdowns in cities. They have fallen in the poverty trap
and become more marginalised, therefore they need immediate relief and financial aid from the
government and also from well-off people.

Islam has emphasised the concept of giving charity. Charity must not be doled out in an insulting
manner but be given in such a way that the needy do not feel relegated. Their self-esteem should not
be hurt while gradually they should be enabled to stand on their own feet. It has also been
emphasised that charity must be given to deserving ones in a dignified manner. This means that they
should not be compelled to stand in long queues under an open sky to receive a few pennies. Islam is
very particular about the self-respect of those receiving charity. The Quran urges the believers to not
“cancel out your charitable deeds with reminders and hurtful words” (2:264).

Charity must not be doled out in an insulting


manner.

Islam encourages people to share their wealth and resources with the needy. Those who are
economically strong with much wealth and resources have been given extra responsibility to share
their wealth with those who live hand to mouth. The Quran reminds us that there is a recognised
right for the needy and the deprived to the wealth of well-to-do individuals (70:24-25).

The concept of giving charity is fundamental to the Islamic economic system. It aims at supporting
the poor and needy. It emphasises social solidarity as an ideal that enjoins both justice and generosity
(16:90) while condemning the hoarders of wealth (3:180).

The necessity and value of charity giving are articulated in the Quran through numerous terms. The
meanings of these terms are integrated with one another and they are often used interchangeably.
The most significant terms include ‘sadqa’, zakat, ‘khairaat’, ‘qarz-i-hasna’ and ‘infaaq’ etc. Every
term has its own importance and needs clear understanding.

For example, the word ‘sadqa’ has been used in the Quran many times with its various forms. They
have come to be interpreted in the more restricted sense of voluntary rather than obligatory giving.
In its original context, ‘sadqa’ reflects the idea of righteousness or truth, endowing acts of giving with
moral responsibility.

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Zakat, meanwhile, is an obligatory annual tax due on an adult Muslim’s wealth. All Muslims belonging
to different schools of thought have considered it as one of the five pillars of Islam. The Holy Quran
enjoins at many places zakat giving, along with prayer ie salat. This indicates its importance in the
overall system of social solidarity. In other words, one who pays zakat is not only purifying his wealth
and property, but also playing his due role in social uplift.

The Holy Quran has compared giving zakat to rainfall reaching the soil, which further enriches the
soul’s fertility, whose yield is multiplied further (2:265). It is a test for a believer to pay zakat out of
his legitimate wea­lth to his Creator who enabled him to earn and accumulate wealth for his own well-
being as well as for society.

In other words, one is to give according to one’s capacity, based on what is generated from resources.
While generosity is commended, side by side due attention to family as well as personal needs is also
emphasised.

Qarz-i-hasna is also a form of giving, associated with reward. The Holy Quran urges individuals to
offer Allah — “a beautiful loan”, which through Allah’s bounty will be multiplied many times over
(2:245; 57:11). Since Allah is deemed to be the ultimate Giver, such offerings are interpreted merely
as acts of returning to Allah what is ultimately due to His generosity. Other similar terms like
‘khairaat’ (good spending) are also used to help others in need.

Applying the concept of giving charity will, hopefully, mitigate the adverse impacts of Covid-19 and
result in peaceful coexistence in society. In the Quran’s words, those who spend from their resources
to assist the needy are truly virtuous.

The writer is an educationist with an interest in religion.

valianiamin@gmail.com

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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The Afghan refugee


Aasim Sajjad Akhtar | Published August 6, 2021 - | Updated 9 minutes ago

PRETTY much all states deploy facts selectively to sustain their national ideologies,
inconvenient truths glossed over to maintain the façade of unity. But there are few
states whose contradictions are so glaring that they undermine the declared basis of
nationhood. The refugee question embodies all that is wrong with both official history
and contemporary ideology in Pakistan.

