Sailors and Slaves On The Wood

in f o r m a t io n t o Us e r s
This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI
films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some
thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may
be from any type of computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality
illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins,
and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete
manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if
unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate
the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

sectioning the original, beginning me uppci icii~haiiu comer ano
continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each
original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in
reduced form at the back of the book.
Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white
photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations
appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly
to order.
University Microfilms International

A Bell & Howell Information C om pany
3 0 0 North Z e e b R oad. Ann Arbor. Ml 4 8 1 0 5 -1 3 4 5 USA
3 1 3 /7 6 1 -4 7 0 0 8 0 0 /5 2 1 -0 6 0 0
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
R eproduced with perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urther reproduction prohibited w itho ut perm ission.
Order Num ber 9422439
Sailors and slaves on the w ood-cutting frontier: Archaeology of

the B ritish Bay Settlem ent, Belize
Finamore, Daniel R., Ph.D.

Boston University, 1994
Copyright ©1994 by Finamore, Daniel R. All rights reserved.
UMI
juuin . Zeeo kci.
Ann Arbor, MI 48106
R eproduced with perm ission o f the copyright owner. F urther reproduction prohibited w itho ut perm ission.
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
GRADUATE SCHOOL
Dissertation
SAILORS AND SLAVES ON THE WOOD-CUTTING FRONTIER:
ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE BRITISH BAY SETTLEMENT. BELIZE
by
DANIEL R. FINAMORE
A.B., Vassar College, 1983

M.A., Boston University, 1987
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
1994
© Copyright by
DANIEL ROBERT FINAMORE
1994
Approved by
First Reader
Patricia A. McAAarf^T^h. D
Assistant Professor of Archaeology
Second Reader
Iâry Gf'Beaudry, Ph. A).
Associate Professo£of Archaeology
Third Reader 7 I
Norman Ham mond, Ph. D.
Professor of Archaeology
Acknowledgments
Assistance for this project came from num erous individuals and in m any
different forms. I thank the following people for their contributions: Professor
Grant jones of Davidson College, who first alerted me to the useful maps in the
Public Record Office; Matthew McDermott, Jeremy Bailey, and Eric Finamore,
who labored enthusiastically and jovially in the field; the staff and students of the
K'axob Archaeological Project, who provided logistical support during both
seasons of fieldwork; and Mark Sexton, Kathy Flynn, and John H arper of the
Peabody Essex Museum, who contributed their photographic talents. I
particularly wish to thank Professors Patricia A. McAnany and M ary C. Beaudry,
whose guidance and insights were an inspiration, and whose enthusiasm for this
project rem ained consistently high, from the initial proposal through the final
chapter.
Early stages of this research were supported by an Alice M. Brennan
Hum anities Fellowship, a Boston University Alumni Fellowship, and a Grant-in-
Aid of Research, Sigma Xi, The Scientific Research Society. This dissertation is
based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant
No. BNS-9013097. The Government has certain rights in this material. Any
opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this
dissertation are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the
National Science Foundation.
iv
SAILORS AND SLAVES ON THE WOOD-CUTTING FRONTIER:
ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE BRITISH BAY SETTLEMENT, BELIZE
(Order No. )
DANIEL R. FINAMORE
Boston University Graduate School, 1994
Major Professor: Patricia A. McAnany, Assistant Professor of Archaeology
Abstract
This research focuses upon the first 100 years of occupation of the British
Bay Settlement (Belize), a period characterized by large-scale transformation
from an egalitarian maritime society to a mainstream British colonial society.
Toward the end of the seventeenth century, small groups of m aritime laborers
seeking alternatives to their arduous occupations began settling in Spanish
territory along the southeastern coast of the Yucatan Peninsula and cutting
loewood for the European dveine industries. In the sparsely inhabited forest,* the
w i / o i y
settlers created a highly collective society based on a system of rules and values
that had evolved among shipboard communities of Atlantic working-class
mariners in response to their dangerous work environment, low status in a
hierarchical economic structure, and social isolation from mainstream European
culture. By the late eighteenth century, a socially stratified settlement utilizing a
large slave-labor force had evolved w ith a colonial economy oriented toward
cutting and exporting mahogany. Although both the early and later communities
were characterized by seasonal encampments in remote up-river locales
occupied by socially marginalized and economically disenfranchised
populations, data show that there were few actual similarities between the two
divergent social and economic systems.
A program of documentary research and archaeological survey
undertaken in the New and Belize River valleys located and investigated an
array of wood-cutter camps of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Seventeen historical-period sites were located and investigated through surface
collection in the New River valley, many of which related to slave-based
m ahogany extraction. Excavations were undertaken at two Belize River valley
locales: the barcadares was an early eighteenth-century community of independent
logwood-cutting mariners, and is the earliest identified British settlement in
Belize; Convention Town w as a community of slave-owning wood cutters w ho
evacuated the Mosquito Shore in 1787. Documentary analysis of maps, censuses,
and accounts of travel is integrated with archaeological analysis of material
culture from the wood-cutting camps in order to investigate, compare, and
provide contextually-based explanations for the geographical patterning and
social functioning of the settlement during the divergent eras of logwood and
m ahogany extraction.
V I
Table of Contents
page no.
CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 1
CHAPTER TWO: Settlement and Timber Extraction

in the Bay of Honduras 16
CHAPTER THREE: Conceptualizing the Dynamics of Timber

Extraction through Documentary A n a ly s is ............. 64
CHAPTER FOUR: Archaeology of the British Bay Settlement . . . . 108
CHAPTER FIVE: Material Culture of the Logwood

and Mahogany Frontier . . . . 164
CHAPTER SIX: Discussion and Conclusions . . . . 226
APPENDIX ONE: New River Artifact Catalog . . . . 241
APPENDIX TWO: The Barcadares Artifact Catalog . . . . 268
APPENDIX THREE: Convention Town Artifact Catalog . . . . 279
REFERENCES CITED . . . . 306
AUTHOR'S CURRICULUM VITAE . . . . 324
vii
List of Tables
page no.
TABLE 1: Slave Ownership and Workforce Density
on New River Claims 95
TABLE 2: New River Sites Data 133
TABLE 3: Identifiable Vessel Types from the Barcadares ................171
TABLE 4: Ware Types from the Barcadares 171
TABLE 5: Identifiable Vessel Types from New River Camps ................175
TABLE 6: Ware Types from New River Camps 176
TABLE 7: Identifiable Vessel Types from Convention Town ................181
TABLE 8: Ware Types from Convention Town 182
TABLE 9: Pipe Fragments 204
viii
List of Figures
Figure no. Page no.

1. Belize, Central America . . 13
2. Vegetational Zones of Belize . .
3. Illustration of Logwood . . 46
4. A Dyer . . 48
5. Engraving Satirizing the A dulteration of

Tea w ith Logwood . . 56
6. Logwood Cut for Fence Posts . . 58
7. Strategies of Claim Utilization in the New River,

circa 1787-1790 . . 97
8. Strategies of Claim Utilization in the Belize River,

circa 1787-1790 . . 99
9. 1787 Map Depicting Plantations on the Sibun River . . 104
10. Historical Sites in the New River Valley . . Ill
11. Joseph Lamb's 1787 Map Showing New River

Settlements and Matthias Gale's Caledonia . .121
12. Site NR21, Matthias Gale's Caledonia . . 123
13. Historical Sites Investigated during the

Belize River Valley Survey . .137
14. Nathaniel Uring's Map of the Lower Belize River

and the Barcadares . .139
15. Temporary Sleeping Pavilion of Europeans in Suriname . . . 142
16. The Barcadares Site Map and Plan of Excavations . . 146

17. Soil Profile, the Barcadares, Units 1 and 3, West Wall . .147
ix
18. Joseph Lamb's 1787 Map Showing Convention Town . . . 150
19. Convention Town Site Map and Plan of Excavations . . . 156
20. Soil profile, Convention Town, Units 2,6, and 7,

North Wall . . . 157
21. Stoneware Porringer Recovered at the Barcadares . . .170
22. Personal Mark on Pearlware Bowl Base from NR5 . . . 183
23. Dragon-headed Chinese Porcelain Teapot Handle

from Convention Town . . . 186
24. Caricature Depicting Midshipmen Relaxing

Between Decks . . . 196
25. Enameled Glass Fragments from Convention Town . . . 198
26. Pipe Bowl Fragments Recovered at the Barcadares . . . 202
27. Maker's Marks on Pipe Bowls Recovered

at the Barcadares . . . 203
28. Iron Artifacts from the Barcadares . . . 209
29. Long-gun Side Plate from Convention Town . . . 212
Chapter One: Introduction
A t even the mention of logwood the older buccaneers groaned, for there was
no job in the Seven Seas worse than cutting logwood... But with Spanish treasure
nonexistent, McFee's men had no choice but to sail due westward to the distant shores
of Honduras. . . the most torturous work men coidd do, up to their thighs in slimy water,
beset by cruel bisects, attacked now and then by deadly watersnakes,
and arms tense from chopping at the tangled logwood trees.
It was difficult to believe that these ugly trees were valuable.
- Jam es M ichener, Caribbean (1989: 230).
During the latter half of the seventeenth century, coastal and riverine
portions of the southeastern Yucatan Peninsula became sparsely populated with
transitory groups of mariners from the British Isles. Migration and settlement
continued over the course of the following century as the dem and for
specialized forest products increased and a reliable maritime transportation
system became established. The forest-exploitative economy that developed in
the region was initially based on a commodity that was easily obtained and
processed for export by individuals working alone or in small groups. Since the
territory of the settlement was claimed by the Crown of Spain, there was little
attem pt by the British government to establish or promote among the settlers a
colonial government that w ould answer to British authority. As a result, the
loosely structured political system and law code that evolved reflected a focused
set of needs and the independent nature of the settlement's inhabitants.
During the m iddle of the eighteenth century, a strong shift in the demand
for forest products available from the region brought radical change in the size
and composition of the population, greatly transforming the social and political
structures that had evolved. A population that had nrevinnslv

- - i ^ Bepn PY ^m oiuj
2
transient established more permanent residency in the settlement. The changing
m arket pressures that increased demand for other naturally-growing local
woods created a need for large labor forces working in organized teams. By the
later eighteenth century, the production of significant wealth and consolidation
of capital by one segment of the population led to the development of rigidly
stratified social structures along lines similar to the plantation societies of the
eastern Caribbean islands and southeastern North America. Politically, however,
the settlement was operated by a small group of the wealthiest wood cutters.
Although the settlement became an economic colony of Great Britain, it
remained politically independent until the end of the eighteenth century as a
result of constant difficulties in British-Spanish relations.
The romantic but commonly held view of the history of Belize begins
with a haven of free-spirited and adventuresome pirates occasionally sneaking
out of hiding amid the cays and reef system to perform piratical acts of
independence against Britain's economic oppression and Spain's cultural conceit.
They eventually become attached to the place so they find legitimate livelihoods,
prosper, form a government, and are eventually rew arded w ith the status of a
colony of the British Empire. This view of Belize's early history does not address
the motivations, processes, and mechanisms for the fundam ental change in
social structure that occurred, nor does it consider the cultural affinities that
influenced each mode of existence over the course of the first century of
occupation.
In the turbulent times following the 1667 Treaty of M adrid in which the
English crown agreed to participate with Spain in the suppression of
privateering and piracy, the choice for English mariners w ho had been engaged
in that trade, or who desired a life different than that of a "Jack tar," or common
seaman, became suddenly narrowed; they could "either go to Petit Guavas,
where the Privateer-Trade still continued, or into the Bay for Logwood"
(Dampier 1 1906:156). Many went to the coast of Belize, a remote part of Spain's
N ew W orld empire, w here there was no significant Spanish occupation and
where logwood, a type of wood utilized to dye textiles and other products, grew
in abundance. The legendary status of the first English logwood cutters as
pirates who turned to the more rigorous land-based labor during slow seasons
has been prom oted since at least 1815, when the following description appeared
in a reference on the logwood trade: "The first adventurers in this business were
persons of desparate fortunes and characters, w ho fled from the West India
Islands and who, during the season of inactivity on shore, pursued the business
of piracy" (Tuckey 1815: 292). This perspective on Belize's first white settlers has
been perpetuated well into the twentieth century, reaching such broadbased
audiences as the millions of readers of the novels of James Michener, in which
logwood cutting is featured as the off-season activity of seventeenth-century
Caribbean freebooters (Michener 1989: 230; see epigram at chapter heading). The
rom antic notions of Michener imply that the industrious seventeenth-century
Caribbean pirates occupied their time between depredations in the productive
but uncomfortable pursuit of logwood cutting. It is m uch more likely, however,
that logwood-cutting w as considered to be a viable alternative to w orking either
as a sailor, or as a pirate, the latter being an extremely dangerous and
increasingly untenable form of resistance to life as a laborer in the maritime
industries.
The folklore regarding logwood cutters and pirates has had a powerful
influence upon m odern perceptions and m yths of eighteenth-century Belize. The
century that followed this brief period of initial settlement, however, was
characterized by rapid and complete social transform ation paralleling a shift in
economic base. This transformation effectively eradicated all rem nants of the
earliest settler culture. This study is an investigation of the nature of that social,
economic, and political transformation from a perspective that incorporates
docum entary and archaeological forms of evidence.
Historical archaeological investigations of the region that is now Belize
were conducted to investigate the early years of population grow th and social
diversification of this politically independent population with its isolated
frontier economy. A few early eighteenth-century travelers in the W estern
Caribbean provide the first documentary accounts of the settlement. They
describe an independent society of mariners and other individuals who, either
by choice or by circumstance, were living and cutting logwood in a collectively
organized community on the periphery of European society. The scarce
descriptions of these settlers strongly imply a fierce independence and unusual
set of relations among the inhabitants and w ith outsiders. By the 1780s,
docum entation of the settlement becomes m ore abundant and clearly portrays
the residents as having a hierarchical social structure dom inated by a small
group of individuals who hold large tracts of land for cutting m ahogany for an
export market. The mahogany stands claimed by the wealthy class of settler
were harvested and processed for export by slaves and poor, landless laborers
who were, of course, the poorest class of settler. Documents that describe the
earliest years provide no evidence for any apparent social, economic, or
geographic distinctions within the community of settlers. The later years,
however, were characterized by a traditional British colonial social hierarchy
and the physical separation of groups between inland up-river encampments
where the slaves cut wood, and down-river and coastal villages where the slave
owners resided. Documents that describe these later years focus almost
exclusively on the activities and concerns of the people who were residing down
river and provide extremely little information about the largest but poorest
group of settlers who lived up river in the bush.
The socially distinct and isolated nature of the settlement during the first
half-century of European occupation and the intensified population increase that
occurred during the second half-century created settlement processes and
patterns of expansion that do not fit established models of frontier growth. The
introduction of large numbers of slaves directly onto the leading edge of the
Central American frontier for labor in non-agricultural and non-plantation based
activities had an enormous influence on the nature and direction of this growth.
Occurring at a time w hen most written records document 'official' government
policy or distant overseas viewpoints, the first occupation of interior Belize, first
by English mariners and followed rapidly thereafter by African or African-
Caribbean people, has gone largely unrecorded. The only means of studying this
early occupation in the social, political, and geographical hinterland, therefore, is
by investigating the actual remnants of the frontier settlements themselves.
Many of the occupants of the later eighteenth-century settlement,
particularly African slaves and the poorer independent settlers, spent the
majority of their lives in the up-river wood-cutting camps. The weak
representation of these individuals in the early documents of the Belize colony
Z'
o
has resulted in oversight or speculation when examining this period of life in
early Belize. The size, internal structure, and occupational duration of these
camps is little known, as is the range of activities and pattern of everyday life
within the different camps. This critical missing component of the early Belize
settlement represents a major ingredient of the singular history of both whites
and blacks in Belize. The following research aims to supply this missing
component. Specifically, this project is an integrative analysis of historical
documents and archaeological remains that is focused directly on the wood
cutting camps - that component of the settlement that is least-known and which
represents the poorest and most socially isolated inhabitants.
Analysis of the varying patterns of frontier colonization adopted by
different groups contributes to the following interrelated fields of inquiry:
systems of social adaptation, accommodation, and symbolic expression in
maritime societies, modes of frontier expansion in societies which utilize both
slave and free labor in remote extractive economies, and to the poorly
understood early history of those who came to Belize as slaves and whose
descendants live there today as Creole Belizeans. As will be shown in the
chapters to follow, archaeological interpretation of the divergent settlement
systems that were employed during the early and the later eighteenth centuries
provides a better understanding of the specific motivating factors that set the
course for the development of a stratified society through the exploitation of a
commodity that required occupation of the outermost edge of a frontier by the
poorest and least influential of its occupants.
In a methodological sense, this study integrates demographic, social, and
economic information gathered from documentary research w ith archaeological
fieldwork involving surface survey, m apping, extensive surface collection, and
excavation. This two-pronged approach focuses on frontier river populations
and will address essential questions about life on the periphery of the British
empire. Before this research was undertaken, we could not answer even the
m ost straightforward questions about life up river during the eighteenth
century. W hat did woodcutting camps look like? W hat sorts of commodities did
the cutters have access to? How did life in the wood-cutting camps change
throughout the course of the century? How did life differ between the early
cooperatively-organized logwood camps operated by mariners, and the later
m ahogany camps that were the dom ain of slaves and other poor, landless
residents? How are the differences between the wood-cutter encampments and
slave-owning settlers manifested in the archaeological record and w hat do they
tell us about life in these two locales? In the pages to follow, I approach these
fundam ental, substantive questions and approach those of a different order.
Some of the higher-level issues discussed in light of these data from wood
extraction camps include the nature of the relationship between the increasingly
complex tim ber extraction process and the changing social organization,
subsistence strategies, and settlement patterns (see Yentsch 1988 for a similar
research orientation), and the use of artifactual sources to investigate ethnicity
and slavery in the archaeological record of eighteenth-century Belize.
A ddressing issues that relate to a variety of encampments associated with
up-river and down-river life during both the early and later eighteenth century, I
examine some of the lesser-known but vitally im portant loci of Belize's history,
and in so doing, address some of the critical formative elements that influenced
cultural development during these early years. This research, therefore,
8
addresses a num ber of issues along num erous related theoretical lines. First and
foremost, this study defines and characterizes, spatially and materially, the
nature of early settlement and colonization of Belize from the late seventeenth
through the eighteenth century. There have been no systematic studies of early
European settlement in Belize that attem pt to incorporate prim ary sources of
information from the principal

A A loci of settlement within the river valleys.
J
By
J
necessity, this aspect of the project integrates extensive archival research with
traditional archaeological techniques of site prediction, survey, location, surface
collection, and excavation. The incorporation of multiple lines of evidence into
the study assists in a more comprehensive approach that challenges m any
prevailing concepts of w hat life was like for the English settlers and their slaves
in early Belize.
Of equal importance is the interdisciplinary integration of information
obtained through documentary analysis w ith evidence gleaned from
archaeological investigations. Together, these complementary sources of
information perm it the evaluation of existing concepts of Belize's earliest settlers,
as logwood cutters, as pirates, and as m erchant mariners near the bottom
stratum of an expanding overseas capitalist hegemony. This research shows that
the rapidly changing sequential dem and for one commodity and then another
w as largely responsible for the influx of different populations into the fledgling
settlement. The reality behind the prevailing myths of early Belize as a haven for
pirates and freebooters is fleeting. That romantic egalitarian community w as
rapidly superceded by a stratified social and political hierarchy based on
significant accumulations of wealth from an imported labor source. The legacy
9
of this second social system that operated in the Bay Settlement survives in
contemporary Belize.
The approach utilized in this study scientifically integrates diverse
research techniques of historical archaeology in order to examine the growth and
evolution of early Belize society from the late seventeenth into the early
nineteenth century. The artifact assemblages recovered from the wood-cutting
camps are interpreted within a contextual framework developed via historical
documents. This framework enhances our general understanding of frontier
settler lifeways. It also provides a comparative perspective into the lives of the
expatriate mariners and other refugees from British colonial working-class
culture who lived cooperatively in a loose association, and the slaves of African
ancestry who lived in specialized labor camps and harvested mahogany within a
colonial economic setting. This inquiry focuses on the time both prior to and
immediately following a shift in economic pattern that is manifested by a change
in the exploited resource, an intensified settlement up river, and the use of slave
labor on the wood-cutting frontier. Documentary analysis has shown that a
radical social transformation greatly modified the predom inant social structure
and means of operating the wood-extractive economy in the settlement and that
following this transformation, the wood-cutting frontier was the dom ain of a
distinctly different social class of settler. Archaeological analysis sheds light on
substantive differences between these settler groups, and in turn, on those
elements of colonial social change that influence frontier growth.
The approach to archaeological field research is essentially historically
derived (i.e., shaped by the historical documents rather than by comparable
archaeological data). At the initial stage of field work, there was essentially no
10
usable archaeological record of known settlement with which to define criteria
for locating wood-cutter site locales. One obvious contribution of this regional
survey of eighteenth-century Belize is that it will act as a framework for future
historical archaeological research. Of no less importance is the contribution it
will m ake to the future use of the documentary sources for eighteenth-century
Belize, which up to now have been approached, bv necessity. in a fairly

' r Li. j j ' j
uncritical manner. Historical archaeology as it is practiced elsewhere is a
strongly introspective discipline where insights gained through one source of
data are tested and reoriented when integrated with the other. The feedback
loop created by these two complementary sources of information (Salwen 1989:
7) establishes a means by which these sources can be evaluated and interpreted.
This approach has become common research in m any parts of the Americas. The
establishment of a body of archaeological data relating to early Belizean life,
however, is the first step toward more comprehensive and interdisciplinary
analytical approaches to the information sources for the study of early Belize.
The formation of new societies and the emergence of new forms of
cultural expression over the last five centuries in the Americas, and particularly
in the Caribbean basin, is a phenomenon that has brought enormous changes to
New and Old World cultures alike. The role that Belize played during this
crucial time in world history may seem peripheral, but it is precisely because of
Belize's marginal nature that this research contributes to our understanding of
the w ide range of adaptive systems employed by frontier societies during the
colonization of new lands. The highly unusual social system that operated
during the earliest years of life in Belize was extremely different from that which
characterized other New World British settlements of the time. A close
investigation of the origins of and reasons for adoption of this unusual system,
followed by its rapid abandonment as the cultural value systems of the residents
changed, emphasizes the high variability of individual adaptive responses that
developed in the N ew World during the early years of European colonization.
An archaeological project that focuses on the cultural origins of today's
creole Belizeans is loneKJ overdue. The arcb aeolow

O J
of slave societies in the
Caribbean has become synonymous with the archaeology of plantations. In
Belize, the historical period has been little studied by archaeologists, and
historians focusing on colonialism and the economic history of the region during
the eighteenth century have been limited by extremely spotty docum entary
records (Bolland 1977; Feldman 1982). Although archaeological sites relating to
British colonial settlement have been located (Palacio 1976; Hester et al. 1982:
144; and at the Maya site of Lamanai), extremely few have been published and
there has been no synthetic analysis. Archaeological and ethnohistorical work
has focused largely on the Colonial period Maya and on Maya-Spanish
interactions during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Jones, Rice, and Rice
1981; Graham, Jones, and Kautz 1985; Graham, Pendergast, and Jones 1989;
Jones 1983,1984,1986,1989; Pendergast 1986). Studies of Spanish settlem ents in
other parts of the Caribbean basin and southeastern United States have focused
on m ethods and patterns of frontier settlement and the dynamics of expansion
and adaptation of the various cultural groups (e.g., Deagan 1983,1985; Ewen
1991). Belize is an ideal part of the world to examine English frontier exploitation
and settlement because m odem development has not yet obliterated
archaeological evidence of this early historical occupation. An anticipated
outcome of this research is an increased recognition of eighteenth- and
12
nineteenth-century archaeological sites as valuable cultural resources of
common relevance to the cultural history of all ethnic groups represented in
m odern Belize.
The geographical region that is the focus of this study has been referred to
by a variety of names over the past three hundred years. The early eighteenth-
century community based around the Belize River (also spelled Balize. Balise,.
Valis, Wallis, and other ways) was most commonly called the "Bay Settlement;"
since the Belize River flows into the Bay of Honduras, its occupants were called
baymen. "The Bay" was commonly used as a term to refer to the informal British
logwood settlement in the Bay of Campeche (at Laguna de Terminos) as well,
b u t after it was largely evacuated in 1717, references to this locale were few and
the appellation w as transferred to the settlement around the lower reaches of the
Belize River. Also in the Bay of Honduras, the British settlement along the north
coast of the present-day nation of Honduras was called the Mosquito Shore. In
the late 1780s, the British Mosquito Shore settlement was evacuated, and the
independent nation of H onduras was established in 1838. Nevertheless, m ost
nineteenth-century English language references to "H onduras" actually pertain
to the settlement that was the colony of British H onduras from 1862 to 1980, and
which today is the nation of Belize (Figure 1).
The following chapters are organized and presented according to the
sources of data being discussed and the m ethods of analysis that are employed.
C hapter Two presents a historical overview of European and African occupation
of the Bay Settlement during the early and later portions of the eighteenth
century. It also contains an examination of the uses of the two forest products for
which the area was colonized. The historical description is divided at the
B e lize
COROZAL
30 Km
ORANGE
[uR tuenge Lagoon
W AL K
YalttoC
N orthe rn Lagoon
(q ) B tlm o c a i
.S o u t h e r n L a g o o n
lenout Vtejo
^G arb utts Fails
Com m erce B'ghj
CAYO
STANN CREEK
Population
TOLEDO
The n a tio n a l c a p ita l is c irc le d .
The d is tric t c a p ita ls are u n d e rlin e d .
Figure 1: Belize, Central America.
mid-eighteenth century in order to treat the early years, which were
characterized by an independent maritime social organization, separately from
the later years, which were dominated by a class-structured social and economic
hierarchy. The second section of the chapter is divided between the historical
uses of logwood, and the uses of mahogany. Although the date at which
m ahogany supplanted logwood as the dom inant export product postdates m id
century, a general association of the early years with logwood exploitation and
the later years with mahogany exploitation is appropriate, and is paralleled by a
similar disparity in the social organization of the settlement between the two
periods.
Chapter Three presents an in-depth documentary analysis based on early
voyages to the settlement and later maps and censuses of the settlement, to
highlight the many changes that paralleled the shift in the predom inant export
commodity. These changes include those of cultural affiliations, political
organization, social and economic organization, population distribution,
subsistence activities, and worldview in general. The integrative analysis of
documents and m aps establishes an investigatory framework for the
archaeological investigations that follow.
Chapter Four contains an outline of the m ethods and results of
archaeological fieldwork conducted at nineteen sites w ithin the New and Belize
River valleys. The research orientation and fieldwork m ethods employed at
seventeen different sites along the New River are followed by a description of
the extensive subsurface excavations undertaken at two sites in the Belize River
valley. The sites are interpreted within the classification scheme devised via the
preceding documentary integrative analysis.
A survey of overall findings at the different sites is presented in the
artifact analysis sections of Chapter Five. An analysis follows which is focused
on those artifact categories that contribute substantive insights concerning life in
the Bay Settlement during the early logwood extraction period as opposed to the
later period of slave-based mahogany extraction. These insights are further
investigated in the concluding chapter, along with more broad-based
generalizations about changes in life and work in the Bay Settlement over the
course of the eighteenth century.
Chapter Two: Settlement and Timber Extraction
in the Bay of Honduras
what Campeachy's disputable shore

Copious affords to tinge the thirsty web.
D yer's Fleece^
The earliest period of sem i-perm anent English settlem ent in w hat is
now Belize constitutes a poorly understood time in Caribbean and Central
Am erican history. The following historical outline sets m y research into the
fabric of historical events that unfolded in the region during the late
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and highlights some of the factors that
influenced the reasons for and nature of that settlement. The chapter is
divided into three sections. The first section describes the earliest history of
logwood extraction by small groups of English mariners operating
independently, w ithout representation from any colonial European
governm ent or chartered group of investors, in a system that was highly
unusual for European settlements in the New World. The outline history for
the period prior to 1750 is not well docum ented in any published works on
Belize or the Caribbean region, and by necessity has been draw n from a w ide
range of eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth-century sources.2 The second
section of the chapter addresses m ahogany extraction in the settlem ent
during the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, which required a
far m ore complex system of resource extraction and labor organization
involving the large-scale im portation of slaves and the grow th of an
indigenous class-structured society. This section is draw n prim arily from the
carefully researched synthesis of Bolland (1977), as well as the general history
of the nation of Belize by Dobson (1973). The third section of this chapter
discusses the history of the commercial dem and for these two commodities
in Europe and N orth America, focusing more strongly on the original export
product of the settlement. There have been no commercial histories of
logwood that address the breadth of uses, extent of experimental applications,
or the political influences that w rought enormous sway over the dem and,
price, and availability of the product in the consumer countries. This section,
extracted from m any contemporary references, including gazetteers,
directories, and commercial dictionaries, attem pts to fill that void by
presenting an overview of the knowledge of and dem and for logwood
w ithin various overseas industries. The history of m ahogany exploitation
and utilization is addressed in a far more abbreviated fashion. M ahogany has
been and continues to be used in construction for a w ide array of structural
and decorative purposes. Processes of extraction, processing, and shipm ent
have varied w ithin the various regions of exploitation over the past two
centuries. Therefore, a concise description of the m ahogany industry, only
insofar as it directly augm ents the purposes of this study, is appropriate.
The Early Years: Pirates and Trespassers
Reasons for English Settlement in Yucatan
The opening of the Americas by Spanish and other colonial powers
brought the regular introduction of new and novel commodities into
European m arkets throughout the sixteenth century. Such products as
18
tobacco and chocolate are renowned for their strong and enduring impact
upon European culture. The discovery of new animal and vegetable dyes also
had a potent impact upon a variety of European industries, m ost notably the
textile producers who were actively experimenting w ith various plant,
m ineral, and animal products to tint their woolens, cottons, linens, and silks
w ith colors that w ould adhere reasonably well to the threads in a reliable and
replicable fashion w ithout causing the fabric to decompose or the color to
fade or bleed.
Many of the new commodities introduced to the European textile
industry were learned of from native American sources. The indigenous
textile industries were the product of centuries of sophisticated
experim entation and production. Products such as cochineal, fustic,
Brazilwood, and logwood came from localized parts of highland and lowland
Mexico, the Caribbean islands, and Central America, and the Spanish
m erchants who exported them back to Europe attem pted to m aintain as
m uch secrecy as possible concerning their source and production. Cochineal,
from which a bright red dye is produced, is m ade from the dried pulverized
bodies of Coccus cacti, an insect that lives on the cactus Nopala coccinellifera
(Brown 1978: 248). Spanish colonists set up an extremely successful export
industry that for decades remained a complete monopoly, since the English
im porters of the product could not determine the essential ingredient of the
excellent and coveted dye (Lee 1951).
The species Haematoxylon campecheanum, com m only called
logwood, is a small tree of the Leguminosae family w ith a grow th range
restricted to the low-lying rivers and swamps around the peripheries of the
19
Yucatan peninsula. These are most notably the Laguna de Terminos in the
Bay of Campeche, Cape Catoche in N orthern Yucatan, and the Belize coast
along the w estern Bay of Honduras. The original extent of distribution of this
species is not completely known, and is discussed later in this chapter.
During the sixteenth century, logwood (mostly under its appelations
cam pechew ood, blackwood, and the Spanish palo de tinta and palo de
Campeche ) was shipped across the Atlantic by Spaniards and distributed to
m erchants in France, Holland, and the British Isles at highly profitable rates.
Logwood was recognized by English m ariners to be a commodity of
value at least by the 1570s, when the buccaneer John Chilton comm ented on
the lading of "a certeine wood called campeche (wherewith they use to die)"
in the province of Campeche, Mexico (Hakluyt 1927 VI: 276). Accounts of the
taking of Spanish logwood cargoes by English raiders in the Caribbean, such
as the Earle of Cum berland in 1594 (Purchas 1906 XVI: 22) and William
Parker in 1597 (Hakluyt 1927 VII: 224), show that its value was recognized
even w hen it was not actively sought. The earliest English exploitation of the
logwood tree may have been at Cape Catoche, Yucatan, where English
adventurers from Jamaica cut coastal stands of the w ood prior to settling in
the Bay of Campeche (Dampier II 1906: 115; Robertson III 1803: 365).
English pirates regularly attacked Spanish settlements around the
Laguna de Terminos in the Bay of Campeche during the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries, often carrying away cut logwood that they found
in w arehouses and in ships. Eventually, by 1662, English m ariners began
settling at "Campeachy" [Campeche], cutting logwood for export to Europe
via Jamaica and New England (Thornton 1953: 27). Settlement there was
20
alw ays controversial, since it was plainly Spanish territory and logwood
exploitation was considered to be theft of a Spanish commodity. English
settlem ent this deep in the heartland of the Spanish New W orld colonies
w as highly undesirable for the Spanish and highly profitable for English
settlers and m erchants, who were able both to carry on illicit trade w ith
Spanish settlem ents around the Caribbean and to raid unprotected coastal
tow ns and m erchant shipping. The opportunistic nature of this dual strategy
of trade and plunder m eant that diplomacy between the two countries was in
constant flux, alternating between a series of wars and protracted negotiations
of peace. Consequently, the illicit settlements of English logwood cutters were
continuously placed in the undesirable position of serving as bargaining
chips who were in continuous fear of being sold out by their hom e country.
The Campeche settlers were continually harassed and attacked by

A. J J
Spanish naval and land forces around the settlements at Trist Island (Isla del
Carm en), effectively preventing any stable colony from developing there.
N evertheless, the region succeeded in producing the majority of Europe's
supply of logwood, exported in British, New England, and Dutch vessels
until 1717, w hen the Spanish succeeded in driving m ost of the English out of
Campeche. A lthough some attem pted to resettle in this dom ain, they w ere
unsuccessful and eventually relocated to other parts of the Caribbean region,
especially Jamaica, the north coast of H onduras (known as the M osquito
Shore), and Belize.
Early Settlement at Belize
The date of the earliest sem i-perm anent settlem ent of the
southeastern coast of the Yucatan peninsula by English m ariners has been a
m atter of debate for m any years, with m ost sources repeating the traditional
legends of early settlement for which there is no evidence. The m ysterious
pirate Wallis (also Willis, Wallice, Wallace, and in Spanish, Valis) who,
according to m any sources was supposed to have given his nam e to the
m odern nation (Dobson 1973: 50; Calderon Q. 1944: 46), was likely never at
Belize. The legend of settlem ent at the Belize River m outh by English
m ariners as early as the 1630s has persisted since at least the early nineteenth
century (Bridges II 1828: 134). No actual corroborating historical evidence is
know n to exist, however, and there seems to be little likelihood that any will
be turned up at this late date.3
English privateers, pirates, and other m ariners w ere m aking sporadic
visits to this portion of the Bay of H onduras coast for a variety of purposes at
least as early as 1570 (Calderon Q. 1944: 41), including periodic raids upon the
Spanish settlem ent at Bacalar, which were recorded in 1642,1648, and 1652,
and possibly even itinerant timber exploitation as early as 1618 (Gerhardt
1979: 70). The 1670 Treaty of M adrid that tem porarily settled territorial
disputes betw een England and Spain does not specifically m ention Belize as
the site of any English settlement. The Jamaican governor M odyford's 1672
list of the principal British logwood works includes "Cape Catoche,
Cozumell, Cham patone, Port Real and St. Paulo," bu t does not m ention
Belize (Burdon I 1931: 2). There were no doubt m any Englishm en passing
along this coast, obtaining food from the sea, fresh w ater from the m ainland,
22
protection from Spanish guarda costas in the m ultitude of secluded cays,
rivers, and remote backwaters that would allow one to careen a vessel or
await a passing m erchant ship that might become the next prize. In 1677, the
Dominican Friar Joseph Delgado was captured near Southern Lagoon by
English pirates under the command of Bartholomew Sharpe, and was taken
to their encam pm ent on St. George's Cay, nine miles of the coast (Thompson
1988: 28). This encampm ent was no doubt a tem porary one, since Sharpe is
perhaps most remembered for his attacks on Spanish Pacific coast settlements
in 1680, w hereupon he returned to England. There are a handful of accounts
that describe English refugees from other parts of the Caribbean w ho were
either living in small communities or completely alone along the coast from
Panam a to H onduras during the later seventeenth and early eighteenth
centuries (M.W. 1732; Atkins 1735; Uring 1726), and it seems reasonable to
assume that they had precursors whose existence w as simply never
documented. There is no substantiated evidence for significant English
settlement anywhere on the coast of Belize before 1680 (Burdon I 931: 2),
however the m yth of early English communities there continues unabated
(e.g., Marcus 1990).
As recently as 1990, extensive ethnohistorical research w as conducted,
based on the assum ption that English settlem ents existed on the southern
coast of Belize from the 1630s onward (Marcus 1990). This assum ption is
m ade w ithout any corroborating historical evidence for such settlement,
based on citations of unsubstantiated generalizations in other publications
and a series of m isreadings of the historical literature. Such an uncritical
approach to the documentary sources serves only to perpetuate the ill-
founded notion of an early seventeenth-century origin for Anglo-Belizean
settlement. As will be shown, the archaeological investigations that are the
focus of the present work provide no corroborating evidence for theories of
sem i-perm anent English settlement during the first half of the seventeenth
century.
As w ith Cape Catoche, Cozumel Island, and the Bay of Campeche,
English mariners were attracted to the coast and river valleys of central and
northern Belize for the abundant stands of logwood therein. The region was
also attractive because of the distinct lack of Spanish settlers and the
perceived absence of native Maya inhabitants. The Spanish had m ade
periodic entradas into the Belize area since the early 1500s and had probably
established encomiendas there as early as the 1540s (G. Jones 1986; 1989: 22).
Accounts by Catholic priests of expeditions along the coast and through the
interior in 1531 and 1618 describe significant populations of Mayan peoples in
the region (Jones 1989: 18). But by the m id-seventeenth century, the
encomiendas and forced resettlem ents were taking their toll. Most of the
population had dispersed westward into the interior. When Friar Delgado
explored m uch of Belize in 1677, he regularly encountered Maya villages.
However, in the far south in the vicinity of the Moho River, he also
encountered English pirates who carried off num erous native Maya
inhabitants, most likely into slavery Thompson 1988: 25). N o doubt
experiences such as this inspired the Maya to employ a policy of avoidance of
the English wherever possible. This policy resulted in very little contact
betw een these two groups until the English settlement extended farther
w estw ard during the later eighteenth century (Bolland 1977: 20).
The Belize settlem ent received regular introductions of new European
populations from the early 1680s on, such as the m utinous crew of Captain
Coxon, w ho were sent there to evacuate the logwood cutters (Joseph 1989: 14;
Burdon I 1931: 57). Though the life of a wood cutter at this time is well
docum ented as being a transient one (e.g., Dampier 1906), at least some of the
m ariners rem ained as settlers, since in 1705, "the River of Bullys" was
described as the prim ary point of lading for English logwood ships (Burdon I
1931: 60). Though the num bers are unrecorded, the year 1717 m ust have seen
a large influx of settlem ent w hen the logwood cutters were driven out of the
Bay of Campeche.
Organization of the Early Logwood Settlement
English settlem ent in the earliest years was concentrated around the
lower reaches and m outh of the Belize River and the adjacent coastal lagoons
that m ake up the natural habitat of the logwood tree. The w ood does not
grow directly on the coast in the environmental zone characterized by
m angroves, but rather just inland, in the low-lying regions of seasonally
inundated w ooded sw am p, either depressions in the pinelands grow ing in
siliceous sands or areas of silting lagoons (see Figure 2). The easily accessible
logwood stands nearest the coast and around the m outh of the river became
the natural early focus of exploitation, since this wood need not be
transported very far to the exporting vessels that arrived from Jamaica and
N ew England. In addition, the coastal region experiences cooler breezes, a
slightly m ilder climate in general, fewer insects, and access to diverse m arine
food resources.
25
BRITISH HONDURAS
ORANGE w a l k ;
i'irtsrRicr^;
E L CAYO DISTRICT
T O L E D Q /b lS T R lC T
} c h a ra c te riz e d by
Haematoxylon
ca m pechian um
Figure 2: Vegetational zones of Belize (after Lundell 1942:170).
Individuals and small parties made forays into the bush to cut the
w ood where it was found growing. While the locus of concentrated
settlem ent rem ained down river at the coastal entrepot, as the settlem ent
grew the cutters had to move farther from the coast to locate stands of uncut
wood. In the early years, the down-river habitations may have been largely
abandoned during the wood cutting season, since there m ust have been very
few, if any in the settlement, who were not directly involved in the wood
extraction process.
While perm anent settlement was concentrated near the Belize River
m outh, tem porary camps were set up well inland along the rivers and
wherever the desired wood was growing. In the earliest times there was
ample logwood in the easily accessible coastal backwaters surrounding the
m outh of the Belize River, but as the settlem ent grew and the more
accessible coastal wood had been cut, the settlers had to move farther and
farther up river to find new stands. From these up river locations,
transportation of the cut product represented a larger percentage of the labor
invested in the process than it did dow n river.
Process of Extraction
M odern knowledge of the process of logwood extraction is greatly
aided by the printed account of Captain Nathaniel Uring, a m erchant sea
captain who was born in Walsingham, Norfolk, and w ent to sea at age 14. In
1720 on a voyage to the Bay to load logwood, he wrecked his vessel the
Bangor Galley on "Four Kee Reef" near the Belize River m outh, w here he
27
rem ained Four or Five M onths, till I had an O pportunity to

return to Jamaica; during which Time I m ade my Observations
on that Country, having gone in that Time into all the Lagunes
and Creeks, and took particular Notice of the Logwood trees,
and the M anner of Cutting it and bringing it out of the Woods.
(Uring 1726: 354)
U ring carefully chronicled the hard labor and tedium that characterized the
everyday life of the baymen.
In the dry Time of the Year the Logwood-Cutters search for a

Work; that is, w here there are a good N um ber of Logwood
Trees; and then build a H ut near 'em, where they live during
the Time they are cutting. W hen they have cut dow n the Tree,
they Log it, and Chip it, which is cutting off the Bark and Sap,
and then lay it in Heaps, cutting away the under-w ood, and
m aking Paths to each Heap, that w hen the Rains come in which
overflows the Ground, it serves as so m any Creeks or Channels,
w here they go w ith small Canows or Dories and load 'em,
which they bring to a Creek-side and there lade their Canows,
and carry it to the Barcadares, w hich they som etim es fetch
Thirty Miles, from whence the People who buy it fetch it; but if
it so happens that the W ood stands upon a Ridge, or on such
high Ground that the Water does not flow to it, they cut it into
Logs proper for Backing, and back it out, as they call it. . .. The
general Price of the Wood at the Barcadares, is Five Pounds per
Ton Jamaica Money. (Uring 1726: 354-5)
Extraction of the wood followed a simple but laborious process. The
w ood w as cut, the outer sapwood was chipped off, and the logs were floated
dow n river to transshipm ent points where they were sold and loaded onto
vessels bound for Europe. Since logwood is particularly dense, it was
necessary either to transport the wood in canoes as Uring describes, or to
build floating rafts of lighter wood to carry the logwood downriver. The
seasonal rains and dry periods were used to advantage, since m uch of the
28
cutting w as done when the ground was not inundated and was h ard enough
to w alk upon. This was a preferred situation to that described by William
D am pier in 1676 at the Laguna de Terminos, Campeche, w here the landscape
required that
during the w et Season, the Land w here the Logwood grow s is

so overflowed, that they step from their Beds into the W ater
perhaps two Foot deep, and continue standing in the w et all
Day, (Dampier 1906 li: 178)
The strong seasonality of the flooding in the Belize River valley m eant that
the job of cutting w ood could be undertaken w hen the ground w as relatively
dry, and the cutters could pass the season of highest w ater on the high banks
near the river m outh. The elevated w ater level also decreased the distance
necessary to move the logs m anually. Cutting the w ood in up river locations
was generally conducted in small groups or even alone, since the cutters had
to disperse across the landscape to maximize the season's potential. Life near
the coast where the settlers brought the wood after the w et season began,
how ever, was much m ore communal. The particular nature of the dow n
river location at the "Barcadares" will be discussed in a later chapter.
In the early years, the seasonal cycle of timber extraction w as the same
for every w ood cutter in the fledgling community. New arrivals w ho were
welcom ed into the com m unity were generally hired on at a fixed rate until
they learned the procedure of wood extraction, at which tim e they could
strike out on their own.
29
A servant, w hich is the first step w ith Seamen into the Trade, is
hired at a Tun of Logwood per M onth, and has one Day in
seven for himself, m aking together about 10£ a M onth to him;
hence, if thoughtful and sober, they in tim e become M asters,
join Stock, and trade independently. (Atkins 1735:228)
The author of an anonym ous m anuscript journal in the British Library
joined the logwood cutters in the Bay of Campeche sometime between 1714
and their expulsion in 1717. He described the procedure as follows:
one Thos M ackoon a New Englandm an & then a liver in the

Bay, ask'd us if we were willing to stay w ith him a m onth to see
how we lik’d the w ay of living of the Baymen . . . we m ight
enter into agreem ent w ith the m an which w e did at 5 pound
p er m onth each, to be paid in logwood for w hich we were to
assist him in Cutting, Chipping & Carrying his logwood to the
Sea-Side. (anon. BL Add. Ms. 39946)
While the arrangem ent described was not truly cooperative since the w riter
w as paid a m onthly wage for his labor, the situation provided him w ith
practical training in a skill w ithout the traditional m ulti-year apprenticeship
contract that was the norm al entrance into most occupations. In one or a few
m onths, if he was so m otivated, he could locate his ow n stand of logwood
and strike out for himself.
Later Years: G row th of the Bay Settlem ent
The early economy of Belize created highly unusual conditions for its
European inhabitants. There w as no officially sanctioned colonial
governm ent to provide protection or to establish and enforce trade policies,
and there was no economic sponsorship coming from England. Although
they felt free to trade with all who entered their port, the early settlers were
dependent both on the arrival of vessels to transport their product and on
the dem and for their product in Europe. The reliability of transport varied
greatly, since the dangerous trip into the Spanish dom ain was m ade only "if
no sugar was available" in Jamaica (Rediker 1987: 60).
Throughout the eighteenth century, the Bay Settlement remained
highly vulnerable to the vagaries of Spanish-British diplomacy and the
fickleness of Spanish interpretation of the treaties signed. The Spanish
governm ent did not rescind its claim on the land and its resources, and it
periodically dispersed the logwood cutters by attacking and burning their
settlements. The baymen were attacked both from land and by sea. While
dispersed across the countryside cutting wood up the Belize River, they were
exposed to attack from Spanish land forces moving eastw ard from Peten;
while at their coastal homesites, the first notice that diplomatic negotiations
between the two countries had broken dow n might be the sight of Spanish
naval forces on the horizon. Though no official docum entation survives, the
first attack on the Belize settlement is thought to have been a land assault in
1718, in which the English were completely routed and driven off the coast
(Dobson 1973: 69). A strike by sea again routed the Engish in either 1726 or
1730 w hen ships attacked both the New River and Belize River settlements
simultaneously. Camps were destroyed and slaves captured on the New
River in 1745, followed by a sea offensive in 1747. Attack came by land again
in 1754, w hen a force of 1500 Spaniards reached as far as Labouring Creek,
until repelled by a handful of baymen and slaves. Many of these attacks,
even w hen successfully repelled, resulted in evacuation of the Belize
settlem ent for a few m onths or even years, with those willing to return
w aiting at Roatan or the Mosquito Shore settlements (on the north coast of
H onduras) for word of a change in the political climate. In 1724, Philip
A shton encountered eighteen men at Roatan who had fled the Bay
Settlement following rum or of Spanish attack (Knight 1976: 37). Although
the twenty-five years following 1754 were w ithout open external conflict,
constant rum or of im pending attack did nothing to ensure the baym en's
sense of security in their frail homeland. Hostilities next erupted in 1779
w hen Spain joined the side of the colonies in the American Revolution. A
fleet of nineteen Spanish ships from Bacalar attacked St. George's Cay, then
the locus of densest population, and took 140 male and female settlers and
250 slaves prisoner. Only a handful of cutters who had been up river escaped
capture. For the three years that followed, the settlem ent was largely
abandoned (Dobson 1973: 72).
The settlers returned in large num bers during the mid-1780s, possibly
accompanied by loyalists from the N orth American colonies (Brown 1990;
CO700 BH no. 11), swelling the settlement to its largest population to date.4
The 1786 Convention of London, which addressed issues of dissatisfaction to
the settlers in the 1783 Treaty of Versailles, w ent a long way to establish a
sense of stability for the incipient colony. Settlers were granted the rights to
cut w ood between the north bank of the Sibun and the south (east) bank of
the Hondo rivers, m ahogany or any other timber included. No plantations or
industries unrelated to timber processing were perm itted, but rights to
offshore fisheries and naturally growing fruits were explicitly granted.
Occupation of St. George's Cay and of the Southern Triangles was perm itted
for "purposes of real utility" (i.e., healthful living) and ship refitting,
respectively. In exchange, the British completely evacuated the M osquito
Shore, transporting some 537 free settlers and 1,677 slaves directly to the
Belize River settlem ent and greatly increasing, by some estimates
quadrupling, the total population there (Burdon I 1931: 162). The econom y of
the M osquito Shore had been slightly more diversified than that of Belize,
tim ber exploitation being supplem ented with the production of cacao and
other crops, as well as tortoise shell, sarsaparilla, and other natural products.
Illicit trade with Spanish colonies both along the coast and well into the
interior m ade a significant economic contribution as well (Floyd 1967).
The falling price of logwood on the European m arket and the growing
dem and for exotic woods in the later eighteenth century brought a shift to
m ahogany exploitation and an intensified m ovem ent up the river valleys
into drier interior upland terrain. This coincided w ith increased attacks by
the native Maya inhabitants, whose agricultural land was now being
seriously threatened. There had been extremely little contact betw een the
Maya and English until this time, probably because of the coast-oriented
nature of the English activities, and the Maya's previous adverse experience
w ith the Spaniards (Bolland 1977: 21).
Growing Social Complexity
Beginning in the 1780s, docum entation concerning the political,
economic, and social life of the Bay Settlement becomes m uch m ore
abundant. British governm ent dissatisfaction w ith docum entation of
diplom atic and m ilitary activities during the American Revolution brought
m easures to system atize official record-keeping. W hat is immediately
noticeable from the time of increased docum entation is that by the mid-
1780s, Belizean society had m ade a radical transform ation from its highly
egalitarian roots, based on principles common to groups engaged in
m aritim e livelihoods, into a class-oriented society with an economically and
racially defined social hierarchy headed by a few established white baymen. A
small group of self-appointed magistrates had consolidated oligarchical
control of all political pow er in the settlement. Through their strictly
controlled tow n meetings, they m aintained w ood-cutting rights to extensive
areas in blatant violation of the 1765 "Burnaby's Code" designed to limit the
num ber and size of claims one individual could hold. The m agistrates also
exercised ownership over the vast majority of the lowest social class of
occupants of the settlem ent, namely slaves. Between these two classes in the
hierarchy were poorer white settlers, free (black or mixed) settlers, and
property less laborers, respectively. As in other slave-holding societies of the
time, the economic and social distinctions were not entirely racially based,
since m any white settlers w ere extremely poor and some free non-whites
held wood-cutting claims and slaves.
A lthough slavery seems to have played a role in the timber-extractive
economy from an early date, slaves in the earlier eighteenth century were
m ost likely held individually or in small groups to perform domestic duties
and to assist in the wood-cutting activities. The lack of accurate census data
for the early eighteenth century prevents careful m easurem ent of slavery's
grow th in importance. The first m ention of slaves in the settlem ent appears
34
in 1724 (Bolland 1977: 49). The first mention, in 1745, of slaves outnum bering
w hites in the settlem ent cannot be taken as an accurate assessment of the
population since the count of "fifty white Men, and about a hundred and
tw enty Negroes" was made after a large portion of the settlers had
tem porarily evacuated, fearing Spanish attack (CO 137/48). The growth in
the slave population continued rapidly, however, and by 1779 slaves
outnum bered nonslaves by about six to one, the overwhelm ing majority
being held for wood-cutting activities (Bolland 1977:50). In 1786, following a
large m igration of settlers to Belize from the Mosquito Shore, economic
control of the colony by a small white elite class was already well established.
The w ood-cutting activities conducted by the slaves and less-
established free settlers took place in isolated camps m any miles up river,
w here teams of males spent months at a time away from any population
centers or family groups. "The organization required for timber extraction . . .
m eant that the slaves were distributed in small groups, with little
supervision . . . throughout hundreds of miles of uncultivated and
essentially uninhabited bush" (Bolland 1988:19). Thus the African as well as
poor free and white populations of Belize were relegated to marginal
positions on the fringes of the settlement, w ith an enforced system of
m obility that m ust have deeply affected social relations on a community and
a family level, and further isolated them from the political and economic
authority of the established baymen who held considerable property.
35
Mahogany: A Stable Economic Base
A great portion of the radical social transformation that had already
occurred by the 1780s m ust be somehow linked to ramifications of the shift in
the favored commodity of exploitation w ithin the settlement. By the 1760s,
the m arket value of logwood had severely declined in Europe, as a stable
supply w ith reliable transport to market centers was established by
independent traders operating sm all-to-m edium sized m erchant vessels of
British and Colonial American registry (Abstracts of English Shipping
Records 1931). Great quantities of logwood were cut and exported from the
burgeoning settlement, resulting in a severe overstocking of the logwood
m arket in 1763, which lasted for several years and destroyed its m arket price
at the textile dyeing centers in Europe (Burdon 1 1931: 183; George Dyer to
"Your Lordship" Add. Mss 34903; Feb. 12,1790).
Coincident w ith the decline of the logwood trade came a rising
dem and for another wood that grew in the forests of the southeastern
Yucatan Peninsula. The species of m ahogany known as "H onduran" or
"Bay" m ahogany (Swietenia macrophylla), a m em ber the Meliaceae family,
grows in diffuse stands across a wide range of Central and South American
environm ental zones from Mexico to Colombia (Standley and Record 1936:
202-3). One of two species of "true" m ahogany in existence, H onduran
m ahogany was highly sought after for its strength, rot resistance, and clarity
of grain. Mahogany grows in the well-drained limestone areas of northern,
central, and southern Belize known locally as "high ridge," both in the quasi
rainforest region of the north, that averages under 65" of rain annually, and
36
in the m ore southerly true rainforest that receives up to 170" of rain (Lundell
1942:170).
Prior to the m id-eighteenth century, the dem and for m ahogany came
prim arily from shipwrights. But as furniture m anufacturing boom ed in
prosperous British and N orth American Atlantic port cities, m ahogany
became the wood of choice for highest quality construction. This was a trend
that w ould continue for over 150 years, until accessible Central American
m ahogany supplies were effectively depleted in the early tw entieth century.
By 1770 the economic primacy of m ahogany was solidified in the Bay
Settlement, largely because of the incessant dem and from British and
Colonial Am erican furniture makers.
Process o f Extraction
The process of m ahogany extraction and preparation for shipm ent
was m uch more labor intensive than for logwood and required organized
group efforts in specialized activities. It was practically impossible for anyone
w ithout access to large sources of labor to participate in the prim ary
acquisition of this forest product. Thus, successful m ahogany camps
associated with wealthy slaveowners were occupied by groups of slaves with
specialized labor activities, including huntsm an, axeman, p ath clearer, ox-
team driver, and log trimmer (Bolland 1977: 55). Organized team labor was
essential to produce anything, since m ahogany regularly grows to a height of
eighty to 100 feet, w ith a diam eter of four to six feet; in unusual
circumstances, trees can reach a diam eter of twelve feet at the base (Mell 1917:
16). The species also grows in m uch more diffuse stands than does logwood,
37
creating the need for large land claims to produce w ood for export. The
huntsm an w ould roam the forest looking for trees that were desirable for
extraction. The axeman would fell those trees, usuaiiy from a stage he had
built betw een six and eight feet off the ground in order to avoid the dense
buttresses which protrude many feet at the base. The trees w ould then be
dragged to the river with a team of oxen, and each log would be floated dow n
to the river m outh as part of a long snaking raft. Once removed from the
w ater, each log w ould be squared, with the bark and sapwood removed, to
facilitate m ore efficient lading in a ship's hold (Mell 1917: 15).
The large, slave-operated camps probably contrasted sharply with those
of the smaller and less profitable operations, such as those run by new
arrivals to the settlem ent or by those who were unable to accumulate capital
to invest in slaves. These small camps were operated by the claim-holder,
either alone or in partnership w ith another in his position, and possibly their
families a n d /o r a few slaves or hired "free men." Their location on the more
rem ote and less accessible of the wood-cutting claims m ust have seriously
decreased the efficiency of their operations over time and not led to an
accum ulation of capital that could rival that of the larger entrepreneurs.
These w ood-cutting camps scattered through the river valleys were the
critical loci w here the actual diversification of the settlem ent’s social
organization existed. The camps were also the locations where large portions
of the lives of both African slaves and the poorer independent settlers were
spent. These lives are largely unrecorded in the early docum ents of the Belize
colony. Consequently, w e have little idea of the size, internal structure, or
occupational duration of these camps. This critical m issing com ponent of the
38
early Belize settlem ent represents a large segm ent of the singular history of
both w hites and blacks in Belize. It is through archaeology of these w ood
cutting cam ps that the neglected social component, the poor inhabitants, can
be linked to the docum entary record to create a more balanced portrayal of
society in early Belize.
The Com m odities
Eighteenth- and nineteenth-century settlem ent in the region of
C entral America that is now Belize was almost exclusively the result of
European dem and for two species of wood. Originally identified by British
m ariners as one of the few indigenous regions of the logwood tree, utilized
in the textile industry, Belize rapidly became a major exporter of mahogany,
in dem and for shipbuilding, furniture construction, and architectural
decoration. Logwood and mahogany extraction were the two occupations that
created and m aintained the settlement and defined the nature of life there
d uring the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Further, the exploitation of
these species produced the historical-period archaeological record under
investigation. Therefore, a careful consideration of the nature of these
products and the history of their use is critical to an understanding of the
archaeological sites created by the dem and for them.
L o gw oo d
The raison d'etre for perm anent European settlem ent in Belize is
ascribed traditionally to the extraction and exportation of logwood, a species
of small tree in the Leguminosae family w ith a range restricted to small areas
of the south western Caribbean basin. Most histories of Belize describe
logwood as a commodity for dyeing textiles blue, red, purple, and black, in
great dem and until the invention of chemical dyes in the nineteenth
century. English buccaneers first captured Spanish ships laden w ith logwood,
and eventually settled on the mainland at Cape Catoche, the Bay of
Campeche, and the Bay of H onduras to harvest the species in these areas
w here it grew naturally. The following historical description focuses on the
commercial applications of the product from its initial use in Europe during
the sixteenth century, through the dramatic decline in the use of the
com m odity in the nineteenth century, and with the occasional small-scale
dem and for a variety of purposes up to the present day. Together, the
changing attitudes that affected access to, transport of, and commercial uses of
the commodity over the past four hundred years have had profound
influence on the settlement and economy of Belize. A view of early
settlem ent in Belize that identifies the external motivations and pressures
that affected dem and for the original sole commodity of export connects Old
W orld w ith New, em igrant w ith immigrant, and the tiny fledgling frontier
com m unity w ith the broader early eighteenth-century colonial world.
The wide array of references cited in this chapter, largely eighteenth
and nineteenth-century, demonstrate the diversity of applications in
contem porary industries, and the broad distribution of inform ation relative
to these applications for a commodity that only achieved true obscurity in
recent times. The m any quotations extracted directly from these sources are
intended to provide the reader with a direct assessment of the state of
common and scientific knowledge of logwood during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries.
The Logwood Tree (Haematoxylon campechianum). The nam e of the
logwood tree genus, Haematoxylon, is formed of two Greek w ords m eaning
"blood wood." The species name, campechianum, refers to the region in the
m odern state of Campeche, Mexico, where the tree was first harvested by
Europeans. Logwood has been referred to by m any names, including
blackw ood, Cam pechewood, palo de tinta, and palo de Campeche; the Maya
call it Ek (Craig 1969: 53). In addition, references in other languages increase
the list of names by which the wood is called in the literature (Dictionary of
Merchandise [DM]1805: 218).5 Though the majority of research for this study
w as conducted in English language archives, eighteenth and nineteenth-
century sources in other European languages may prove equally productive.
According to the m odem classifactory scheme, logwood is identified
according to the following characteristics:
A small tree with compressed and fluted trunk, the bark smooth,
light gray, arm ed w ith stout spines; leaves glabrous, pinnate, the
few leaflets broadly wedge-shaped, 1-3 cm. long, w ith num erous
parallel nerves; flowers yellow, 5-6 mm. long, in racemes; pods
flat, thin, 2-5 cm. long, .8-1 mm. wide. (Standley and Record 1936:
177)
Postlethwayte (1766: "Haematoxylum;" not paginated) identifies three
commodities afforded by the logwood tree. The first is the wood, used for
dyeing; the second is the leaf, used for its aromatic quality for which the tree
was also called Indian Bay (Anderson: 1826: 413) and also as a medicine, its
uses further explicated below; the third is the seed, advertised as a spice called
Jamaica pepper, or all-spice by the English, and clove-berry by the French. As
a spice the seeds w ere claimed to bear likeness to cinnamon, cloves, mace,
and nutmeg. It is possible that the attribution of Jamaica pepper to logwood
w as a m istake first m ade by an eighteenth-century French author and
perpetuated by later writers, since Jamaica pepper (or Pimento from which
comes allspice) is of the species Myrtus acris (Bancroft 1813: 340).
Original Range and Transplantation. The original natural range of the
logwood tree prior to artificial introduction to new environm ents by w ould-
be cultivators has not been fully delineated. Logwood was growing naturally
on the southern fringes of the Yucatan Peninsula in the Belize and
Campeche regions, as well as farther north at Cape Catoche, and m arginally
on the M osquito Shore (Mosquitia, northern Flonduras) as well. There are no
know n sources of inform ation that provide incontrovertible evidence of the
original indigenous range of logwood.
Standley and Record report that the species is abundant in the low
forests and thickets of the northern plains from Campeche to H onduras, and
in the W est Indies (1936: 177). The m odern range of the species is the result of
significant hum an m anipulation, transplantation, and cultivation, at least
some of w hich has been documented. Early British and New England port
docum ents record commodities that were im ported and their ports of
clearance, b u t these are not a definitive source of data on the origin of a
com m odity because they often do not distinguish among the num erous
species of dyew ood cut and exported from the Caribbean basin during the
42
seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, often lum ping the different
varieties into categories such as "dyew ood" or "blackwood." Also, the regular
transshipm ent of goods, for example, from Belize to Boston via Jamaica,
makes the original point of lading difficult or impossible to identify.
W hatever the original range of the logwood tree, early commercial interest
in it, inspired by a value as high as £110 per ton w hen under Spanish
m onopoly (Dampier II 1906: 149), led to artificial expansion of its range
through transplanting and tending, both in sim ilar environm ents w ithin the
Caribbean basin and farther afield.
The first docum ented instance of the transplantation of logwood
occurred in Jamaica in 1715 w hen seeds were brought there from Campeche.
The species took hold, and soon there were "such quantities of it growing
wild in the neighborhood of Savannah la Mar, as to incommode the
landholders extremely" (DM 1805: 220). In 1752 it w as stated that logwood
cultivated in Jamaica was preferable to that from Campeche, being of a deeper
red and firmer texture (The Gentleman's Magazine [GM] March 1752: 22: 141).
O ther sources, though, claim that wood from Campeche is superior, followed
by H onduras and then Jamaica (DM1805: 219). The suprem acy of Campeche
logwood was also asserted by the eighteenth-century historian, Abbe
G uillaum e Raynal, who claimed that the Spanish w ere able to render the
Belize logwood trade unprofitable after the concessions to settlem ent there
m ade in the Treaty of Paris, primarily by encouraging export of the
inherently more desirable Campeche logwood (Raynal 1812: 3: x; Robertson
1803: 3: n48). Campeche logwood may well have been considered superior,
since in May of 1826, when logwood from the Bay of H onduras, Campeche,
43
Jamaica, and Santo Domingo was all being sold in London having been taxed
at the same rate of 3 shillings per ton, wood from Campeche fetched the
highest price at £7 per ton, followed by Santo Domingo at £6 5s. per ton, and
both H onduras and Jamaica at £6 per ton (London Mercantile Price-Current
May 9,1826: 720: 145). Less logwood came from Jamaica than from Central
America, possibly because it was cheaper to im port the naturally flourishing
wood from the Bay Settlement than to invest valuable labor into cutting the
wood on the prosperous agricultural and sugar-producing island of Jamaica.
The availability of wood in Jamaica was undoubtedly a welcomed stopgap for
English dyers during times when Belize logwood was unavailable because of
Spanish attack on the settlement. In 1752,1394 tons of logwood were exported
from Jamaica (Browne 1774: 14), but it is not clear w hether it was cut there or
elsewhere, since in the same year nine vessels with cargoes of logwood
reached Jamaica from Belize (Browne 1774: 20).
As early as 1732, English settlers who had been driven out of the Bay of
Campeche by the Spanish had brought plants of the logwood tree to South
Carolina to cultivate there, since the soils and climate were considered to be
comparable (GM 1732: 2: 829). The attem pt m ust have been unsuccessful,
however, since in 1750 the same source suggested that an attem pt at
cultivating logwood be made in South Carolina, since indigo had been
successfully transplanted there recently (GM 1750: 20: 494). The tropical
species was even transplanted into the unlikely climate of England.
The Logwood tree w as first cultivated in Britain by Mr. P.

Miller in 1739, who says, 'there are some of these plants now in
England which are upw ards of six feet high, and as thriving as
those in their native soil;' but this observation will not apply to
« i - - - i • • r-i w a a i f i .1 . . ’ * . * f* t
iiic jJi.ebc.Ul Liiiic j i / J u j, lOi" Wc ildVC SCdiCiLCU ill V&jii i o r tillS
44
p lan t through m ost of the principal garden stoves in the

neighborhood of London. (Woodville I 1790: 49)
The naturalist Mark Catesby reported in a text accompanying w hat is
m ost likely the earliest scientific rendering of the logwood tree that "in the
year 1725,1 saw these Trees in the Island of Providence [Bahamas], which
were raised from seeds brought from the Bay of H onduras, by Mr. Spatches, a
person of more than common curiosity" (Catesby II 1731-43: 183; see Figure 3).
Catesby, too, suggested that the inhabitants of the southern plantations
attem pt propagating it there. Other locales where logwood has been reported
found are St. Croix, Martinique, Grenada, Haiti, and Cuba (Mortimer 1810:
not paginated; McCulloch 1840: 155). Mr. Spatches' experiment was an
unqualified success, since logwood now grows naturally on num erous
islands of the Bahamas, and was still being exported to New York in 1905
(Shattuck 1905: 202).
Textile Dye. Unlike cochineal from which a bright, irreplicable red dye
was produced, logwood was not in demand because it produced a superior,
colorfast tint. Many other black, blue and purple dyes in use in Europe were
more colorfast than logwood. Dyers of textiles appear to have favored
logwood because of the ease of its use and m anipulation in the dyeing
process. The earliest importation of logwood into England is recounted by
Bancroft (1813:1: 340):
Logwood seems to have been first brought to England, soon

after the accession of Queen Elizabeth [1558], but the various and
beautiful colours dyed from it, proved to be so fugacious, that a
general outcry against its use w as soon raised, and an act of
45
parliam ent w as passed in the 23d year of her reign [1581], which
prohibited the use of it as a dye, under severe penalties; and not
only authorized, b u t directed the b u rn in g of it, in w hatever
hands it m ight be found w ithin the realm ; and though this
w ood was afterw ards sometimes clandestinely used (under the
feigned nam e of blackw ood), it co n tin u ed subject to this
prohibition for nearly 100 years, or until the passing of the act of
the 13th and 14th of Charles the Second; the pream ble of which
declares, th at "the ingenious industry of m odern tim es, hath
taught the dyers of England the art of fixing colours m ade of
logwood, alias blackwood, so as that, by experience, they are
found as lasting as the colours m ade w ith any other sort o f
dyeing wood whatsoever;" and on this ground it repeals so
m uch of the statute of Elizabeth as related to logwood, and gives
perm ission to im port and use it for dyeing. Probably, the
solicitude of the dyers to obtain this perm ission, induced them
to p retend that their industry had done m uch m ore than it
really had, in fixing the colours of logw ood; m ost of which,
even at this time, are notoriously deficient in regard to their
durability.
It seems likely that the ban on logwood in 1581 had as m uch or more to do
w ith English-Spanish rivalry in the logw ood-producing regions of the
Caribbean than governm ent concern for English consumers.
The sixteenth-century ban on logwood use did not stop its illicit
im portation w henever possible, as m ade clear by the piratical raids of the
Earle of Cum berland in 1594 (Purchas 1906: XVI: 22) and William Parker in
1597 (Hakluyt 1927: 7: 224), where Spanish logwood cargoes were seized by
English raiders in the Caribbean. This recognition indicates that logwood was
known to be a valuable commodity in dem and by English dyers long before
they h ad regular access to it.
Until early in the eighteenth century, British yarns and textiles were
often sent to Holland and elsewhere for better quality dyeing than was
46
Figure 3: Illustration of logwood from Catesby's Natural History of Carolina,

Florida, and the Bahama Islands (1731-43: 2: plate 66).
available at home. Eventually an indigenous British dyeing industry became
established, leaving little need for imported dyed goods in the country
(Fairlie 1965: 489). Logwood was used to dye cottons, woolens, linen, and silk.
Logwood was popular among dyers of silk, who were less concerned with
perm anence of color, because of the nature of the fabric and its use. Cotton
and linen dyers found logwood less ready to bond with their fabrics, but for
dyeing wool it was considered a convenient, economical, and, w ith a little
m anipulation, an adequately colorfast dye.
Logwood originally was sold on the English market in solid pieces,
though it also became available in the minimally processed chipped form,
the latter generally dem anding a slightly higher price (Mortimer 1810: not
paginated). The coloring matter was removed from the chipped wood by
soaking or boiling it in water, or soaking in alcohol. The chipped wood was
either hung in bags inside the vats or else the solution was decanted so that
the shavings would not stick to the cloth or yarn being dyed (Hellot 1789:
209). Otherwise the shavings w ould cloud or blot the cloth where they came
into contact with it (Bronson 1977 [1817]: 109). The substance to be dyed was
then dipped into the vat, either before or after weaving, to absorb the dye (see
Figure 4). Six quarts of boiling water was considered sufficient to extract the
dye from one pound of wood chips (Bancroft 1813: 341). Upon first extraction
from the wood and prior to any m anipulation, the color obtained in solution
varied significantly, depending on contaminants and w ater impurities. Over
time, the solution would change color as well, probably from a process of
oxidation. The color of the logwood solution, though variable "like the Opal.
or the feathers of a peacock" (Browne 1774: 221), was easily m anipulated and
48
.
'AW'\ W -•»»»V
>
:?«SiSiv^.A
rj.v
Figure 4: A Dyer (from Stockham 1976 [1807]: opposite p. 128).
controlled. A wide range of additives were used, both singularly and in
combination, to obtain m any colors of the spectrum . Successful dyers had to
be knowledgeable chemists, since “the mystery of the art of dyeing consists
chiefly in chemical processes, and it comprises a vast collection of chemical
experim ents" (Stockham 1976 [1807]: 126). A small sam pling of additives and
their responses is as follows:
sulphate of copper added to the decoction of logwood, gives it a

purplish blue colour; sulphate of pure zinc added to a sim ilar
decoction, produces a dark purple; nitro-m uriate of gold, an
orange; m uriate of quicksilver, an orange red; m uriate of
antim ony, a beautiful crimson; acetate of lead, a garter blue;
arseniate of potash, a deep yellow; m uriate of bary tes, a reddish
purple; strontia earth, a violet. (Bancroft 1813: 345)
Fabrics were often bu t not always treated w ith a m ordant such as alum
(potassium alum inum sulphate) prior to being dipped into the logwood bath
in order to increase the color-fastness of the fabric (Mortimer 1810: not
paginated). Less common substitutes for alum w ere salt-peter, potash, honey,
egg yolks, ox galls, and the “urine of labouring men, kept 'till it be stale and
stinking" (Postlethwayte 1766: “Dyeing;" not paginated). Many of these
m ordants also influenced the final color of the dyed fabric, and treatm ent of
fabrics w ith them was considered to be part of a dyer's recipe.
There are m any variants on the recipe for dyeing w ith logwood and a
great deal of secret experimentation was done to im prove the dyed product,
and also one's profits, but one example patented in Vienna by a Mr. H onig
illustrates the standard procedure.
Logwood is to be boiled several times in w ater, and a little
subcarbonate of potash to be added to the decoctions, the
quantity to be so m oderated that it shall not change the colour
to blue: the stuff to be dyed is then plunged into this bath. This
stuff m ay be either animal or vegetable. W hen it is im pregnated
w ith the colouring m atter, it is to be w ithdraw n, and w ithout
being exposed to the air, is to be introduced into a solution of
green vitriol, and left there until it has obtained the desired
black hue. (Arcana of Science and A rt [ASA] 1828: 187)
Another experiment yielded a crystalline form of the dye, dubbed
"hem atin," obtained by adding alcohol to an aqueous extract of logwood and
allowing the solution to evaporate (Bigelow 1829: 442). Dyes produced from
these pow dered forms of the logwood extract were apparently particularly
fugitive, and so, undesirable (Bancroft 1813: 343). H ad these experiments been
considered successful, they may have radically changed the face of the Belize
logwood export industry, incorporating a significant coastal boiling and
evaporation stage, and the exportation of logwood as a dry crystalline extract.
Exportation of an extract produced somewhere in Central America occurred
to a limited extent during the early nineteenth century. The product was
advertised for use "in dyeing, painting, writing, m arking, and as a medicine"
(Skinner 1828: 413). Any success m ust have been very limited, since
unprocessed logwood remained the staple export for the dyeing industry
through the nineteenth century. Liquid logwood extract was being produced
in the early twentieth-century, bu t references to it are few and it does not
seem to have been as popular as the chipped wood itself (Toothaker 1905: 55).
The logwood industry in Belize declined w ith the introduction and
use of superior synthetic dyes, but enjoyed a short revival during the First
W orld W ar (Standley and Record 1936: 29). Two rem nants of the tw entieth-
century logwood trade are visible today in the Wiscasset River, Maine, the
derelict four-masted schooners Hesper and Luther Little, which exported the
w ood from Haiti in 1920. At least one cargo made port at Chester,
Pennsylvania (Tod 1965: 262) and another was transshipped from Rockland,
Maine, to La Havre, France (Dean 1981: 69), the main port of that country's
textile industry (Finamore 1991: 11).
Leather Dye. The legendary Dutch pirate-turned-chronicler, John
Esquemeling (anglicized from Alexander Oliver Esquemelin), wrote in the
late seventeenth century that in addition to textiles, logwood was used to
"prepare hides for shoe-leather, and other purposes" (Esquemeling 1987: 254).
This early reference to the leather industry is not supported by m any others,
though, so it is difficult to determine how commonly logwood was employed
in this industry during the seventeenth century or later. Postlethwayt (1766)
does not mention logwood in his entry on the tanning of leather, so if it was
utilized as such, that use m ust have been minor.
Ink. Producers of writing ink utilized as varied an array of recipes for
their product as did dyers. Though not satisfactory as the principal ingredient
in black ink, logwood was sometimes used to intensify other black
com pounds. Common ingredients were copperas and common green vitriol
(hydrated ferrous sulphate), pow dered galls (an oak tree insect blight from
the M iddle East), and sometimes items such as iron filings, all mixed in
water. A "decoction" of logwood in the water "improves both the beauty and
deepness of the black, without disposing it to fade" (Encyclopsedia 1798: 5:
235). The following recipe for a particularly successful ink was published in
1829:
Ribancourt's Ink.- Take of Aleppo galls, in coarse pow der, 8 oz.;

logwood, in thin chips, 4 oz.; sulphate of iron (green copperas,) 4
oz.; gum arabic, finely powdered, 3 oz.; sulphate of copper (blue
vitriol,) 1 oz.; sugar candy, 1 oz. Boil the galls and logwood
together in twelve pints of rainw ater for one hour; strain the
decoction, and then add the other ingredients; stir the m ixture
until the whole be dissolved, m ore especially the gum; then let
it subside for tw enty-four hours; lastly, decant the ink very
steadily, and cork it in stone bottles for your use. (Arcana o f
Science 1829: 239)
A nother recipe for ink that includes logwood as an ingredient appears in the
novel Like Water for Chocolate, set in m odern Mexico (Esquivel 1992: 235).
The author's traditional home recipe was among those "crafts that have,
unfortunately, gone out of style, like long dresses, love letters, and the w altz"
(Esquivel 1992: 236).
Other Coloring. Logwood also played a role as an agent in "Colour-
making, the art of preparing the different kinds of colours used in painting"
{Encyclopaedia 1798: 5: 153). Many different formulas for blacks, blues, and
purples employed logwood in combination w ith other dyestuffs. The
secretive processes by which m any artists mixed their paint and the
variability that naturally accompanied such personal preference has yielded
no single tried and true formula for a logwood-based watercolor paint.
Logwood was also included on the list of vegetable m atter popular in France
for coloring engravings (A S A 1830: 274).
53
M edicine. According to Postlethwayte, logwood was long known to
dyers before it was ever introduced as a medicine, but a comprehensive
survey of herbals and medical dictionaries for logwood's first appearance has
not been performed. Logwood cutters in the Bay of Campeche in the early
eighteenth century were aware of certain medicinal qualities, since one noted
that "the chips m ade into a Tea are an excellent rem edy for the Flux" (BL
Add. Ms. 39946). The first appearance of logwood into the medical literature
has not been identified, but may be as late as the m id-eighteenth century.
According to Postlethwayte, the leaf "may be used instead of m alabathrum ...;
the Americans use them for fomentations, to cure the palsy, and other
diseases proceeding from cold causes" (1766: "Haematoxylum;" not
paginated). A tincture extracted from the fruit was advertised as "stomachic,
cephalic, cardiac, uterine, nephritic, and arthritic; it is alexipharmic and
diuretic, comforts the brain and nervous parts, refreshes and strengthens the
whole animal oeconomy, and restores the natural functions of life where
w eakened" (1766: "Haematoxylum;" not paginated). Prescribed in hospitals
for diarrhea, "both the bark and gum of this tree are gentle subastringents;
but the last excels, and adds a sweetness to its virtue, which makes it the
m ore agreeable to the palate" (Browne 1774: 221). As a result, it "frequently
tinges the stools, and sometimes the urine" a purplish red (Lewis 1796: 168).
It was also prescribed
in the latter stages of dysentary, when the obstructing causes are

rem oved, to obviate that extrem e laxity of the intestines
usually superinduced by the repeated dejections. Extractum
ligni campechensis is ordered in the pharmacopoeias, and may
be given in the dose of one scruple or two, repeated according
to the urgency of the symptoms. (Woodville 1 1790: 48)
54
The supposed astringent qualities of logwood extract were refuted by Dr.
Edw ard Bancroft in 1813. He claimed that other properties then associated
w ith astringency (the ability to bind iron into a deep black dye) caused doctors
to m erely assum e such associated medicinal qualities (Bancroft 1813: 395).
While the exact definition and range of uses for "astringents" in eighteenth
century medicine is not of concern here, it is im portant to note that a certain
am ount of logwood was imported at least to England and America for
m edicinal applications.
Illegal and Illicit Uses. The easily m anipulated color and dyeing
properties of logwood has resulted in regular use by m anufacturers and
retailers trying novel but illicit means to m arket their commodity. The ease
w ith which any commodity can be soaked in a logwood-based solution to
turn it red, purple, or black, was not lost on entrepreneurs whose
com m odities w ould increase in value by such treatm ent. Though logwood
w as in comm on use for dyeing a range of colors, it was inferior as a blue dye
to the m ore colorfast indigo, so a law w as passed (13 Geo. I c.24. §. 3.) stating
the following: "Any person, using logwood in dyeing blue, shall forfeit 40 s.
for every piece so dyed, containing 44 yards" (Postlethwayte 1766: "Dyeing;"
not paginated). A test for distinguishing fabric "dyed in the wool" to a
perm anent black from the fugitive "piece-dyed" fabric "alm ost entirely
composed of logwood" was published in 1833 (ASA 1833: 140). The inventor
of the test described a simple procedure employing oxalic acid crystals, water,
and a small phial, all of which could be kept in the pocket w hen purchasing
55
fabrics. Touched w ith oxalic acid, a perm anently dyed cloth will turn a
greenish olive, but that dyed solely w ith logwood will turn a dusky orange.
In 1818, a scandal broke in London when a tea dealer was convicted of
selling im itation tea m ade from sloe and w hitethorn leaves. The leaves had
been treated w ith logwood to resemble black tea, and w ith white lead and
verdigris to imitate green tea (Annual Register [AjR] 1818: 342-6). A satirical
prin t w as produced bv the caricaturist George Cruikshank in which London

A 1 J O
tea dealers all plot together within a large teapot to suppress exposure of this
practice and quash support for a newly-formed business called "The Genuine
Tea C om pany" (Catalogue o f Political and Personal Satires 1948: IX: 828-830;
see Figure 5).
M odern U ses. A twentieth-century Belize logwood trade continues,
though it is greatly reduced from the previous two centuries. The
developm ent of synthetic aniline dyes distilled from coal tar in 1856 (blue dye
from coal tar was discovered in Germ any in 1834, but was not refined then)
proved m ore consistent, inexpensive, and easy to use (Walton 1912: 118). The
industry was briefly revived during the First W orld War, but declined
dram atically during the 1920s, representing less than one percent of all forest
exports (Standley and Record 1936: 29).
Logwood was further used to alter the appearance of a commodity
w hen French w ine m anufacturers found it useful for converting w hite wine
into red just prior to the Second W orld W ar (Belize Archives; D.I. 98/1944).
A sm all but diversified array of dem ands for logwood continues. A limited
am ount is still cut commercially for export, and large quantities are cut for
56
M -r.
'zfradc fnHoi
Figure 5: Engraving by George Cruikshank satirizing the adulteration of tea by

London merchants (Catalog of Political and Social Satire... IX 1949: 828-830).
r-r-r
o/
domestic consumption. Within Belize, logwood is desirable for its rot-
resistant qualities for cattle pasture fence posts (Figure 6). In 1982,132 m 2 of
the wood were processed commercially for a variety of small export dem ands
(Hartshorn 1989: 96). One such dem and is among anim al trappers, some of
whom dip their traps in a logwood solution each year "to stain and eliminate
rust, so that they will work well and be free of the animal scent from last
season" (Harding 1907: 101). An advertisem ent in Fur-Fish-Game ("A
Magazine for Practical Outdoorsmen") lists logwood trap dye at $12 for a ten
lb. bag (Fur-Fish-Game 1991: October: 34). A resurgence of interest in
traditional weaving and textile production has also produced a small but
regular demand.
M a h ogany
The name mahogany is used liberally to describe a variety of species
that grow in Africa, India, the Philippines, and elsewhere, but true m ahogany
is native only to tropical America from southern Mexico and the southern
tip of Florida, to northern Colombia and Venezuela including m ost of the
Caribbean islands (Mell 1917: 1). M ahogany (Swietenia mahogani) exported
from Santo Domingo on the island of Hispaniola is the hardest variety, and
so has been considered the most desirable for most purposes. This forest
product comes from slow-growing trees on high, dry ground. So called "Bay"
or "H onduras" M ahogany (Swietenia macrophylla), a m ore rapidly-grow ing
species from w etter areas in Belize and southern Yucatan, is softer by
comparison and is considered of secondary desirability (Mell 1917: 3). These
two species of "true mahogany" have m any different nam es w ithin the
58
Figure 6: Logwood cut for fence posts.
tropical and subtropical Americas where they grow, as well as nam es w ithin
the consum er countries around the w orld.6 Until the comm on production of
m ahogany plywood, the tree was not marketable until it had reached
betw een 100 and 150 years of growth. It grows both on high, dry ground and
in low, moist conditions. Both species have been transplanted successfully to
w ide areas of south Asia and central Africa (Mell 1917: 4). M ahogany
generally grows, at its densest natural concentration, at an average of one tree
per acre (Payson 1926: 6).
The cell structure of m ahogany makes it uniform and rigid, w ith little
w arpage, shrinkage or checking, characteristics that make it desirable both for
cabinetry and shipbuilding. Cabinet-makers also appreciate the rich and
variable color. Wood from different regions has fairly uniform specific
gravity and the w ood is generally sold by the ton, w ith larger trunks bringing
a higher price that narrow ones (Mell 1917: 7).
Shipbuilding. M ahogany has been a staple m aterial in num erous
industries, including shipbuilding, furniture, pianos and related
instrum ents, and fine interior architectural decorations (see Payson [1926] for
detailed descriptions of these industries). The Spanish had discovered the
virtues of m ahogany for ship repair while in the W est Indies early in the
sixteenth century. Bernal Diaz del Castillo docum ented that Cortez executed
such repairs w ith m ahogany betw een 1521 and 1540, as did Sir W alter
Raleigh in his expedition of 1572 (Culver 1926: 65). Dam pier called it Cedar,
noting that in 1681 it w as considered excellent wood by the residents of
Jamaica for constructing sloops, periaguas, and canoes (Dampier 1 1906: 60).
60
By the mid-eighteenth century, Havana harbor was the key New-W orld
shipbuilding site for Spain, and mahogany was the favored w ood used in
that process. Not only was it resistant to rot, but the w ood did not splinter as
badly as did oak and other hard woods when hit with cannon fire (Culver
1926: 65). Ship builders in Belize utilized the locally available forest product
from an early date; in 1818 the 180-ton brigantine, Eliza, was built entirely of
mahogany (Culver 1926: 67). British naval shipbuilders placed orders for
mahogany from Belize, but found that the good quality wood was too
expensive and the poorer quality was too porous to be usable (Albion 1965:
362). Thus, the staple hardw ood of the British naval shipbuilding industry
rem ained oak.
The m id-nineteenth century saw the large-scale replacem ent of w ood
w ith iron for large ship frames and hulls, but also a correspondent grow th in
the use of m ahogany for smaller pleasure craft in both Europe and America.
The tradition of m ahogany in vessel construction continues today for those
who can afford the extremely expensive material, m ost often utilized in
plywood form to take advantage of both the radiant appearance and the
qualities of bouyancy, durability, resistance to rot and shrinkage, and
slowness of ignition (Culver 1926: 68).
Furniture M anufacturing. Though initially harvested as a
shipbuilding m aterial, m ahogany became most commonly associated w ith
the furniture industry by the later eighteenth century. The first use of
m ahogany in furniture construction is undocum ented, w ith at least one
apocryphal story about a "great discoverer" who had only desired a simple
candle box (Encyclopedia 1798: 18: 238). Mahogany appeared in the probate
inventory of a Philadelphia cabinetmaker by 1708, and was in common use
in w ealthy homes by the 1750s (Cornelius 1926: 111). The dem and increased
throughout the following century, solidifying the species as the signifier of
refinem ent, heritage, and civilization w ithin Anglo-Atlantic culture. The
extremely expansive and longstanding nature of the dem and for m ahogany
can be seen in a comment made by Aldous Huxley in the waning days of
m ahogany's dom inance:
W hen I was a boy there was hardly, in all m y acquaintance, a

single reputable family which did not eat off m ahogany, sit on
m ahogany, sleep in m ahogany. M ahogany w as a sym bol of
economic solidarity and moral worth. (Huxley 1934: 28)
Even though both logwood and m ahogany w ere consumed
voraciously in eighteenth and nineteenth-century Europe and America,
there have still been no significant economic studies of the Atlantic
m aritim e logwood or mahogany trade of this period. Of even greater
significance is the lack of any systematic understanding, whatsoever, of the
specific locales from which these forest products w ere extracted. The scant
docum entary information about the populations that settled at these locales
to exploit the forest commodities is rendered comprehensible only w hen
integrated w ith the archaeological remnants collected at these sites. The
foregoing docum entary profile of settlement, life, and economic activity in
the early Bay Settlement clearly emphasizes the broad web of rapidly
changing environm ental and cultural, as well as external economic and
political factors that were influential in producing an extremely dynamic
social netw ork of settlers and their slaves. The significance of this social
netw ork and its archaeological m anifestations across the landscape are
discussed in following chapters.
63
* Q u oted in Bancroft (1813:2: 338).
2 M ost w ritten histories of early Belize concentrate on Spanish-B ritish relations concerning
treaties a n d boundaries of settlem ent d u rin g the later eighteenth and nin eteen th centuries.
T hat diplom atic history is best view ed in the bro ad er context of relations betw een the tw o
nations involving settlem ent by E nglish-speaking peoples in lands claim ed by S pain all over
the C aribbean from the late sixteenth th ro u g h the eighteenth century, including Jam aica, the
M osquito Shore, the Baham as, Old P rovidence Island, an d elsew here (Burns 1954; H am shere
1972). In d iv id u a l treaties that directly affected the existence a n d n a tu re of B ritish settlem en t
in Belize w ill be m entioned specifically. For a diplom atic history of Spanish-B ritish
relations in the C aribbean affecting the Belize settlem ent, see, am ong others, B urdon (1931), R.
H . H u m p h re y s (1961), Floyd (1972), an d N aylor (1989).
3 It is far m ore likely th at the nam e "Belize" derives from the M aya "Beliz, " w hich signifies
m u d d y w ater in the Yucatec M aya language (Thom pson 1988: 31).
4 This m an u scrip t m ap contains notations in pencil referring to the granting of claim s to