From birth, we learn that Pakistan is a citadel of Islam, created precisely so that Muslims can be safe
in their own homeland. But in today’s Pakistan the proverbial refugee — the vast majority of whom
are Muslim — is viewed with utter contempt.

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Since the 1980s, when a stream of people fled the war in Afghanistan and settled in Pakistan, the
political and intellectual mainstream has placed the blame for a large number of our social ills on
Afghan refugees. We are told that upwards of two million Afghans have taken rights from bona fide
Pakistani citizens, forging fake ID cards, triggering drug use, crime and urban violence.

It is true that many Afghans have become naturalised Pakistanis, and that this has altered the
demography of metropolitan areas like Karachi and Quetta. But to attribute all of our many
pathologies to these refugees is to ignore the much bigger fish that have instigated and profited
from organised crime and militancy in Pakistan before and after the Afghan ‘jihad’.

Fuelling hate does not make the problem go


away.

Today, we again confront the possibility of Afghans being driven from their homes as their country is
pillaged by the Taliban and other militants. It would certainly be better for everyone concerned if
another stream of Afghan refugees did not enter Pakistan, but then that requires security
establishments, including our own, to stop playing blood games in Afghanistan. Ordinary people on
both sides of the border want peace, not more war, destruction and dislocation.

For those who still find it difficult to feel anything but vitriol for Afghan refugees, how is it you’ve
forgotten the many Pakistan Studies lessons of our youth describing how newly formed Pakistan
inherited millions of refugees at the time of partition? Some were destitute and ravaged by violence,
and entire ministries were set up to rehabilitate them, and, in many cases, grant them property
evacuated by those who left for India.

The politics of partition-era resettlement and the clout exercised by the Urdu-speaking refugees
significantly shaped the Pakistani polity. The decline of the MQM in Karachi and the increasing
perception that Urdu speakers are now less prominent in Pakistan’s contemporary power structure
notwithstanding, the fact is that refugees were central to Pakistan’s official imagination for decades.

Karachi is of course at the centre of the decades-long controversy over Afghan refugees, just like it
was at the heart of the Sindhi-Mohajir conflict earlier. Today, some Sindhi and Mohajir nationalists
decry Afghan refugees as a blight on the country’s biggest city, and often conflate nebulous entities
like the Taliban with Afghans tout court.
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Let us be reminded that Karachi is home to many refugee populations. Hundreds of thousands of
Rohingya and other Burmese populations call Karachi their home now. At least a million Bihari-
Bangladeshis, many living in squalor, have spent 50 years living down the legacy of East Pakistan’s
secession in 1971.

All of these refugee populations are despised by most Pakistanis. Instead, we should feel empathy
towards them, and direct our anger towards our own and other ruling classes that choose not to deal
with the fallouts of cynical wars waged in the name of ‘national interest’.

Over the past couple of days, Afghans in prominent cities like Herat have come out onto the streets
chanting ‘Allah-o-Akbar’. Theirs is a symbolic resistance to the obscurantist version of religion that
the Taliban once again seek to impose upon that country. It is worth bearing in mind that this
resistance is also bringing together Pakhtuns and non-Pakhtuns in Afghanistan between whom
divisions have been stoked deliberately over many decades.

I do not want to see more Afghans become refugees, or, for that matter, any other population,
whether within Pakistan or outside. I sympathise with Baloch, Sindhi and other ethnic-linguistic
peoples in Pakistan who are concerned about their own futures in the face of more demographic
change. But fuelling hate in the name of state ideology or even due to perceptions of scarce material
resources, does not make the problem go away.

If and when global and regional powers stop meddling in their affairs, Afghans, both Pakhtun and non-
Pakhtun, will have to heal and devise an inclusive nation-building project. We in Pakistan would do
well to focus on devising an inclusive nation-building project of our own beyond ‘one religion, one
language’ rather than blaming Afghan and other Muslim refugees for the follies of our own
establishment and its intellectual lackeys.

The writer teaches at Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Published in Dawn, August 6th, 2021

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