M osquito Shore refugees, and m ention of the purchase of pro p erty by "Sweasy, a subject of the
U nited States of A m erica" from Cato, "a P ortugais." W. Brow n (1990) has discussed th e transit
of A m erican loyalists to Belize via the M osquito Shore.
5 F rench. Bois de Campeche D anish. Blaaholt, Campeschetrse

D u tch . K am pachehout Polish. K am pesza
Italian . Capeggio, iegno tanro R ussian. Kampetschkoe derewo
S p an ish . Palo de Campeche Latin. H aem atoxylum
P o rtu g u ese. Pao de Campeche S w edish. C am peschetrd
G erm an. Blauholz
6 O ther n am es by w hich m ahogany is referred include:

English (Florida, th e B aham as) Madeira Wood
S panish Caoba, Caobo, Zipilote, Cedro cebolla

G erm an M ahagoniholz
P ortuguese Pao magno
Italian Albero di acajou
French Acajou, Mahagon
64
Chapter Three:
Conceptualizing the Dynamics of Timber Extraction
through Documentary Analysis
This unbreaking humidity under the arch of impenetrable foliage,

together with constant standing in water up to the thighs, leaves a man in
a heavy stupor. A t each stroke of his ax against the mahogany trunks, which are <?s
hard as steel, the cutter thinks that he is at the end of his strength. He feels that he
will be unable to LVvo on and that before
J
attacking
O
the
next tree he will fall, indifferent to the fate awaiting him.
- B. Traven, Rebellion of the Hanged (1952:156).
The first century of European/African occupation of northern Belize was
a time of rapid social and economic change, characterized by a unique set of
strategies for surviving, subsisting, and prospering within this lightly settled
and heavily forested hinterland of European expansion. In this chapter I
examine specific cultural elements that characterize the incipient British colony,
focusing on the m ost clearly identifiable elements of change between the early to
late parts of the eighteenth century in order to organize conceptually the
dynamics and causal mechanisms for social transformation that occurred in
early Belize. Cultural elements that are accessible from prim ary documentation
and that help to define settler lifeways during the two periods under scrutiny
include aspects of social organization of the inhabitants, labor organization of
the different social groups represented, strategies of subsistence, and settlement
patterns.
In order to compare wood-cutting life in the early period w ith wood
cutting life in the socially stratified colonial community of later times, an
undocum ented component of early Belizean settler life, an archaeological survev
w as designed that w ould focus directly on locating and collecting remnants
from a range of different wood cutting camps in the New River drainage. The
organizational aspects and results of the actual survey are discussed in Chapter
Four. Prior to field investigations in Belize, however, it was necessary to conduct
extensive archival research among primary documents in the Colonial Office
records of the Public Record Office (PRO), Kew, and in the Map Room of the
British Library (BL), London, and also among published accounts of voyages
and travels in the Stephen Phillips Library of the Peabody Essex Museum,
Salem, Massachusetts. The maps and documents studied provided direct
geographical information regarding the location of these camps, as well as
critical information regarding camp ownership, size of occupation, and the
social makeup of the population in each camp.1
The two periods under discussion have been divided at mid-eighteenth-
century in a somewhat arbitrary fashion, since it is necessary to delineate a basic
chronological ordering to the manifestations of constantly evolving processes.
The documentary information regarding the two periods is distinctly disparate
in nature, yet quite compatible for the construction of a basic framework that
will be evaluated and strengthened through archaeological artifact analysis.
Origins to 1750: Frontier Colonization in a Maritime Society
As w as shown in the preceding chapter, the earliest period of
European/A frican settlement in Belize is not preserved through any systematic
recording or curation of censes, shipping papers, or government documents. The
variable yet tantalizing documentation that does exist is further enhanced when
it is interpreted within a known relevant context that has been established for
similar bu t better documented historical communities. By viewing early Belize
settlement from the perspective of an isolated frontier community founded upon
working-class ideals of social and labor organization developed by m ariners of
the Atlantic world, it is possible to reconstruct partially the composition and
organization of early settler society.
Atlantic Maritime Culture
Predom inant anthropological approaches to frontier settlement in new
lands m ost commonly explain existing social and political structures in terms of
a "donor culture" adapting to new environmental influences. In the earliest
times of the Belize settlement, the overarching commonality that unified the
donor population was not ethnicity or geographic region of birth. Rather, the
population was most strongly associated w ith a distinctive economic sub-culture
of itinerant maritime laborers whose professional activities separated them both
physically and socially from the majority of land-based society. A lthough the
first settlers of Belize were undoubtedly m embers of the western European
cultural tradition and probably citizens of the British Empire, they cannot be
characterized as merely an extension of a unified British cultural system
im planted into an alien environment. As Yentsch (1980) has clearly illustrated, a
great degree of cultural variation existed in seventeenth-century N ew England,
w ith a high degree of regional diversity among English colonial settlements
there. This situation arose out of regional variation in old England and can be
extended southw ard to the British Caribbean settlements as well. The settlers of
Belize identified themselves as merchant seam en above any ethnic or land-based
C
yj/T7
national affiliation; thus they had a distinctly different cultural identity from that
of other m igrants from seventeenth-century England (Weibust 1969). This
maritime community possessed social and political organizational elements that
had evolved over generations among individuals from m any lands bordering
the Atlantic Ocean, all of whom were unified by the strategies for survival that
had developed in a highly isolated and dangerous environment on the m argins
of m ainstream European culture.
Both the lack of institutionalized authority by any colonial governm ent
and the regular addition of newly arrived mariners-turned-colonists to the
settlement probably served to reinforce these cultural affiliations during the
early years of occupation, continuing even after long-distance seafaring ventures
were reduced or even eliminated from the average settler’s repertoire of
occupational activities. The comments of Captain George Henderson indicate the
potential reinforcement of cultural values that the prim ary economic activity of
the settlement may have had in sustaining elements of this maritime culture
during the early period:
The setting out on a [wood cutting] expedition resembles in some

degree that of departing on a long voyage, the preparations for
both being quite similar; and the dreary time that m ust be passed
in the woods, in this employment, may not unaptly be compared
to w hat is felt by m any in a long confinem ent on shipboard.
(Henderson 1811: 75)
The association of a wood-cutting expedition with life at sea, however, w ould
have been alien to the wood cutters that Henderson observed in 1809, since by
this time the majority were slaves who were wholly unfamiliar w ith shipboard
life, except, perhaps, as unfortunate cargo.
68
Tenets of Maritime Political Organization
The first commonly agreed upon set of laws for the settlement was
codified by Rear Admiral William Burnaby in 1765. Burnaby’s instructions from
Jamaica were to establish a system of self-government in Belize, for which there
had already long been an unwritten but widely accepted set of guidelines.
BurnabyJ codified the existing system that was in use among the bavmen to
J k_> J
resolve disputes, recognize mutual rights and restrictions, and punish violators.
The articles that comprise Burnaby's Code relate primarily to a system of justice
to m ediate disputes among the cutters and to mete out punishm ent according to
the current "custom of the Bay" (Burdon 11931:100-106). Additional laws voted
on by the baymen the following year in April 1766 present general guidelines for
rights, limitations, and standards of equity for each cutter's logwood claim in the
up-river locales (Burdon 11931:107). In May of the same year, the settlers,
"having considered that some inconveniences have arose from the w ant of
explanation of several of the old Regulations" ratified addenda to the code that
prim arily addressed issues protecting the common good, such as keeping the
river channels cleared and marked, and regulating the price of turtles and flour
(Burdon 1 1931:112-113). As a group, these regulations were not considered to be
anything more restrictive than the previously existing but unw ritten code
acknowledged to be the principle guidelines for fair conduct among the baymen.
Once established as written law, the settlers' articles first codified by
Adm iral Burnaby rapidly transformed from a set of guidelines m utually
adopted and agreed upon as the settlers attempted to recognize individual
rights and avoid conflict, into a legal and judicial structure that allocated power
to "principal inhabitants," "Justices of the Peace," and any "Commanding
Officers of...His Majesty's Ships of War" who may be present. In the years prior
to Burnaby's appearance, the settlers had operated in a much less hierarchical
environment that did not feature subservience to Royal Naval authority.
Adoption of general articles as a means of governance by common consent was
not novel or unfamiliar to members of a maritime community. Another set of
articles draw n up by mariners in an attem pt at self-regulation and governance is
that printed in the August 8,1723, issue of the Boston News-Letter.2 Those articles
of agreement, purportedly draw n up and signed by every participant on m any
pirate vessels of the early eighteenth century are similar to those of Admiral
Burnaby in that they were intended both to protect individual rights while
recognizing the collective goals of groups working in loose association without
civil government on the margins of Western society.
The settlers of Belize were familiar with the pirates' practice of signing
articles, and some even had first-hand knowledge of the contents of those
articles. During his visit of 1720, Captain Uring noted "the W ood-Cutters are
generally a rude drunken Crew, some of which have been Pirates, and m ost of
them Sailors" (Uring 1726:355). In 1722, Philip Ashton of Marblehead was
captured by pirates while fishing and was taken into the Caribbean where he
spent many m onths experiencing the life of a pirate first-hand. While in the Bay
of Honduras, he encountered the notorious pirate Ned Low, who "had been to
Honduras, & had taken a sloop, & brought off several Baymen" (Knight 1976:
17). W hether these baymen had been captured unwillingly, as Ashton was, is
unknown, but they had evidently accepted Low's offer to "sign their Articles,
and go along with them" (Knight 1976: 2; n6). On another occasion, Ashton
70
actually observed the bayman Thomas Grande join a group of pirates (Knight
1976: 42).
Multi-racial, Multi-ethnic, Maritime Society
The first European settlers of Belize were opportunistic seafaring
adventurers who came out of a long tradition of maritime mercantilism, in
which social relations and economic organization were guided by maritime
institutions far removed from those of the contemporary agriculturalist. All
m anners of relations between seamen were based on a distinctly maritime social
organization that contained a strict and extensive set of rules and codes of
behavior. Labor historian Marcus Rediker has outlined Anglo-American
maritime life during the early eighteenth century, describing the social
conditions to which the former privateers and merchantmen who settled Belize
had adapted long before they established themselves in Belize:
There w as a process of culture stripping within that of becoming a

'true bred sailor,' for the imperatives of work and survival left little
room for incom patible cultural form s...w hile integration into
m aritim e culture created new bonds to replace the old, it also
helped to create cultural distance betw een maritime workers and
the rest of plebeian culture. (Rediker 1987: 202)
According to Rediker, elements of this maritime social organization included a
strong sense of collectivism based in the cooperative labor necessary for m ost
shipboard activities; egalitarianism harking back to medieval principles of equal
shares of rew ards for equal risk in an enterprise; and an antiauthoritarianism
linked to the collectivism of maritime existence. As institutionalized wage labor
practices and authoritarianism were strengthened during the early m odern
71
period, seamen had very few outlets. One form of escape was to join an
independent communal settlement in the Caribbean, in "a conscious w ithdraw al
from the imperial economy and culture to a nonaccumulative life on the world's
periphery," such as a logwood-cutting settlement like that in Belize (Rediker
1987:146).
The process by which individuals joined these settlements was informal
and usually* unrecorded, allowine them to enter and s t a Jv for a short time if theyj
were only escaping one particularly unpleasant situation, or stay forever if the
sim ple and isolated but independent life suited them. An anonymous individual
who visited the Bay of Campeche as a common shipboard laborer found that
"such hardships m ade me weary of this kind of life so that I resolv'd to rem edy
it" (anon. BL Add. Ms. 39946). He did that by jum ping ship and escaping into
the sw am py wilderness, where he w andered for days until he "heard at a
distance the noise of an Ax, which methought was the pleasantest m usick I had
ever heard in m y life" (anon. BL Add. Ms. 39946). This individual stayed for
awhile, b u t eventually continued his travels around the Caribbean. Cook (1927:
67) suggests that large num bers of New Englanders who w ent to the Bay of
Campeche aboard mechant vessels stayed there and adopted the life of the
baym en either temporarily or permanently.
Some of the earliest descriptions of English mariners inhabiting logwood
territory come from the southern edge of the Bay of H onduras along the
M osquito Shore. These accounts feature extremely unconventional and highly
com m unal lifestyles among the small groups of English adventurers. An account
w ritten "in or about the Year 1699" and signed only "M.W." tells of three
independent Englishmen residing within a community of Mosquito Indians.
One arrived in a canoe from the island of St. Kitt's after committing a m urder
there. The other two had participated in piratical raids on Spanish settlements,
and "chose rather to live here than return home, and venture to take a trial for
piracy, and have now 40 wild Indian slaves and harlots to attend them, leading
there a slothful heathenish course of life." The author further states that "these
Englishmen live together as partners" (M.W. 1732: 288). Such small groups may
have dotted the coastline in the reeions least visited bv the Spanish,
u 1
j
with *
population eventually consolidating in a few locations, particularly around the
Belize River m outh, as logwood extraction became a viable livelihood. When
William Dampier went to the Bay of Campeche to stay among the wood cutters
there, he noted that the Englishmen "lived in small Companies from three to ten
in a Company; and settled themselves at their best convenience for cutting"
(Dampier I I 1906:154).
Some fell the Trees, others saw and cut them into convenient Logs
and one chips off the Sap, and he is commonly the principal
M an...Every M an is left to his choice to carry w hat he pleaseth,
and com m only they agree very well about it: For they are
contented to labour very hard. (Dampier I I 1906:179)
Such collective aspects of this maritime cultural identity were significant factors
in the organization of labor exhibited by the early colonists, w ith an
undoubtedly strong impact on the nature of social relations and political
organization during the earliest years.
Identifying the actual social make-up of the settler community is crucial
for an understanding of social relations among the members. It has long been
hypothesized that the characterization of the typical seafaring community of the
sixteenth ihiuuîi nilujieeiii.ii centuries as singie-sex societies is based iargeiy on
73
skewed emphasis in the historical documentation, and that in m any instances,
females actually were regularly represented among ships' companies and
overseas frontier communities (De Pauw 1982). They merely rem ain obscured in
the literature and archaeological remnants because of the orientations of
research questions investigated. The occasional documented appearances of
women in seventeenth and eighteenth-century Caribbean seafaring history are
now the stuff of legend: the famed "female pirates" Annie Bonny and Mary
Read whose stories are dramatically chronicled by Captain Charles Johnson
[alias Daniel Defoe] (Johnson 1724). The very existence of these tales, however,
can be both argued as strong evidence for the common presence of women in
these milieus, and also as the exceptions so rare that special care w as taken to
record them. Documentary evidence of wom en aboard ships during the
eighteenth and more so during the nineteenth century does exist. In the
complete community of the ship, however, specific activities were unseated from
their traditional land-based gender associations, preventing archaeological
evidence of specific activities from necessarily serving as evidence of the
presence of wom en (Smith 1990:40). This is true both for underw ater
archaeological investigations of shipboard life and terrestrial investigations of
early Bay settler life.
Occasional mention is made of wom en within the early fledgling
communities of Englishmen that bordered the Bay of H onduras during this
period. O ther situations where no women are mentioned certainly do not
constitute evidence of all-male societies. The fact that women are m entioned at
all is evidence for their regular presence in Belize, though probably in small
num bers in the earliest times. Evidence of Indian wom en incorporated into
74
Anglo society comes from a description by Uring when on the M osquito Shore
in 1711: "Some of the White Men have taken Indian Wives, and others have their
Women which are their Slaves, who are kept as Wives" (Uring 1726:182). Uring
also mentions a man named Luke Haughton near Cape Camarone who, having
had "an intreigue" with a married woman there, had left Jamaica w ith her in a
hurry. "But they disagreeing sometime after, she went away with a Logwood
Cutter to the Bay of Honduras, and his Indian W oman supply’d her place" (Uring
1726: 210). Whether this woman was of European or African ancestry is not
specified. An English wom an and her daughter are known to have been among
those settlers captured by the Spanish in their surprise attack on the Belize River
settlement in 1730 (Gibbs 1883:34). The social and economic position of these
females seems to have been highly variable, the terms slave, servant, and wife
appearing ill-defined in the nature of the respective role, if not in that of status. It
is difficult to determine how the positions of wom en in these respective roles
may have differed from other Anglo-Caribbean communities of the time. The
paucity of white women no doubt contributed to the breakdow n of traditional
prejudices and ready acceptance of interracial partnerships and even marriages.
A similar situation is noted in nineteenth-century Canadian fur-trade society,
where informal unions were created between the transient white H udson's Bay
Com pany employees and native-American or mixed-blood wom en at the
trading posts. The status and treatment of these wom en varied dramatically
between individuals and changed considerably over time, leaving the
relationships ill-defined, and the female partners in the unenvied role of part
wife and part mistress (Van Kirk 1980:159).
Acceptance of socially and specifically sexually unorthodox practices can
be attributed to necessary accommodation in situations of stress, in this case
isolation. B. R. Burg (1984) has examined the scant extant evidence regarding the
sexual practices of pirates during this time, concluding that any homosexual
activity that occurred was m ost likely a response to the unnatural social makeup
aboard a pirate ship. The ready acceptance and recognition of interracial
partnerships have distinguished Belizean from other Anglo societies throughout
the nineteenth and even the twentieth centuries; the strong multi-racial m akeup
of Belizean society has long been commented on by both casual visitors and
historians (Stephens 1 1969:12; Dobson 1973: 257). The origins of this unusually
broad social perspective m ay lie in the necessities of the early period.
The multi-racial nature of society in Belize can possibly be linked with
other seeming anachronisms of seafaring life in the age of sail. W haling and
m erchant seafarers of the nineteenth century constitute a significant community
distinctive for the absence of rigidly defined social divisions along ethnic and
racial bounds (Bolster 1990). Accounts of African-American seamen form a small
but interesting body of literature for researchers interested in social aspects of
seafaring life. One rare first-hand account is particularly interesting for this
study, that of the slave seafarer Briton Ham mon of Marshfield, Massachusetts
(Hammon 1971). In 1747, Ham m on departed on a voyage to "the Bay" [of
H onduras] to purchase a cargo of logwood. While no one truly knows how
unusual it was for a slave to be given such autonomy and responsibility on a
m erchant voyage, it does seem highly coincidental that the destination was a
logwood-cutting community where notions of race and social position may have
been significantly different than in other English Atlantic coastal settlements.
76
Drinking and Social Cohesion
From the foregoing observations it is apparent that the residents of the
early Bay Settlement formed a highly, even defiantly, egalitarian, if also
som ew hat sexually unbalanced community. When viewed within the context of
this unusual situation, greater relevancy can be ascribed to specific documented
patterns of behavior. Prodigious drinking bouts have certainly never been the
exclusive dom ain of pirates, or even of mariners. Nonetheless, shipboard life
and maritim e activity has long been inextricably associated with the
consum ption of alcoholic beverages, most commonly ale and rum (P. Pope
1989). The psychologically and economically marginalizing nature of life at sea
no doubt have been significant elements contributing to this association during
the past three centuries.
G roup practices of alcohol consumption are often explained by
anthropologists and sociologists in terms of the socially integrative functions
they perform and the sense of communitas they provide (see Heath 1991: 31-32
for an extensive list of ethnographic references). As emphasized by Douglas
"drinking is essentially a social act, performed in a recognized social context"
(1991: 4). For the baymen, that social context was the arrival of visitors to their
rem ote outpost. These visitors were the sole contact w ith the outside world,
bearers of news and commodities that linked the baymen to western society. The
arrival of a m erchant ship also represented a time of social cohesion for the
settlers, since it was then that they p u t down their axes, banded together at the
Barcadares, and reaped the fruits of their labor. Pope has discussed how in the
rem ote seventeenth-century Newfoundland cod-fishing community of
77
Ferryland, drinking binges may have marked periods of leisure in a task-
oriented economic system (P. Pope 1989: 90). This was undoubtedly the case for
the baymen as well.
The drinking sessions of wood cutters in Campeche were apparently so
extreme that the pirate/author William Dampier associated them directly with a
pirate heritage (Dampier I I 1906:156). Dampier stated that on his first visit to
Campeche "Our Cargo to purchase Log-wood was Rum and Sugar; a very good
Commodity for the Log-wood-cutters" (Dampier 11906:122). Dampier joined
the logwood cutters at Campeche for a time, and while there, he observed a
great deal of cooperative labor among the cutters, as well as an expectation that
outsiders w ould treat them with respect and acceptance of their undisciplined
ways.
When ships come in from Jamaica w ith Rum and Sugar, they are
too apt to m ispend both their Time and Money. If the commanders
of these Ships are Free, and treat all that come the first Day w ith
Punch they will be m uch respected, and every Man will pay
honestly for w hat he drinks afterwards; but if he be niggardly,
they w ill pay him w ith their w orst w ood, and commonly they
have a stock of such laid for that purpose; nay, they will cheat
them w ith hollow W ood filled w ith dirt in the m iddle and both
ends plugg'd w ith a piece of the same drove in hard, and then
sawed off so neatly, that it's hard to find out the Deceit. (Dampier
1906II: 179)
Evidently, the baymen engaged in heavy drinking as one activity in a network of
socially unifying expressions of cultural cohesion and independence, and also a
means of symbolic communication w ith outsiders. By expecting a "gift" of liquor
before any business was conducted, with the unstated assumption that they
would reciprocate w ith fair payment and an honest exchange of logwood, the
78
baymen extended their social world to include the merchant captains who
purchased their product, essentially requiring them to accept and participate in
the baymen's lifestyle, at least for the time they were in the settlement. Captain
Uring also took note of the drinking sessions he witnessed in Belize and found
them unusual enough to warrant careful description.
The W ood-Cutters are generally a rude drunken Crew, some of

w hich have been Pirates, and most of them Sailors; their chief
Delight is in drinking; and when they broach a Quarter Cask or a
Hogshead of Wine, they seldom stir from it while there is a Drop
left: It is the same thing when they open a Hogshead of Bottle Ale
or Cyder, keeping at it sometimes a Week together, drinking till
they fall asleep; and as soon as they awake, at it again, w ithout
stirring off the Place. Rum Punch is their general Drink, which
they'll sometimes sit several Days at also; they do most W ork
w hen they have no strong Drink, for while the Liquor is m oving
they don't care to leave it. I had a very unpleasant Time living
am ong these People, though they p aid me a considerable
Deference; and when they killed a Deer or wild Fowl, I was always
sure to have part of 'em; but I should have been m uch m ore
agreeable to 'em, if I w ould have kept ’em Com pany at their
drinking Bouts. (Uring 1726: 355-56)
A strong association undoubtedly exists between the early logwood cutting life
and the consumption of large quantities of alcoholic beverages. Alcohol m ay
have represented one of the few outlets available in the rigorously monotonous
and physically demanding routine of the logwood cutter. The practice of
massive alcohol consumption by all wood-cutting partners at the time of
exchange and the expectation of generosity and participation on the part of
visitors was no doubt linked to the Atlantic maritime cultural system outlined
by Rediker, which emphasized collectivism, antiauthoritarianism, and
egalitarianism. Massive alcohol consumption appears not to have been an
Z9
everyday event, but rather, part of a ceremony that punctuated the routine
monotony of wood cutting life.
M odern social rituals surrounding alcohol consum ption stress group
participation and a m utual recognition of a set of rules and systems that result in
an enhanced sentiment of fraternity among the drinkers (Schivelbusch 1992:
172). The assum ption that alcohol acts as a social facilitator w hen consumed in
the proper situation seems to be one of the few truly cross-culturaliy uniform
attitudes about the beverage (Marshall 1979: 453). Other archaeological studies
have elucidated how public drunkenness can serve as a statem ent of
independence and defiance of the moral codes of others (Bond 1989). The
m anner of the baymen's drinking was a very expressive statement of social
cohesion, and participation in it symbolized acceptance of the baym en's social
order. Conversely, non-participation, especially by an individual of externally-
defined rank (such as ship's captain) resulted in responses ranging from
discomfort, as with Captain Uring, to outright rejection and rebellion, as w ith
Dampier's parsimonious merchant captain.3
Since historical descriptions that document profuse drinking can be
argued to be the product of a class bias between merchants and lower-class
laborers (though less so in the case of Dampier than w ith Uring), it is necessary
to look for corroborating archaeological evidence of this activity that can further
elucidate the social motivations and rituals surrounding this practice. The
archaeological evidence of alcohol consum ption from both the New and Belize
River valleys is explored further in Chapter Five.
80
Maritime Subsistence: A Garnish of Imports
From the earliest English settlement at Belize through the end of the
eighteenth century, patterns of subsistence in the settlem ent bore a set of
characteristics that were relatively unique to the Caribbean region. M utually
supporting circumstances that influenced the grow th and maintenance of these
subsistence patterns included the baymen's seasonal settlem ent pattern, their
readyJ access to naturallv erow ins ioroducts. and external factors such as the
J k j k j '
agreements, treaties, and continuous threat of hostilities w ith the Spanish. In the
early years of the settlement, occupation was very light and of an extremely
transient nature. There was little purpose in engaging in labor-intensive
agricultural activities which involved clearing, planting, and harvesting the
product when there was the more lucrative prospect of harvesting logwood in
exchange for imported food, goods, and sometimes money. In addition,
uncultivated forest products and various aquatic creatures from the ocean,
lagoons, and rivers were plentiful, as long as the settlement population
rem ained low.
During Captain Uring's four-month stay w ith the baym en in the Belize
River valley in 1720, he described a subsistence base composed largely of
uncultivated products collected locally by the inhabitants, and often shared
among them. At the coastal settlement, the focus of exploitation w as on marine
resources.
Among the small Islands or Keys in the Bay, are great N um bers of
green Turtle, w hich the Bay-men never w ant w hen they fish for
’em, and are mostly taken in Nets. The Manatee is often found here,
and there is likewise great Quantities of several sorts of excellent
Fish, am ong w hich the Jew Fish exceeds in goodness; they are
shaped something like a Cod, but thicker in Proportion, and m uch
better eating; they have very broad Scales, and some of them
weigh Eighty Pounds. (Uring 1726:358)
While farther inland, riverine resources were equally abundant:
There are great Numbers of Guanoes [iguana], upon whose Eggs

we often feasted, drinking 'em mix'd in Punch. All their Rivers and
Creeks are full of Fish, which also swarm with Allegators, that will
seize a Man in the Water. I have tasted of their Flesh, which is
coarse; and eat of their Eggs, but they are not so good as a Turtle's
or Guanoe's. (Uring 1726:356-7)
None of these food resources required the development of specialized
new skills or strategies for acquisition. Mariners familiar with tropical and sub
tropical waters were well acquainted with sea turtles, which were often kept
alive aboard ships for long periods as a source of meat. Craig (1966: 77) places
strong emphasis on the exploitation of turtle, obtained through hunting and
harpooning, as a source of meat for fishermen, mariners, and wood cutters in
Belize from the earliest occupation through the 1890s. A 1764 Spanish m ap of the
English settlement at St. George's Cay, labeled Cayo Cosina, clearly shows the
presence of turtle pens, a common practice employed in tropical regions to keep
the animals alive until they were ready to be eaten (Cartografia de Ultramar 1949-
1957). Hunting of local species of reptiles, fish, and aquatic mammals also was
probably accomplished in a non-specialized opportunistic manner.
Preventing the baymen from producing their own cultivated foodstuffs
may have enforced a conscious degradation of the settlers' notions of being a
perm anent community with a stable resource base. The baymen appear to have
obtained imported cultivated products whenever possible, possibly preferring
dried and preserved "civilized" products to fresh but wild local foods.
82
It is likely that the baymen were able to take advantage of plant species
growing around abandoned farms that had formerly been m aintained by Maya
inhabitants. Concentrations of formerly cultivated plant species will often
survive for a few generations before dying off or dispersing at low density into
the surrounding forest. It is not uncommon today to encounter dense
concentrations of mango, guava, and citrus trees in areas of "high bush" where
plantations had been abandoned fifty years previous. While these are more
long-lived arboreal species than those cultivated by the early historical period
Maya of the region, there were probably small groups of Maya inhabitants
occupying the central Belize River valley, abandoning their land as the
European settlers encroached. While residing w ith a small community of
Englishmen on the Mosquito Shore in 1712, Uring noted that both settlement
pattern and diet were affected by the proximity to plantains, which "grow in old
Indian Plantations, which had been long since deserted.. .The Reason why so
m any People resided together at this River, was for the Conveniency of those
Indian Plantations" (Uring 1726:182). In this manner, the settlers benefitted from
the effects of a landscape greatly modified by millennia of Maya habitation,
though there were few Maya remaining.
In discussing trade with passing ships, John Atkins mentioned "Beer,
Flower, or any sort of Provisions" among the commodities sought by the
baym en (Atkins 1735: 228). The typical provisions carried by ships of the day
both for transport and consumption by the crew would have included milled
grain and casks of salted pork, beef, and fish. Although the image of a chunk of
boiled fatty salt pork and a barely leavened hard ship's biscuit may not sound
very attractive in this day and age, it is precisely the diet that the baymen would
83
have been m ost accustomed to, that is to say, English sea rations. Indeed, a pan
fried w heat biscuit called a "Johnny Cake" [a.k.a. "journey cake"] m ade from
im ported flour is a common Belizean breakfast today.
The extent to which food and activities surrounding food consum ption
serve as a m eans of symbolic communication has been explored from a variety
of perspectives, w ith few commonly-accepted rules about the meaning of
specific eating behaviors (Levi Stauss 1969; Barthes 1973; Bourdieu 1984;
Douglas 1984a). The m anner in which m igrant populations change or resist new
foods and patterns of acquisition and preparation is highly variable, and
Douglas argues that commonly-held notions of a natural hum an tendency
tow ard consumer conservatism in this area are mere m yth (Douglas 1984b: 4).
The imm igrants to Belize, however, were not being absorbed into a pre-existing
culture that had a fully established set of behavioral patterns surrounding food
consumption. Rather, they were m igrating into w hat was for them a culturally
vacant area, into which they imposed and adapted their own notions of proper
eating behavior. Therefore, it is to be expected that English maritime laborers,
socially and physically marginalized on a desolate section of coastline at the very
fringes of civilization, caught between the haughty Catholic Spaniards and the
sweltering, m osquito-ridden jungle, would cling to whatever slender linkage to
m ainstream English culture was accessible to them. Additionally, sailors'
comestibles, being well preserved, conveniently stored, and easily transportable,
w ere ideally suited to the needs of the transient baymen, whose seasonal travels
carried them up and dow n the rivers on trips of m any months' duration. As
Beaudry has show n in the boardinghouses of nineteenth-century Lowell,
m odern perceptions of the desirability of a particular diet (based on scientific
84
u j -
approaches to nutrition) may have had little to do with past dietary selections
(Beaudry 1993). The early Bay settlers m ay have eschewed the freely available,
fresh, and uncultivated products that w ould be the ideal diet for a m odern
practitioner of macrobiotics, for the dried, preserved, and im ported products
w ith which they were familiar.
The acquisition of food items that is discussed here was part of an
overseas trade that included many non-food products as well, including a wide
array of goods made from durable materials that have been preserved in the
archaeological record and which are discussed in Chapter Five.
1750 to 1800: Colonizing the Belizean Wood-Cutting Frontier
The society that had evolved in Belize by the late eighteenth century was
the product of a series of distinct influences at work, affecting the inflow of
people into the settlement and the distribution of those people across the land.
This research will show that over the course of the century, these changing
influences contributed to a massive transformation of the society. O ut of simple
maritim e origins as a unified group of merchant seamen working cooperatively
w ith a specialized social and political organization (Rediker 1987; W eibust 1969)
grew a highly stratified social system dominated by a few land and slave-
holding magistrates and supported by the labor of the slaves (Bolland 1977). In
the following section I will show how the consolidation of political control by
the privileged group brought increased settlement in the hinterland up river, the
large-scale importation of slaves from Africa via Jamaica (Henderson 1811: 59),
and the exploitation of their labor in small groups on the periphery of the
85
settlement. The effectiveness of the consolidation of this power by the 1770s and
the paucity of documents attesting to lifeways during the first century of English
settlement have served to obscure the radical social transformation that took
place as the settlement burgeoned in the later eighteenth century. The
occurrence of this transformation and its resultant impact upon all aspects of
settler social life can only be inferred through analysis of the historical literature.
It is through archaeology of the actual settler camp sites from both periods that
the nature and consequences of this transformation can be assessed.
The social and economic system that led to the placement of slaves and
poor free settlers on the extreme periphery of the Belize settlement was part of a
larger pattern of expansion of the British overseas empire. Although every
example of frontier colonization by an expanding empire has elements that are
unique to it, historians, archaeologists, and others (e.g., Steffen 1980; Lewis 1984)
have attem pted to identify patterns that will help to classify frontiers into
"types." Defining these types via the economic motivations and organization of
the colonizing group aids in the study of convergent cultural adaptations and
the mechanisms for social transformation and growth.
Research into the colonization of frontier lands is ongoing within a
variety of disciplines. Anthropological models often employ cultural ecological
perspectives to explain patterns of expansion and change (Casagrande,
Thompson, and Young 1964; Hardesty 1980-81), while a variety of comparative
historical models focus primarily on the economic motivations and organization
of the colonizing group (Steffen 1980; Lewis 1984). This latter group often
classifies types of frontier situations under the categories "insular" or
"cosmopolitan." Cosmopolitan frontiers are usually short in duration and
8b
economically specialized, with close interacting links between the colony and
the parent state, and are heavily influenced by economic pressures from the core
state (Steffen 1980: xii). Examples of cosmopolitan frontiers include the
American fur-trading frontier, the ranching frontier, and the mining frontier. In
all of these situations, behavioral change is not seen as cultural adaptation to a
new environm ent but to the economic system in which this behavior plays a
role. The cutting of logwood and mahogany for the European market, the
dom inant activity in eighteenth-century Belize, was largely subject to overseas
market influences and would undoubtedly be considered the foundation of a
"cosmopolitan" frontier economy.
Insular frontiers, conversely, are long-term in nature, w ith diverse and
self-sufficient economic bases, and are places where a lack of significant contact
with the parent society leads to extensive independent social and cultural
adaptation to the immediate environmental surroundings (Steffen 1980: xviii).
The only type of American frontier experience that is recognized as truly insular
in nature was early trans-Appalachian agricultural colonization, because of the
economic self-sufficiency and the small num ber of interacting links between the
settlements and the m ain body of American civilization (Steffen 1980: xii).
Yet given the models devised, not all situations of frontier colonization
that existed can be so clearly defined and categorized. This is specifically true for
eighteenth-century Belize, where elements of both insular and cosmopolitan
development were active, either concurrently as part of one unified process, or
in alternating fashion as a result of rapidly changing external influences. In
m any respects, the Belizean frontier would be classified as insular, since it is
characterized by a long-term occupation, extensive adaptation to local
environm ental pressures, such as house construction (described in Chapter
Four) and most notably, the almost complete political autonomy of its
population. But at the same time the singularity of the economic orientation w ith
the strong impact of associated market-oriented influences and reliance on
im ported goods would be considered elements of a strictly cosmopolitan
frontier. The growth of the slave-labor system was a direct result of the high
dem and for the export product in Europe, yet the political oligarchy that
emerged as a result of that demand grew out of a lack of any centralized
leadership provided by the mother country. These seeming contradictions reveal
the unusual nature of early settlement in Belize and the unique set of external
and internal influences that affected the direction of growth.
The pattern of frontier occupation in the later eighteenth-century Bay
Settlement was a direct outgrowth of the use of compulsory labor for extraction
of an externally-desired resource. As the central focus of all social and economic
activities, the monocrop production of export commodities defined the chief
characteristics of plantation societies of the Caribbean region. These
characteristics included the dependence upon imports for subsistence products,
tendencies tow ard economic monopoly, and strongly defined social
stratification. The unusual nature of the forest-exploitative economy in Belize,
however, created different conditions of slavery than were prevalent on
plantations, either elsewhere in the Caribbean or in the southeastern United
States (Singleton 1985); but, naturally, historical documents are not explicit as to
how these differences affected the society of slaves. The integral
interrelationship between the slave society and the frontier economic pattern
88
becomes apparent w hen one reads Boliand's speculations about the differences
between the two conditions of slavery:
while most plantation slaves w orked in large gangs, sometimes

num bering a hundred or more, the slaves involved in m ahogany
extraction w orked in small groups of ten or twelve, and in the
extraction of logwood their groups could be even smaller.
The m uch sm aller size of the gangs involved in tim ber
extraction, and the isolation in which the gangs worked, may have
inhibited the spread of solidarity among large num bers of slaves
but it probably increased the solidarity w ithin the gang, whose
members w ould soon come to know and depend on each other
closely. (1988: 49)
It seems apparent that, although the later eighteenth-century Bay settlement had
a similar overall social structure to Caribbean plantation societies, the
characteristics of everyday social life in Belize were far different for the lower
social strata from those in the West Indies.
The late eighteenth-century Belizean wood-cutting frontier was the
dom ain of two groups of inhabitants: African male slaves laboring in well
organized teams, isolated from their families and social groups for m onths on
end; and poor independent claimholders laboring throughout the dry season,
probably making their homes on their claims alone, in small collective groups, or
with w hat family they had. Periodic trips to the coast were necessary to sell
their product and acquire essential goods, but most of the year w as spent away
from the entrepot and the magistrates who lived there year-round and whose
history is m uch better represented in the legislative and diplomatic accounts.
By the later eighteenth century, the settlement population had become
m uch more stable and balanced than in earlier years, and large num bers of
xt /->■»-* J i_~ 1_________ : n ri. i _ . , _ ____ . . r ..............
v; i i J i j iC.'c»iCtC.Atwb. x i i C ii . i C J J i C O C I u a i l O l I U .p l lV f c M d l
89
the wood cutting camps, however, has not been established via documentary
sources. Toward this end, analogy with other wood-extraction camps of later
date, particular those of early twentieth-century West Virginia studied by
Brashler (1991), is enlightening. Brashler hypothesized three types of logging
sites, each with a distinct gender makeup. Small-scale temporary shanty camps
were likely single-sex enclaves of males working cooperatively to cut a section of
forest. Women and children lived with the male laborers in the more substantial
family-company camps, which represent longer occupations. Mill towns, the
largest and m ost diversified logging communities, were associated with
extensive company holdings and wage-labor practices (Brashler 1991: 65). A
similar situation may have existed in the Belize logwood camps, in which the
small-scale independent wood cutters lived in the equivalent of family camps. It
is interesting to note that fifteen female individuals are documented in both the
1790 census and the 1787 m aps to have acted both as independent heads-of-
households and as holders of wood-cutting claims. The names of two women
appear as claimholders along the New and Sibun Rivers, but they do not appear
in the census three years later. Thirteen female heads-of-households appear on
the census, and the great majority are holders of slaves. The four white women
listed held a total of only six slaves (an average of 1.5 each), only one of which
(17%) was an adult male. The nine "free" (non-white) women heads-of-
households held seventy-two slaves (an average of 8 each), twenty-nine of which
(40%) were adult males. One might surmise from this evidence that the
independent free wom en in late-eighteenth-century Belize were actually
engaged in more wood-cutting activities than were the independent white
women, who m ay have held slaves more for domestic purposes.
Population Distribution and the Emerging Economic Elite
The research of Bolland (1977) serves as the bellwether study of
eighteenth-century life in the Bay Settlement. This path-breaking research is
based on documents that relate primarily to life in the coastal community at the
m outh of the Belize River. As Bolland himself notes and laments, no adequate
historical documentation exists that elucidates life within the wood-cutting
camps themselves. Therefore, the documentary research conducted prior to the
archaeological field survey was designed both to aid in site identification and
also create a geographic, social, and economic framework for interpretation of
the sites discovered.
Documentary Research. The strategy of data collecting and means of
manipulation described below are oriented toward producing a dataset for later
eighteenth-century wood-cutting camp life. Analysis of the documentary
information, detailed in this chapter, was step one. Step two was the
archaeological study of the actual settler camp sites investigated using the
historical documents as a guide both for location and interpretation. Of
particular importance in this process are num erous eighteenth-century m aps of
the settlement, m any of which show wood-cutting camp locations along the
Hondo, New, Belize, and Sibun River drainages in great detail. One group of
maps surveyed and draw n by David Lamb during 1787 provides a nearly
complete survey of the settlement and its occupants and contains names of
settlers, locations, and approximate sizes of their claims along the various
watercourses and swamps (CO700 BH no. 11,13,14). Lamb was commissioned
by the settlement Superintendent, Marcus Despard, to survey the complete
settlement by the recently-appointed superintendent who answered to the
colonial authority in Jamaica. These m aps also depict small villages, nucleated
settlements, specialized activity areas, cattle paths for transport of mahogany,
footpaths for travel between unconnected lagoons and rivers, and other aspects
of the geographic layout of the Bay Settlement. The maps are useful to interpret
the spatial and economic organization of Belizean wood cutting society, and the
areas of high site probability that served as the initial focus of the field survey
that followed.
The data gleaned from the maps were evaluated from a dual perspective.
Firstly, the m aps served as an initial step in developing a field program, since no
historical period wood-cutting camps had been identified at the initiation of the
project. The maps produced by Lamb in 1787 are also valuable as tools by which
the geographic layout of the settlement, including the physical organization of
resource exploitation, processing, and commodity transportation, can be
reconstructed.
Lamb's survey was produced at a time when the Belize settlement was
well established, heavily occupied, but at a crisis stage; the Mosquito Shore had
just been evacuated, and the significant threat that the British government
w ould eventually capitulate to Spanish demands for evacuation of Belize was an
im pending reality. It is interesting to note that the survey shows in painstaking
detail the meandering rivers that extend great distances inland, with a complex
netw ork of lagoons, many of which were determined to exist during field
survey, but which are not represented on m odem topographic maps. Scores of
occupied, unoccupied, and abandoned claims line these watercourses; nam es of
settlers accompany the claims, and occasional place names of landings, rivers
and lagoons, such as Caledonia and Pall Mall, give the unarguable impression
that this is a heavily-occupied region with a stable community of British subjects.
A critical approach to the interpretation of maps of this period emphasizes the
political message behind the images. For instance, Harley (1988: 57) takes the
view that "cartography was primarily a form of political discourse concerned
with the acquisition and maintenance of power." As such, Lamb's official,
government-sanctioned product legitimized the settlement as an established and
economically feasible British enterprise, and not merely as "an open recepticle
for outlaws, felons, foreigners, and all such men as fly from justice, or are fond of
a licentious life," as was claimed by others who wanted the settlement
abandoned (Robert White to unknown; CO 123/3). Lamb's two-dimensional
presentation showed the settlement as a continuous system of interconnected
waterways, the baymen's highways, w ith greatly underrepresented areas of
essentially unoccupied forest in between. The epistemological silences in
betw een the detailed watercourses are greatly reduced, being areas not visited
by Lamb since the residences were all closely hugging the river banks. The
watercourses were avenues of relative security amid the densely forested
landscape, w ith all of its perceived dangers and unpredictable elements, such as
wildlife, difficulties in transportation, and indigenous populations.
Based on his interpretation of the maps produced by David Lamb, who
was himself a slave-holding resident of the settlement, the Superintendent
reported that "by fictitious Collusive Copartnerships" between masters and
servants, a small group of m en held at least 4 /5 of all the mahogany works on
the rivers (Burdon 1 1931:161; CO 123/6, Despard to Lord Sydney, M arch 4,
1787). W ithout Lamb's maps, the situation m ay otherwise have been hidden to
the Superintendent, w ho could only have had first-hand experience if he had
traveled into the hinterland to locate a prospective claim for himself that was
accessible, near the river, and not already under claim by another.
A large corpus of documents, also in the Colonial Office (CO) files of the
PRO, date mostly from the 1780s onwards and form the basis of the most
significant contributions to the history of Belize (partially extracted in Burdon
1931-35). These documents provide a great deal of information concerning daily
life and trading activities in the colony during the later eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Two m anuscript items from this collection are of particular
importance to this study:
a) "The Present State of the British Settlers in H onduras," dated 1790,
distinguishes four classes of "British" (i.e., white) property-owning settlers and
is divided into categories based on the extent of their land claims, as well as their
occupations for the few w ho were not principally wood cutters (CO 123/9: 248).
This list defines four classes of settler, categorized as follows:
-C utters & Exporters of Wood possessed of Considerable property

(followed by 13 names),
•C utters of Wood Possessed of Less property (followed by 34 names),
8Cutters of W ood of Small property (followed by 24 names),
•Housekeepers & Traders (followed by 24 names).
Although this list includes only white British males, it is a relatively complete
accounting of the heads of wood-cutting operations in 1790 and the relative
importance and perceived value of their land holdings and operations.
b) A docum ent of great importance, of which surprisingly little notice has

1 __________ : J 1 1— * — • : * c T-> _ T _ . • .. C . . . . :/!_ rv. : - - -
p U iv i U y i U b t \ J i i c i i Lb U i lb a iL C Q iiy e C llb U .5 1U 1 111C L > C iy O C I l l t i l I d 11
94
(C0123/9: 256). This census is organized by heads of households, w ith "White
Men, White Women, White Children, Free Men, Free Women, Free Children,
Slave Men, Slave Women, Slave Children" each listed in separate columns by
name. This census not only lists the names of all individuals, free and slave, but
it displays the m akeup of households, showing such interesting elements as
family size and num ber of children, interracial partnerships, and occasional
female heads-of-households.
Integration of data. By integrating information from the census data and
settler class list with the map information displaying the num ber and locations
of claims held by individual cutters, I have been able to distinguish and locate
geographically those wood-cutting works claimed by cutters with large slave
holdings from those that operated with only a few or no slaves (Finamore 1989).
Initially, settler claims shown on the maps were tallied for the different river
drainages, and combined to assess the total num ber of wood-cutting works
claimed by each head-of-household in 1787, the year that the m aps were
produced. When the m ap indicated that a claim was jointly held by two or more
parties, it w as counted as a single claim for each, since the limitations on the
num ber of claims laid down in Burnaby's Code did not specify that joint claims
should be treated any differently. Further, no accounting was m ade for
sometimes obvious differences in the size of claims shown on the maps, since
Burnaby's Code defined an ideal size standard for all claims. Naturally, there is
no way to determine the concentration of desired wood on each claim, a
measure of its relative productiveness. Nor was any accounting m ade for the
appearance of more that one hut draw n on the maps within the boundaries of
any individual claim.
Table 1: Slave O w nership and W orkforce D ensity on New River Claim s
Wood cutters Ave. # Ave. # of Slaves Ave. # of

Possessed of of Claims per Household Slaves per Claim*7
"Considerable
property" 3.0 52.0 26.0
"Less property" .9a 20.0 16.0
"Small property" .6a 6.0 3.0

"Housekeepers
& traders" n.a. 12.0b n.a.
a- Averages o f under one claim per wood cutter may reflect oversight by the surveyor of small,
distant, jointly held, or transient wood cutting works,
b- H eavily skew ed by a single individual, possibly a slave merchant, with no wood-cutting claims
and 107 slaves.
c- For only those households w hose number of claims is known.
The total num ber of slaves held in the households of each claim holder
was then divided by the number of claims held, to identify the average num ber
of slaves available to work on each claim. This procedure is not based on the
assum ption that all claims of a single holder were being worked simultaneously,
but it serves as a measurement of the minimal amount of labor available for
investm ent on the totality of land held by claim holders within each category.
The resulting data strongly suggest that in defining the wealth and resultant
social position of the settlers, the term "property" was used as a m easurem ent of
both the am ount of land and the number of slaves held.
96
It is immediately identifiable from Table 1 that there was great diversity
in the sizes of wood-cutting teams among the different claims, and that these
differences strongly affected efficiency of the different categories of operation.
Further, and m ore im portant for this study, it is readily apparent that life within
these different categories of wood-cutting camp varied tremendously, from the
small independent ventures to the larger slave-operated undertakings.
In order to identify patterns existing in the geographic layout of the
wood-cutting works and to distinguish those camps that operated w ith large
slave labor forces as part of multi-claim enterprises from those that used only a
few or no slaves on usually only a single claim, the settler class list (CO 123/9:
248) was integrated w ith the survey m aps (CO700 BH nos.12,14) and the
different classes were highlighted. This procedure captures an interesting visual
image of settlement distribution w ithin the various river drainages in the Bay
Settlement circa 1787-1790. The distribution of the different strategies of claim
utilization, interpreted using the w ood cutters' own criteria for class distinction,
portrays an image that is quite different for each river drainage, b u t that exhibits
a well-organized strategy of resource exploitation, investment of hum an capital,
and w ithin that, of settlement of the hinterlands by wood-cutting slave laborers
and poor independent cutters w orking alone or in groups. The presence on the
m aps of wood-cutting works that were already abandoned at the time of the
survey contribute to the emerging chronological patterning of physical
expansion away from the entrepot.
In the New River drainage, the distributional pattern of the different
strategies of claim utilization is easily discerned (Figure 7). The land nearest the
m outh of the river to the north, which can be efficiently worked and easily
- Cutters of Considerable Property
ITFjTJ • Cutters of Less Property
• Cutters of Small Property
30 0 0
>OO0o 3 - Abandoned Wood-cutting Claim
o
30 0 0
Figure 7: Strategies of claim utilization in the New River, circa 1787-1790.
98
transported and, hence, is most desirable, is under claim by the wealthiest and
most powerful class of settler, "Cutters & Exporters possessed of Considerable
property." Poorer wood cutters of "Less Property" and "Small Property" are
settled progressively farther up the valley. Transportation of the cut wood from
these remoter parts down river to the Barcadares for sale is an additional labor
investment above that of cutting and chipping. Wood cutters who needed to
locate new stands for exploitation and who did not have access to large
workforces had to go farther upriver and into the areas where transportation
would be much more difficult and would greatly reduce profit. Movement into
these areas would seriously decrease the efficiency of their operations over time,
and would never lead to an accumulation of capital that could rival that of the
larger entrepreneurs. The on-the-ground signature of this economic and spatial
stratification among the wood cutters is investigated in the survey component of
this research, and described in Chapters Four and Five.
In the Belize River valley, intensive wood cutting had gone on possibly
for as m uch as one hundred years by the time Lamb's survey was conducted in
1787. The settlement at the Barcadares, which had figured so prominently in
Uring’s description of 1720, was no longer a major focal point of population
agglomeration in the lower Belize River valley, and a new concentration had
developed, both near the river m outh at today's Belize City and at a location
slightly inland, identified on the maps as "Convention Town." Abandoned
wood-cutting works along Black Creek and the western bank of New River
Lagoon attest to a pattern of expansion westward via the Belize River over the
course of the eighteenth century (Figure 8). The cutters traveled progressively
farther inland, up the Belize River and its tributaries, from creek to lagoon, and
99
-fi*
' 'j,*"
JSa - Cutters of Considerable Property
/.."J - Cutters of Less Property
- Cutters of Small Property
- Abandoned Wood-cutting Claim
Figure 8: Strategies of claim utilization in the Belize River, circa 1787-1790.
eventually overland to the stands of wood at the southern end of the N ew River.
This suggests a strong occupation of the m ore southerly and prom inently
situated Belize River valley with intensive resource expoitation in the inland
regions accessible from it, prior to any significant settlement along the New
River. Early accounts of travel corroborate the centrality of the Belize River to
the budding colony (Uring 1726; Cook 1935 [1769]). As is evident from the
descriptions of Royal Navy Lieutenant James Cook, wood transported dow n the
New River w ould necessitate travel in dangerous proximity to the Spanish
garrison at Bacalar near Chetumal Bay and the military lookout at the m outh of
the Rio Hondo.
The large wood-cutting works along the upper branches of the Belize
River valley are situated beyond the prim e logwood environm ent and are
undoubtedly oriented exclusively toward m ahogany extraction (see Figure 2).
The intensive focus on mahogany exploitation by the 1780s suggests that these
rem otest camps represent the area of most recent expansion of the settlement,
into regions of no practical interest to the settlers in previous years. The
expansion of the wood-cutters' range associated with the shift to m ahogany
m ust have had great implications for the Mayan inhabitants of these regions,
though encounters have gone essentially unrecorded.
Thompson (1974) identified and Millet Camara (1984) has discussed how
large canals had frequently been constructed in the Rio Candelaria region of
Campeche to aid in the extraction of logwood throughout the nineteenth century
and possibly much earlier. Many of the canals in northern Belize under intensive
study by prehistoric Mayanists do not conform to the agricultural models
developed to explain their construction and use (Siemans 1977; Pope and Dahlin
1989). At least one large canal was constructed during the nineteenth century to
bypass rapids on Booth's River, a tributary of the Hondo, facilitating the
movem ent of timber toward the coast. This canal is clearly illustrated on a m ap
in the PRO dated 1858 (CO700 BH no. 20). Although this study does not argue
that extensive canals were constructed by eighteenth-century English and
African wood cutters in Belize, such construction m ight have implications for
the length of occupation, relative availability of claims, and financial investm ent
in the individual claims. The construction of canals w ould have represented a
significant investment in the occupied land that suggests more than just
transient occupation on each claim. An initial investment in the construction of a
canal from an isolated logwood stand to a major river could possibly have been
profitable in the long run, compared to transporting w ood great distances down
river or around rapids from less accessible cutting works. But it w ould only be
efficient if convenient uncut claims were not readily available and the
investment in a canal was less expensive than shipping w ood from a claim
farther up river. This suggests that location on the river was a significant and
recognized factor in claim profitability. It is most likely that any canals in Belize
that do not fit characteristics for prehistoric Maya construction were used for
logwood transport, unless they are sufficiently deep (2 to 3 meters) to have
transported the larger diameter mahogany.
Secret and Forbidden Gardens
As the community grew throughout the eighteenth century, patterns of
settlement and also of subsistence became necessarily m ore complex. Tire
increased num ber of people alone m eant that naturally growing food w as not as
•% r \ r*
IU Z
readily available. By 1779, the settlement amounted to 500 English and 3000
slaves (Bolland 1977: 30). Although treaties with the Spanish periodically gave
the English the legal right to harvest wood from the forests of northern Belize,
they were forbidden cultivation of the earth either for commercial plantations or
for their own subsistence. This external restriction imposed by the Spanish
government served to suppress the natural inclination toward increased stability
and reliability of resource production and supply.
The 1786 Convention of London acknowledged greater freedom of the
English settlers to harvest wild fruits and cut any wood that grew in the Bay, but
the Spanish continued to place great restrictions on provision grounds, or
"plantations" as they were called, even when maintained strictly for private use.
In 1779, just prior to the successful Spanish raid on St.George's Cay, an observer
noted
they have Plantations which they visit occasionally, where they

employ their Slaves in raising Provisions and cutting Logwood-
these Plantations extend along the banks of several Rivers . . . for
100 miles and upwards; -th e Banks of the Belize in particular are
settled above 200 miles. (Bolland 1977:30)
The tem ptation to plant gardens in the seemingly remote landscape must have
been great, and Bolland (1977:58) notes the regularity with which slaves would
provide food and income for themselves and their families in such a manner.
The need for the actual production of large quantities of food up river resulted
from the increased population, largely slaves, that emerged with the shift to the
more labor-intensive mahogany cutting. The high dem and for labor for wood
cutting also m ust have siphoned potential investment in labor away from the
1 11__ _ J ______J _________ . ! .. ................... „• . _ Li. ___ . .1 ___
i.C/C.Ui.iy piUCii-iCAJU. UCjUUCiL cilbUlJJLL^ a bllCil^LlIC1 ICd ICliaiICC UiL
imported food. A curious m ap in the PRO, dated 1787, however, clearly
illustrates num erous plantations along the Sibun River at the southern limits of
the treaty zone (C0700 BH no. 15). The map portrays one large building
surrounded by m any smaller structures, all in orange, all surrounded by
rectangular areas of green and yellow plants (see Figure 9). Though its
significance and veracity of date are not established, this map suggests the
existence of a significant food-producing center for the settlement on the Sibun
River during the eighteenth century in direct contravention of Spanish authority.
Even if plantations were augmenting the food supply of the settlement, large
quantities were still being imported.4
Spanish restriction on plantations enforced strong reliance on expensive
imported foods for subsistence. The degree of reliance on this source of
foodstuffs was illustrated in a rare, positive fashion during October 1771, when
it was reported that locusts had caused famine in the area around Ambergris
Cay in the Bay of Honduras, and the resident Spaniards had to send to Belize for
flour (A R 1772:163). Bolland and Shoman (1977) have argued that the nature of
an extractive timber economy with no significant indigenous investment in the
land discouraged regular self-sustaining subsistence practices that developed in
more sedentary agricultural colonies. That legacy can still be seen today in
Belize's heavily import-oriented subsistence base.5 In any event, the Spanish ban
on agriculture did have the result of preventing self-sufficient subsistence
patterns and food-producing practices from developing in the Bay Settlement
throughout the eighteenth century. The poorly developed infrastructure for local
food production has continued up to recent times, though greatly reduced in
recent years through foreign investment in the fishing industry (Craig 1966: 221),
104
-c
■f*
0 6 12 18 mi.
Figure 9: Tracing of a portion of a 1787 map depicting plantations on the

Sibun River (CO700 BH no. 15).
105
and a variety of government projects including a recent spate of radio
advertisements encouraging Belizeans to raise their own pigs rather than
consume imported canned ham.
The Spanish restriction on plantations also had great impact on the
accumulation and reinvestment of capital by the settlers. There was no incentive
to clear land and construct substantial homesteads because of vulnerability to
Spanish attack, so the settler wealth had to be mobile and transportable.
Reinvesting in slaves was one method. The inability of the successful inhabitants
to invest in their home environments prevented the natural evolution in attitude
toward the land from a short-term cosmopolitan frontier to a perm anent, settled
community. The archaeological signature of a community with a strong reliance
on im ported foodstuffs and little investment in the settlers' surrounding
environm ent w ould no doubt be distinctive, but in exactly w hat ways w ould
these characteristics be manifested? It is logical to expect to find higher
percentages of bulk-sized storage vessels from commercially prepared foods
than at comparable sites w ith reliable local sources of subsistence products.
These storage containers would potentially take the range of forms and styles
outlined by Jones (1993:25), including vessels of glass, ceramic, fiber, wood, and
metal. As can be seen in Appendix 1, m any easily identifiable commercially
packaged containers were recovered from nineteenth-century contexts in the
N ew River valley. The extremely small am ount of embossed glass and printed
ceramics produced during the eighteenth century, however, m eans that
indentifying commercially packaged foods from that time is a m ore challenging
problem. This issue is further discussed in Chapters Four and Five.
106
Export Demand and Social Change
Within the context of the changing colonial social system, the process of
frontier expansion in Belize appears to have diverged significantly from
generally accepted models of British colonialism, combining elements of what
scholars have presented as distinct and mutually exclusive types of frontiers.
The rapid growth of the highly stratified class-based social system and the
oligarchical control maintained bv a few nrivileeed settlers were the products of

V-/ J I O 1
both "cosmopolitan" and "insular" influences. The dramatic growth of the slave-
labor system and continued strong reliance on imported goods was a direct
result of external factors such as a change in the commodity in demand and
Spanish legal restrictions. Yet the political oligarchy grew out of a lack of any
centralized political leadership from the parent country. Seemingly
contradictory elements of both insular and cosmopolitan development in a
single situation indicate that the early Bay Settlement was in constant flux,
initially isolated and independent, but rapidly developing economic and social
linkages that modified and reoriented the nature and direction of the adaptive
patterns on the frontier. O ur understanding of the interrelationships between
frontier settlement and exploitation strategies and the growth of colonial
societies will be increased through further intensive documentary analysis that
is integrated w ith archaeological study of the historical period sites in Belize.
1 V aluable inform ation regarding early English settlem ent in Belize also exists in Spanish
language archives, such as the Archive General de Indias, Seville, Spain, an d the Archivo General de
Simancas, Valladolid, Spain. Logistical lim itations, how ever, prevented the consultation of these
archives d u rin g the course of this project.
2 These pirate articles are reprinted and discussed in the m em orial of Philip A shton (Knight
1976: 2, n6). A m ong the articles, a few of interest are:
4. If any Gold, Jewels, Silver, &c. be found on b o ard of any prize or Prizes to the
value of a Piece of Eight, & the finder do not deliver it to the Q uarter M aster in
the space of 24 h ours he shall suffer w h at punishm ent the C aptain an d M ajority
of the C om pany shall think fit.
6. H e that shall have the M isfortune to loose a limb in time of Engagem ent, shall
have the Sum of Six H undred pieces of Eight, an d shall rem ain on board as long
as h e shall think fit.
7. Good Q uarters to be given w hen C raved.
10. N o Snaping of G uns in the H ould.
3 A aron Lopez of N ew port, Rhode Island was one logw ood m erchant p unished for his business
m anner. In O ctober 1765, Lopez w as inform ed that at a sale of his logw ood in Bristol, "one ton of
it w as full of tar w hich w e w ere obliged to pick out a n d sell at only £6" (Massachusetts Historical
Society 1 1914:116).
4 The follow ing is a partial list of im ports from 1787 to 1789 in "A n A ccount of the Im ports and
E xports of the Bay of H onduras" (C 0123/9):
Beef & Pork 1,500 barrels
H errings 465 barrels
Flow er 4,800 barrels
Biscuit 1,450 barrels
Indian C om , Rice,
Meal, Pease 350 barrels
Butter 400 firkins
Rum 37,000 gallons
Brandy, Gin, etc. 5,000 gallons
Beer 67 tons
M oscovado sugar 55 hogsheads
Refined sugar 20,000 po u n d s
Coffee 23 barrels
W ine 7,300 gallons
5 In the Econom ist Intellegence U nit's list of principal im ports into Belize in 1992, food w as the
third highest category at U.S.$49 million, exceeded only by m achinery at U.S.$67.8 m illion, and
m an u factured goods at U.S.$87 m illion (Country Report 1993: 4: 6). For com parison, the tw o chief
exports in this year w ere sugar at U.S.$37.6 million, an d citrus concentrate at U.S.$27 m illion.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
1no
mu
Chapter Four: Archaeology of the British Bay Settlement
A total of five months of archaeological field research was conducted
during two seasons in northern and central Belize. A regional archaeological
survey of the New River drainage during March and April of 1990 was
oriented toward the discovery of seasonal camps relating to the specialized
activity of timber exploitation. The 1990 season resulted in the recording and
surface collection of seventeen sites dating to the late eighteenth through the
nineteenth centuries. Of these sites, sixteen were previously unrecorded and
one was known, of which seven can be tentatively linked to locales of
occupation identified on a late eighteenth-century set of m aps held at the
PRO. A second season conducted during the sum m er of 1992 focused w ithin
the Belize River drainage on types of sites not represented along the N ew
River, in order to identify as near a complete sample of up-river camp site
types as possible. Investigations in the Belize River valley ’w ere oriented
toward locating and partially excavating two of the most significant
eighteenth-century sites in the early Bay Settlement.
This chapter presents the orientation and design of the field
investigations, the survey, surface collection, and excavation m ethods
employed, and brief discussions of each of the sites investigated during the
survey. The two river surveys are discussed in the order that they were
undertaken, the N ew River survey first and the Belize River survey second.
The prelim inary interpretations of the character and distribution of logwood
and m ahogany-cutting camps discussed here will be expanded upon in a
m ore synthetic m anner in the concluding chapter, following a careful
discussion of m aterial culture in Chapter Five.
The New River Survey
Archaeological investigation of the New River valley during 1990
included the survey of land along both sides of the river for more than sixty-
five kilometers of river course in order to locate as m any sites as possible that
relate to eighteenth and nineteenth-century w ood cutting. Soils, geology,
vegetation, and topographic maps of northern Belize figured prom inently in
the effort to delineate environm ental zones favorable for logwood grow th
and to identify m ore closely those settlem ent locales show n on the historical
m aps (Lundell 1942; W right 1959). Although the cartographic information
has been collected in recent times, it proved to be quite appropriate to use for
studying the past, since karstic landforms and drainage patterns on Lamb's
1787 m aps (CO700 BH nos. 11,13,14) appear very similar to those depicted on
the m odern topographic survey. The historical m aps were draw n w ith
extreme accuracy, and locations on them can be plotted by tracing the course
of the river from an easily identifiable point, such as the m outh or
confluence w ith another river, and m atching up individual m eanders w ith
those on the topographical m aps until the desired location is identified.
Field Strategies
The field survey focused on three systems of site location based on
different strategies of identifying areas of high probability: (1) locations where
110
actual w ood-cutter huts are depicted on the historical maps; (2) areas
identified either on the topographic m aps or through field survey that
display topographical features consistent w ith those of identified camp
locations (i.e., w ell-drained and usually slightly elevated locations adjacent
and accessible to the river); (3) areas identified by local informants.
The data collected from the historical maps were utilized to tareet a
JL KJ
total of thirty-six loci for initial investigation w ithin the 1990 project area
along the banks of the New River betw een the village of Guinea Grass in the
south and the Corozal Bay in the north. These loci were identified by
transposing the 1787 m aps onto a m odern topographical map using
m eanders in the river course as a guide. In addition, forty-three other loci
were selected for investigation because they possessed certain characteristics
that distinguished them as areas of high archaeological potential, even
though there was no known docum entary evidence to suggest occupation.
Evidence of occupation during the time period under study serves as
confirm ation of resource exploitation w ithin a locally defined area. Since
architecture is know n to have been extremely im perm anent well into the
later eighteenth century (Joseph 1977), evidence of occupation was almost
entirely limited to surface concentrations of ceramics, bottle glass, and other
artifacts on or near the more well-drained areas.
Of the seventy-nine potential loci of occupation investigated,
seventeen yielded archaeological deposits of the historical period (Figure 10).
These deposits ranged in extent from a few fragments of a single glass bottle
located near the river bank (NR23) to several hundred ceramic, glass, and
m etal artifacts distributed across a 12,125 m 2 area on level and well-drained
Corozal <^9 - ^
p r ^- Corozal Bay
NR4
Libertad
Estrella . NR14
NR16
Caledonia
NR21
NR20
NR23
NR34
NR31/32
San Eslevan
NR39
NR35
NR36
NR50
Orange Walk
NR58
NR66
Key
Guinea Grass - site

20 km
- village
15 mi
- bridge
- tow n
Figure 10: Historical sites in the New River valley.
112
terrain (NR36). A num ber of historical-period deposits were located amid
and atop Maya m ounds; a small quantity of Maya material was collected from
those localities where historical and prehistoric assemblages w ere mixed,
especially artifact types that could have been of original prehispanic
m anufacture but with subsequent historical-period reuse (e.g., a stone m ano
at NR66). However, areas containing only prehistoric m aterial w ere not
collected.
In part, the banks of the New River can be reached by road, particularly
around the towns of Orange Walk and Libertad, but large portions are
practically inaccessible by land and are best reached via the New River itself;
until the m id-twentieth century, w ater transport was the only viable m eans
of long-distance travel in the region (Leslie 1988). D uring the 1990 survey, the
majority of sites were reached using a 13' alum inum skiff pow ered by a 15hp
engine. The boat was based in centrally-located Orange Walk Town so the
farthest point in the project area (Corozal Bay) could be reached in about two
hours.
Site Survey and Identification
Impact of Local Vegetation. When a potential site area was identified,
it w as generally located w ithin one of four vegetational zones. G round cover
at the time of fieldwork had a strong impact on the success of initial site
identification, as well as the subsequent collection and determ ination of
overall site areas. The different states of vegetation encountered are as
follows:
113
1) High bush - The majority of areas of high probability for site
identification were very thickly vegetated and could only be m ade accessible
using a machete. G round cover w as generally very thick, and archaeological
m aterial could only be located through extensive site bushing and raking.
2) Felled bush - A small num ber of loci were in areas w here high bush
had recently been cut for a milpa, but the vegetation had not yet been burned,
obscuring the ground surface entirely. These locales w ere interm ittently
tested w ith shovel and screen in areas w here the ground could be made
accessible, but, in general, the density of felled trees prevented anything but
very lim ited exam ination.
3) H igh cane - Areas under sugar cane cultivation vary dram atically in
ground surface visibility, but after five m onths of grow th the dead outer
leaves form a m at of ground cover that is impossible to penetrate w ithout
burning the entire cane field. Therefore, a more system atic exam ination of
the areas that w ere in high cane during the spring of 1990 w ould require
another visit at a time shortly after a cane harvest.
4) Exposed ground surface - This category includes fields w here sugar
cane has been recently planted or recently burned and harvested, fruit and
vegetable gardens, tow n and residential clearances, and cattle pastures. The
great majority of sites that were located during the N ew River survey fell
w ithin this environm ent category. N ot only were these sites easiest to
identify, but they were also the m ost amenable to systematic surface
collection given the available resources. Therefore, it is natural to assum e
that those sites w hich w ere on exposed ground surface during spring of 1990
received m ore complete surface collection than others. A future survey of
114
the same region m ay reveal other sites of historical period occupation that
had been effectively concealed by vegetation during the time of the 1990
survey.
Surface Collection. Once located, the perim eter of each concentration
of historical m aterial w as m apped in relation to nearby landform s and
watercourses. At selected sites deemed appropriate, surface collection
followed the procedures employed at the sites of Sayil, Yucatan (Killion et al.
1989), and M atacapan, Veracruz, Mexico (Santley et al. 1985), where a
movable metric grid was laid over the cleared site area, and all cultural
m aterial w as intensively collected w ithin each unit. This w as followed by
raking the ground surface within each unit to collect surface material that
was obscured by leaf mold a n d /o r hidden by ground vegetation (see Geismar
[1982: 103] for use of surface raking as a collection strategy in historical
archaeology). The surface deposits were collected w ithin gridded units to
allow for the isolation of artifact distribution patterns that m ay indicate
activity areas w ithin the site, as well as changes in the site locational
orientation and function over time.
The New River survey was specifically organized w ith the goal of
identifying w hat were anticipated to be the m ost comm on settlem ents of the
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, that is, seasonal specialized-
activity camps related to the cutting of logwood and m ahogany for export by
inhabitants of British and African ancestry. O ther types of settlem ents were
encountered during the course of the survey as well, and these were also
investigated, collected, and analyzed w ithin the context of the regional
115
survey of specialized-activity sites. One result of this survey, therefore, is the
systematic archaeological documentation of the economic diversification in
Belize during the later nineteenth century following the decline of the
timber industry.
While surface collections were m ade at all sites where historical-
archaeological material was encountered, the majority of sites are dom inated
by mid- to late nineteenth-century occupation, a time when the economic
base of the settlement was diversifying and a greater array of resource-
procurem ent activities were taking place in the up-river hinterland. These
later sites include mixed agricultural/w ood-cutting/chicle-gathering
settlem ents of a more perm anent nature than the eighteenth and early
nineteenth-century wood cutting sites. A small sugar refining site know n as
Pueblo Nuevo (NR14) represents the limited industrial activity that took
place in the region during the late nineteenth / twentieth centuries. The later
nineteenth-century sites are characterized by sponge-decorated and transfer-
printed whitewares in a variety of colors; aqua, clear, dark green, and cobalt
blue bottle glass; and occasional iron kettle and large blade (machete)
fragments. At these sites, a 100% sample was collected whenever possible,
and the site locations and extent of deposition were m apped in relation to the
river course and significant landforms. Sites of the eighteenth and early
nineteenth century are characterized by creamware, pearlware, tin-glazed
earthenware, buff-bodied slipwares and slip-decorated redwares; dark green
or "black" bottle glass; and occasional gun flints.
Of the sites that contained artifacts of the earlier period, three were
selected for intensive collection because they exhibited a high density of
artifacts and lacked evidence for significant intrasite horizontal movement.
A t these sites surface collection was conducted w ithin a 5 m 2 unit grid. Each
u nit w as bushed to ground level, raked, and collected separately. The
smallest site was covered by 62 units (1,550 m2) while the largest was
composed of 485 (12,125 m2) individual collection units. Of the three New
River sites collected in this m anner (NR5, NR21, NR36), none yielded intra
site artifact distribution patterns that could be utilized to distinguish activity
areas or significant diachronic changes in locational orientation.
Shovel Test Pits. Systematic shovel-test pitting and screening w ith
1/4" m esh was conducted at twenty-five loci (118 test pits total) to identify site
presence w ith the greatest possible certainty. In areas of high vegetative
grow th where there was no visible surface scatter, shovel-test pitting did not
prove successful as a means of identifying sites. This is possibly attributable to
the likely dearth of subsurface deposits in the average wood-cutting camp
encountered. Even at sites where extensive surface deposits were located,
subsurface testing yielded extremely few artifacts or features (e.g., NR21,
NR31). Therefore, bushing and raking for surface deposits w as determ ined to
be m ore effective than shovel test pitting for locating sites w ithin the New
River valley.
Excavation. Only limited excavation in 1 m 2 units w as conducted w ith
trow el and screen at the sites discovered w ithin the New River Valley, for
reasons that are discussed elsewhere. One site at which excavation took place
w as M atthias Gale's Caledonia (NR21) to look for the existence of subsurface
features and possible house floors where surface collection indicated dense
occupation. In addition, an archaeological project conducted by Laura Levi of
the University of Arizona in 1990 excavated 2 m 2 of a small Maya m ound
w ithin the central portion of the artifact scatter at O'Brien (NR36), and an
additional 1 m 2 at the northern periphery of the historical-period site. The
sites NR21 and NR36 constituted the two largest localities of eighteenth-
century occupation located during the survey, yet neither of these
excavations yielded any significant deposits that w ould indicate that there
w ere sufficient subsurface resources to undertake extensive excavation at
these or other New River sites. Results of these excavations are discussed in
m ore detail below.
The Sites
The following is a list of localities investigated w here historical
archaeological m aterial w as recovered, along w ith a brief description of the
nature of the site and of the deposits. Information regarding the location of
the sites is provided in Figure 10. A comprehensive catalog of artifacts
recovered from the seventeen New River sites appears in A ppendix 1, and
artifact analysis appears in Chapter Five. U pon returning from the field, all
localities investigated were assigned a letter/n u m b er identifier. The prefix
NR indicates location w ithin the New River drainage; the 79 localities w ere
num bered beginning w ith 1 in the north at the river m outh and running
consecutively to the southern extremity of the project area. O ther NR-
num bered localities that are not m entioned in the following text were also
investigated during the field survey, either because of indications of
110
habitation from the historical m aps or because they presented visual
characteristics similar to previously identified sites. They are not described
below, however, because field examination resulted in the discovery of no
historical archaeological material.
N R 4. At 7.5 km from the m outh of the New River on the east bank of
the Pembroke Hall branch, the site NR4 is the locality closest to the m outh of
the river that yielded historical archaeological remains. A surface collection
of prim arily late nineteenth-century ceramics w as made along 30m of a path
extending due east from the river. The vegetation on both sides of the river
was thick low bush, obscuring the ground surface. No attem pt was m ade at
clearing the bush for further investigation since the material from the path
was of such late date.
N R5. The site of NR5, also on the east bank of the Pembroke Hall
branch, is notable for the Maya m ound right on the river bank at a sharp turn
in the river in otherwise very flat terrain. The site is approxim ately 8.25 km
from the river m outh. A cattle pasture w ith a farm house and pig sty extends
due east of the m ound and river, w ith very closely cropped grass and exposed
ground surface. Three distinct areas of dense deposition were systematically
collected in gridded units five meters on a side. Zone A, consisting of 10
units, is west of the house near the m ound and river; the area designated as
zone B (24 units) is north of the house near the pig sty; due east of the house
is the 28-unit area designated zone C. These three zones yielded a wide
variety of ceramics and glass of predom inantly eighteenth and early
nineteenth-century date.
NR14 (Pueblo Nuevo). The previously-docum ented nineteenth- and
twentieth-century sugar cane processing site of Pueblo Nuevo is located 8 km
from Corozal Bay. This site was, for the purposes of the survey, designated as
NR14. Local sources date the cane-processing activities to the years between
1887 and 1948, with a rum distillery also associated with the later years. A
well constructed landing w ith pilings and a limestone marl surface survives
at the river bank. A road extends 20°NE for approximately 200m up slope to
the rem nants of the factory. Large iron boiling pots, a poured cement floor,
an iron boiler, and a brick boiling structure w ith air shafts were likely all in
use up to the close of operations. This site is not associated with wood cutting
and w ould take extensive work to clear and map. Therefore, no attem pt to
systematically record the site was made. A small group of artifacts was
collected from the surface and all materials date to the above-cited period of
sugar cane processing. This collection was m ade in order to obtain a
representative sample of sites that document the broadening economic base
of the New River area over time.
NR16. Just north of the village of Caledonia 19.5 km up river on the
west bank, is a large field that was surveyed after it had been recently planted
w ith cane (2' high). Designated NR16, this site yielded a small assemblage of
mostly late nineteenth-century material collected from a series of low Maya
m ounds that had recently been looted and bulldozed.
NR20. A diffuse scatter of nineteenth-century ceramics and pipe
fragm ents was recovered approximately 25 kilometers from Corozal Bay, on
the east side of the river at the site designated NR20. The site is located on a
low rise that was thickly vegetated with, among other plants, m ature carozo
palms. A lthough the entire rise was investigated and portions were cleared,
artifacts were located only on the southeast side of the knoll, away from the
river. A lthough the site could be more closely investigated by bushing the
entire knoll, there were no diagnostically eighteenth-century artifacts in the
sam ple recovered. Therefore, it was determ ined that limited resources, time,
and energy w ould best be spent at other localities.
NR21 (Matthias Gale's "Caledonia"'). The site designated NR21 is
located approxim ately 25.75 km up river on the west bank at the confluence
of the N arrow s and Swasey Branches. This locality is identified on Lamb's
survey m aps of 1787 as the camp of Matthias Gale, "a cutter of considerable
property" (C0123/9: 248; see Figure 11). On this and other maps, the camp is
entitled Caledonia, apparently Gale's name for his property.1 Very little is
know n about Matthias Gale, a white settler who in 1’787 held one w ood
cutting claim on the New River (Caledonia) and one on the Belize River,
and who in 1790 held thirty slaves. Scant extant documentation indicates that
on Novem ber 16, 1789, settlement superintendent Marcus Despard appointed
M atthias Gale as "public Treasurer for the District allotted to British subjects
for the purpose of cutting wood in H onduras" (Burdon 1 1931: 181). Four
m onths later, in March 1790, Gale was appointed a Conservator of the Peace,
101J.
3r <*8Kie w
^<Qws(
N
I
H
6 mi.
Figure 11: Tracing of a portion of Joseph Lamb's 1787 m ap of the Bay Settlement
showing New River Settlements and Matthias Gale's Caledonia
(CO700 BH no. 14).
a judge of the settlement to preside over a court with twelve jurors (CO
123/12). His appointm ent was short-lived and he evidently died shortly
thereafter, since in September 1794 the then Public Treasurer pursued
prosecution for £500 for a settlement of the late treasurer Gale's accounts
(Burdon I 1931).
The site discovered during the river survey was a well-tended clearing
of elevated land (approximately 75 m north-south by 30 m east-west) planted
w ith row s of coconut palms and pineapple plants at the end of a path
extending 45° northw est from the river for 75 m. The perim eter of the
cleared area corresponds with the edges of the elevated land and also with
the extent of the surface scatter. Seventy-nine units were laid out along a
central north-south transect and collected according to the previously
described procedures (see Figure 12). This procedure yielded a broad range of
eighteenth and early nineteenth-century ceramics, glass, pipe fragments, and
gun flints. Unlike other sites where late eighteenth-century material w as
encountered, there was very little intermixed artifactual evidence of later-
nineteenth or twentieth-century occupation at NR21, except at the southern
end of the clearing near the path that runs to the river.
In addition to surface collection, six 1 m 2 test units were excavated
w ithin the site area. In one locale, two units w ere excavated where eroded
lim estone protruded through the topsoil, giving the appearance of prepared
com pact house floors. These units were excavated between 10 and 50 cm
below ground surface to compact limestone bedrock. No house floors and
extremely few artifacts were uncovered beneath the ground surface in this
area. Four additional units were excavated in the portion of the site
123
dense bush
dense bush
low swam p
dense b ush
low sw am p
edge of clearing
- and high ground
path
10m
35km to river
Figure 12: Site NR21, Matthias Gale's Caledonia, showing 5m2 collection units.
determ ined to be the locus of the most dense surface artifact scatter, since the
relative density of surface concentrations of artifacts is a good estimate of the
most intensively occupied portion of the site (or at least the area m ost likely
to retain subsurface evidence of occupation). Very few artifacts were
recovered from subsurface contexts; a 10 cm-diameter postm old feature did
yield a cylindrical chunk of wood, however, possibly the remains of a post
(species unidentified) at its base, approximately 40 cm below ground surface.
NR23 (T. Potts’). The locality identified on m odern m aps as "Narrows
Landing" on the east side of the river where the N arrow s and Swasey
Branches diverge was designated NR23. The rivers diverge 29.75 km from
the confluence w ith the sea. Although this area was correlated on Lamb's
m ap with the camp of T. Potts, a "cutter and exporter of considerable
property," only a small collection of glass from a single bottle, circa 1790-1820,
was located and recovered. Although survey did not identify the w ood
cutting camp of Bay Settlement m agistrate Thomas Potts, since it was
probably located elsewhere or was mismarked on Lamb's m ap, locating such
ephem eral deposits at non-occupation locales serves the purposes of a
regional survey. The divergence of these two river branches was not a
significant occupation center, as was the confluence at M atthias Gale's
Caledonia; it was, however, utilized for some purpose, such as a meeting
place for those floating logs dow n river or an overnight campsite for parties
traveling up river to their claims.
125
NR31. The site designated NR31 was identified at the north end of the
tow n of San Estevan on the east bank of the river. This locality is
approxim ately 32 km u p river. Recent bulldozing for an extension of the
m ain N orth-South road of the town exposed an area adjacent to the river
that yielded mixed eighteenth and nineteenth-century artifacts in extremely
disturbed context. The upper 20-30 cm of ground surface had been peeled up
and pushed into a pile along the river's edge; m any of the artifacts were
extracted from this pile, while others were collected from the surface of the
exposed subsoil. In an attem pt to collect less disturbed subsurface deposits, a
series of shovel tests w as excavated. Three transects, a total of ten shovel-test
pits each, were spaced at 10 m intervals; each pit was 50 cm on a side.
A lthough the test units that still retained some dark brow n clay topsoil
produced a few artifacts, most of the exposed surfaces of the units were sterile
gray clay subsoil. The great majority of the archaeological assemblage of this
site, then, came from the disturbed surface context.
The artifacts recovered from the site are predom inantly late
nineteenth-century in date, except for a small collection of eighteenth-
century ceramic material. Although no name appears associated w ith a claim
to this area on the historical maps, the claim of T. Potts (a different claim
from that at NR23) is directly across the river in a low and w et environm ent.
Therefore, contrary to Lamb's map information, it is presum ed that this was
the actual camp location associated with the T. Potts claim. This site is located
on the sam e point along the river but on the opposite bank than that
indicated on Lamb's map.
126
NR32. The site designated NR32 is directly south of NR31 and was also
disturbed by recent bulldozing activity. Site NR32 is separated from NR31 by
a narrow stand of trees; although these trees formed a som ewhat artificial
and m odern distinction between assemblages that probably otherwise formed
a single continuous deposit, artifacts recovered from NR32 are uniformly
m ore recent, dating predom inantly from the late nineteenth century. A large
surface collection was m ade from the heavily disturbed topsoil that had been
piled into a m ound on the western end of the clearing.
NR34. Site NR34 is located on the west bank of the river,
approxim ately 33.75 km from the coast. A low ridge and a small Maya
m ound w ere prom inent elevated features in an otherwise low-lying cane
field that had recently been burned and cut. The dense scatter of late-
nineteenth and twentieth-century artifacts clustered on the side of the ridge
that faces the w ater (south and east), not on the m ound that is farther from
the river bank. Since thick m atted rows of exfoliated cane leaves obscured 20-
30% of the ground surface, the collected material is probably an
underrepresentation of the surface assemblage. Because of the disturbance
from cane planting and cutting, however, the late date of the material
observed, and the location of the scatter on a surface subject to downslope
m igration, gridded units w ere not employed here.
NR35. Site NR35 is located .25 km farther upriver than NR34, on the
top of a hill located very close to the east bank of the river. The elevation is
unusually high, approxim ately 15m above the w ater level, and an
outcropping of bedrock is exposed at the top. In addition to a small num ber of
late nineteenth-century artifacts collected on the hill crest, a large quantity of
Maya ceramics was observed. A well with a m odern superstructure of cinder
blocks around the opening is located just south of the highest point of the
hill about 80m from the river. A very interesting find was m ade within the
shaft wall of the well: a very well preserved hum an hum erus, broken at the
proximal end, protruded from the wall approximately 20cm below ground
surface. The bone appeared far better preserved than most prehistoric Maya
burials, and m ay have been from a more recent, historical-period interment.
There was no visible evidence of further skeletal material or a burial shaft in
the well wall, and no excavations were initiated here since they w ould have
required disassem bling the well structure.
N~R36 fR. F. O'Brien'). Site NR36, just south of the village of San
Estevan, is located 34.25 km up river. Here, a grid of 485 units was laid down
w ithin a recently cut cane field containing two small Maya m ounds on a low
ridge running parallel to the east bank of the river. The site contained a thin
scatter of artifacts dating from at least the eighteenth century and possibly
m uch earlier (see Chapter Five discussion of enigmatic tin oxide-glazed
earthenwares) into the early tw entieth century, w ith a higher concentration
of earthenware storage jars and architectural fragments (bricks) than at any
other location investigated. The highest density of artifacts was found on the
west side of the southernm ost m ound, the part of the site that is closest to the
river. This area yielded a mixture of early and late-period artifacts, while the
collection units at the north end of the site yielded a higher proportion of
eighteenth-century buff-bodied slipwares and early nineteenth-century hand-
painted pearlwares. Although this site produced the largest quantity and
greatest diversity of artifacts of any in the New River valley, it appears to
have been occupied for a longer span of time and w ith a greater degree of
perm anence as well. The evidence for an unusually long-term occupation at
this site is further discussed in Chapter Five.
On the historical maps, the locale correlates to the claim of R. F.
O'Brien, "a cutter and exporter of considerable property." Although O'Brien
was one of the wealthiest residents of the Bay Settlement during the 1780s,
little is currently known about the individual or his business practices, other
than that he held eighty-two slaves and nine individually or partially-owned
wood-cutting claims on the New and Belize Rivers. Investigations in the
Belize Archives (BA), Belmopan, and the PRO w ould undoubtedly produce
additional valuable information regarding this wealthy resident.
Subsurface investigations were undertaken at a small Maya m ound in
the central portion of the surface scatter that constituted this site, not by the
author, but by Dr. Laura Levi as part of a regional study of settlement around
the Maya site of San Estevan (NR36 is located on the southern periphery of
that village). While the author was present, two 1 m 2 units were placed atop
the m ound in the center of dense historical-period artifact scatter, and
another was placed 90 m to the northeast in a zone of less dense surface
scatter. In neither of these areas was any substantive site structural data
uncovered, such as a hearth, foundation, or trash m idden, but only an
occasional artifact w ithin the tilled zone of disturbance. These excavations as
well as those undertaken at NR21 served as confirm ation that the intensive
surface collection procedures being employed were the m ost effective means
of data collection at these ephem eral wood-cutting sites, and that only very
few if any significant subsurface artifacts were m ade accessible through
excavation.
NR39 (Candido). The sharp eastward bend in the flow of the New
River know n today as "Candido" is approximately 36.25 km from the coast.
The location of site NR39, a 40 m long by 30 m wide dry flat area on the west
bank, is surrounded by lower wetland. The stretch of river just north of the
site is nam ed "Barkloggs" on Lamb's m ap, probably a reference to a location
w here rafts were kept for crossing the river.2 A thin scatter of surface material
at C andido indicated that test pitting in this area m ay locate a deposit w ith a
high density of material. Ten 1 m2 units were placed along three transects ten
m eters apart, yielding artifacts only in the units placed at the easternm ost and
w esternm ost ends of the level area. The majority of the datable artifacts
excavated were from the mid- to late nineteenth century and came from the
upperm ost dark brow n clay stratum that varied from 2 to 10 cm in thickness.
Fragm ents of a creamware m ug also suggested earlier occupation here.
NR50 (Fort M undv: R. F. O'Brien). At Orange Walk Town, the
foundation rem ains of Fort M undy stand on the slope between the Post
Office and the west bank of the river. Orange Walk is 48 km from the coast as
the river flows. This area w as previously tested by the Corozal Archaeological
Project (Coffman, Chase, and Chase 1980) and designated as site num ber
33/199-1. For the purposes of this survey Fort M undy was identified as NR50.
130
N o excavation w as undertaken in this area, and only one case bottle
fragm ent was recovered from mixed fill at a road cut to the east of the fort
near the river in addition to the artifacts recovered by the Corozal
Archaeological Project in 1978.
The entirety of current Orange Walk Town was the claim of R. F.
O'Brien, the same individual who also claimed the land at NR36. Therefore,
it is likely that any eighteenth-century archaeological materials retrieved by
the Corozal Archaeological Project, as well as that retrieved in 1990, relate to
this occupation rather than to the occupation of Fort M undy, which was
constructed in 1874 following an attack on Orange W alk in 1872 during the
Caste W ar (Edmond 1983: not paginated).
NR51 (R. F. O'Brien). Forty-nine km up river at the other end of
O range Walk Town from NR50, the site NR51 is located in the north yard at
the front entrance to La Im m aculada Roman Catholic church on Muffles
Street. The yard was chosen for a test excavation because it is the approximate
location of the camp associated w ith the claim of O'Brien on the historical
maps. After perm ission to excavate was secured from Father Curt, a i m 2 test
unit w as placed ten m eters north of the m onum ent at the center of the lawn.
Excavation was im peded by the extreme density of soil, a result no doubt of
the num ber of church and school-related functions that have brought crowds
to this plot of land. Artifacts from the upperm ost level of the unit date
m ostly to the tw entieth century; the second level, composed of crushed
limestone, contained m any unused cut nails that probably relate to the
period of construction of the church; the third level possessed a m ixture of
131
nineteenth-century glass and ceramics and heavily eroded prehistoric Maya
ceramics in a deep deposit of dark brow n clay midden. Although no
eighteenth-century artifacts were recovered that can be associated w ith the
early English settlement at Orange Walk, the dense Maya m idden no doubt
relates to a significant habitation on the hill now occupied by the town. It is
possible that the Maya ceramics from level three relate to the contact period
Maya village of Holpatin that was sighted on the New River by the earliest
Spanish visitors to the area.3 Holpatin is first m entioned on a list of towns in
Bacalar province in 1582 (Jones 1989: 287). The Franciscan friars Orbita and
Fuensalida encountered Holpatin during their May 1618 passage southw ard
up the New River toward the mission church of Tipu (1989: 138). The village
was still heavily occupied in 1638, despite attem pts to reduce it by Spanish
visitors from the colonial outpost of Salamanca de Bacalar to the north in
present-day Q uintana Roo, Mexico (1989: 208). By 1641, however, the village
was reported to be completely overgrown, having been abandoned and
burned by its rebellious inhabitants some time ago (1989: 217). It goes
w ithout saying that a great deal more archaeological testing is necessary to
determ ine w hether present-day Orange Walk Town overlies a significant
early historical-period Maya settlement.
NR58 (T. Gordon). Fifty-two and one-half km up river, inside a very
tight m eander on the west bank of the New River, a small surface scatter of
pearlware and pipe bowl fragments was collected from a milpa, constituting
site NR58. This location correlates w ith the claim of John Gordon on Lamb's
m ap, a cutter of small property. The small assemblage collected appears to
1.32
date to the early nineteenth century. In addition to surface collection, four
lm 2 test units were excavated in the same area yielding no additional
remains. A particularly intensive surface examination was conducted at this
locale because the small surface scatter constituted the only assemblage
associated w ith a "cutter of small property" that was discovered. However,
these efforts were not successful and a sample of artifacts large enough to
have interpretive potential was not recovered.
NR66 (E. Tones). Ten km south of NR58, on the west side of the river,
site NR66 is located at a small rum distillery identified on the topographical
m ap as Richmond Hill (also accessible from the road to Guinea Grass). The
large quantity of material encountered came from two cleared fields at the
base of the hill adjacent to the river bank. Two piles of mixed nineteenth-
century artifacts, mostly glass w ith some ceramics, were probably secondary
m idden deposits created by those who cleared the fields for cultivation. The
predom inance of large pieces of nineteenth-century glass containers
(condiments and patent medicines) indicates the possibility that deposition
was via trash disposal away from a dwelling instead of general refuse scatter
w ithin a household living area. Since the quantity of material located was
too large to retrieve in total, a 25% sample (one quadrant) of each of the two
piles was collected and the rem ainder was examined for pre-nineteenth-
century artifacts. This procedure yielded a single eighteenth-century glass
bottle base fragment. The single fragment recovered m ay be the only actual
evidence of the occupation of Edward Jones, "a cutter of less property."
133
TABLE 2: NEW RIVER SITES DATA
N um ber D istance Approx. E stim a te d

C h a ra c te riz a tio n
N R site of u p riv er collection era of occupation3 of cutters claim s
number artifacts in km Area (m2) Earliest Latest & no. o f slaves*1
A AH n C /n
“T **/ / ou L .IS th L .19th considerable
5 285 8.25 1,650 M .18th 1990 considerable
14 13 8 n.a. 1887 1948 n.a.
16 33 19.5 800 18 th 19th less
20 12 25 300 E .19th unkn. undefined
21 534 25.75 2,000 M .18th M .19th considerable
23 14 29.75 n.a. 1790 1820 considerable
31 133 32 2,800 M .18th 2 0 th considerable
32 141 32 1,200 M .19th 2 0 th considerable
34 170 33.75 2,500 M .19th unkn. considerable
35 23 34 200 M .19th unkn. considerable
36 333 34.25 12,125 M .18th M .19th considerable
39 49 36.25 625 L .18th M .19th considerable
50 1 48 n.a. L .19th 1990 considerable
51 331 49 n.a. L .19th 1990 considerable
58 12 52.5 25 L .18th E .19th sm a ll
66 48 62.5 1000 L .18th 1990 less
a ' E stim ation of century based on suite of tem porally sensitive artifacts,
b - From "P resen t State of the British Settlers of H o n d u ras," C O 123/9: 248; see C hapter Three.
The seventeen New River valley sites that were investigated during
1990 are sum m arized in Table 2. Specific attributes of some of these
134
assemblages as well as generalizations concerning valley-wide artifact
patterns are discussed in Chapter Five, bu t this table clearly outlines the
degree of diversity in overall size of the sites investigated and the varying
num ber of artifacts recovered from each.
In addition, it is evident that while a few of the sites represent discrete
occupations of brief time periods, m any represent palim psests of repeated,
probably short-term and seasonal, occupation over the course of two
centuries. The overall artifact density of these sites is uniformly very low,
w ith no site yielding more than an average of one artifact per square meter,
and m any yielding less than one artifact per 10 m 2. The New River sites
discovered relate almost entirely to occupations of the w ealthier w ood
cutting operations, and with a few possible exceptions (NR21, NR36),
probably represent the refuse of slaves or hired workers w ho w ere not the
land claimants themselves. The archaeological deposits that w ere discovered
w ithin the N ew River valley, therefore, are the m aterial rem nants of the
poorest and most m arginalized people in the settlem ent, who had neither
land claims or slaves of their own, and w ho were obligated by circumstance
or forced by others to travel to the farthest peripheries of the com m unity to
obtain subsistence.
The num ber of New River sites that possess significant eighteenth-
century occupational components is sm all (NR5, NR21, NR36). O ther
eighteenth-century artifacts form ed only small components of larger,
predom inantly nineteenth-century sites (such as at NR31, NR39, NR66).
Large artifact deposits from nineteenth-century occupation appear m ore
frequently. The palimpsestic accumulations of small am ounts of early-period
135
artifacts combined w ith large am ounts of later-period artifacts suggests small-
scale interm ittant occupation that gradually evolved into more intensive,
large-scale settlement. All of the sites of significant artifact deposition are the
remnants of the camps run by cutters "of considerable property." The
ephem eral eighteenth-century components of large, later sites, how ever,
were probably the camps of those who would have been considered to be
cutters of less or little property, since the components are small and probably
represent transient, short-term, and poorly-provisioned cam ps occupied by
individuals who were venturing out to the leading edge of the logwood-
cutting frontier.
Belize River Investigations
A second season of field survey was conducted during the sum m er of
1992, specifically to identify and excavate any types of sites relating to
eighteenth-century British/African occupation that had not been
encountered during the previous New River survey. Rather than conduct a
comprehensive valley-length survey for surface evidence of historical
occupation as had been undertaken in the preceding New River survey, a
more focused approach was employed, targeting those areas know n to have
been the locations of specific types of sites. Although the m ap generated by
combining the cartographic work of Lamb and the census data (Figure 7)
show the late eighteenth-century pattern of settlement and resource
expoitation very clearly in the New River valley, the visible pattern of
settlement in the Belize River at this time was the product of m ore long-
lasting and intensive exploitation. The resultant integration of the
136
increasingly diversified resource exploitation strategies w ithin this region of
m ore intensive occupation necessarily creates a more complex image on the
m ap generated (Figure 8), which is already a simpified reflection of w hat is
on the ground. Also, unlike along the New River, periodic flooding along
the Belize River has resulted in significant soil buildup and the burial of the
w ood cutter camp deposits, eliminating the ability to determine the presence
of sites by surface survey alone, and requiring extensive excavation for the
recovery of any significant remnants. Since a clear image of up-river frontier
settlem ent patterns has been outlined in the New River regional study, the
Belize Valley survey was oriented toward locating the few key site types not
represented in the New River valley that are critical to a complete picture of
frontier settlem ent patterns in eighteenth-century Belize. The two categories
of settlem ent not discovered in the New River that were subsequently
investigated in the Belize River survey are represented by a site from the
earliest-known period of British occupation, and an enigmatic settlem ent
know n as Convention Town (see Figure 13).
The Barcadares
The m ost obvious and enticing target for location and archaeological
study was the prim ary dwelling place of the settlers docum ented in the
published narrative of the voyages of the m erchant C aptain Nathaniel Uring,
the earliest descriptive account of life in the Bay Settlement (Uring 1726).
C aptain Uring described his travels across the Atlantic, to Boston, and into
Iv3/
The Barcadares
original extent Bay of

of Convention Tow n H o n d u ras
Belize R iver M outh

area of
excavation
Sibun River
• i i i i i «
0 1 2 3 4 5 10 15 20 km 1
i
i i i i I N
0 1 10 15 mi
hi cn lr p 1 *3* FTl^toH r'al C ltoc im r o c fi c r a t ' d A 4nrinrr ^ . , —. .

- - - -- -................a - o - — -------
138
the Caribbean, where he purchased logwood in the Bay of Campeche during
the sum m er of 1712, selling it in Lisbon. Captain U ring wrecked his ship
Bangor Galley on the reef in the Bay of H onduras in 1720. He spent four or
five m onths w ith the Baymen in the Belize River valley, m aking
"observations on that Country, having gone in that Time into all the
Lagunes and Creeks" (1726: 354). After suffering shipwreck because of w hat
he view ed as inaccuracies in existing charts of the bay, and a forced
association with the "crew of ungovernable w retches" who resided at the
Barcadares, "w here w as little else to be heard bu t blasphem y, cursing, and
sw earing," Uring (1726: 358) wrested control over his socially and
environm entally m enacing surroundings by adapting his scant resources
into tools for m easuring, recording, and drafting his universe.
In order to draw the said D raught, I m ade a w ooden Pair of

Com passes, and a Scale; my Ink w as m ade w ith G un-pow der,
and my Pens w ith the Feathers of wild Fowl; w ith these Utensils,
I drew the D raught of the Bay of Honduras. (Uring 1726: 222)
As an inset on his navigational chart of the Bay of H onduras, Uring
drew a m ap of the lower Belize River, indicating the site of "the Barcadares"
w here the logwood cutters dwelt during the w et season (Figure 14).
The Logwood Cutters, during the Floods, dw ell at the Barcadares,

w hich is Forty Two Miles up the River, w here they have built
their H uts upon pretty high Banks, w hich just keep 'em out of
the W ater in the Time of the Floods. (Uring 1726: 357)
The term "barcadare" and its variant forms (barkadeer, barquedier, barcadero,
etc.) w as defined in an anonymous eighteenth-century account as a landing
139
^ A N EXAC T E E AUGHT
o f theB IV EB o f B E L L E S E
st a 04 th t <~ B e tr c a i£ a t£ A .
Figure 14: Nathaniel Uring's map of the lower Belize River

and the Barcadares (Uring 1726).
140
or "Place to Embark at" (anon. BL Add. Ms. 39946). Naming the locality for
the function that it served was not unusual in early eighteenth-century
Caribbean communities, and m ight reflect an attitude of transience am ong
the inhabitants.4 The Barcadares was the embarkation point because it was
the farthest navigable point up river, as well as one of the driest banks w hen
the river is swollen during the rainy season.
Docum entary Evidence. The nature of life at the Barcadares in the
early eighteenth century can be deduced from Uring's narrative of his few
m onths stay there. A discussion of his descriptions of the occupants' labor
practices, social organization, foodways and drinking habits has already been
presented in Chapter Three. His descriptions of the dwellings of the settlers at
the Barcadares settlem ent are more informative than those know n for any
other wood-cutting settlem ent of the eighteenth century and serve as the
strongest available m odel for the settlem ent composition, organization, and
physical appearance of all of the eighteenth-century river valley sites.
The M anner of their Lodging is thus: They fix several Crutches

in the ground about Four Foot high, and lay Sticks cross, and
other Sticks cross them close together; and upon those Sticks
they lay a good Quantity of Leaves, and upon them a Piece of old
Canvas if they have it; and this is their Bed. There is also at each
Corner of the Bed-Place, a tall Pole fixed, to which they fasten
their Covering, w hich is generally m ade of O zen brigs ;5 it is
sewed together, and fastened at each Corner to these Poles about
Four Foot above the Bed-Place, and is so contriv'd that it falls
dow n on every Side, which tucks close in all round, and serves
not only for Curtains, but also keeps the Flies from disturbing
them. This was the first Contrivance I saw of this sort, and are
called by those People Pavilions ; nor is there hardly any living
w ithout them. (Uring 1726:182)
This crude style of habitation was a design especially adapted to a transient
life in a hot and insect-ridden tropical climate. A sim ilar style of habitation,
used in another part of the Caribbean basin, appeared in an illustration of life
in eighteenth-century Suriname (Figure 15) (Stedman II 1796: opp. 324).
A lthough the Royal Navy Surgeon John Atkins did not visit the Bay
Settlement himself, his second-hand description of the Barcadares highlights
the environm ental rigors of life there:
They are about 500 (Merchants and Slaves,) and have taken up
their Residence at a Place called Barcaderas, about 40 Miles up a
n a rro w R iver full of A lligators; and w h a t is a g reater
Inconvenience against transporting their Effects, is a strong
C urrent in it from the Freshes up Land, and the Banks being
covered w ith Shrubs, that makes it difficult to walk and tow the
Boats; covered also w ith infinite N um bers of Sand-Flies, and
M uskitos. They live in Pavilions; a servant at their time of lying
dow n to rest, shaking them till cleared of these verm in, that are
an unsufferable Plague and Im pedim ent to Sleep. (Atkins 1735:
227)
Such a m anner of dwelling had very strong implications for artifact
deposition and the resultant nature of the archaeological record at these
transient camp locales. It is not clear w hether these structures w ere all that
the baym en had to live in both up river and at the Barcadares, since reference
is m ade to both "huts" and "pavilions." If so, then the lack of any significant
architectural com ponent in the archaeological record w ould greatly reduce
the likelihood of encountering features or heavy artifact deposition w ithin
localized areas that w ould be expected w ith the long-term occupation
characterized by a significant dwelling structure. W ith this in m ind,
142
Figure 15: Temporary Sleeping Pavilion Used by Europeans in eighteenth-

century Suriname (Stedman I I 1796: opposite p. 324).
143
archaeological investigations focused on subsurface excavation to identify the
locus and extent of early settlement at the Barcadares. Indeed, unlike in the
New River, very little surface archaeological material existed in the Belize
River valley to indicate where subsurface sites may be located.
The Barcadares: Survey and Excavation. The inset of Uring's map
depicts a locale that proved to be easily identifiable using the same technique
that was employed during the New River survey: tracing and counting the
m eanders in the Belize River inland from the coast on the historical map,
and following the parallel sequence of northw ard and southw ard m eanders
on a m odern topographic map. The locale was far closer to the river m outh
than the forty-two miles stated by Uring (twenty-two miles or 35.5 km as the
river flows). The Barcadares settlement was originally on both banks of the
Belize River. On the north bank, there is currently a small village which has
been referred to since the nineteenth century as Grace Bank.6 The villages of
Grace Bank and nearby Davis Bank are notable for the height of the bank as
the river m eanders sharply from a northeastw ard to a southeastw ard
direction, making it one of the last locations in the lower valley to flood
during the wet season rains.7 The site is also located just dow nstream from
Little Falls, which was the first significant obstruction to navigation
encountered w hen traveling up river from the coast until it was greatly
reduced in the twentieth century to allow passage of the cargo and passenger
steam er that ran from Belize City to San Ignacio (Vernon 1988). The selection
of this locale for the first significant British settlement, then, was the result of
purely geographical factors, since it was close to stands of logwood, could be
144
reached by smaller ocean-going vessels, and remained dry during flood
season.
Following identification of that portion of the Belize River m eander
that was considered most likely to be the site of Uring's Barcadares, a
program of surface survey and subsurface test excavation was undertaken to
locate early eighteenth-century archaeological deposits. Survey began at the
south end of the m odern village of Davis Bank, progressed up river along
the highest ground, across Mexico Creek8 which marks the boundary between
the two villages, and continued to the end of the high ground at the west end
of Grace Bank. A total of thirty-five 50 cm2 test pits was excavated along this
area, which runs approximately two km along the north bank of the river.
The majority of m odern settlement of the two villages is situated along this
high berm of soil, so m any of the excavated units were either in house yards
or cattle pasture.
Uring's m ap showed settlement on both sides of the river, so an
additional twenty-three 50 cm2 test units were excavated inside the m eander
on the south side of the river opposite Grace Bank Village and the road to the
northern highway. The bank was reached by crossing the river in a boat. The
bank is of approximately the same height on both sides of the river, but is
more variable to the south; at the northw est end it is almost a cliff, with a
heavily eroded slope dropping straight into the river, while farther
downstream the slope is more gradual, and the highest ground is set farther
back from the river edge. It was the test units in this latter area that proved to
be the m ost productive on the south side of the river, yielding m any pipe
stems and some metal, but very little in the way of ceramics. Settlement was
evidently spread over a broad area on both banks of the river, bu t since test
pits on the north side of the river near Grace Bank Village had produced by
far the densest concentration of early eighteenth-century ceramics, glass, and
metal, this area was selected for intensive archaeological investigation.
Following initial testing, archaeological investigations at the site of the
Barcadares consisted of a total of ten 1 m 2 excavation units. Seven of these
units were w ithin a m odern household garden on a narrow strip of high
land at the top of the bank between the slope and a m odern dirt road that
parallels the river for the extent of Grace Bank and Davis Bank Villages.
Three other units were placed at the top of the slope slightly dow nriver from
the first five contiguous units, and an additional two units were excavated
on the other side of the dirt road in the yard of a Grace Bank Village resident
(Figure 16).
Similar soil profiles were obtained from all excavation units (Figure
17), and no obviously culturally-produced or modified stratigraphy or
features were revealed other than a single bell-shaped p it filled w ith
tw entieth-century refuse in units seven and eight. The majority of artifacts
recovered were retrieved from the lower zone of dark brow n silt (levels 2,
2A), b u t artifacts dating from the eighteenth century w ere recovered from all
zones above subsoil. The spatially diffuse nature of artifact distribution,
combined w ith periodic episodes of flooding and the know n architectural
types, suggests that site formation processes were not conducive to
accumulations of artifacts in dense stratigraphic concentrations or features.
A dditionally, m any low-fired clay concretions ranging in size from one to
five cms in diam eter were recovered from levels 1, 2, and 3. These
,-tVve^ a tca
ute 6' \
vva\s'iS\0o-
,vôatPe'
pvo’
d '°°
veftoâ1
fa d’ "eV
o ^ '
-O ^
froi'S'iS\ovt
,e^
êp(0'
147
Unit 3 Unit 1
level 1
lev el 2
level 3
lev el 4
0 10 20cm
_
1___ I___ I
Level 1 - dark brown silt

Level 2 - dark brown silty clay
Level 3 - dark brown silt mottled with
m edium brown silty clay
Level 4 - medium brown silty clay
Figure 17: Soil profile, the B arcadares, units 1 an d 3, w est wall.
148
concretions were determ ined to be n a tu r a lly baked earth fragments from the
hearths of open fires. The origins of these fragments became clear w hen an
undisturbed hearth was excavated at the site of Convention Town, revealing
that the silty clay soil of the Belize River valley consolidated when exposed to
the heat of an open flame. No undisturbed hearths were uncovered at the
Barcadares, only crumbled fragments, evidence that the site had been
subjected to some degree of disturbance. The presence of surface artifacts on
the sloping bank indicates that erosion has already obliterated portions of this
early site. The recovery of artifacts from units on both sides of the prepared
dirt road suggests that road construction also took a heavy toll on the center
of the site.
A comprehensive catalog of artifacts recovered from the site of the
Barcadares is presented in Appendix 2. The preponderance of Rhenish-type
stonewares and tin-oxide glazed earthenwares of probable British
m anufacture, along with the near complete absence of creamwares,
pearlwares, and whitewares at the site indicates that occupation at the
Barcadares had declined or ceased by the mid-eighteenth century. This
diachronically discrete deposit of late seventeenth/early eighteenth-century
occupation constitutes the earliest known site of the British Bay Settlement.
Since U ring's account mentions no other British settlem ent, either at the
m outh of the Belize River or on St. George's Cay, the Barcadares was very
likely the only significant site of this early period. It therefore constitutes a
critically im portant cultural resource for studies of the early settlem ent of
Belize.
149
Convention Town
One other Belize River site not represented by any equivalent site in
the New River valley was the focus of intensive archaeological investigation.
Lamb's 1787 m ap depicts a dense population concentration along the lower
reaches of the Belize River, approximately 16 km up river from the coast.
Lamb colored a 4 km stretch of river bank red to indicate dense settlement,
and identified this locality as "Convention Town" (see Figure 18). At this
location he did not employ his more common system of draw ing a single
pole-and-thatch hu t to represent a single encam pm ent, rather, he drew one
at each end and connected them with red pigm ent, interspersing a few others
in between; hence it was presum ed at the outset that this settlem ent was
unlike all of the other river-valley wood-cutting locales. The veracity of this
assum ption became obvious from initial excavation, but just w hat function
this settlem ent did serve and who the occupants w ere has proven m ore
difficult to ascertain.
Docum entary Sources. The only direct reference to a settlem ent called
"C onvention Town" in Sir John Burdon's three-volum e Archives of British
Honduras (1931) is extracted from court records of February 25,1791, w hen a
recom m endation was m ade to convene a public m eeting there to consider a
proposition relative to planting and stock running on the Belize River.
Bur don footnoted this reference, explaining that Convention Town is "a
stretch of the Belize River, some ten miles from its m outh, nam e no longer
used" (Burdon 1 1931: 192). O. Nigel Bolland cites Convention Town as "the
settlem ent created by Despard on the south point of the Belize River m outh
150
er.
6 mi. N
Figure 18: Tracing of a portion of Joseph Lamb's 1787 map of the Bay Settlement
showing Convention Tozon (CO700 BH no. 13).
for the poorer evacuees from the Mosquito Shore" (Bolland 1977: 42).
Bolland m ay have been correct that Convention Town was created to accept
evacuees from the M osquito Shore, but David Lamb's m ap identifies a
different location, and, as will be discussed, archaeological excavations at that
site indicate an unusually materially rich settlement there circa 1790.
It is likely that the name Convention Town refers to a comm unity of
evacuees from the Mosquito Shore who settled in Belize following the 1786
Convention of London that granted the British extended cutting rights as far
south as the Sibun River as well as the right to legally exploit mahogany, in
exchange for abandoning the north coast of Honduras. Following the treaty
agreem ent, by July of 1787, 537 white and free persons and 1,677 slaves,
evacuees from the Mosquito Shore, had dramatically increased the Bay
Settlement population (Burdon 1 1931: 162; CO 123/6). A census of the
settlem ent conducted during January and February of 1790 indicates that 470
people, or about 16% of the Bay Settlement population, lived at Convention
Town at that time (Bolland 1977: 42). The Bay Settlement and the Mosquito
Shore had close population links prior to the treaty, and m any residents of
the shore also had land claims in the bay. Of the 2,214 evacuees who arrived
in the Bay Settlement, then, a large num ber did not end up at Convention
Town.
A pencil notation on a 1787 map of the settlement m ade by Colonel
Lawrie also indicates the presence of "Royalists" at Convention Town (CO700
BH no.15). The presence of American loyalists9 at the town created for those
w ho had no land of their own is not a surprise, since the instructions from
Lord Sydney to the settlement's Superintendent in June of 1787 were to give
152
the M osquito Shore arrivals first priority to "all other persons whatsoever"
when distributing lands in the new treaty district, w ith second priority going
to the American loyalists (Burdon 1 1931: 162). At least a few of the loyalists
were settled without incident, possibly before the M osquito Shore had been
evacuated, since Lamb's map also notes that a settler w ith a significant claim
on the New River, nam ed Swasey, was an American loyalist. However, in
June of 1809, "American Citizens" (loyalists) were reported cutting wood
beyond the British limits, suggesting that the problem of finding claims for
new em igrants after the evacuation of the Mosquito Shore plagued the
settlement for decades following (Burdon I I 1931: 10).
The existing docum entary record regarding Convention Town is
unclear as to how and why a dense population concentrated there, and just
who those occupants were. If slaves outnum bered w hite and free evacuees
from the M osquito Shore by more than 3:1, is it not sensible to assume that
the majority of Convention Town inhabitants w ould therefore have been
slaves? Or, if slave-owning Mosquito Shore residents settled in refugee
communities where there was no free terrain to engage their slaves in w ood
cutting, w ould they have ieased out or sold their slaves to those who had
claims? One indication of the type of inhabitant who resided at Convention
Town appears on one of Lamb's maps, at the northw est (up river) end of the
community, where a single draw ing of a pole-and-thatch hu t is accompanied
by the nam e "Lamb" (CO700 BH no. 11). Convention Town m ay have been
composed of setters w ho were not engaged in wood cutting, but they were
not necessarily w ithout employment. W hatever the com position of
Convention Town was, it is apparent that this site was unlike any
encountered in the New River valley, and that it constituted im portant
evidence of the cultural admixing and integration following com pulsory
resettlem ent that has occurred repeatedly throughout Belize's history.
Archaeological Investigations. D uring the latter part of the eighteenth
century, Convention Town was probably the largest concentrated settlem ent
in the Belize River valley. Since the mere existence and location of
C onvention Town constituted the majority of docum entary inform ation
about the community, w ith very little existing data about the occupants or
overall site function, it seemed to be a critical locale for intensive
archaeological inquiry. Therefore, during a three-week period in July, 1992,
survey, testing, and excavation were undertaken to investigate the nature of
settlem ent at the site, including the dates of occupation, who the occupants of
the tow n were, and how the activities undertaken at the site fit into the
overall economic organization of timber extraction and exportation.
The 4 km stretch of river identified by Lamb is currently heavily
forested, and the single rudim entary vehicle track that connects the northern
highw ay to the river along this area gives access to only one small portion of
the northern limit of the site. In addition, travel by foot along the uncleared
river bank was very slow and arduous. Therefore, initial survey was
conducted by motorized skiff to observe the complete extent of the historical
settlem ent and to identify areas of high ground that w ould likely have been
the locus of the m ost intensive occupation. Seven distinct areas of high
ground that appeared particularly conducive to settlem ent were identified
w ithin the town's boundaries as defined by Lamb. Surface and test-pit survey
yielded no evidence of occupation at four of them, some evidence of
eighteenth- through twentieth-century occupation at two others, and very
strong evidence of significant eighteenth-century occupation at one other.
The m ost productive locality surveyed is at the southernm ost extrem ity of a
large southw ard-arcing m eander in the river. Surface survey yielded an
extensive scatter of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century ceramics and
glass, and a sole occupant of that stretch of river recounted the twentieth-
century component of the site.10 A small ham let of six or seven houses
located on both sides of the river had been occupied by creole families who
subsisted on fishing and horticulture. This settlem ent w as entirely
depopulated except for a single occupant when the first northern highway
was constructed in the m iddle of the twentieth century.
The southernm ost point on the inside of the river m eander yielded
dense surface concentrations of artifacts that w ere clearly visible, because
Convention Town's only current resident m aintained a large cleared area
that contained a garden and a diverse variety of fruit trees. This clearing
extended 50 m back from the river bank, and ran for a length of over 200 m
along the river, coinciding w ith the extent of the high bank. There w ere three
surface concentrations of artifacts: (1) in an area near the only occupied
dwelling w ithin the clearing (the only other structure being a cookhouse), (2)
along the crest of the bank, and (3) on the slope extending dow n tow ard a
dock at the river edge.
Although many parts of this 4 km stretch of the Belize River m ay
have been densely occupied portions of Convention Town, it was apparent
that the m ost fruitful excavations w ould be along the southeasternm ost
155
stretch of Lamb's designated area (within the existing 200 m-long clearing; see
Figure 19). A datum was selected, therefore, and a baseline was laid down at
an angle of 20 degrees west of north so that it w ould extend for the fullest
possible length of the existing clearing. A total of sixty-three 50 cm2 shovel
test pits was excavated at intervals along the grid, followed by twenty-two 1
m 2 units excavated w ith trowel, shovel, and screen at areas near the most
productive shovel test pits. Soil from both the test pits and excavation units
w as screened through a 1/4" mesh.
Archaeological excavations at Convention Town yielded great
quantities of artifacts, mostly w ithin the stratum of soil designated level two
(see Figure 20). This zone of soil and the artifacts deposited w ithin it reflect a
relatively undisturbed soil profile. Although seven features were exposed
and excavated w ithin the twenty-two units, few were determ ined to have
been the result of hum an activity. One of these was a 12 cm diam eter post
m old that extended 60cm below ground surface, which was composed of
rotting w ood and soil b u t no artifacts. Mr. Edm und Galvez, the only current
resident of the site, determ ined that the post mold feature was a rem nant of a
stilt house in which he had lived, but which had been taken dow n about ten
years previously. The fact that no other substantial construction features
w ere uncovered suggested that none of the other features was the remains of
stilt-house construction; they related instead to other unidentified and
undated activities in the area, possibly but not necessarily associated wiih life
in the eighteenth-century settlement. Following the discovery of Mr.
Galvez's stilt house, an excavation unit was placed at a point directly
underneath his elevated house floor in order to determ ine w hether a soil
156
boat
shed
\ footpath
w ood pile
seasonally
inu n d ated
cook sw am p
Belize bench house
River
house
high
bush
ES2 - areas of excavation \

lm 2m
I
elevation above river
0 5 10m
Figure 19: Convention Town site map and plan of excavations.
157
U nit 7 U nit 6 U nit 2

14S1SVV U S15W
le v e l I
le v e l 2
le v e l 3
i i i
0 25 50cm
Level 1 - dark brown silt

Level 2 - dark brown silty clay
Level 3 - dark brow n silt m ottled
with medium-brown silty clay
Figure 20: Soil profile, Convention Town, units 2, 6, and 7, north w a ll
profile or artifact deposition pattern could be identifed. One expects that
deposits resulting from trash m iddens, animal pens, or hardpacked living
floors m ay be found beneath a stilt house. The unit was entirely devoid of
artifacts, however, and the soil profile was greatly similar to m any others
from presum ably "outdoor" contexts.
Although artifacts of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century
m anufacture appeared scattered across w ide areas of the cleared river bank,
excavation in 1 m 2 units was concentrated in five areas that suggested a high
probability of productivity following the test-pit survey. One of these was
located directly on the crest of the river bank, near the m odern path
connecting Mr. Galvez's boat landing to his house. Nine units were
excavated on and around this path and on the bank that slopes dow n to the
river. A large and dense deposit of artifacts from a single short-term episode
of deposition was uncovered in this area. Identified as Feature 2, this scatter
of ceramics (predom inantly creamwares and pearlwares), bottle glass, and
highly decorated enam elled and engraved table glass appeared very close to
the surface, and extended from 5 to 10 cms below ground level following the
contour of the slope (see Appendix 3 for a complete listing of artifacts in
Feature 2). The contents of this feature and the evident nature of disposal
raise interesting issues about the period of deposition and the activities
surrounding it. The artifacts w ithin the feature are all of sim ilar small size to
those that w ere excavated from the general scatter contexts of the site,
suggesting that they had been trampled or had experienced to some degree of
post-use exposure. Their discovery in a localized dense concentration w ith
m any of the sherds clustered closely together at relatively high angles from
the ground surface suggests that they had all been deposited within a brief
period of time, and not extensively disturbed subsequently. The
contem porary resident of Convention Town was occasionally seen cleaning
his yard with a bent-metal dust pan, and carefully carrying the yard litter
dow n the slope to be deposited into and be carried away by the river.
A lthough the feature was exposed very close to the surface, the artifacts
w ithin it date almost uniformly to the period 1780 to 1820, with a distinct
paucity of later-period ceramics or glass, or the white plastic bucket fragments
that are w ell-represented on m ost parts of the site and which relate to the
contem porary inhabitant. Distinguishing rem ains of recent from ancient
activities in such a shallow context could pose a problem in other situations,
b u t the tightly dated assemblage is strong evidence that the feature was
deposited in earlier times. Watching the occupant of the site "clean house" in
such a m anner suggested the possibility that this feature was deposited in a
sim ilar m anner by an earlier occupant who was concerned with keeping
sharp objects out of the yard. Their disposition at the top of the bank so far
from the sharp dropoff that delineates the m ain four-season river channel
indicates that the artifacts may have been deposited either during a time of
very high w ater and then rapidly covered w ith sediment, or else tossed there
for other reasons than keeping a clean yard. This deposit and the
observations on Mr. Galvez's maintenance routine do shed light on a very
practicable and effective method of trash disposal along the rivers of the Bay
Settlement, and one that suggests that large m iddens of food rem ains and
other refuse m ay not be uncovered in future excavations of historical-period
sites w ithin the river valleys of Belize.
160
Other areas of excavation at Convention Town also yielded
concentrations of artifacts, mostly related to domestic activities. Two
excavation units were placed on a flat piece of land at the other end of the
clearing, 110m grid-north of datum , also near the slope to the river. These
excavations uncovered larger quantities of later nineteenth-century sponge-
decorated ceramics and cut nails than had been found 120 m to the south,
indicating that settlem ent at Convention Town, though possibly continuous
from 1786 to the time of excavation, had had variable loci of intensive
habitation with houses placed at diffent locations over time. The exact nature
of deposition at this locale remains elusive, but the large average size of the
artifact fragments (pitcher and bowl fragments up to 6" in length) suggests a
prim ary depositional context.
Excavations at two other loci near the occupied dwelling at
Convention Town yielded m any more artifacts relating to the early
occupation of the site and a soil profile similar to that exposed at the majority
of the shovel test pits across the site. No features that imparted site structural
information related to specific activities or architecture of the tim e period
under investigation were exposed. Excavation of a single unit at a fifth locus
on the southern extremity of the site exposed a well-preserved hearth at
approximately 20 cm below ground surface. There were neither rocks to
delineate the boundaries of the hearth nor artifacts to indicate w hether it
dated from prehistoric Maya or historical times. The hearth was plainly
visible, however, since the clayey sedim ent characteristic of the river valleys
had been naturally consolidated and reddened into a hard-packed basin.
Fragments of such naturally low-fired clay had been found in abundance at
the Barcadares, and occasionally at Convention Town. This in situ feature,
found w ithin the limits of Convention Town, suggests that the isolated low-
fired clay lumps found at other historical-period sites are fragm ents of hearth
features. A more intensive examination and analysis of the artifacts
recovered from Convention Town, the Barcadares, and the New River sites
is presented in Chapter Five. A comprehensive catalog of artifacts recovered
from Convention Town is presented in Appendix 3.
Sum m ary
The foregoing description of the nineteen individual sites investigated
w ithin the New and Belize River valleys during two seasons of field research
is an overview of procedures of investigation, geographical and ecological
localities, time periods represented, the diversity of deposits, and brief
assessments of the nature of occupation. The artifacts recovered at these sites
are carefully described and analyzed in the following chapter to provide
further insights into life and wood cutting in early Belize from a site-, valley-,
and settlem ent-wide perspective.
Although m any sites were located, surface-collected, and excavated,
very few archaeological features appeared that could be interpreted as
evidence of the dwellings of the early inhabitants. Archaeological
identification of the location and form of the actual houses of the early
British and African residents of Belize has proven elusive, probably because
they were constructed on stilts, leaving little or no archaeological footprint.
The rem ains of one unoccupied house at m odem Convention Town were
actually taken down and removed from where the house stood, and the
162
m aterials were saved for future reuse. All that rem ained were four standing
posts that w ould have left identifying rem nant m arks in the soil if they, too,
had been rem oved or had rotted. There was no hard-packed house floor or
scatter of artifacts around the immediate vicinity to distinguish it as a locus
of habitation at one time. Although a num ber of postm olds were uncovered
during excavation at both Caledonia (NR21) and Convention Town they
were not of sufficient diam eter or depth to have held up any substantial
structures, except for one that was determ ined to have been from a house
that had been taken down ten years previously (different from that described
above). No hard-packed surfaces that could be interpreted as living floors
were uncovered during excavation either. Since investigation of soils and
stratigraphy m ade no contributions on this front, we m ust look to the
artifacts for evidence of the construction and occupation of the houses of
early Belize.
1 Tine n am e "C aledonia" is an alternative, chiefly literary, nam e for Scotland.
2 U ring describes the construction of barklog rafts thus: "w e found scatter'd u p o n the Banks of
the R iver several Bamboe Trees, w hich w e go t together, a n d cut 'em into p ro p e r Lengths, and
fasten'd 'em to each other to m ake Bark Logs, in o rd er to get over the R iver" (U ring 1726: 198).
Ju st so u th of site NR39 is a stretch of river know n to local inhabitants as "Pall M all,"
probably a very old nam e th at refers to the m ajor thoroughfare in central L ondon, a n d alludes
to a h ig h volum e of traffic com m on along this stretch of the N ew River.
J This locale w as recom m ended for excavation by Professor N orm an H am m ond because it
ap p eared to be one of the few undisturbed portions of original g round surface w ithin the tow n of
O range W alk, an d it is very likely to be close to the original location of H olpatin.
4 In his n arrativ e of travels in Panam a, Lionel W afer described the functional n am in g of

localities: "th e n am e of this p o rt is Quolla; th o u g h this seem s ra th e r an apellative th an a
p ro p e r n am e, for they generally call a p o rt Quolla: A nd 'tis u su al w ith o u r English seam en in
those parts, w h en they h av e been at a landing-place, to say they have b een at the Quolla,
calling it so in im itation of the natives; as the Portugueze call th eir L anding-places,
Barcaderos" [em phases original] (W afer 1729: 269).
^ The term Ozenbrigs is a variation of O snaburg, "a kind of coarse linen originally m ad e in
O snabriick," n o rth ern G erm any (The Oxford English Dictionary 10 1989: 968).
6 M any o f the place nam es used in contem porary Belize are quite ancient an d pro v id e
significant insights into p ast activities a n d organization of the settlem ent. "The b arcad ares"
ap p ears occasionally on nineteenth-century m aps, b u t w as d ro p p e d in favor of "G race Bank,"
for th e later resid en t n am ed Grace. O ne of the oldest E nglish-language place nam es to survive
is ju st d ow n river. "Poor M an's Rest" ap p ears on U ring's m ap of 1720 a n d is still so called today.
7 O ne 78-year old life-long resident of G race B ank Village stated th at the river reg u larly rises
to th e top of the bank, b u t in 1979 the river flooded over, forcing an evacuation from even the
h ig h est p a rts of the village. This h a d only h a p p e n e d once d u rin g h is lifetim e.
8 M exico C reek connects Jones' Lagoon to the Belize River. O n eighteenth a n d nineteenth-
century m a p s the creek is show n attached to tw o lagoons, n am ed "Mexico" and "Peru," no doubt
a reference to a personal land of riches so u g h t by the w ood cutters.
9 "L oyalists" an d "R oyalists" are term s u sed to refer to A m erican su p p o rters of B ritish colonial
rule.
Investigations at this site w ere greatly aided by Mr. E d m u n d Galvez, C onvention T ow n's
last su rv iv in g resident. The 78-year-old M r. G alvez h a d lived there his entire life a n d w as
able to p ro v id e the recent history of land use an d m odification at the site.
164
Chapter Fivet
Material Culture of the Logwood and Mahogany Frontier
Summer is coming! It will not be long before the thermometer will be in

the nineties, and you will be running off to the mountains or the
seashore. Do not start without a supply of the delightful perfume
M urray & Lanman's Florida Water. It is a most refreshing lotion after
exposure to the sun. It cools the skin and removes the smart of sunburn.
- The Chautauqua Assembly Herald, June 18924
In the preceding chapters, I have set forth a fram ework for the
interpretation of the cultural material that has been recovered from
historical-period sites of the British Bay Settlement. This fram ework
interweaves theoretical aspects of maritim e communities, the economic and
social functioning of transient wood cutting camps, and the nature of frontier
life, w ith the specific historical context of eighteenth-century Belize. Much of
this contextual framework is derived from the subjective com m entary of
contemporary chroniclers (Beaudry 1993: 101). Such contextualization
maximizes the analytical potentiality of the material culture recovered,
which is composed prim arily of m ass-produced and seemingly redundant
commercially-marketed commodities that, w ithout a strong contextual
framework, w ould have a limited interpretive scope. The subjective
descriptions of period observers that have been previously presented serve to
m ore completely contextualize and structure the following analysis of Bay
Settlement material culture.
1£c;
The Artifacts
The artifacts recovered from the seventeen New River sites and the
two intensively investigated Belize River sites represent an array of past
activities in a variety of m aterial classes. While the overw helm ing m ajority
of artifacts relate to domestic activities, such as food consum ption, others
reveal evidence of dwelling construction, leisure activities, food acquisition,
and the negotiation of social roles and positioning through activities and
display of possessions. It is interesting to note that only a very few artifacts
can be related directly to the predom inant occupational activity among the
settlers and slaves, that of cutting, shaping, and transporting wood. The
following discussion of recovered artifacts is organized by the classes of
material recovered and not by the presum ed functional role played by
m em bers of each class w ithin the cultural context. This basic level of
description is necessary in order to interpret artifacts in terms of possible
m ultiple roles played throughout the course of their use-lives, from their
original im portation into the settlement, to their penultim ate use prior to
disposal. W ithin the following descriptive structure are hypotheses and
speculations regarding the recovered artifacts based on their specific contexts
of recovery. Some of these hypotheses are autonom ous insights, w hile others
are com ponents of m ore systematically constructed hypotheses concerning
early life in the Bay Settlement, and are further explored and interw oven in
the concluding chapter.
Artifact classes are discussed for a single site or region when the
artifacts or their context of recovery is considered to be unusual, unique or to
166
add value to our understanding of past activities. W hen that is not the case,
artifact classes are grouped. The artifact classes discussed include ceramics,
smoking pipes, glass, metal, bricks, and stone. In addition, a brief discussion
is included on the interpretation of subsistence activities through floral and
faunal evidence, as well as artifact categories also discussed in the preceding
sections.
Estimated occupation dates have been assigned to the sites from a
com bination of docum entary and artifactual sources. Artifact identification
criteria and dates of m anufacture came from a num ber of sources, but the
m ost comm only utilized include Noel H um e (1991) for a range of
eighteenth-century artifact categories, and Beaudry and M rozowski (1989;
appendix E) for more refined dates of the nineteenth-century ceramics. O ther
sources for special artifact categories include Dum brell (1983), Jones and
Sullivan (1985), and O. Jones (1986) for glass, as well as num erous other
publications that are cited elsewhere in this chapter.
From docum entary and artifactual sources, the site of the Barcadares is
considered to be the earliest site of English occupation in the Bay Settement.
Occupied possibly as early as the 1670s (Bolland 1977: 25) but certainly by 1720,
the site location fell out of use by the m iddle of the eighteenth century in
favor of other spots.
The site of Convention Town was occupied m ost intensively during
the decade following the evacuation of the Mosquito Shore in 1787 (Naylor
1989: 69). The location m ay have been occupied previously by wood cutters or
Am erican loyalists who had left the N orth American colonies during the late
1770s. The locale w as certainly occupied during the later nineteenth century,
167
and again during most of the twentieth. In fact, since the stretch of river
form erly referred to as Convention Town is so long, it is highly likely that
significant portions of it w ere occupied repeatedly, and small areas even
continuously, well into recent times.
The various sites of the New River valley represent sporadic seasonal
and interm ittent occupation from the third quarter of the eighteenth century
well into the tw entieth century. Certain sites, such as M atthias Gale (NR21),
R. F. O'Brien (NR36), and NR5, appear to have been m ost heavily occupied
during the last quarter of the eighteenth century but w ith small am ounts of
later habitation as well. Other sites show completely mixed deposits from
occupation over a long period, as at NR31, and still others only a short span
of occupation during a defined period (NR58, NR66, and others).
Individually, each site represents occupation during a different span of time,
b u t as a group, the sites are most representative of up-river w ood-cutting life
from circa 1760 and the hundred years following.
The New River sites are special activity locales focused on seasonal
w ood extraction, while Convention Town represents a dow n-river non
wood-extractive site of an overlapping time period. The Barcadares is
presum ably m ore of a mixed-use site, being a m id-river consolidated
settlem ent b u t also a w ood extraction, preparation, and exportation locale of
the earliest period. From a view point of chronology, therefore, the
Barcadares stands apart from the later Convention Town and the N ew River
sites group, while from an economic perspective, Convention Town stands
out as the dissimilar, non-extractive site.
168
Ceramics
During the process of identifying and cataloging the artifacts discussed
in this chapter, the terms and definitions of POTS devised by Beaudry et al.
(1983) were employed where appropriate in order to standardize the
classification of ceramics from the New and Belize River sites. The
morphological correlation of these assemblages with that typology was far
from perfect, since POTS was devised to categorize locally-made and
im ported wares found on seventeenth-century Chesapeake sites, and the
Belize assemblages are predom inantly composed of eighteenth- and
nineteenth-century industrially-m ade European wares. Nonetheless, the
clear definitions and categorizations of terms and types im posed a useful
structure and helped to maintain consistency in cataloging and reference
during subsequent utilization of the artifact catalog. Adoption of this system
aids in avoiding the confusion of such seemingly straightforw ard forms as a
dish with a plate and a jug with a pitcher.
The Barcadares w ares. As anticipated, artifact densities at the site of the
Barcadares were low, most likely because it was "home" for a relatively
mobile population of small and fluctuating size, occupying sem i-perm anent
dwellings for only a portion of each year. Nonetheless, artifact concentrations
in the ten 1 m2 excavation units were high enough to obtain an interesting
w indow onto life at the eighteenth-century Barcadares settlement.
A total of 252 historical period ceramic vessel fragments were
recovered at the Barcadares, representing 23.0% of the entire site assemblage.
Only 39, or 15.5%, of these fragments were identifiable to original vessel
form. Of the sixteen gray saltglazed stoneware fragm ents recovered, twelve
are probably of a single Westerwald-style stoneware porringer w ith twisted
handles (Figure 21). This vessel form was not commonly exported to Britain
or the British colonies during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
(Noel H um e 1967: 353). However, one similar example but w ith a different
body decoration is illustrated by Noel Hum e from the Colonial W illiamsburg
collection (1991: 284). Though only partially mended, the Barcadares
porringer fragments were treated as being from a single vessel. The
overwhelm ingly dom inant vessel forms from this site are bowls and the
related handled porringer. A small num ber of gray stoneware jug fragments,
possibly Rhenish as well, are the next most dom inant form. The other forms
represented, only three fragments, are likely later intrusions. Bowls and jugs
w ere commonly used during this period in the cooperatively-organized
activities of food preparation and consumption of the sort described by Uring
(1726: 356) and outlined in Chapter Three.
Of the 252 ceramic vessel fragments at the Barcadares, the
overwhelm ing majority (221) were delftware, 90 (35.8%) blue hand-painted,
and 5 of those (5.5%) were also red hand-painted. Gray salt-glazed stonewares
represent a m uch smaller percentage w ithin the distribution of wares, w ith
the others only marginally represented. As w ith vessel form, the twelve gray
salt-glazed stoneware porringer fragments were treated as one. The small
quantities of creamwares and pearlwares are presum ed to represent a later,
ephem eral phase of occupation than indicated by the majority of the
assemblage.
170
Figure 21: Partially reconstructed Westerwald-style stoneware porringer

recovered at the Barcadares; approximately 7" diameter.
171
Table 3: Identifiable Vessel Types from the Barcadares
Form____________________ n______ % of total

bowl 19 67.8
i n rr C .0
17
J./
O
porringer 1 3.6
plate 1 3.6
saucer 1 3.6
tea/coffeepot 1 3.6
total 28 100.0
Table 4: Ware Types by Sherd Counts from the Barcadares
Ware________________________________ n_____ % of total

a n -i
tm-oxide glazed ware ZZI 91.7
gray salt-glazed stoneware 6 2.6
porcelain 5 2.1
redw are 3 1.2
white salt-glazed stoneware 2 0.8
other gray stonewares 2 0.8
cream w are 1 0.4
oearlware 1 0.4
total 241 100.0
172
The delftware recovered at the Barcadares is all extremely degraded,
and few fragments are large enough to yield identifiable design elements.
Examination of the rem nant fragments of decoration is one of the most
consistently used means for distinguishing the country and region of origin
of the common buff-bodied, white-glazed delftware. Comparison of the
fragments recovered at the Barcadares with more complete designs in
published illustrations revealed evidence for probable English origin (Archer
and Morgan 1977; Noel Hume 1977; Wilcoxen 1987). Though inconclusive
and subjective in technique, the author m aintains a high level of confidence
in this identification, which is im portant for the discussion regarding trade
patterns at the conclusion of this chapter.
New River w ares. The artifact assemblages of the seventeen sites
located along the New River vary somewhat in terms of their compositions,
relative proportions of artifact classes, artifact densities, overall num ber of
artifacts recovered, and mean time periods represented. At most of the sites,
highlighting these differences would not bring out elements of the varying
strategies of settlement employed by cutters of the different social and
economic categories outlined previously, largely because m any of the site
assemblages are simply too small to bear significant individual relevance. In
addition, the great majority of sites represent claims held by cutters of
"considerable" property, and are, therefore, of the same category. In this
section, therefore, data from the individual camps are grouped to create a
single ceramic profile characteristic of the entire New River valley. Such a
173
profile provides the m ost reliable means of addressing issues regarding social
and economic aspects of life in this region, and it can be compared easily with
those ceramic profiles generated for the Belize River sites of the Barcadares
and C onvention Town.
In grouping these different site assemblages into a single valley-wide
profile, attention was paid to the concerns of Miller (1991) regarding the
comm on lum ping for publication of site data that had once been contextually
distinct in the field. It was determined, however, that even given these
concerns, the great majority of the New River sites were too ephem eral for
individual assessment. Two exceptions to the situation described above are
the sites of Matthias Gale (NR21) and R. F. O'Brien (NR36). In addition to the
pan-valley ceramic profile, one generated solely from the camp of Matthias
Gale serves as a well-documented example of a New River camp for the
following reasons: (1) the undisturbed nature of site, (2) the relatively
discrete time period represented by the artifacts, (3) the comprehensive
collection strategy employed there, and (4) the large quantity and high density
of artifacts encountered. The camp occupied by R. F. O'Brien is also presented
individually because of the large area collected in an intensive fashion and
the large overall num ber and unusually wide array of artifacts recovered.
These two sites, therefore, are represented in both the all New River sites
combined column of Tables 5 and 6 and in their individual colum ns as well.
Individual ceramic w are and vessel form distribution charts, also calculated
for the fifteen other New River sites, are not presented here except in
condensed form under the heading other New River sites combined in order
to highlight similarities and differences between them and the two
individually presented sites. For instance, com paring the relative
proportions of cream wares to pearlwares to whitewares shows that, along
with the other distinctions listed above, both NR21 and NR36 possess
significantly earlier ceramic dates than the other New River sites.
Additionally, the low but regular representation of such ceramic types as
buff-bodied slipped earthenware and white salt-glazed stonew are indicates
that some of the other sites, such as NR5 and NR31, which are dom inated by
later wares, also contain small but identifiable earlier eighteenth-century
components. These small, early components serve as evidence of the gradual
influx of w ood-cutters up the river valley, first in small, transient groups and
later in larger, m ore organized teams.
The distributions of both vessel forms and w are types am ong NR21,
NR36, and the N ew River sites presented in Tables 5 and 6 show the pattern
of ceramic consum ption, use, and discard among the residents in the w ood
cutting camps. Of particular note is the distinctly large num ber of storage
vessels recovered at O'Brien. This category, utilized for the N ew River and
Convention Town vessel form charts, is a functional classification used to
group fragm ents of functionally-related vessel forms that are not
individually distinguishable as fragments, such as thick coarse earthenw are,
brow n or salt-glazed stoneware storage pots, jars, and bottles. The overall
O'Brien site assemblage is quite large, and it is likely that this settlem ent had
a larger population and was more perm anent than most, requiring the
im portation of large quantities of preserved food to m aintain a stable supply
for the workforce. Known to have been im portant to their ow ners (given
that one was referred to w ith an idyllic nam e and the other constituting one
175
of the largest and longest occupied locale in the entire valley), these camps
m ight be expected to differ, particularly in their ceramic compositions, in
such a way as to suggest more perm anent occupation or residence as a
country seat by the claimholder himself. The array of ceramic forms or w are
types at O'Brien and to a m uch lesser extent at M atthias Gale, however,
m anifest this possible permanence in only one apparent fashion. These sites
show a greater percentage of storage-type wares, nam ely coarse earthenwares
and gray stonewares. Other than storage wares, it is predom inently non-
ceramic artifact categories, discussed below, that bear evidence of more long
term, perm anent occupation at these two sites.
Table 5: Identifiable Vessel Types from New River Gamps
Other New A ll New

River sites River sites
M. Gale O'Brien c o m b in e d c o m b in e d
Form n 0//C n % n % n %
plate 74 47.8 38 39.6 170 55.2 282 50.4
bowl 60 38.7 27 28.1 86 28.0 173 30.9
storage type 8 5.2 19 19.8 1 0.3 28 5.0
saucer 1 0.6 1 1.0 13 4.2 15 2.7
teacup 4 2.7 2 2.1 7 2.3 13 2.3
hollow w are 3 1.9 4 4.2 6 2.0 13 2.3
m ug 2 1.3 0 0.0 10 3.2 12 2.2
cham berpot 1 0.6 0 0.0 10 3.2 11 2.0
dish 0 0.0 4 4.2 1 0.3 5 0.9
cup 1 0.6 1 1.0 1 0.3 3 0.5
teapot 1 0.6 0 0.0 1 0.3 2 0.4
bottle 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 0.7 2 0.4
total 156 100.0 96 100.0 308 100.0 559 100.0
176
Table 6: Ware Types by Sherd Counts from New River Camps
Other New All New

BAver sites 1? 1 7 " \0 Y
Xx ► %,1
C1 h o c
xj %
■t- isU
M. Gale O'Brien com b ined co m b in e d

r\ t
Ware ivpe n 7o n % n % n %
w hitew are 81 35.1 36 23.2 266 52.2 383 42.8
pearlw are 66 28.6 43 27.7 144 28.3 253 28.3
cream ware 54 23.5 41 26.4 45 8.8 140 15.6
porcelain 1 0.4 1 0.6 23 4.5 25 2.8
white saltglazed
stoneware 4 1.7 0 0.0 13 2.6 17 1.9
tin-oxide glaze 5 2.2 7 4.6 4 0.8 16 1.8
coarse earthenware 4 1.7 9 5.8 0 0.0 13 1.5
gray stoneware 4 1.7 7 4.6 1 0.2 12 1.3
buff-bodied shooed
A i
earthenw are 4 1.7 7 4.6 1 0.2 12 1.3

redware 3 1.3 3 1.9 5 1.0 11 1.2
Jackfield 0 0.0 0 0.0 4 0.8 4 0.4
yellowware 2 0.9 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 0.2
red stoneware 1 0.4 1 0.6 0 0.0 2 0.2
brow n stoneware 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 0.4 2 0.2
other earthenw are 1 0.4 0 0.0 1 0.2 2 0.2
hard whiteware 1 0.4 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 0.1
total 231 100.0 155 100.0 509 100.0 895 100.0
Part of the storage-ware category is comprised of a translucent tin
oxide-glazed ware that is very unlike the white-glazed delftware found at
other sites. Fragments of thick, buff-to-pink-bodied refined earthenware with
undecorated white tin-oxide glaze appeared in significant quantity at the
177
New River camp of O'Brien (NR 36). Based on the traditional type
classifications of majolica appearing in the New World (Deagan 1987; Goggin
1968), these fragments most closely resemble Columbia Plain, which was
produced in Spain and is common on sixteenth-century Spanish colonial
New W orld sites. This type of ware, mostly undecorated, is characterized by
w hite glaze, sometimes partially translucent, occasionally ranging from a
"pale pink cast to a yellow tone" (Goggin 1968: 118). Sixteenth and
seventeenth-century Spanish occupation along the N ew River has been
docum ented by others and could well have been the origin of this surface-
collected material (Jones 1989; Thompson 1988; Pendergast 1986).
The complete absence of other artifacts in this assemblage that m ight
also date from the sixteenth century suggests that, m ore likely than Columbia
Plain, this is a plain tin-glazed w are of New World, possibly of Yucatan,
m anufacture and of mid- to late eighteenth-century date (Goggin 1968: 223).
There are several contem porary references to illicit trade betw een Spanish
residents of the Bacalar area and the British wood cutters, especially those in
the northern river drainages. A Lieutenant James Cook observed a small-
scale but pervasive form of exchange w hen he was ordered to deliver
dispatches to Spanish officials at Merida in 1765. He was carried along the
coast from Belize tow ard Bacalar in the boat of a bayman nam ed M aud. A t
the m outh of the Rio Hondo they encountered a Spanish outpost, intended
to prevent cutters from exploiting stands of wood beyond the treaty zone. At
this outpost, the baym an M aud presented the Spanish lookout w ith gifts of
fabrics and alcohol, in exchange for good will and information on logwood
stands beyond the treaty limits (Cook 1935: 5). One could easily imagine a
178
sim ilar informal exchange involving food in ceramic containers. Goggin
states that "culturally, majolica is archaeologically associated w ith a certain
am ount of prosperity" (1968: 223). The limited sample encountered on the
New River sites of both this unidentified tin oxide-glazed w are and m ore
common English delftw are then, w ould distinguish both NR36 and NR21
from the other New River sites.
Other storage-type wares that appeared in quantity at O'Brien include
buff-to-orange colored coarse earthenware storage vessel fragm ents typical of
Iberian m anufacture. The appearance of these wares on English colonial sites
is not at all unusual, since the "Spanish olive jar" was used to transport a
wide variety of products in both legal and illegal trade. Although the w are
and glaze are variable, the forms of these jars evolved in a m anner that
allows nearly complete examples to be roughly dated (Deagan 1987: 32).
Fragments of these vessels have been found at Fort Raleigh National Historic
Site, N orth Carolina, and probably relate to the sixteenth-century city of
Raleigh, one of the earliest English New W orld sites (Skowronek and
Walker 1993: 60). O ther fragments of later-style forms have been recovered
from seventeenth-century Jamestown (Cotter 1958: 184) and M artin's
H undred (Noel H um e 1982: 195) and at m any other sites of seventeenth to
nineteenth-century date. Unfortunately, the fragm ents recovered at NR36
and NR21 do not perm it reconstruction of the original vessel forms, so it is
not possible to determ ine whether they are evidence of the sixteenth-century
Spanish presence or later English presence.
The overall vessel and ware percentages of the combined N ew River
ceramic collections are representative of the average utilitarian assemblage
179
w ithin a single up-river camp. As described in Chapter Two, these camps
were m ost likely comm unally-organized labor-oriented w ork parties w ith
only one or two higher-status individuals such as an overseer or forem an in
residence. Like the mobile hivernant Metis of the Canadian plains
investigated by Burley (1989: 99), the late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
New River sites docum ent im perm anent settlem ents of seasonal occupation.
Though usually occupied repeatedly for m any seasons, each term of
occupation was punctuated by periods of near or absolute abandonm ent and
disuse. Unlike Burley's Metis, however, the ceramic assemblages from the
New River sites are not dominated by the teacups, saucers, and small bowls
that w ere m aterial manifestations of the "behavioral realms of social sharing,
inform ation exchange and structured interaction" in Metis society (1989: 105).
The N ew River assemblages are heavily dom inated by plates and bowls, the
individual serving vessels for food consum ption. Clements (1993: 57) has
discussed the high proportion of teawares in assemblages from households
occupied by females and males relative to those occupied by exclusively by
m ales in the nineteenth-century military context of Fort Independence,
Boston Harbor. Although the simple presence of teawares at the N ew River
valley sites may be perceived as evidence for a domestic component
associated w ith the presence of women, it is im portant to note that even the
excusively male assemblages from Fort Independence possessed significantly
higher proportions of teawares than at any of the New River sites. The
extremely low representation of teawares at these locales could be interpreted
as indicating the presence of wom en in sufficiently small num bers that there
w as very little of the socially integrative activities associated w ith the English
180
tea cerem ony taking place. However, in isolated situations w here ceramic
and tableglass supply was limited, available vessels were simply substituted
for the missing ones. This practice is discussed further in the section on glass
and drinking behavior, below.
No distinctly decorative, display-oriented, or non food-related
ceramics stand out in significant quantities. Very little decoration beyond
m inim al shell-edge coloring and transfer-printing on later wares appears,
probably indicating low-end, inexpensive wares. Only the occasional teapot
or sim ilar hollowware fragment gives evidence for any activity other than
food consum ption on a generically broad scale. The m undane activity of
uncerem onious communal eating dominates the material record of these
ceramic assemblages.
Post-m anufacture modification appears on vessels at two N ew River
sites to support evidence for communal eating and corporate treatm ent of
the articles of food consumption. Marks of personal ownership often appear
on artifacts from communal contexts, such as military sites (Jones and Smith
1985: 115). The pronounced need to m ark one's personal objects is m ost
apparent in situations where objects are by necessity stored and treated as a
single group, such as aboard ship, or in camps associated w ith frontier
settlem ent, resource extraction, and military activities. At least two vessels
m arked w ith distinctive basal scratches were recovered from New River
sites, indicating a desire to express private ownership within a lifestyle where
m ost activities, including wood cutting, food preparation, eating, sleeping,
and m any other aspects of camp life were probably communally organized. A
pearlw are bowl w ith a large X scratched repeatedly across the base from NR5,
181
and a pearlw are plate base inscribed w ith a similar X from NR21, may have
identified private claims on favorite eating vessels (Figure 22). W hether
these were the personal possessions of wage-laborers or the favorite eating
vessels of African slaves, these fragments symbolize resistance in the camps
to a communal life that was not organized at the choice of the residents, but
rather by the absentee claim-holder who was interested in keeping operations
efficient and strictly profitable.
Convention Town Ceramics. One thousand and seven historical-
period ceramic vessel fragments were recovered from the twenty-two units
and sixty-three test pits excavated at Convention Town. Of these, 374, or
37.1%, w ere identifiable to vessel form.2
Table 7: Identifiable Vessel Types from Convention Town
Form________________________________ n_______ % of total

plate 207 55.3
bowl 127 34.0
beaker / m ug / cup 9 2.4
saucer 8 2.1
teapot 7 1.9
pitcher 6 1.6
storage type 6 1.6
dish 3 0.8
chamberpot 1 0.3
total 375 100.0
182
Table 8: Ware Types by sherd counts from C onvention Tow n
Ware__________________________________n % of total
cream ware 547 54.3
pearlw are 370 36.7
w hitew are 42 4.2
redw are 21 2.1
gray stoneware 9 0.9
buff-bodied slipped earthenware 8 0.8
basaltware 2 0.2
tin-oxide glazed ware 2 0.2
porcelain 2 0.2
agateware 1 0.1
red stoneware 1 0.1
other earthenwares 2 0.2
total 1007 100.0
The ceramic profile obtained from the Convention Town assemblage
docum ents a slight but significant difference in vessel forms and w are types
from the New River sites of approxim ately the same time period. Some of
the variety of ceramic wares from Convention Town reflects choice and
selection on the p art of the consumer, particularly the special decorative
w ares represented in very small quantities such as porcelain, agateware, and
basaltware. The relative representation of creamwares, pearlw ares, and
w hitew ares, however, reflects the changes in technological innovation in
m ass-produced ceramics and resultant m arket availability. From the ceramic
record alone, it is very difficult to identify specific attributes that w ould
support the thesis that the New River assemblages w ere used by slaves and
the Convention Town assemblages by slave-owners. The obvious presence of
the above-m entioned expensive w ares is not matched by a significant
183
inches--
Figure 22: Personal mark on pearlware bowl base from NR5.
184
elevation in the percentage of teapot and other hollowware forms
(combined), which one would have expected to act as evidence of non-group,
individually-oriented, status-defining activity. The low level of storage-type
forms is probably less indicative of short-term settlement than of local access
to a biologically and socially acceptible source of food for the inhabitants.
A difference between the Barcadares and Convention Town
assemblages is noticeable immediately. Together, the assemblages represent
approxim ately 100 years of settlement on the lower Belize River, although
the occupation of the Barcadares had most likely all but ceased prior to the
grow th of Convention Town ("the barquideirs" is labeled but not
em phasized on Lamb's m aps [CO700 BH nos. 11,13]). Most apparent is a
distinction betw een the dom inant vessel forms at the two sites. The
predom inance of bowls at the Barcadares and of plates at Convention Town
m ay sim ply reflect a shift in the system of food preparation, from stews,
soups, and porridges, to meals of drier consistency. But it is much more likely
to be representative of the use of communal vessel forms in food service at
the early site, and the dominance of individual service vessels at the later
site. This reflects a well-documented social trend that is characteristic of
m any sites that span the early m odern and Georgian time periods (Deetz
1977). Regardless of the social origins or widespread trends indicated by this
shift, it highlights elements of a radically different organization of domestic
activities w ithin the two sites. Other household-related artifacts recovered at
C onvention Town also support this apparent distinction between the two
periods (see section on glass, below). This shift in everyday domestic
activities represents a movement away from the m aritim e social
185
organization documented to have played an integral role in early Bay Settler
society, towards a more mainstream cultural system associated w ith the
geographically disparate but culturally integrated later eighteenth-century
British colonial hegemony.
Porcelain. A variety of vessel fragments m ade of porcelain were
recovered at sites from both the New and Belize Rivers. In the New River
drainage, the great majority (twenty-two of twenty-five pieces) came from the
two sites NR31 and NR 32, being plain white porcelain tableware, including
some saucers and plates w ith gold hand-painted rim bands. These w ares are
distinctly m odern in appearance and are considered to be late nineteenth or
tw entieth century in origin. The small rem aining sample of three porcelain
fragm ents from the New River plus seven fragm ents from the Belize River
sites are all of Asian manufacture, and possess underglaze blue a n d /o r
overglaze enamel decoration. All of these fragments are stylistically datable
to the m iddle of the eighteenth century (William R. Sargent, personal
com m unication, 1993).
One of the two fragments from Convention Town is a thick round
serving dish fragm ent w ith an overglaze enamel trail of a worn-off vine
motif. This fragment had been ground dow n along one edge for some
modified type of post-breakage use, possibly to create a square tile from the
dish fragment. The other porcelain fragm ent from the site is a solid
cylindrical blue painted m olded dragon head and is most likely a decorative
teapot handle (Figure 23). Similar zoomorphic decorative elements appear
186
Figure 23: Dragon-headed Chinese porcelain teapot

handle from Convention Town.
187
occasionally on Asian porcelains and infrequently on English earthenw ares
(Sotheby's 1993: 49; Emmerson 1992: 90, figure 52).
Five blue hand-painted Chinese porcelain fragm ents w ere recovered
from the Barcadares, constituting 2.1% of the entire ceramic assemblage. One
fragm ent of particular interest is a thin blue underglaze-decorated body
fragm ent w ith a preserved overglaze enamel trail in the form of a square
m ark. Similar maker's marks appear frequently w ithin the basal rings of
Chinese vessels. Though fragmentary and unidentifable, this m ark is
unusual because it appears on the decorated surface of the object, which was
probably a cup, and w ould have been considered to be part of the decoration.
Such visible placem ent of the maker's m ark is considered a characteristic of
m ore high-style and expensive wares (William R. Sargent, personal
com m unication, 1993).
The presence of such exotic wares in the Bay Settlement and their
particularly large representation at the early eighteenth-century site of the
Barcadares is notable. The prevailing view of this artifact class as functioning
prim arily as a socio-technic symbol of the social stature of its possessor w as
p u t forth by Deetz (1977: 60). The pattern of use of porcelain vessels in
colonial sites is assum ed to have differed significantly from that of the more
common ceramic wares. Curtis (1988) has discussed the extremely limited
data sets available for dating and interpreting Chinese export porcelain
recovered from w ithin archaeological contexts. She has also outlined the
difficulties in explaining the economics of how porcelain m ade its way into
English N ew W orld artifact assemblages. O n prelim inary examination, the
high representation of porcelain wares in the early Bay Settlement m ight
188
lead one to argue that this artifact class possessed little symbolic value as a
m eans of class association, in contrast to its role in elite homes in such well-
studied contexts as the British colonies of Virginia and New England, and the
D utch colony at the Cape of Good Hope. The Caribbean is notorious for
having been the land of sm uggled goods stolen from Spanish vessels that
w ere transshipping exotic commodities from Asia via Phillipine ports.
Surely, porcelain m ust have been common enough in the early eighteenth-
century Caribbean to be valued for its technomic function as a durable
household item. Otherwise, why w ould the gristled working-class
inhabitants of the Barcadares have paid more than necessary to obtain a piece
of tablew are solely to impress their peers? Doubtlessly, they of all people
rejected the ceremonies of bourgeois com petition and status negotiation
involving tea drinking, formal dinners, and display that formed the central
function of Chinese porcelain elsewhere (Hall 1992: 387). If so, then w hat
function did this exotic and expensive comm odity serve?
There is one explanation that requires neither an alternative
interpretation of the symbolic functioning of porcelain among the Baymen,
nor an economic reevaluation of the m arket supply of this artifact in the
eighteenth-century Caribbean. This m arginalized social class of m aritime
laborers had ample experience w ith the economic and psychological
dom ination of the ship captains and owners for w hom they had worked.
Their calculated response, witnessed by their presence in Belize, was to resist
that dom ination by escaping to the cultural and physical peripheries of the
civilized world. Resistance to that economic dom ination involved more
than just physical distance, but also m aterially-manifested symbolic
189
expressions of their independence from and rejection of the society that they
had escaped. The uncouth baymen of Uring's narrative who slept on w ooden
platforms w ith mattresses of leaves also possessed Chinese porcelain of high
quality. Hall (1992: 390) has described how the slaves who lived in the Castle
at Cape Town possessed porcelain stolen from their repressors as an
expression of symbolic resistance. The baymen did not need to hide their
possessions and so carried their resistance to a greater extreme, exhibiting
them for one another and for the merchant captains who visited them to buy
their wood. Like the pirate who wore the fancy brocades and velvets that
were forbidden him by European sum ptuary laws (Ritchie 1986: 12), the
baym an flaunted his independence from the oppressive social hierarchy of
the m aritime labor system by incorporating the symbolic trappings of upper-
class British society into his isolated but autonomous world.
One last note regarding the recovered ceramics involves their region
of manufacture: all are imports, and predom inantly British. Those that are
identifiable and not British, such as the Chinese porcelain and Rhenish
stonewares, m ost likely traveled to the Bay Settlement via the British Isles on
a British or colonial ship. The only ceramics that are of undeterm ined
manufacture are the peculiar coarse storage earthenwares discovered at
O'Brien (NR36) which were most likely produced somewhere outside the
settlement and acquired by trade chiefly for their contents. None of the
assemblages contains components similar to the locally-made redw ares that
are typical of New England sites and that were utilized for a w ide range of
household purposes. Absent also are the colonowares produced by Africans
and their descendents on New World plantation sites. It appears that none of
190
the coarse earthenw are recovered was of small-scale, non-industrial
m anufacture, and there is no documentary evidence to indicate that any such
production occurred within the Bay Settlement. It appears, therefore, that the
entirety of the assemblages from both the New and Belize River valleys are
of im ported manufacture. Such lack of specialized production of ceramics for
local consum ption was no doubt matched by a lack of parallel local industries
that w ould not necessarily be manifested archaeologically, thus
strengthening the settlem ent's reliance upon im ported products and outside
merchants. Various late eighteenth-century docum ents refer to
housekeepers, traders, fishermen, and others not directly involved in the
w ood extraction and processing industry, but the apparent lack of significant
ancillary industries and narrow range of occupations is representative of a
strongly export-oriented, or "cosmopolitan" economy. The lack of
occupational diversification and long-term reliance on im ports resulted in a
higher level of expense to fulfill even commonplace household
requirem ents.
Bricks
The occasional presence of brick fragments w ith a strong
representation at one site (NR36) indicates that this building m aterial was
used in an opportunistic fashion in non-construction activities (except at the
site of NR51 which yielded brick fragments probably related to the twentieth-
century construction of La Immaculada church). The presence of large
quantities of brick at NR36 suggests actual construction of some sort and a
m ore long-term and substantial settlement at this location. A lthough the
191
num ber of brick fragm ents encountered at NR36 was high (50), it represents a
total of only 11.57 kgs (25.50 lbs) in overall quantity. Only a single brick was
recovered in a nearly-whole condition at this site, suggesting that there had
originally been m any more here, but that most had been scavenged for reuse
leaving only the broken, unusable fragments. The highly-fragmented nature
of the brick and the low overall am ount present does not indicate that a
significant brick structure existed on this slope near the river, but rather that
bricks were used in some other structural or decorative fashion. An outdoor
brick hearth, paved walkway, or foundation pilings for a w ooden structure
w ould still have been a symbol of great permanence. It is difficult to
rationalize the reasoning for brick construction of any sort in the eighteenth-
century British Bay Settlement; in 1812, however, bricks were em ployed to
build St. John's C athedral in Belize City, the first Episcopal Church in
Spanish America (Lewis 1976: 2). The church, the prison on Gabourel Lane,
and a few other early structures were constructed of bricks im ported into the
settlem ent as ship ballast (Everitt 1986:15). Im ported bricks were commonly
used for construction in incipient New W orld settlements prior to the
grow th of local brick manufactories, such as in early seventeenth-century
Dutch N ew Am sterdam . Any building that utilized brick in its construction,
in no m atter how nonessential or superfluous a fashion, m ust have been the
m ost substantial building in the entire New River valley, and w ould have
stood as the regional representative of British colonial moral doctrine. The
differences in construction of up-river camp dwellings and dow n-river
residences are further explored below in the discussion of metal artifacts.
192
Alternatively, the unidentified activity for which small quantities of
brick was utilized at the sites of NR21 (3 fragments), NR20, and NR58 (one
fragm ent each), and Convention Town (eleven fragments), m ay have been
taking place w ith m uch greater frequency at NR36. Of incidental interest is a
plain fragm ent of pipe stem found em bedded inside a large brick fragm ent
from NR21, which implies probable British rather than Spanish region of
original m anufacture (see sm oking pipes section below).
Glass
Look into a glass onion: cylindrical 'w ine' bottles. The intem perate
drinking habits for w hich the earliest English settlers of the Bay Settlement
w ere notorious has been discussed in Chapter Three (Uring 1726:355). D uring
the years of slave-based timber exploitation, rum constituted a portion of
each slave's ration while the slave was engaged in up-river w ood cutting
(Bolland 1977: 70). English dark green or 'black' glass bottles, pulled regularly
from rivers, lagoons, and construction trenches, are the m ost w idespread
rem nants of historical-period occupation in Belize. The English 'w in e' bottle
u nderw ent an ordered m orphological evolution, from the shaft and globe
(1630-1680), to the onion (1680-1730), to the mallet (1725-1760), to the
cylindrical (1735-1840), to the three-piece mold (1811-1900) form (Dum brell
1983). Reconstructible vessels and diagnostic fragments of these bottles (rims
and lips) can often be dated to within a couple of decades or less (Dumbrell
1983: 38; O. Jones 1986; Noel Hum e 1970), particularly w hen analyzed w ithin
an assemblage containing ceramics and other artifacts. Linear regression
analysis has been used successfully to date a large assemblage of English glass
193
bottle rim fragments to w ithin 23 years of the date of m anufacture w ith a 95%
confidence interval (Vithayasai, Cohen, and Aylesworth 1985). At the outset
of the project it w as hoped that diagnostic bottle fragments w ould appear in
sufficient quantities to serve as fine-grained chronological indicators for the
New and Belize River camp deposits, adding idiosyncratic but quantifiable
information about diachronic trends of drinking behavior in eighteenth-
century Belize.
Although large quantities of dark green bottle glass were recovered
from the seventeen New River sites and two Belize River sites, no
individual assemblages contained large samples of diagnostic glass bottle
fragments that could be used to date sites solely by this method. Those datable
bottle fragments that were recovered were employed to help date site
occupations, and they almost universally agreed w ith existing ceramics-based
dates for the sites. Although the initial assum ption regarding the datability of
dark-green bottle glass was inaccurate, so was the assum ption that it w ould
form the dom inant artifact category at the wood-cutting camps. At the
Barcadares, Convention Town, and the combined New River sites (though
not at each individual site), datable ceramics appeared in greater quantities
than dark-green glass. At the Barcadares, eighty-nine dark green bottle glass
fragments were recovered, forming a scant 7.3% of the total artifact
assemblage there; 517 fragments were recovered from the combined New'
River sites, representing 23.7% of the total assemblage; at Convention Town,
994 fragments formed 30.2% of that artifact assemblage. It is possible that
more glass bottle fragments were not recovered because: (1) they experienced
heavy reuse in this remote region, (2) they were treated similarly to the trash
194
at m odern-day Convention Town and thrown directly into the river, (3)
m ost alcohol was transported into and w ithin the settlem ent in w ooden
pipes and hogsheads. W hatever the reasons, the explicit docum entary
evidence for the prodigious consum ption of alcoholic beverages is not
matched by similarly direct archaeological manifestations of the activity.
At Ferryland, Pope was able to glean clear archaeological evidence of
heavy drinking among the fishermen from a deposit representing m ultiple
activities, which, in addition to substantial am ounts of drinking, included
metal forging, food storage, meal preparation and cooking (P. Pope 1989: 78-
79). All of the Belize sites investigated, with the probable exception of
Convention Town, were mixed-activity locales. In the archaeological
assemblages from these sites, the domestic activities of food gathering,
preparation, and consum ption far outrepresent the commercial activities of
wood cutting and preparation. The activity of drinking, which docum entary
sources have shown to have played a vital role in social interaction and
group cohesion at the Barcadares, is not identifiable archaeologically through
glass liquor bottles, the artifact category most directly associated with alcohol
consum ption. This could be the case for a num ber of reasons, the m ost likely
of which involves the containers in which the beverages were transported
and consumed. W ooden hogsheads w ould have been the m ost efficient
m eans for bringing alcohol into the settlement, from which it could have
been transferred to any num ber of different types of vessels for ultim ate
consum ption. Royal N avy officer John Mitford (1819: 11, n.16) noted that on
long voyages at sea it was common for all of the glass tumblers to break,
w hereupon teacups w ould be substituted as the prim ary vessels used for
alcohol consum ption. This unconventional adaptation was considered to be
a hum orous idiosyncrasy of life in the navy, as is seen in the nineteenth-
century caricature in Figure 24. Similar substitution of vessels no doubt
occurred in the equally isolated environm ent of backwoods Belize, w here the
probable lifespan for glassware w ould be short indeed.
T ablew are. The rugged environm ent of the Belizean bush and the
austere lifestyle of the early wood-cutting inhabitants does not imm ediately
seem conducive to the transport, display, and use of fragile and highly-
decorated glassware designed to adorn a formal dining table. Although
completely unexpected at the outset of the survey, glass tableware appeared as
one of the m ost distinctive artifact classes that distinguished dissim ilarities
in household organization and activities, m aterial investm ents, and
statem ents about social position m ade by the inhabitants of different sites of
the Bay Settlement. Only a meager selection of tableware fragm ents appeared
at the sites of the New River valley. A total of six fragm ents w as recovered
from four sites; four are late nineteenth-century or later pattern-m olded
portions of stem w are, tumbler, and unidentified forms. The other two
fragm ents of probable earlier m anufacture came from R. F. O'Brien (NR36),
the w ood-cutting camp that yielded the largest overall diversity of artifacts.
The Barcadares also yielded two tableware fragments, both undecorated and
of unidentifiable form. A t both of these sites, tableware accounted for
negligible portions of the entire site assemblages.
A large and diverse assortm ent of glass tableware fragm ents, forms,
and decorative elements was recovered from the late eighteenth/early
196
Figure 24: Early Nineteenth-century caricature depicting Midshipmen relaxing

betw een decks. Note the consumption of alcohol from teacups in
close-up (Catalog of Political and Social Satire X 1952: 266; #14287).
197
nineteenth-century contexts at Convention Town. The 274 tableware
fragments collected constituted 8.3% of the entire site assemblage, and
included tumbler, stemware, decanter, rum m er goblet, and possible flip glass
forms. Seventeen of these fragments possessed engraved decoration, and an
additional sixteen had applied enamel coloring in white, yellow, red, blue,
and green (see Figure 25). An additional four examples possessed press-
m olded fluting. It is difficult to identify the country and date of m anufacture
of such highly-fragmented and unreconstructible decorated pieces. Both
wheel engraved and enameled tableware have long traditions in European
glasshouses and had become widely popular in Britain and the N orth
American colonies during the second half of the eighteenth century (Hughes
1956: 175-198). Though not identified, this decorated tableware is probably of
either British or American m anufacture.
The presence of significant quantities of tableware at Convention
Town, both within the feature discussed in Chapter Four and elsewhere at
the site, is strong evidence for substantive differences between this and the
other earlier and contemporary sites. Specifically, the elaborate glass
tableware suggests differences in the language of social positioning and
negotiation of status undertaken among residents of the settlement. These
w ares were considered de rigueur and therefore commonplace in established
early-American households, where they stood in corner cupboards and on
dining tables made from the very m ahogany that was cut in the Bay
Settlement. Much like the transfer-printed tea wares among the m igratory
hunters of the Canadian plains (Burley 1989), the fragile glassware of the
Convention Town residents was embodied w ith a symbolic voice that was
198
Figure 25: Enameled glass fragments from Convention Town, with a complete
bottle of similar decoration for comparison.
199
com prehensible to those initiated into the subculture. In the rudim entary
huts set in the sweltering m ahogany forest, the elegantly engraved and
enameled glassware undoubtedly took on a strong role as signifier of
economic stability, social arrival, and participation in the hegemonic
discourse of English new-world slave-owning culture. The m arked
archaeological distinction betw een Convention Town and the other sites that
is seen by the table glass was matched during the settlers' occupation by an
equally m arked distinction in w orldview and circles of social association.
W hat the m ariners of the Barcadares experienced as escape from tyranny, and
the slaves of the N ew River camps knew to be com pulsory subjugation, the
slave-owning residents of Convention Town saw as an opportunity to
construct and communicate a social context as sim ilar to their conception of
economically successful British colonial society as w as possible.
Ball-clay tobacco pipes
Clay pipes can contribute to a variety of archaeological approaches to
studying the past; they can assist in the dating of sites, elicit information
regarding commercial interactions and the regional supply of commodities,
and serve as evidence for the communication of class, ethnicity, and gender
relationships through m aterial culture associated w ith leisure activity (Cook
1989). N aturally, not all assemblages lend them selves to fruitful analyses
along all of these lines, but a judicious application of approaches can yield
significant insights.
200
Identifying Barcadares Pipe Fragm ents. The specialist literature that
has been generated in the last twenty years on the subject of clay tobacco pipes
is enorm ous. A four-volum e m onograph (Walker 1977) and twelve
illustrated volumes of British Archaeological Reports (Davey 1979a; 1979b;
1980a; 1980b; 1981a; 1981b; 1982; 1983; 1985; 1987; 1988; 1991) are considered
only the standard references. Identifying clay pipe m aker's m arks is a
painstaking process, but one that holds potential for interesting insights into
dating and commercial networks associated with an assemblage of pipe
fragm ents.
The typological and chronological inform ation provided in W alker's
(1977) survey of clay pipes suggests that, treated as an assemblage, the pipe
fragm ents recovered at the Barcadares fit w ithin the date range of 1680 to
1730. More tightly defined dates based on the m orphology of individual bowl
fragm ents were not extracted from Walker's research because of the lack of
data regarding region and in some cases even country of m anufacture of the
pipes. This date range corresponds closely w ith other artifacts from the site,
and the stem-bore date discussed below.
The question of country of m anufacture for the unm arked pipe
fragm ents can be addressed in a general way by looking at bowl m orphology.
According to Walker, an indicator for distinguishing English from Dutch
pipes is "the plane of the bowl rim, which in English pipes is parallel to the
line of the stem and in Dutch pipes is m arkedly at an angle sloping aw ay
from the smoker" (1977: 4: 1746). This angle w ould suggest that num erous
pipe bowls in the Barcadares assemblage are of Dutch m anufacture (see
201
Figure 26). Dutch pipe fragments are a common component of English New
World colonial sites from this time.
Embossed and impressed pipe fragments provide unam biguous
evidence for pipes of Dutch as well as English m anufacture at the Barcadares.
One impressed stem fragment (Figure 26; GB.6.2A) exhibits the "typical Dutch
decoration of rouletting and runs of touching open circles" also found in a
1716-50 context at the fortress of Louisbourg, Nova Scotia (Walker and Wells
1979: 34). Another identifiably Dutch pipe fragment from the Barcadares is a
stemless belly-bowl style pipe bowl marked at the base with the letters FIG
beneath a three-pointed crown, all inside a circle (Figure 27a). Pipes with
similar marks were recovered from num erous later seventeenth-century
native-American and Dutch sites in New York State, w here they were
attributed to the workshop of Hendrick Gerdes of Am sterdam , w ho produced
pipes between 1668 and 1685, with his widow continuing on until 1688
(McCashion 1979: 130).
The unusual form of the stemless bowl, m arked underneath the bowl
where the foot or spur would otherwise be, is also represented in another
example at the Barcadares, by an impressed 3-leaf clover inside a circle
(Figure 27b). This form is characteristic of "some special 'export' pipes made
for foreign markets [outside the Netherlands]" (Atkinson 1972: 177). A third
m arked fragment of probable Dutch manufacture is a stemm ed form w ith an
embossed rather than incised mark of a bulbous, handled tall basket (Figure
27c). Both the basket and clover maker's marks are considered to be among
"the commonest form of eighteenth century decoration on Dutch pipe
bowls" (Atkinson 1972: 180; fig. 80).
202
i i
© GB.4.2A embossed basket
GB.5.3 im p ressed 3-leaf clover

rou letted rim
l l
GB.1.2 undecorated GB.1.2A im pressed HC

u n d er crow n
GB.6.2A impressed
Figure 26: Selected pipe fragments recovered at the Barcadares.
tja g, L3aa>-^ 8^
S ^sg en a i
Figure 27: Maker's marks on pipe bowls recovered at the Barcadares

(a. HG mark, b. clover leaf, c. basket).
204
Pipe Stems. The bore diameters of all pipe stem fragm ents that w ere
collected from sites in both the New and Belize River valleys were m easured
in order to apply Binford's regression formula for dating sites based on this
artifact class (Binford 1978: 66). Since Binford's formula is not reliable for sites
postdating 1760 and the majority of Belize sites represent either palim psests
including large post-1760 components, or are entirely post 1760, no easy
answers were expected from applying this technique. The major exception to
this situation, however, is the Belize River site of the Barcadares, w hich is
know n to have been occupied in 1720 during C aptain Uring's visit, and
which contains a ceramic assemblage suggesting essentially no late
eighteenth-century or later occupation in the site core area. Pipe-stem dates
derived from the other site assemblages appear to be entirely inaccurate.
Binford's formula yielded dates for the assemblages as follows:
Table 9: Pipe Fragments
total % of entire site m easurable stem

Site recovered (nl assemblage bores(nl date
The Barcadares 339 27.8 199 1733.99
C onvention Town 138 4.2 83 1747.48
M atthias Gale (NR21) 63 11.8 42 1747.06
O'Brien (NR36) 7 2.1 0 n.a.
Other N ew River sites 31 2.3 19 1744.57
Sample sizes w ere small for all contexts except the Barcadares, where
339 fragm ents w ere recovered (199 of which had m easurable stem bores),
205
comprising 27.8% of the total artifact assemblage. The site of O'Brien
possessed a peculiarly small num ber of pipe fragments, particularly given the
large overall artifact assemblage. The high percentage of pipe fragments at
M atthias Gale relative to the other New River sites, particularly O'Brien, is of
interest. In fact, over one half of all New River pipe fragments came from the
site of Matthias Gale. In terms of the other ceramic categories, though,
M atthias Gale and O'Brien compare quite closely.
The high percentage of pipe fragments relative to other artifacts at the
Barcadares may be an indicator of the actual density of occupation. If we
assum e that the am ount of smoking per individual (and the production of
residual evidence) remained constant from the early to the later eighteenth
century, than we m ust assume that the num ber of other artifacts (particularly
ceramics) discarded by each individual increased dramatically over this time.
While this may be an acceptable explanation for materially rich late
eighteenth-century sites like Convention Town and Matthias Gale, it does
not explain the extreme paucity of pipe fragments on sites that do not exhibit
extensive ceramics-disposal practices, nor the near complete lack of pipe
fragments at the site of O'Brien.
Ethnicallv-linked smoking behavior? Cook (1989) has discussed ethnic
differences in patterns of tobacco consum ption during the nineteenth
century and its roots in earlier colonial society. Tobacco use, specifically cigar
smoking, predates the first European settlement of the New World. For
centuries following Columbian contact, cigars were the dom inant form of
tobacco consumption in Spain. Although cigars were introduced into
206
England prior to 1600, they did not become popular there until after the
Napoleonic wars (Walker 1977: 62). The British Isles were the dom ain of the
pipe smoker, as was the Netherlands. Cigarettes enjoyed a boom in
popularity beginning in the 1830s, but they never superseded clay pipes,
which rem ained the dom inant m edium of tobacco consum ption in England
until the end of the nineteenth century. Like cigars, cigarettes, produced from
the butts of cigars w rapped in paper "spread from Spain" [and presum ably
Spanish colonies] (Walker 1977: 62).
During the nineteenth century, northern Belize was the locus of much
cultural admixing betw een Anglo and African populations m igrating inland
from the coast, and Hispanic-influenced Mayan and Mestizo refugees from
the Caste W ar m igrating south and eastward from Yucatan (Bolland 1977:
137). These populations engaged predom inantly in subsistence agriculture
and forest exploitative activities (such as wood cutting and chicle gathering).
Since cigars and cigarettes are in general associated w ith Hispanic ethnicity
while ball clay pipes are strongly associated with Anglo and African-
American ethnicity (Cook 1989: 221), it m ay be possible to utilize tobacco
consum ption pactices to distinguish artifact patterns that identify Anglo and
African populations from those that represent Hispanic and acculturated
Maya ethnicities for sites of this later period using the relative representation
of clay pipes as a guide. Only a tenuous argum ent could be m ade for
identification of ethnic associations based on such negative evidence as the
absence of clay pipes, but other artifact patterns gleaned from the sites first
identified through apparent smoking-behavior differences m ay support such
an argum ent. In this m anner, evidence of smoking behavior m ay contribute
207
to m ore complex and difficult to address issues related to ethnicity of settler
populations. According to this hypothesis, the paucity of pipe fragments at
the site of O'Brien would link the occupants m ost strongly w ith an Hispanic
or Hispanic-influenced ethnicity. In this study, the focus has been specifically
on sites w ith a specialized economic orientation from a time period prior to
that in which Hispanic and acculturated Maya began settling in the New
River valley. It is possible that some other, as yet unidentified, ethnic
association differentiated the residents of O'Brien from those of Matthias
Gale.
M etal
A large num ber of metal objects was recovered from the New and
Belize River valleys, the majority of which came from the excavated contexts
in the Belize River valley. Only fifty-one m etal objects were recovered from
the surface-collected contexts of the seventeen New River camp sites. These
include a w ide variety of iron and copper alloy sheet metal fragm ents of
unidentified function, large iron pot fragm ents that relate to either the
cooking of food in large quantities or the prim ary boiling process of the chicle
industry, and m ore m odern screws and staples. W hile it is possible that there
simply were few metal objects deposited along the New River, it is also likely
that surface conditions were not conducive to the preservation of iron and
copper alloy. It is interesting to note, however, that of the fifty-one metal
artifacts recovered there was not a single nail, the m ost comm on artifact type
recovered at both of the Belize River sites.
208
The greatest variety of metal objects was recovered from subsurface
contexts at the Barcadares, including lead shot, and 161 iron artifacts. Of these
iron artifacts, ninety-six are nails, all of w rought m anufacture, the rem ainder
being large spikes, rods, wrought staples, flat strap-like fragments, and
unidentified hardw are (Figure 28). Although largely unidentified, m any of
these large iron fragments no doubt relate to the activities of cutting and
transporting logwood.
A more limited array of object types was recovered at Convention
Town, where 198 iron objects consisted of 136 nails, 101 of which are of
w rought m anufacture and the rem ainder of cut and wire types. The presence
of these latter nail types simply documents the more recent period of
occupation at Convention Town. However, the large quantities of w rought
nails at both sites indicates that substantial construction was being
undertaken during both the early and later portions of the eighteenth
century in the lower stretches of the Belize River. Given the descriptions of
Uring, these nails were most likely used at the Barcadares for the
construction of the settlers' "pavilions," or possibly for more substantial
"huts." A t Convention Town they were used for construction of dw elling
structures. An "Account of Im ports and Exports" of the settlem ent from 1787
to 1789 itemizes 190 packages of "iron mongery" (CO 123/9). That so m any
nails ended up in the archaeological record, some in perfectly serviceable
condition, indicates that nails were a common im port into the settlem ent,
and that they were not always salvaged and recycled for repeated use.
Alternatively, the structures may have been abandoned, or possibly burned,
since some of the nails are in surprisingly good condition given the corrosive
Figure 28: Iron artifacts from the Barcadares. Clockwise from top: screwdriver
(GB.1.2A); unidentified strap or hinge fragment (GB.7.2); box or
trunk hinge (GB.5.2); unidentified strap or hinge fragment (GB.1.2A).
210
Belize River soils. In any event, these nails constitute a significant portion of
the material rem ains of the Belize River settlements, specifically the
Barcadares where they constitute 7.9% of the entire site assemblage.
During the early occupation represented at the Barcadares, it is
probable that pavilions were nailed together in the common European
system of fastening wood. All of the identifiable nails recovered are of
medium -sized construction type, with a few larger specimens. No specialized
nails for finishing or shingling were identified. The complete absence of nails
at the New River sites suggests one of three possibilities: (1) that greatly fewer
houses or pavilions were constructed during the later-eighteenth and early-
nineteenth century, (2) that iron nails were preserved at the Barcadares and
Convention Town because of their subsurface context and that they corroded
to oblivion elsewhere, or (3) that the techniques of pavilion construction
w ere different for the perm anent and the transient settlem ent locations. That
houses were significantly less perm anent in the New River cam ps seems to
be a logical conclusion even given the differences in environm ental contexts
of the sites. It is also probable that, over time, native M ayan techniques of
house construction were adopted, and framing poles of the N ew River
houses were lashed together with vines rather than ham m ered together w ith
nails. The abovem entioned account of im ports to the settlem ent from 1787
through 1789 also includes 330,000 feet of lumber and 300,000 shingles
(C0123/9). This construction material w ithout doubt was used
predom inantly in the burgeoning dow n-river settlements, including
Convention Town, but not in the up-river camps. In September of 1790, a
British Commissary toured the settlement w ith a Spanish inspector, and
211
described a structure at the Haulover (confluence of the Belize and H aulover
rivers) as having a "thatched roof and inclosed w ith the m aterials generally
used in the country, being of Pimento Royal and lesser Pimento sticks, tyed
together w ith small yarns." A similarly-constructed hut was described as
being "built as a place to lodge the negroes at night, when attending
m ahogany "(Journal of my Visitation, by Thomas Graham; C 0123/9).
Gun hardw are. One identifiable copper alloy fragment of gun
hardw are was recovered from the site of Convention Town (Figure 29). It is
the decorative side plate from a long gun, possibly the standard issue British
m ilitary firearm of the late-eighteenth century know n as a "Brown Bess."
The copper-alloy composition and flared decoration belies the fact that this
type of firearm was in common use in both m ilitary and civilian elements of
eighteenth-century life. The British Commissary who guided the Spanish
observer through the settlem ent in 1790 explained that:
No kind of arm s are to be found among the British Subjects here,

b u t a few old G uns used for pu rp o ses of h u n tin g at the
Mahogany and Logwood works.
W hen any dan g er had been ap p re h en d e d eith er from an

Insurrection am ong the Slaves, or from any attack of the Wild
Indians (as happened on the N ew River last year) it has been
usual for the Inhabitants to carry such arm s as they w ere
possessed of. (Thomas G raham , Journal of my Visitation ; CO
123/9)
The ample evidence for guns in the settlem ent reflects their use both for food
collecting and as offensive w eaponry against others.
212
Wf l 'T71 l.l.'iTilgfTi
'""!l •..• | 2 ^ - l 3 ' ^ i l 4 v ^ M ;V-l6
‘C le n t i m e t r e s ' * ^ ’: ? ^ w -/ - i V r i . i V - - . * ?
Figure 29: Copper alloy long-gun side plate recovered at Convention Town
(CT.10.2), possibly from a Brown Bess musket.
213
Lead shot. A variety of lead shot was recovered from excavated
contexts at both Belize River sites. The nineteen shot found at the Barcadares
represent three basic size categories. Seventeen are small (four-to-five
millim eters in diam eter), one is m edium (eight millimeters), and one is a
large m usket ball w ith a thirteen millimeter diameter. The m usket ball was
apparently m ade in a pliers-mold; the mid-sized shot displays a seam and
sprue nib w here it w as cut from a larger casting, and the smallest shot were
m ade by the Rupert process (using a collander and water) that produced the
characteristic dim ple and variable shape and size (Faulkner 1986: 84). The
sim ple technology involved in shot m anufacture w ould have easily allowed
for production to have taken place within the settlement, yet it is more likely
that this shot was purchased from incoming vessels, since it appears
commonly on lists of trade items desired by the settlers.
The fact that no lead shot were recovered from sites in the New River
valley is m ost likely a function of the collection strategy employed. All shot
recovered from the Belize River sites came from excavated contexts, while
the N ew River collection procedure was almost exclusively surface oriented.
Therefore, distributional differences between sites of the two rivers cannot be
accurately assessed. Although lead shot was occasionally used for other
purposes than as am m unition, such as to weight the hems of draperies, it is
presum ed that all of the shot recovered in the Belize River valley was
intended to be fired from guns. The great num ber of small shot recovered
from the Barcadares suggests a heavy reliance on hunting, possibly fowling,
for subsistence at this earliest site. Five small lead shot were recovered from
the heavily occupied site of Convention Town. The small representation of
214
this artifact class amid a site dominated by ceramics and table glass suggests
some change in the locus of certain activities, such as hunting, from the early
to later eighteenth century.
Lithic artifacts
Flints. Four gun flints were recovered from sites in the New River
valley. Their morphology and raw material indicates that all are of the flake
type and m ade of English gray flint. All are small, were probably for pistols,
and are of late-eighteenth to early-nineteenth century production (Hamilton
and Emery 1988: 9). Concentrated deep wear along the central portion of one
facet on two of the flints suggests use as strike-a-lights rather than as gun
flints. This was probably a very common secondary use for such prepared
flints. One additional gun flint fragm ent was recovered from Convention
Town. While this flint was produced using a similar technology, it was m ade
from a darker gray chert than the m ore typical English variety. Small
firearm s were no doubt commonly carried in the bush and used to h unt
fresh howler monkey, bird, or deer - im portant supplem ents to an im ported
diet of w heat biscuit and salted meat. Firearms w ere also used to light fires to
cook the provisions and to intimidate slaves and "w ild Indians" under the
pretext of defending against Spanish aggressors.
Artifacts as evidence o f subsistence
Much has been said in previous chapters about the historical
docum entation of subsistence practices in both the earlier and the later
eighteenth century. The patterns of subsistence evident from the
docum entation suggest both a strong interplay w ith the maritim e social
organization in the earliest years, and a continuing lack of self-sufficiency
w ith an expensive reliance on im ports enforced by the Spanish restrictions
on garden planting in later years. At O udepost I, a late seventeenth-century
Dutch colonial settlement in South Africa, Schrire w as able to identify clear
distinctions between the docum entary evidence of subsistence practices and
the archaeological reality (Schrire 1992: 365). Documentation for the Dutch
outpost suggests that im ported domesticated foodstuffs formed the dietary
base. But faunal remains indicated that the residents actually predom inantly
"lived off the land" on wild mammals, exploiting the traditional niches of
the indigenous inhabitants there. The Bay settlers had three basic sources of
accessible food: locally-available wild flora and fauna, im ported and prepared
domesticated plant and animal products, and the residual botanical
survivors from overgrown Maya gardens and fields that were encountered
in localized and dense stands near abandoned indigenous settlements. These
Maya settlements had been abandoned because of the encroachm ent on the
inhabitants by both English and Spanish colonizers. The extent of influence
that centuries of Maya land modification had on the Bay settlers' choice of
settlem ent locales will likely never be known, but the num ber of prehistoric
M ayan sites that also possess historical-period artifacts of European
m anufacture is indicative of some degree of correlation.
A lthough it w ould be interesting to contrast the docum entary
inform ation w ith archaeologically-derived sources of evidence for
subsistence in the Bay Settlement as Schrire did so effectively, no securely-
dated faunal or botanical material was recovered from the archaeological
216
deposits at the New or Belize River sites. D o c u m e n ta r y evidence for the Bay
settlers' perceptions of the adequacy, convenience, and desirability of the
various foods available to them, as discussed in Chapter Three, is a key
element of the present analysis. Access to these past perceptions, m ost often
gained through docum entary sources, allows the historical archaeologist to
incorporate the "contextually-rooted subjectivity of contem porary observers
into the research process" (Beaudry 1993: 101). Future excavations m ay yield
stratigraphically secure deposits of carbonized plant m aterial or preserved
bone that can be interw oven w ith this subjective docum entary evidence to
allow a truly balanced and informative reconstruction of early settler
subsistence.
As was m entioned in Chapter Three, a high degree of reliance on
im ported foodstuffs should be manifested archaeologically in large num bers
of containers for commercially-prepared foods. These containers could
potentially take the form of staved w ooden barrels w ith w ooden or iron
hoops for products like butter, lard, liquors, oils, spices, pickled meats, fish,
biscuits, and dried grains, fruits, and vegetables; w ooden boxes for tea,
m edicines, pickles, fruits, and nested bottles of liquor; and m etal cannisters
for tea, meat, and cheese (Jones 1993: 27-36). However, prepared food
containers m ade of ceramic and glass are those m ost likely to be preserved
and identifiable in archaeological assemblages from Belize. Coarse
earthenware, stoneware, and tin-glazed pots, jars, and bottles w ere used to
transport such foods as butter, conserved fruits, honey, m eat, fish, oil, olives,
cider, wine, and pickles, and glass containers were used for a w ide array of
products from pickles, liquors, and oils, to medicines, snuff, spices, perfum ed
217
w aters, and sauces (Jones 1993: 30-32). W ithin the assemblages of the
nineteen sites investigated, only those of R. F. O'Brien (NR36) and Matthias
Gale (NR21) had large enough quantities of coarse earthenware to indicate
food im portation.
Dutch interlopers in the Bay of Honduras trade?
A lthough not considered to be an orientation of the research design of
this project, one question of interest to those investigating the early colonial
history of Belize involves any evidence for extensive trade carried on w ith
non-British or British colonial m erchants, particularly Dutch traders. The
existence of regular interaction w ith non-Anglo m erchant vessels that
visited the Belize River settlem ent has direct implications for political and
commercial analyses of the early years of the Bay Settlement, as well as
indirect implications for m ore in-depth sociocultural analyses of early settler
society, cultural influences, and affiliations. Many period documents
describing early Belize trade complain of the presence of vessels from French,
Dutch, and other European nations taking advantage of the lack of formal
British governm ental presence in Belize (A R 1767: 56). In some cases it was
even argued that Dutch traders received preferential terms of trade (Speer
1771: 56; Jefferys 1780:16). The Dutch formerly had been engaged in the
logw ood trade out of the Bay of Campeche in the 1670s (Calender of State
Papers, Colonial Series 1669-1674 1889: 8: 415). Claims of Dutch vessels from
C urasao trading at Belize were common, but it is impossible to docum ent the
international character of the port of Belize from existing archival sources.
W ere the authors of these sources inventing or overem phasizing a Dutch
218
presence in order to bolster the baymen's claim that formal colonization of
Belize (along with a garrison of troops for protection from the Spanish)
w ould be in everyone's best interest and a good investm ent for the Home
governm ent? Recent underw ater archaeological research was oriented
tow ard identifying trade patterns via rem nants of m erchant vessels lost
during a hurricane that hit the coast on 1787 (Irion 1990). Unfortunately,
however, although the hurricane itself is very well docum ented (GM 1788:
58: 74; Millas 1968: 278-9), the project yielded no wrecks, material culture
directly associated with the September 23, 1787, event, or conclusions to the
research questions.
At the outset of the present project it was recognized that the
representation of artifacts of Dutch manufacture in the survey samples m ight
provide evidence of this supposed trade. According to navigator and
cartographer Captain Joseph Smith Speer (1771: 55), typical commodities
traded by the Dutch for logwood included
su n d ry goods, such as hollands, stripes, checks, callicoes,

cambricks, m uslins, osnaburghs, sail cloth, cordage, pow der,
shot, small arms, cutlasses, and other hardware: likewise brandy,
geneva, arrack, wine, sugar, earthen and china ware, &c.
Thomas Jefferys (1780: 16) further commented that goods brought by the
Dutch from Curasao were sold "cheaper than the goods im ported from
Jamaica, those articles only remain for the English which the D utch cannot
furnish, as salt-beef and butter, meal and bread, of N orth America, some
iron-ware, &c." Of the Dutch trade commodities listed, only a few of the latter
are likely to be preserved archaeologically, the others being too perishable.
219
Using this list as a guide, glass, ceramics, and gun parts including flints were
considered to be potential evidence of the existence and extent of this possible
trade. Evidence of settler trade with Dutch vessels w ould consititute material
docum entation of the international linkages that existed w ithin the
Caribbean m aritime world. As discussed in Chapter Three, the cultural
identifications of eighteenth-century Anglo m ariners was radically different
from those of more sedentary working-class laborers, and material evidence
of direct commercial interaction m ight strengthen insights into the realm of
social and cultural associations.
The preceding artifact analysis makes clear that no discernible
archaeological pattern of Dutch economic infiltration exists to substantiate
the w ritten reports. The porcelain was probably im ported from China on
British rather than Dutch vessels, and the tin-glazed wares are English
"delftware," not Dutch Delft (Noel Hum e 1991: 106). Only the sm oking pipes
are clearly of Dutch manufacture, and these appear commonly on both Old
and New W orld sites of English, Dutch, and other nationalities.
Nevertheless, the concerns of Captain Speer and others help to show the
strong international flavor of life in the western Caribbean during early years
of the settlement. W hatever landmass the settlers m ight have felt filial ties
to, an ocean separated them from it, leaving them eager to trade w ith the
ships of any nation that arrived at their port.
Discussion
Historical archaeological studies of logging communities are
uncom m on, and range across many periods and regions (Brashler 1991;
Franzen 1992; Pearson and Whelan 1989; Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1993;
Rock 1980). Therefore, it w ould be of questionable value to attem pt any
analytical generalizations regarding a "logging-camp artifact pattern." More
general com parisons w ith communities in similar situations of social and
economic isolation carry valuable lessons for interpretation of logging sites of
eighteenth-century Belize. Miller and H urry (1983: 80) have show n how
com m only-held perceptions regarding relationships between ceramics to
socioeconomic status are not applicable in specific situations, particularly in
econom ically isolated frontier comm unities. In these comm unities, certain
factors overrode w hat is considered the norm for ceramics consum ption and
disposal in early Anglo-America. These factors included severe restrictions
on the inflow and availability of m anufactured goods and a low level of
participation in the cash economy. The implications for interpretation of
socioeconomic status via ceramics and other artifacts on eighteenth-century
up-river sites in Belize are obvious: ceramics and other products were
acquired as they were available, probably w ith few or no options regarding
style, decoration, or price. The overall range of artifacts recovered during the
survey is extremely limited. Very few highly-decorated artifacts or decorative
accoutrem ents for household or personal use w ere recovered, suggesting the
purely utilitarian concerns in the selection of m aterial culture. In addition,
restricted access to markets, especially by the slave population, m eant that
221
ceramics and other objects were probably utilized for tasks other than those
for which they were originally designed. This situation changed radically for
the growing com m unity of Belize (City) during the early nineteenth century
w hen the colony became a major supplier of British m anufactures into
Central America (Bolland 1977: 166), but was perpetuated far longer in the
isolated, poor, and increasingly perm anent settlem ents inland.
W ithout the docum entary record, distinguishing slave-occupied sites
from those inhabited by poor but free wood cutters is extremely challenging.
This distinction can be im portant for artifact interpretation. As Orser (1992)
has discussed, the context in which an artifact is initially introduced into a
cultural milieu may not be the context in which it ends its use-life and is
discarded. Artifacts that ended their use-lives in the possession of slaves or
wage-laborers often bear the interpretive burden of m any degrees of
separation from their original treatm ent as comm odities of trade introduced
into the settlement.
For a num ber of reasons, the range of activities represented
archaeologically at the majority of N ew and Belize River sites is very low.
The sites are palim psests of repeated occupation during the wood extraction
season and are specialized in nature. Of considerable interest, therefore, is the
paucity of evidence of the actual dom inant economic activity that took place.
C ertain artifact categories evoke particularly strong m ental images of the
physical appearance of the sites. The nails and clay concretions found at the
Barcadares are evidence of rigidly constructed dwellings interspersed by open
hearths where cooking and socializing occurred. No such evidence appears at
the N ew River sites. There are, however, indications of longer-term
222
occupation with a slightly broader range of activities at a few of the New
River sites. A w ider array of ceramics, including storage vessels, and other
artifacts such as bricks at O'Brien and Matthias Gale indicate more substantial
household situations.
Many categories of artifacts typically found on eighteenth-century New
World British colonial sites were not found in Belize. This absence may
result from a num ber of factors, including a simple lack of availability of
certain commodities in the frontier setting, simple regional adaptive
strategies based on environmental conditions that obviated the need for
specific objects, or m ore substantive differences in social or economic systems
for which these missing artifact categories act as evidence. While
constructing an intricate argum ent based on negative evidence could lead to
illusory conclusions, it is interesting to note the complete absence of key
artifact categories from the site assemblages. Such artifacts as glass lamp
chimneys and lighting devices, household cutlery of any sort, w indow glass,
coins, and clothing buttons, though commonly encountered in other British
New W orld sites, were not recovered during this survey.
The foregoing artifact analysis contributes to knowledge of Bay settler
lifeways from a perspective heretofore unexam ined. W ritten docum ents
have stressed how the inhabitants advanced up the river valleys and settled
in small camps to engage in strenuous wood-cutting activities. The artifacts
from these camps shed light upon the non-industrial side of life up river,
illustrating the communal home-lives and social activities in which the
baymen engaged. The material culture from the different periods of
occupation of the Bay Settlement reflect the values associated w ith the
223
logwood-cutters' subculture, and the social organizational changes that
occurred over time as the frontier settlement evolved into a colonial society.
Although social life in the wood-cutting camps rem ained communally
organized and extremely isolated from casual contact w ith outsiders, there
was a fundam ental difference in up-river life during the two periods.
Material culture of the logwood-cutting m ariners at the Barcadares shows
evidence of choice, and an active rejection of an authoritarian system of
economic oppression by withdrawing to the m argins of civilization and
living according to a system of values that deliberately repudiated the social
rules and roles that they had escaped. Although the range of artifacts
recovered was very limited, the large quantities of delftware, decorated
stoneware, and high-quality porcelain, and the near absence of undecorated
utilitarian earthenwares, indicate that a certain degree of wealth was invested
in status negotiation through display-oriented activities. The logwood cutters
m ay have rejected the hierarchical values of British society by living and
working cooperatively, but they did not reject the accumulation and
exhibition of w ealth obtained through a combination of hard w ork and
illegal pursuits. The communal camps of the m ahogany cutters, on the other
hand, were the miserable habitations of the m ost hapless Bay Settlement
residents, who w ere forced to live and labor in isolated groups of individuals
not of their choosing. The communal nature of life was evident in the large
slave-occupied camps belonging to "cutters of considerable property," b u t the
camps of cutters of "less" and "little" property were for the most part not
archaeologically detectable. The actual range of activities represented in the
New River sites was very low and almost exclusively confined to the
2 24
domestic sector. The m aterial culture of Convention Town was surprisingly
diverse, and indicated a lifestyle in m arked contrast to the New River camps
in its size, artifact density, apparent wealth, and substantiality of occupation.
The contrast betw een these sites of roughly the same time period is evidence
of the profound economic and social diversification that had evolved in the
settlem ent by this time.
225
1 Q u oted from W ilson (1981: 66). N um erous fragm ents from glass containers of this p ro d u ct w ere
recovered from later nineteenth-century N ew River contexts.
2 O ne class of vessel w as intentionally excluded in the process of com paring vessel a n d w are
distributions, though w ith som e reluctance. The single current resident of C onvention T ow n is a
seventy-nine year-old creole m an w ho possesses no ceram ic vessels at all b u t uses w hite plastic
buckets for w ater an d food storage and eats from colored plastic plates. F ragm ents of these
buckets form ed a significant com ponent of the surface scatter a n d m ight w ell h av e been
categorized functionally as ceram ics.
226
Chapter Six: Discussion and Conclusion
And none, When tumblers all had failed,

As N eptune the beaufet assail'd
With grog, his tea-cup should renew
Higher than to the stripe of blue,
Which Wedgwood, in his niggard whim
Oft brings an inch below the rim;
For which in cockpits he gets curs 'd,
By Middys, gaping dry with thirst.
- M itford (1819:11), Adventures of

Johnny Newcome in the Navy.
The first 100 years of European and African settlement in Belize were
characterized by both voluntary and compulsory migration spurred by
num erous far-reaching social and economic agents. W hat is described here is an
investigation of a variety of archaeological and documentary sources of
evidence for the population influx that first created and later diversified the
settlement, and for the systems of social organization adopted among the
residents. The documentary evidence includes such personally subjective
sources as accounts of travel to the settlement by a wood-cutting pirate, a
merchant mariner, and a government official, and such seemingly objective
sources as maps and censuses. Each of the maps utilized, however, was
produced w ith a particular agenda, and the expressed intent of organizing some
aspect of the untam ed wilderness for easier comprehension by the cartographers
and viewers. Similarly, the archaeological information collected during two
seasons of survey and investigation were organized for interpretation w ithin a
contextual framework extrapolated from the associated documents. Through
this process, the combination of documents and recovered artifacts have
22 7
produced a series of conceptually-rooted insights that contribute to knowledge
of life in the early Bay Settlement.
The strong dichotomy between the early and late years of the w ood
cutting settlement is documented both archivally and archaeologically by
changes in the geographical distribution and ethnic composition of population
groups across the landscape, and their attendant resource extraction strategies,
labor organization, and economic and political systems. As adaptive shifts, these
changes are strongly linked to differences between the two periods in the
resources being exploited and in the inhabitants' perspective of their functional
role w ithin British N ew World colonial society. The effects of these changes are
seen m ost clearly in the fundamental and influential shift in the internal social
organization of the settlement which resulted in the adoption of a strong class-
based hierarchy. The frontier perspective highlights the rapidly changing nature
of social affiliations and models for cultural replication embraced by the
inhabitants, and as a result, the very strong economic dependencies that
developed w ith the Bay Settlement's evolution into a colonial society.
The two resources that were extracted during the two periods were
viewed differently by the primary consumer of them. The British Crown
attem pted to do w ithout logwood for m any years, effectively relegating the
producers to the status of smugglers and thieves. In the informal logwood
economy that emerged, therefore, all levels of production and use were
uncontrolled by the government: where it was actually being cut (and who
owned that land), who was transporting it, how it was getting into Britain, what
duties were being paid or avoided, and how dyers were manipulating it to
produce high quality or substandard products. All of these uncontrolled
228
elements had dramatic impacts on the British economy and a range of
diplomatic concerns. Conversely, mahogany was less susceptible to such
m anipulation and vagaries in treatm ent during shipment, since it was easily
controllable at both ends. Mahogany was a commodity whose point of origin,
means of transport, and subsequent use could be clearly conceptualized,
articulated, and documented. Furthermore, those businessmen w ho organized
the cutting and shipm ent of mahogany actively embraced British colonialist
moral doctrine. Mahogany was viewed as a tangible natural resource that
produced revenue for Great Britain and improved the quality of life there, and
was, therefore, much less threatening than logwood.
The Barcadares
The varying distributions of ceramic and other artifact categories among
the Barcadares, New River, and Convention Town assemblages indicate
differences between the early and later eighteenth century in the functioning of
everyday domestic activities. The different activities manifested in the residents'
material surroundings are indicative of large-scale changes in the social
organization, values, and cultural associations embraced in the settlement.
The Barcadares settlement was the locus of a wide range of activities for
the earliest European logwood-cutting settlers, all of which took place w ithin a
strictly outdoor environment. From this central camp area, the baym en w ould
make forays up river to locate a stand of logwood that they could cut and stack
to await shipm ent back dow n river when the rains began. The am ount of time
spent away from the central location was variable, but the locale played an
im portant role in m aintaining a sense of solidarity among the settlers. While in
229
residence on the high river bank, surrounded by their sleeping pavilions, the
baymen sold logwood to and purchased provisions from visiting mariners,
engaged in periodic episodes of copious drinking and other socially cohesive
group activities, prepared food around open hearths, ate, slept, m aintained their
firearms and other tools of food acquisition, stored their personal possessions,
and waited out the rainy season.
These early settlers were unified by a distinct set of commonly-held
values, communicated by a mutually-comprehensible symbolic language that
incorporated objects and activities to strengthen group identity. The level to
which the settlers were able to adopt the values of this subculture and cease to
associate with any other homeland was restricted by the tenuousness of their
position on Spanish land. The isolation associated w ith the occupation of land
that was neither claimed by their ancestral hom eland nor by a nation that tried
to absorb them as citizens allowed for the indigeous implantation and continued
growth of the maritime subcultural association. The continuous threat of
Spanish hostilities, however, limited the degree to which such independent
cultural developm ent could evolve. A safe haven was considered necessary in
case of the need for flight, whether it was one of the uninhabited Bay Islands, the
Mosquito Shore, another maritime or pirate community, or a British colonial
settlement. One such outlet of escape was actually purchased by an ambitious
group of baymen, the evidence of which stands in Old N orth Church, Boston,
Massachusetts, w here a large double pew is inscribed "This Pew for the use of
the Gentlemen of the Bay of Honduras 1727" (Babcock 1944: 96). In 1726, a
group of sea captains proposed to build a spire on the church, presum ably so
that the town and the church could be more easily located from offshore. Pew
230
num ber 15 and 16 was installed near the pulpit in 1727 for the baymen,
"M atthew Bond, Captain Richardson and others" after cargoes of logwood were
auctioned off in Boston for the benefit of the church (Bolton 1944). Other cargoes
were donated between 1727 and 1743, during which time the pew was reduced
in size by half for lack of use, and then increased in size again. It is of interest to
note that the baymen's attendance at the church, and presumably their presence
on Boston, was quite inconsistent during this period, though their level of
philanthropy remained undeviating. In 1754 the pew was sold, probably
because the baymen were no longer using it, having found a more comfortable
or convenient safe haven.
Analysis of documentary information that was originally recorded for a
range of different reasons and from a variety of perspectives has highlighted the
large num ber of social elements in common between the early eighteenth-
century Atlantic maritime culture and that of the incipient Bay Settlement.
Similarities go beyond the strongly communal work environment, and include
the basic set of guidelines that were adapted to protect individual rights while
recognizing the collective goals of the inhabitants who were working in small,
loosely defined groups on the peripheries of civilization. The complete self-
sufficiency that was necessary to perpetuate these secluded social systems made
them w hat sociologists call "total institutions" (Aubert 1965: 239). The
geographic isolation of total institutions contributes directly toward their
missions; for instance, the long periods of physical separation from land-based
society experienced while aboard a merchant ship produces economic gain
w hen the cargo is delivered to a market. The returns for the sequestered life of a
231
baym an came in the form of individual freedom from the authoritarianism and
economic oppression of mainstream British working-class culture.
Women were undoubtedly always represented in Bay Settlement society
to some extent. Their presence and their roles are measurable for the later years,
but direct documentary or archaeological evidence of a social realm that
included females remains indistinct for the early period. Most of the
archaeological remains at the Barcadares represent activities that are essential to
the social functioning of an isolated and self-sufficient community. Similar to the
situation aboard ship, activities with strong gender-based associations in
traditional English culture were unseated from those associations in an isolated
society w ith a strongly unbalanced sexual makeup. None of the activities
represented in the archaeological record, therefore, is associated exclusively
w ith a particular gender within this particular social realm. The occasional
references made to the incorporation of native Americans and Africans w ithin
the sub-culture of Atlantic seafaring expatriates living around the western
Caribbean (Uring 1726:182) includes the various roles of servant, slave, wife,
and co-worker. Since shipboard communities were also highly multi-racial at
this time, there is no reason to assume that the early period of settlement
represented at the Barcadares was exclusively "English" in ethnicity or cultural
affiliation. This is not to say that there was no overarching culturally integrative
affiliation for the settlement, but only that it was not primarily based on
ethnicity or region of birth. The physically isolated and socially marginalized
frontier community of the Barcadares functioned similarly to others w ith strong
corporate identities, by maintaining a network of powerful symbolic activities
w ith strong socially-integrative functions that reduced stress by draw ing
boundaries, defining roles, and making those roles comprehensible for the
community. Engaging in exhorbitant bouts of alcohol consumption w hen visited
by outsiders to the community was one element of that network.
The reliance on imported foodstuffs, as well as local fish and turtle,
supported the maritime cultural orientation of the settlement in the early years.
These food resources were conceptually familiar and acceptable to the baymen,
and were amenable to storage, transportation, and preparation in accordance
with their transient lifestyle. Additionally, subsistence activities did not require
specialized labor or a large initial investment of energy that implied some
degree of sedentism. The corfcinuation of the limited and imported subsistence
base into the later eighteenth century did not have the effect of perpetuating the
era of the independent m ariner society. Rather, as the social and economic
hierarchy grew, the restrictions on food acquisition and reliance on im ported
products only served to consolidate pow er at the entrepot, because any other
reliable sources of food, such as large planted gardens, were vulnerable to
destruction, and the planned purchases of foodstuffs that were necessary for
extended wood-cutting forays up river required an advance expenditure by the
claim-holder or the accumulation of debt back in town. The ban on engaging in
subsistence agriculture and the control of im ported food sources inhibited
sedentism up river by those who might otherwise have been able to strike out
on their own. This ban also enforced anticipated continued mobility, thus
hindering any investment in the local environm ent of the up-river habitations,
such as substantial architecture and gardens.
The im portation of foodstuffs appears unevenly in the archaeological
record of the N ew River sites, only appearing at locations that also show
233
evidence of long-term habitation with suggestions of more significant
architecture. Even at these locales, there is little indication that large quantities
of imported foods were being consumed. Imported prepared foodstuffs may
have been carried up river only for non-slave residents of these sites, possibly
just for the claim holder, while the slaves were left to forage in the woods and
river or tend small, illicit, garden plots.
Convention Town
The Mosquito Shore refugees may have imported powerful hierarchical
social values into the settlement at a time when the expanding dem and for
m ahogany and the associated importation of slaves had already greatly
corrupted the original egalitarian social foundation of the Bay Settlement. The
arrival of American loyalists had also contributed to the increased integration
and cultural linkages with other British New World colonial settlements. Some
of the new social values were exhibited in the conspicuous display of material
goods utilized in an ongoing discourse intended to communicate social
distinctions between groups within the settlement. This was in contrast to earlier
activities among the baymen that conveyed symbolic defiance of the outside
world by emphasizing a unified maritime subculture w ithin the settlement, as
exemplified by the presence of expensive porcelain in the rudim entary
dwellings.
At the Barcadares and the New River sites there is a lack of strong
distinction between strictly work-related and domestic-related locales.
Convention Town m ay represent a purely domestic context, since settlers ended
up there because they had no wood-cutting claims of their own. The presence of
fragile and decorative glassware within such a setting as Convention Town may
have been specifically intended to stress social differences between groups in a
situation where there may not have been significant differences in economic
position or ethnic status. When the residents of Convention Town arrived, they
became a form of landless gentry who had wealth in the form of slaves, but little
means of improving their status by turning that wealth into visible prosperity
and social position for themselves. Material goods such as architecture and
artifacts related to household embellishment served to clarify the intended social
boundaries between groups in this unstable and threatening time for the new
residents (Hall 1992).
At the outset of the project, recognition of the very existence of
Convention Town was minimal, and information regarding location,
approximate size, and the nature of the population residing within it was
slender and misleading. Identification of Convention Town as a large dow n
river but not coastal population center clearly alters previously-held conceptions
of eighteenth-century Bay Settlement economic and cultural geography.
Although only a small area of this important site was investigated, it has proven
to be a crucial locale for insights into later eighteenth-century life in the dow n
river locations of the settlement. The small amount of later period occupation
there has resulted in good preservation of the site, so this densely-occupied
down-river locale may prove to be a more satisfactory site than Belize City for
future investigations of British colonialist society of the later eighteenth century.
235
New River
The early Barcadares settlement was truly cooperative and egalitarian in
nature, both by necessity and design. The need for cooperative labor to prepare
the export product was matched with the desire to resist the oppressive wage-
labor economy of the Atlantic maritime system w ith an egalitarian community
based on the social ideals of common 'Jack tars.' By the later eighteenth century,
however, a repressively communal lifestyle was a reality for the slaves and poor
wage laborers of the lowest social rank who were working in the wood-cutting
camps of the New River valley. This life was imposed upon them by the land-
holding slave owners living on the coast who were actively emulating the
hierarchical value system of mainstream British colonial culture.
The num ber of New River valley sites that possess eighteenth-century
occupational components is significantly smaller than those with early
nineteenth-century components. New River sites that are dom inated by
eighteenth-century artifacts are few. In some cases, eighteenth-century artifacts
formed only small components of larger, predom inantly nineteenth-century
sites. It appears that in early years, there were few heavily occupied sites in the
New River valley, but mostly very small, ephemeral camp sites. Large
nineteenth-century sites are much more frequent. With the intensified focus on
slave-based mahogany exploitation, m uch larger teams of cutters were moved
up river for longer periods of time, creating a heavier and more densely
concentrated pattern of settlement than in earlier times. The more significant
occupations at NR21 and NR36, identified through dense artifact concentrations
and the appearance of ceramic storage containers and brick fragments, indicate
that various forms of settlement existed simultaneously up river during the later
eighteenth century. Some camps were small, transient work stations while
others were larger and were occupied for longer periods. Not every site relating
to a cutter of “considerable property" was occupied solely by slave laborers, but
evidence for occupation by someone other than slaves appears at a only few
sites.
Some of the larger early nineteenth-century encampments were at the
same locations as the smaller eighteenth-century camps. Thus, the distribution
and relative frequencies of artifacts of different periods shows the gradual
infiltration of the New River valley, first by small groups of poorly-provisioned
logwood-cutters who left only ephemeral traces of their transient occupation,
and later by larger teams of mahogany-cutting slaves who established more
extensive, longer-lived encampments. The central New River valley gradually
evolved from being the marginal outreaches of logwood territory occupied only
sporadically by the less fortunate independent cutters w ho had to travel beyond
the Belize River to stake a claim, into a heavily occupied region claimed by
cutters of “considerable property" for slave-based m ahogany exploitation.
The gradual grow th in population during this time is matched by an
equivalent degradation in the quality of life of the wood cutters. The small
assemblages of eighteenth-century m aterial at some of the N ew River Sites relate
to independent occupants of the settlement who were undoubtedly poor, but
w ho were able to stake their own claim and cut wood either by themselves, in
small cooperative groups, or with their families. The larger sites, however, relate
to the absolute poorest residents of the settlement who worked the claims of
others as slaves or contract laborers. These inhabitants were compelled to live in
isolated camp situations during much of the year w ith little prospect of
23 7
im proving their social or economic station through their labor. In fact, the
presence of guns in the settlement, which at the Bacadares is interpreted as
evidence of subsistence activities, is just as likely to reflect slave subjugation at
the N ew River valley sites.
There is only the slightest archaeological evidence for the camps of
"cutters of small property," specifically the handful of artifacts recovered at
NR58. Archival evidence, however, documents the existence of many of these
transient camps. Apparently, such small-scale and seasonal occupation is below
the level of archaeological visibility using the techniques employed. The same is
true for the camps of the "cutters of less property," since only two small
assemblages were recovered from sites of this category. Cutters of both of these
categories probably worked alone or in small, transient groups that did not stay
in one location long enough to establish long-term settlements like those of the
larger slave-run operations of the wealthier settlers. The fact that seasonally-
reoccupied encampments of a more perm anent nature appear on the claims of
the wealthier settlers suggests that consolidated settlement, though not
necessarily m ost efficient for mahogany-cutting activities, was an effective
m eans of structuring relations and instituting control at the prim ary locus of
social intercourse among the slave or contract workers of the labor teams.
Ethnicity, social status, and economic power
Most archaeological models devised for the study of slave life are
extrapolated from plantation situations (Singleton 1985), where slave, overseer,
and planter-class domains are within a tightly circumscribed area and where
they can be distinguished prior to actual excavation via maps and w ritten
accounts ( Lange and Handler 1985:16). As archaeological investigations
utilizing maps and documents of the New River region have shown, it is
possible to identify specific settlements that were occupied predom inantly by
slaves, but, given the surficial nature of the deposits, the high degree of artifact
shifting over time, the lack of architectural remnants and distinctly "ethnic"
artifacts, it may not be possible to specifically isolate evidence that identifies
occupation by slaves from that which represents poor but free black laborers
and overseers. More than serving as a window directly onto ethnicity, these
assemblages provide investigative avenues into groups defined by their social
and economic position within the settlement. Although ethnically based
traditions may have played a role in the accumulation and deposition practices
of material goods (Singleton 1991:1), a factor that m ust be incorporated into
artifact-based cultural analysis, the fact that they resided up river at the wood
cutting locales indicates that at least the great majority if not all of them
belonged to the lowest economic echelon of society.
Measurement of economic position can be accomplished through analysis
of documentary, archaeological, or a combination of both sources of evidence.
Although there was a degree of difference in social position among poor white,
poor free black, and slave laborers, it may not have been matched by a
significant economic difference. Direct evidence of ethnicity is more successfully
obtained from documentary sources. One point of specific relevance to Belize
involves distinguishing true ethnicity (i.e., ancestry) from perceived ethnicity
(i.e., association with social group). A high degree of ethnic intermixing through
m arriage and informal consortship is a characteristic of m odern Belize that dates
back well into the early days of the settlement. That some of the offspring
became poor wage laborers while others became free wood cutters w ith claims
and slaves of their own is well documented in the settlement's census of 1790
(C0123/9: 256-262). Those up-river settlements that document greater
permanence (NR21, NR36) do not necessarily document a higher standard of
living that might be interpreted as evidence of long-term occupation by claim
holders along w ith slaves, but the possibility remains that these sites contain
components of occasional occupation by higher-status individuals, possibly the
claim-holder, along with the seasonal wood-cutting laborers. Except for the
possible claim-holder component, the late eighteenth-century wood-cutting
assemblages represent the domain of the two social groups that represent the
lowest economic stratum of Bay Settlement society, the black slave and the poor
white or free black laborer. Together, the up-river encampments and the dow n
river habitations form the wood-cutting correlate to the system that operated
within much closer proximity on the plantation.
All of the wood-cutting sites investigated during this archaeological
survey relate to the disenfranchised and un-self-documented people that
Deagan (1991:108) has identified as one of the unique contributions to be made
by historical archaeology. The early settlers w ho lived at the Barcadares were
documented only by outside visitors; the later residents of the wood-cutting
camps are only recorded in the censuses drawn up by government officials and
court documents produced when they committed legal infractions. Only the
residents of Convention Town had an interest in recording their own story; their
negotiations and pleas tc the British government exist from the time of their
residency on the Mosquito Shore; but as they are settled at Convention Town
and folded into the Bay Settlement, their identities waver. For them, Convention
Town was a sort of limbo. If they possessed sufficient pow er and resources, they
eventually were amalgamated with the down-river inhabitants. If not, then they
joined the voiceless majority of landless, subordinate laborers.
The residents of m odern Belize live with the legacy of a colonial past
where all economic and social structures focused exclusively on the intensive
export-oriented extraction of mahogany logs. In the ongoing process of the
formation of a cultural and national identity that is distinctly Belizean in
character, this unifying bond is a critical element that cuts across ethnic and
ancestral boundaries. Belizeans are currently engaged in significant dialog
regarding the establishment of a unified Belizean national identity (Heusner
1987; H um phreys 1992). The colonial history of Belize is integral to the
functioning of Belize's most basic cultural traditions and, therefore, to the
identity of all present-day Belizeans, whether they are of African, European,
Native American, or Asian descent. Better understanding of the impact and
effects of this history will help to propel Belize into a culturally unified future
w ith common, shared values among its citizens. Though this study is
specifically about eighteenth-century European and African immigrants, it is a
history relevant to all people who participate in and contribute to the emerging
Belizean cultural identity.
9 /1 1
4mm J . JL
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction
Artifact Catalog Codes
material class object__________________ surface treatm ent

cer - ceramic ph - prehistoric frag - fragm ent bl - blue
met - m etal cw - cream ware bot - bottle gr - green
gla - glass dw - delftw are cy - cylindrical yw - yellow
sto - stone pw - pearlw are cs - case (square) gy -g ra y
she - shell rw - redw are rt - rectangular rd - red
bon - bone pc - porcelain rc - rt w / cham fered PP - purple
:da - plastic ww - w hitew are com ers br - brow n
242
da - clay yr - yellow w are rr - rt w / recessed bk - black
sw - stonew are panels or - orange
bb - buff-bodied wh - w hite
prohibited without perm ission.
ew - earthenw are hp - hand painted

be - ball clay tp - transfer
dg - dark green ('black') printed
cl - colorless rb - b anded rim
aq - aqua !g - lead glaze
am - am ber sp - sponge
bl - cobalt blue decorated
gr - green sg - salt glazed
bg - blue-green
wh - w hite (milk)
cm - caramel
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part sur. treat Form B. E .M . date C o m m e n t

NR 4 gs 1 cer cw plate body undec 1762 1820 1791
NR 4 gs 1 cer cw - - u ndec sc allo p m o ld ed 1762 1820 1791
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww frag - bl s p 1840 1860 1850 -
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww frag - rd, gy hp 1840 1890 18615 -
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t - g r .p p h p 1840 1890 18615 -
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww frag - g rh p 1840 1890 18615 -
NR 4 gs cer ww plate - undec 1840 1890 18615 -
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww frag - undec 1840 1890 1865 -
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww bowl - bl a n n u la r 1830 1860 1845
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww frag handle bkhp 1840 1890 1865 -
NR 4 gs 2 cer ww plate frag bl tp 1820 1990 190;; -
NR 4 gs 1 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t rim bl, b r a n n u la r 1830 1860 184;; -
NR 4 gs 3 m et iron frag - - flat m a c h e te ?
NR 4 gs 7 gla am cy bot body - L. 19th C
NR 4 gs 2 gla bl cy bot body -
NR 4 gs 3 gla cl cy Bot body -
NR 4 gs 8 gla dg cy bot body -
NR 4 gs 2 gla dg bot - -
NR 4 gs 1 gla aq cy bot rim; n e c k - s to p p e r finish
NR 4 gs 1 gla aq bot body e m b o s sin g e m b o s s e d h a s h m ark s
NR 4 gs 1 gla aq rc bot body - r e c e s s e d p an el
NR 4 gs 3 gla aq rc bot body -
NR 4 gs 1 gla aq rc b ot body e m b o s sin g e m b o s s e d “_Y 'S / JD P H E R O U S / _Y O R K
NR 5 A scu 1 1 gla dg c y bot body -
NR 5A sc u 1 2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - 5/(54" b ore diam .

NR 5 A sc u 3 2 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
N R5A sc u 3 1 cer ww frag - bl hp 1820 1890 1855 floral
N R5A scu 3 2 sto obsidian b la d e frag - - - - p reh isto ric
NR 5A sc u 4 1 cer ww - - bl hp 1820 1890 1855 -
NR 5 A sc u 4 2 cer be pipe s te m un d ec - - 5/(54" b o re diam .

N R5A scu 4 1 sto gy c h ert gunflint co m p lete - - - E nglish m aterial a n d style
NR 5A sc u 5 1 cer Fh frag - ero d ed
iNR 5A scu 5 3 sto obsidian blade frag - . - p reh isto ric
N R 5A scu 5 1 cer ww bowl Ixxfy br h p an n u la r 1810 1990 1900 -
INR 5A scu 6 1 cer cw frag - u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -

INR 5A sc u 7 1 gla aq bot Ixxfy -
iNR 5A sc u 7 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec -
INR5A scu 8 1 cer ww frag • br h p a n n u lar 1810 1990 1900
INR 5A sc u 8 1 cer ww plate - u ndec 1810 1990 1900 -
INR5A sc u 8 1 cer pw frag - bl tp 1779 1830 1804 -
INR 5A sc u 8 1 gla dg c s bot frag -

24 4
4-*
c 0)
<D 0) CO o>
£ E
•D
<d
■g
eg *0
£
0 T3 &
O S
©
1 i?)
CO
■0 p- r: r-
1 R oo § § T~
CO 5 co
S CM to If) LG
U i
§•r— CO 5 co 5
a o
CQ
g
PY~1* 6 gg gggs g 5 g£§igg g ggggg
Q_
Q.
CO CD
o O)
0)
O)
|
D)
T3
0)
10)
£
o x
0)
to
LL
8 8 . 5 O 8 8
?3 5 -1 ■g "g ■ & £ B - | £-£ B-S-B-fl f £■£■
XI 3 3 x: O) 3 3 D 3 O D D 3 X 3 4 3 X 3 X 3 X 1 X 1 3 O) X3 43
.!_> W
CO
.g 5 1 1 .8 jl
u
0)
is 2
js
S
> . c5 i s S' iS o JS (0 o
— 5
_ o
0) 0)
13 JO at-a
s
a> o> 3 ~ c n o io i - S oi ® o > 2 S S _
ca >, co co o i S J S co c o c o ^ c o . 9 - c o ^ ^ J o ra-2 ■§ 0o3>
tfl >, J3
O
Q. O 0= Q. CL -Q 1 Q. .£= JO Q . JO JO cl a . 4= JO Q. Q. ^ Q. H Q . J = SO. C L Q . JO t o a i
CO
CO
ro €
3o tn5 >ra na . -o 5Q g.O .T
| 35 or ap ag |s 5i i | t )o ao a, 3a . ?a 5s 53 | so c>l 3| s3 | 5Cc|ll 3Q5o .. S35$ |35 | 5oS Qa55.. x25
o So05 |53 5cQ$ _l3 Qc5 lg. 5Qa 5.. cQ53l. ao. T3) Sq . |3
O
O 5 0 5
♦4
CO w k_ i_
w
( D i 5 i 5 Q 1C O f f l i 5 Q ) f f i o 3 f l ) a ) i O Q ) f f l ® 0 o ) j C Q ® m m o0 Q ))
) a 0 0 0 0) 0 0 CD CD CD CD CD
0 0 ) 0) 0 0 ) 0 0 0 ) 0 0 0 0 0 0 ) 0 0 0 0 0 0 ) 0 0 0 0 O
" ' *O 0 0 0 O 0 0 O O O O O
T - Y- CM CM T - T- 1- Tj- CM
W
4 -*
O 0 0 O O
a> 0 Y— CM CM CM CM CM CM CO T * Tf M* to to CO CO N CO CO CO CO CO CO CO 0 ) O) 0 ) O) O) O O 0
0 0 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
* c 0 0 O O O O O O O O 0 O O O CJ O 0 O
O O O O 0
c0 CD CO 8 8 8 8 8 8 CO 8 CO CO CO & CO CO CO CO (0 CO CO CO 8 CO 8 to 8 CO CO 8 % CO 8
O
CO CO CO 8
O
CO CO
0)
4 -*
<
to
<
IO
< <
10 t o
<
to
CQ CD CQ c q
to to t o to
CQ CQ CD CQ m m CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ £Q CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CQ CD CQ CQ
t o t o t o t o 10 t o Lf) t o t o t o t o t o 10 t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o t o
a : DC DC DC DC DC DC DC DC a : CC CC DC DC DC DC DC CC CC CC DC CC DC CC f t DC cn CC CC DC DC
55 z Z z z z Z Z Z Z z z z Z z z z z z z 7 z z z z z z
CC
Z z
£E
z z z 5 % DC £ 5 £ £ £
S it e U n it Q u a n M at C la s s O bject part s u r . tri Form B. E .M . date C o m m e n t

N R 5B sc u 10 1 c era ww frag - bl hp - 1820 1890 185(5
NR 5B s c u 10 1 c era cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791
N R 5B s c u 10 1 cer pw frag - br Hp - 1790 1830 1810
N R 5B SCU 10 1 cer pw bowl foot ring; bl sp dec - 1790 1830 1810 sp o n g e c u t ele p h a n t pattern ?; X s c r a tc h e d
N R 5B s c u 11 2 cera ww frag ■ undec - 1810 1990 1900
N R 5B sc u 11 4 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
N R 5B sc u 11 1 cer pw plate - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
N R 5B sc u 11 1 cer pw bowl body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
N R 5B s c u 11 1 cer pw frag rim bl hp - 1779 1830 1804 d ip p e d rim
N R 5B sc u 11 3 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1804
N R 5B sc u 11 4 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1830 1804
N R 5B s c u 11 1 cer pw plate rim gr Hp shelledge 1779 1820 1799
N R 5B s c u 11 1 cer be pipe stem undec 4/(54” b o re d iam
N R 5B s c u 11 1 cera frag stem - undec - - 5/(54" b o re diam
N R5B s c u 11 2 cer be pipe bowl - fluted vertical flu tes
MR 5B sc u 11 1 cer be pipe bowl - fluted - - dicigonal flutes
MR 5B s c u 11 1 g la s s dg cy bot Ixxly -
M R 5B sc u 12 1 cer pw bowl l)ase undec _
1779 1830 1804
N R 5B s c u 12 1 cer pw bowl body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
N R 5B s c u 12 1 cer pw teacup body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 o u tslo p in g straig h t sid e s ; 2 -sid e d T p
N R 5B sc u 12 2 cer pw plate txxly undec - 1779 1830 1804
N R 5B sc u 13 2 cer pw frag - bl hp - 1795 1830 1812 floral d e c
N R 5B s c u 13 1 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1830 1804
NR 5B sc u 14 1 c e ra cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791
NR 5B s c u 14 7 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1830 1804

N R 5B sc u 14 2 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1804
N R 5B s c u 14 1 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid e d T p
NR 5B sc u 14 1 cer pw bowl rim bl tp - 1830 1840 1835 ro m an tic s c e n e ; larg e d iam
N R 5B s c u 14 2 cer pw plate - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
N R 5B s c u 14 2 g la s s dg bottle frag -
N R5B s c u 14 2 g la s s dg Cs bottle frag embossed - sta r o n b a s e ; c ru d e ta p e re d -d o w n lip
NR 5B sc u 15 1 c era dw bowl basew /foo bl hp 1640 1800 1720
N R5B s c u 15 1 c era cw frag - - - 1762 1820 1791
NR 5B sc u 1 5 2 cer pw plate rim bl hp shelledge 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines
INR 5B s c u 15 2 cer pw plate frag undec - 1779 1830 1804
N R5B s c u 15 1 cer pw plate body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
N R5B s c u 15 1 cer pw teacup? body bl tp 1795 1840 1817
NR 5B sc u 15 1 cer pw bowl w/foot base undec - 1779 1839 1809
N R 5B s c u 16 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp shelledge 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines
N R 5B s c u 16 6 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1830 1804
NR 5B sc u 16 2 cer pw frag - bl tp
S it e U nit Q uart M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat Form EL E .M . date C o m m e n t

N R 5B s c u 16 5 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid e d tp
NR 5B sc u 16 2 cer pw bowl rim bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid e d tp
N R 5B sc u 16 1 cer pw plate body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 z ig z a g s c ra tc h e s o n bottom
NR 5B sc u 16 1 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 s c r a tc h e s o n b o tto m -N ?
N R 5B sc u 16 cer cw plate body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
N R5B s c u 16 1 cer pw bowl body br, o r a n n u la r - 1795 1820 1807 -
NR 5B s c u 16 1 cer pw sau cer rim b r h p rb - 1790 1825 1807 -
N R5B s c u 16 1 cer be pipe bowl un d ec

N R5B s c u 16 1 gla dg cy bot Ixxty undec - -
NR 5B s c u 16 1 gla Aq bot Ixxfy - faceted straig h t s id e s, 1 2 ? fa c e ts

N R5B s c u 17 1 cer cw hollow w are - undec - 1762 1820 1791 foot ring? tu re e n ? lid?
N R5B s c u 17 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
INR 5B sc u 17 10 cer pw frag • bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
N R 5B sc u 17 1 cer pw plate Ixxfy bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
INR 5B sc u 17 1 cer pw frag - u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 -
INR 5B sc u 17 1 cer WW bowl toot ring undec - 1810 1990 1900 -
INR 5B sc u 17 1 cer pw frag - bl hp - 1778 1830 1804 -
INR 5B sc u 17 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 4 /6 4 “ b o re diam

INR 5B s c u 18 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
INR 5B s c u 18 1 cer pw cup rim bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid e d tp

INR5B sc u 18 1 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 e q u e stria n s c e n e
N R 5B s c u 18 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 5/64" b ore
INR5B s c u 19 1 cer pw plate - u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 -
N R 5B s c u 19 1 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -

N R 5B sc u 19 1 gla dg bot body -

NR 5B s c u 20 1 cer pw frag - un d ec . 1779 1830 1804 _
N R 5B s c u 20 1 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR 5B sc u 20 1 cer pw hollow w are body bl hp - 1779 1830 1804 g in g e r ja r?

NR 5B s c u 20 1 cer pw frag - or, yw a n n u la r - 1795 1815 1805 -
'NR 5B sc u 21 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , cu rv e d line
INR5B sc u 21 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
N R 5B s c u 22 cer pw frag - u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 -
INR 5B sc u 22 1 cer pw plate to d y undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
IJ R 5 B s c u 22 1 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
INR 5B s c u 22 1 cer pw frag - bl, b r h p - 1795 1830 1812 -
INR 5B sc u 22 1 gla dg cy bot - -

INR 5B scu 23 cer pw bow l rim or, b r a n n u la r 1795 1815 1805 .
INR5B sc u 23 1 cer pw plate body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 fern p attern

INR 5B sc u 2 3 1 cer pw saucer rim bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
IN R5B scu 23 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , cu rv ed line
INR 5B s c u 24 1 cer pw plate rim gr hp sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1798 ro c o c o (Miller ty p e B)
S it e U nit Q u a n M at C la s s O bject part sur. treat. Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

N R 5B s c u 24 2 cer pw frag bl tp 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid e d tp
NR 5C scu 1 1 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791
N R 5C
NR 5C
scu 1
scu I
1
1
gla
gla
dg bot
cy bot
-
n eck
-
:
d3 -
NR 5C scu 2 1 gla dg bot - -
NR 5C scu 2 1 cer cw frag - u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -

N R 5C scu 4 gla dg bot - -
NR 5C scu 5 1 gla dg cy bot body -
NR 5 C scu 6 gla dg bot - -
N R 5C scu 6 1 cer rw frag - bk Ig 1745 1790 1767 Jc.ckfield

N R 5C sc u 7 1 cer cw frag - u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
N R 5C sc u 8 cer cw plate - undec 1762 1820 1791 .
N R 5C scu 9 1 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791

N R 5C
N R 5C
scu 9
sc u 9
1
2
gla dg cy bot body - :
gla dg c s bot body -
NR 5C s c u 10 2 cer rw frag - bk gl 1745 1790 1761’ Ja ck field

N R 5C sc u 10 1 gla dg cy bot body -
NR 5 C sc u 10 3 gla dg cy bot body - -
717
NR 5 C s c u 11 1 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791
N R 5C s c u 11 1 cer rw frag - bk Ig 1745 1790 1767 Jack field
N R 5C s c u 11 1 cer pw plate - bl tp 1795 1840 1817
NR 5 C sc u 11 1 gta dg c s b ot body -
NR 5 C s c u 11 1
gla dg cy bot - -
N R 5C s c u 12 gla dg bot body - -

N R 5C s c u 13 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791
N R 5C s c u 14 1 cer be pipe bowl undec
NIR5C s c u 14 1 cer be pipe s te m - 5/64" b ore
NR 5 C s c u 14 1 gla dg cy bot base - 1790 1830 1810 p arab o lic kickup
N R 5C s c u 15 1 cer ww frag - undec 1810 1990 1900 -
N R 5C s c u 16 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/64" b o re
NR 5 C s c u 16 1 gla dg csbot base -
N R 5C s c u 16 gla dg csbot - -
N R 5C s c u 17 1 cer cw frag - u ndec 1762 1820 1791

N R 5C s c u 17 1 gla dg bot - -
N R 5C s c u 18 cer cw Ig bowl rim undec 1762 1820 1791 p u n c h bowl; c o m p a re w / PM S e x a m p le s

N R 5C s c u 18 1 cer cw Ig bowl toot ring undec 1762 1820 1791 p u n c h bowl; c o m p a re w / P M S e x a m p le s
N R 5C s c u 18 1 cer pw frag - bl hD 1795 1830 1812 -
NR 5C s c u 18 2 gla dg bot body -
N R 5C s c u 19 1 cer w h sw plate rim sg dot, diaper, 1740 1770 1755 .

S i t e U n it Q uart M a tC la s s O bject part sur. treat Form Bo E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

N R 5 C sc u 19 1 cer cw plate body undec - 1762 1820 1791
NR 5C scu 19 1 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791
N R 5 C sc u 19 1 gla dg bot - -
N R 5 C sc u 20 1 cer pw plate rim b lh p sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 18213 im p re ss e d b u d
N R 5 C sc u 20 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 4/64" b o re d iam
N R 5 C sc u 21 1 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791
NR 5C scu 22 gla dg c y bot - -
N R 5 C sc u 23 1 cer w h sw plate rim sg b e a d & reel 1720 1770 17415
N R 5 C sc u 23 1 cer cw frag rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
N R 5 C sc u 23 1 gla dg bot - -
N R14 gs 1 cer ww bowl foot ring rd hp .
1830 1890 1860 floral d e c
N R 14 gs 1 cer ww bowl foot ring bkhp - 1830 1890 18a) la rg e d iam
N R 14 gs 1 cer ww frag - b ls p - 1840 1860 is a )
N R 14 gs 1 cer ww frag - rd, bl hp 1820 1890 1 8 a)
N R 14 gs 1 cer pc - finial bl h p, m ottled - 1/2“ d iam
N R 14 gs 1 gla aq bot n eck - flan g ed , folded-in lip
N R 14 gs 1 gla aq bot - -
N R 14 gs gla * cy bot - -
N R 14 gs 1 gla dg cy bot finish - 1835 1855 1845 2 -p a rt finish, J o n e s , p.70, fig.54
N R 14 gs 1 gla dg cy bot base - - 1825 1920 1871! conical p u sh u p , a b ru p t heel, Jo n e s.p .9 5 ,
N R 14 gs 1 gla dg c y bot base -
N R 16 gs 1 cer w h sw c h a m b e rp o t? body gr, bl a n n u la r .
1845 1890 1867
N R 16 gs 1 cer ww o p e n bowl rim rd b a n d - 1830 1990 1910
N R 16 gs 1 cer dw bowl rim b lh p 1640 1800 1720 3 1ra g s m e n d e d
N R 16
gs 2 gla am bo! body -

N R 16 gs 6 gla bl cy b ot -
N R16 gs 9 gla dg c y bot - -
N R16 gs 7 gla aq cy bot - -
SJR16 gs 2 gla aq bot neck - ball n e c k ty p e
y R i6 gs 3 gla aq bot - -
MR16 gs 1 gla aq rc bot body em bossed r e c e s s e d panel, "J:_"
MR20 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim undec - 1810 1990 1900 6 ” d iam
N R 20 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim undec - 1810 1990 1900
N R 20 gs 1 cer ww frag - undec - 1810 1990 1900
N R 20 gs cer ww plate rim b lh p sh e lle d g e 1841 1857 1849 u n sc allo p ed , cu rv ed lines
N R 20 gs 1 cer pw hollow w are body b ltp 1795 1840 1817
N R 20 gs 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5 /6 4 “ b o re
N R 20 gs 1 cer be pipe s te m un d ec 6/fi4” b o re
N R 20 gs gla c y bot txxiy -
N R 20 gs 1 gla cl tbw frag p attern m old
N R 20 gs 1 cer rd brick frag - sm a ll
S i t e U n it C luan M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. F o rm EL E .M . d a te C o m m en t

NR21 path 1 gla dg cy bot b ase& - - - - iron pontil; conical kick-up; b u lg ed h eel;
NR21 sc u 1 1 cer pw teacu p bodyw / bl tp - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 scu 1 2 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
NR21 scu 1 2 cer ww frag - undec - 1810 1990 1900 -
NR21 scu 1 1 cer ww bow l? - gr, rd hp - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c

NR21 sc u 1 2 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 6/*>4" d iam
NR21 sc u 2 1 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 sc u 3 2 m et co p p e r b u ck et rim - - - - ro le d e d g e
'JR21 scu 3 5 cer ww bow l frag rd, p p hp - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c
MR21 sc u 3 1 cer ww bow l rim gr hp; bk rb - 1820 1890 1855 -
:'JR21 scu 3 1 cer pw frag • undec - 1779 1820 1799 -

NR21 scu 3 2 cer cw plate frag u ndec R oyal p attern 1765 1800 1782 -
IMR21 scu 3 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 scu 3 1 cer yr bowl rim u ndec - 1827 1922 1874 thick b ody; larg e bowl
\IR21 scu 3 1 gla dg cy bot - -
slR21 scu 4 3 cer pw plate frag undec 1779 1820 1799 _
4R21 sc u 4 2 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 sid e d tp

vlR21 sc u 4 1 cer wh sw plate body sg - 1720 1775 1747 -
■JR21 scu 4 1 cer ww bow l foot ring undec 1810 1990 1900
gR2i scu 4 1 cer be pipe bowl undec - -
4R21 scu 4 1 cer ph frag - burned
JR21 scu 4 1 gla dg cy bot - - - -
JR21 sc u 6 2 cer cw plate body undec 1762 1820 1791
JR21 sc u 6 2 cer pw frag - undec - 1779 1820 1799 -
JR21 sc u 6 1 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 s 'd e d tp

JR21 sc u 6 1 cer pw bow l? - bl, br, yw hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
JR21 scu 6 5 cer ww frag - u ndec - 1810 1990 1900 -
IR21 scu 6 1 cer dw bow l? frag P P hp - 1640 1800 1720 m a n g a n e s e g ro u n d m ottled o n light blu e gl
JR21 scu 6 2 cer ew sto ra g e frag ungl - - - bb; c o a r s e ew ; w h eel throw n; local p ro d ?
1R21 sc u 6 2 cer gy sw sto ra g e frag s g ext; b r int. slip
IR21 sc u 6 2 cer ww bow l body rd, bl hp; pp s p - 1820 1890 1855 floral d e c
IR21 sc u 6 16 cer ww bowl body gr, pp, rd hp; br, bk, - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c
IR21 sc u 6 2 cer be pipe bowl undec
IR21 sc u 6 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 5/64" b o re d iam
IR21 scu 6 1 gla aq cy bot ftag -
IR21 scu 6 18 gla d3 bot frag -
IR21 sc u 6 11 gla dg c y bot frag - -

IR21 scu 6 2 gla dg cy bot lip - 1820 1840 1830 d o w n -to d e d lip, flatte n ed sid e rim ( J o n e s g;
IR21 sc u 6 1 gla dg cy b ot lip - - 1761 1801 1781 lip s lo p e s d o w n to rim, rim to o led u p (Jone:
IR21 sc u 7 1 she m a rin e frag - -
IR21 scu 7 2 cer ww bowl rim gr hp; bk rb _

1830 1860 1845 floral d e c
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

NR21 SCU 7 2 gla dg cy bot • -
NR21 SCU 7 1 gla dg bot - -
NR21 SCU 8 1 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -

NR21 scu 9 cer ph frag - ero d ed
NR21 sc u 9 1 cer ew sto ra g e body ungl . . b b ; c o a rs e ; rd ext/ b int; w h eel throw n
NR21 scu 9 1 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791 c o a r s e ; rd e x t/ b int; w h eel throw n
NR21 scu 9 1 gla dg frag - -
NR21 s c u 10 1 cer cw plate body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 .
NR21 s c u 10 1 cer ww plate body bl tp - 1820 1990 1905 -
NR21 s c u 10 1 cer ww bowl rim Bk rb - 1810 1990 1900 rb int & ext
MR21 s c u 10 1 cer ww frag - gr, bl, p p hp - 1820 1890 1855 floral d e c
MR21 s c u 10 cer ww frag - un d ec - 1810 1990 1900 -
NR21 s c u 10 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 4/64" b o re d iam

W 21 s c u 10 19 gla dg bot - -
NJR21 s c u 10 11 gla dg cy bot - - - _ _ m o stly s a m e v e s s e l w/ a b o v e
MR21 s c u 11 1 cer bb ew plate rim b r slip c o g g le d rim 1725 1775 1750 d o t d e c o ra te d
iMR21 s c u 11 1 cer w h sw hollow w are Ixxfy sg - 1720 1780 1750 w h e e l throw n; Ig ext, ungl int
NR21 s c u 11 1 cer cw bowl rim gr, br hp; en g in e - 1795 1810 1802
NR21 s c u 11 1 cer rd sw hollow w are body w h ext, b r int slip - - - L.18th-E. 19th c
NR21 s c u 11 1 cer cw plate body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 s c u 11 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 s c u 11 1 cer ww bowl foot ring undec - 1810 1990 1900 -
MR21 s c u 11 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1779 1820 1799 -
MR21 s c u 11 1 cer ww plate body bl tp - 1820 1990 1905 -

MR21 s c u 11 1 cer ww bowl body bl, rd, g r tip - 1820 1890 1855 -
JR21 s c u 11 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec

MR21 s c u 11 1 gla am cy bot base - . 1889 1926 1907 m a c h in e su c tio n s c a r o n b a s e
MR21 s c u 12 1 cer dw frag - PPhp - 1640 1800 1720 m a n g a n e s e g ro u n d m ottled o n light blue gl
MR21 s c u 12 gla csbot frag - -
JR21 s c u 13 1 cer cw bowl rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 _
JR21 s c u 13 1 cer ww plate to d y u ndec - 1810 1990 1900 -
JR21 s c u 13 1 cer be pipe bowl undec

JR21 s c u 15 1 cer dw frag - undec . 1640 1800 1720 light bl gl o n b b
JR21 s c u 15 1 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -
JR21 s c u 15 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d bud
IR21 s c u 15 1 cer ww plate body bl tp - 1820 1840 1830 trav el/ro m an tic s c e n e
IR21 s c u 15 1 cer ww plate body undec - 1810 1990 1900 -
IR21 s c u 15 1 cer ww bowl foot ring gr, p p hp - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c
IR21 s c u 15 1 cer ww bowl to d y Rdhp - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c
IR21 s c u 15 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 6 /6 4 “ b o re d iam
IR21 s c u 15 3 gla dg cy bot - -
S it e U n it Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part sur. treat Form 8. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

NR21 s c u 15 1 gla bot - -
NR21 s c u 15 1 gla dg c s bot - -
NR21 sc u 16 1 cer pw frag - gr, b r hp - 1779 1820 1799
NR21 s c u 16 6 gla am cy bot body -
NR21 sc u 17 1 cer bbew cup rim Ig; n o slip . 1680 1775 1727
NR21 sc u 17 2 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791
NR21 s c u 17 1 cer WW plate body bl tp - 1820 1990 1905
NR21 s c u 17 1 cer ww bowl rim g rh p - 1810 1890 1850
NR21 s c u 17 1 cer be pipe ste m undec 4/64" b o re d iam
NR21 s c u 18 1 cer dw plate brink un d ec . 1640 1800 1720
NR21 s c u 18 1 cer cw frag - un d ec - 1762 1820 1791
NR21 s c u 18 1 cer ww bowl foot ring u ndec - 1810 1990 1900
NR21 s c u 18 1 cer ww plate body undec - 1810 1990 1900
NR21 s c u 18 1 cer be pipe bowl in cise d n e a r co m p le te , 2" H; s ta m p e d "TD" in circle
NR21 s c u 19 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1809 1831 1820 e v e n scallo p , straig h t lines
NR21 s c u 19 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d bud
NR21 s c u 19 1 cer pw frag - b! tp - 1795 1840 1817
NR21 s c u 19 1 cer pw plate frag bl tp ■ 1795 1840 1817
NR21 s c u 19 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 4/54" b o re d iam
NR21 s c u 19 1 gla dg cy bot - -
NR21 s c u 20 1 cer pw plate body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
NR21 sc u 20 1 cer be pipe bowl vertical flutes
NR21 s c u 20 1 gla dg bot -
NR21 s c u 21 1 cer yr frag bl a n n u la r ; 1827 1860 1843
NR21 sc u 21 1 cer ww frag u ndec 1810 1990 1900
NR21 s c u 21 1 cer ww frag bl, gr hp - 1820 1890 18555 floral d e c

NR21 s c u 21 9 gla dg cy bot -
NR21 sc u 22 1 cer cw frag u ndec . 1762 1820 1791
NR21 s c u 22 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1798 R o co co e d g e
NR21 s c u 22 1 cer ww bowl rim g rh p 1830 1860 18451
_
NR21 s c u 22 1 gla dg cy bot -
MR21 s c u 23 1 cer ph frag ero d ed
NR21 s c u 23 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d b u d
NR21 scu 23 1 cer pw bowl body g rh p - -.'779 1820 1799
\IR21 s c u 23 1 cer pw frag - b lh p - 1779 1820 1799
MR21 s c u 23 1 cer pw frag - un d ec - 1779 1820 1799
MR21 s c u 23 1 cer be pipe ste m undec 4/(54“ b o re d iam
'JR21 s c u 23 1 cer be pipe ste m undec 6/(54" b o re diam
i\|R21 s c u 23 1 cer rd brick frag - sm a ll
IMR21 s c u 23 1 gla bg bot Ixxfy - thin, bubbly
NR21 sc u 23 1 gla dg c y bot neck -
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat Form B. E . M. d l a t e C o m m e n t

NR21 sc u 24 1 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 SCU 24 1 cer be pipe bowl undec
NR21 sc u 24 1 gla dg cy bot frag -
NR21 SCU 25 1 cer pw plate rim b lh p sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed line
NR21 s c u 25 1 cer w h sw frag - sg - 1720 1775 1747 -
NR21 sc u 25 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1841 1857 1849 u n sc allo p ed , cu rv ed lines
NR21 sc u 25 1 cer pw frag body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
NR21 sc u 25 1 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t lip b ls p - 1825 1870 1847 -
NR21 sc u 25 1 cer be pipe bowl undec

NR21 sc u 25 1 gla dg csbot body -
NR21 sc u 25 gla aq cy bot body -
NR21 sc u 28 1 sto obsidian blade frag - - fh - -
NR21 sc u 28 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 sc u 28 1 cer g y sw sto ra g e basal b rsg - 1690 1800 1745 F u lh am w a re

NR21 s c u 28 1 cer be pipe s te m un d ec - - - 5/64" b o re diam
NR21 sc u 29 1 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
NR21 sc u 30 1 cer ww plate brim bl tp - 1820 1990 19015 w illow -style b o rd e r
NR21 sc u 33 1 cer pc frag - bl hp
NR21 s c u 33 1 cer ew sto ra g e frag cl e x t Ig . - - se m i-c o a rse p a s te ;w h e e l throw n; 1/2" thick
NR21 sc u 3 4 1 gla cy bot n e a r-c o m p l 1822 1890 185(5 1 7 m e n d e d frags; V -sh a p e d finish; 3 -p iece
NR21 s c u 35 cer
dg
cw frag
-
undec
-
1762 1791
N>
Ol
- - 1820 -
NR21 NJ
sc u 35 1 cer be pipe bowl em b o ssed - - - e m b o s s e d "I B" o n bowl b a c k
NR21 sc u 35 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 6/64" b o re diam
NR21 sc u 36 1 cer pw plate brim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1798 ro co co
NR21 sc u 3 6 1 cer w h sw frag 1720 1775 1747
- sg - -
NR21 sc u 36 1 cer pw plate frag u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 sc u 3 6 1 gla dg bot frag -
NR21 s c u 36 1 gla aq bot frag -
NR21 sc u 3 6 1 cer be pipe s te m undec

NR21 s c u 36 1 cer be pipe bowl undec ; ;
NR21 sc u 3 7 1 cer cw frag - undec -
NR21 sc u 42 1 cer bbew m ug? frag c o m b e d slip 1700 1775 1737
NR21 sc u 42 1 cer cw frag - un d ec - 1762 1820 1791
MR21 sc u 42 1 cer ww tea c u p ? frag bl tp - 1820 1990 1905
NR21 sc u 42 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/(54" b o re diam
MR21 sc u 42 1 bon unident longbone shaft -
NJR21 sc u 43 1 cer cw plate frag undec - 1762 1820 1791

MR21 s c u 43 2 cer cw frag - un d ec - 1762 1820 1791
MR21 s c u 43 2 cer pw plate frag undec - 1779 1820 1799
MR21 sc u 43 2 cer pw bowl rim bl tp - 1779 1820 1799
i\IR21 s c u 43 1 cer pw m ug lease bl tp - 1779 1820 1799
S i t e U nit (J u a n M a t C la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

NR21 s c u 43 3 cer pw frag - bl tp 1779 1820 1799
NR21 sc u 43 1 cer ww plate brim b lh p sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d b u d
NR21 s c u 43 2 cer be pipe bowl undec
NR21 s c u 43 2 m et iron unident frag
NR21 sc u 43 12 gla dg c s bot frag
NR21 s c u 43 1 gla dg cy b ot n e c k , lip 1785 1840 1812 d o w n -to o led lip, flatte n ed string rim ( J o n e s
NR21 sc u 44 1 cer cw plate rim undec plain rim 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 sc u 44 cer cw frag rim u ndec thin 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 sc u 44 1 cer pw bowl rim b r rb 1779 1820 1799 -

NR21 s c u 44 1 gla aq bot frag
NR21 s c u 44 1 m et iron unident frag
NR21 SCU 45 1 cer pw bowl frag bl tp 1795 1840 1817 2 sid e d tp
NR21 SCU 45 1 cer pw bowl frag b r rb 1795 1840 1817 -
NR21 s c u 45 gla dg cy bot frag
NR21 sc u 45 gla aq cy bot n e c k & lip d c w n -tooled lip; flatten ed string rim; c ra c k e d
NR21 s c u 49 1 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791
NR21 sc u 49 1 cer cw bowl foot ring undec 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 s c u 49 1 cer ww plate frag bl tp 1820 1990 1905 c la ssic a l im a g e (co lo n ad ed building)
NR21 SCU 49 cer bowl
NR21 s c u 49
be pipe undec NJ
gla dg bot frag
NR21 sc u 49 1 cer rd brick frag cru d e; flattened o n o n e side; 1 1 7 8 .7 g ; pipe
NR21 sc u 51 1 cer cw plate brim & undec p lain rim 1762 1820 1791
MR21 s c u 51 1 cer cw cover frag undec 1762 1820 1791 in d eterm in a b le v e s s e l ty p e

NR21 s c u 51 1 cer ew frag - ungl refined; u n id en t ty p e
'JR21 sc u 51 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/C>4” b o re d iam
MR21 s c u 52 gla dg c s bot frag
VR21 s c u 52 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5 /6 4 “ b o re d iam
NR21 s c u 52 1 sto d k b r c h e rt gunflint co m p lete well u s e d E n glish m aterial a n d style
iMR21 sc u 55 1 cer ww frag • undec 1810 1990 1900
NR21 sc u 56 1 cer pw plate frag undec 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 sc u 56 1 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 s c u 56 1 cer hd ww frag - bl tp 1840 1890 1865 -
NR21 scu 56 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4 /6 4 ’ b o re d iam

I4R21 s c u 56 1 unkn yw cry stalin e -
NR21 sc u 57 1 cer pw plate frag u ndec 1779 1820 1799
!\IR21 sc u 57 1 gla dg cy bot frag
MR21 SCU 58 1 cer rd brick frag c o a rse ly m a d e ; 124.5g
MR21 sc u 60 1 cer bb ew plate rim b r slip, Ig c o g g le d rim 1725 1775 1750 dot p attern
,'1R21 sc u 60 4 cer ww plate body bl tp 1820 1990 1905 willow p a tte rn
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a t C la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

NR21 s c u 60 1 cer cw plate frag u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
NR21 s c u 60 1 cer rw plate frag w h slip, Ig kaolin trail slip p ed
NR21 sc u 60 3 cer be pipe bowl u ndec - - -
NR21 sc u 60 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 4 /3 4 ” b o re diam

NR21 sc u 60 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 5/54" b o re diam
NR21 sc u 60 10 gla dg c s bot - - - - -
NR21 s c u 61 1 cer rw plate frag w h slip, Ig - - - kaolin trail slip p ed
NR21 sc u 61 2 cer cw bowl frag o r slip, b r an n u la r - 1795 1810 1802
NR21 sc u 61 1 cer cw tea c u p ? rim undec - 1762 1820 1791
NR21 sc u 61 1 cer cw plate frag u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
NR21 sc u 61 2 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
NR21 sc u 61 2 cer pw bowl rim b ltp - 1795 1840 1817 2-sided tp; 5 1/2" diam
NR21 sc u 61 2 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
NR21 sc u 61 1 cer pw plate frag u n d ec - 1779 1820 1799
NR21 sc u 61 1 cer ww plate frag u ndec 1810 1990 1900
NR21 sc u 61 1 cer be pipe bowl undec -
NR21 s c u 61 5 cer be pipe s te m undec 4/(54” b o re diam
NR21 sc u 61 2 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/(54” b o re diam
NR21 s c u 61 1 gla aq bot frag -
NR21 sc u 61 3 gla dg c s bot frag - -
MR21 s c u 61 1 sto unkn concretion - - plum pit s h a p e -
yR 21 s c u 61 1 sto dk b r ch e rt gunflint c o m p le te - E nglish m aterial a n d style
UR21 sc u 62 1 cer Ph frag - ero d ed
AJR21 s c u 62 1 cer rw frag - w h slip, Ig - kaolin trail slipped; slip o n e x t of curve;
NR21 sc u 62 1 cer cw plate frag m dec 1762 1820 1791

NR21 sc u 62 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
IMR21 sc u 62 2 cer pw bowl frag or, b r an n u la r - 1795 1815 1805
NR21 s c u 62 2 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1809 1831 1820 e v e n scallo p , straig h t line
NR21 sc u 62 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e frag br s g - 1690 1800 1745 F u lh am w a re
NR21 s c u 62 1 cer ww teacu p handle yw slip - 1810 - 905
| n|R 21 scu 62 1 cer ww plate frag u ndec - 1810 1990 1900
NR21 sc u 62 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec - - -
MR21 s c u 62 3 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 4 /6 4 “ b o re diam
4 R 21 s c u 62 3 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 5 /6 4 ” b o re diam
4 R 21 s c u 62 3 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 6 /6 4 ” b o re d iam
JR21 s c u 62 1 gla dg csbot base - g la s s pontil - - 1 “ d ia m pontil s c a r
4R 21 s c u 62 2 gla dg csbot frag -
UR21 sc u 62 1 gla dg c y bot frag - - - -
. JR21 s c u 62 1 m et iron unident - - - - -

IJR21 s c u 62 1 sto g r ch e rt gunflint co m p lete u se d - - E nglish m aterial a n d style
IJR21 s c u 62 1 sto pu m ice a b ra d e r co m p lete u sed nhlnnn
oblong m ottled gy / wh; 1 3 /4 ” L; 2 flat s u rfa c e s
S i t e U n it Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part s u r . treat. Form EL E .M . date C o m m e n t

NR21 sc u 65 2 cer cw plate frag u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NR21 s c u 65 1 gla dg bot frag -
NR21 s c u 65 1 m et iron unident - - " - -
NR21 sc u 65 2 bon - unident - - c u t m a rk
NR21 sc u 66 1 cer dw frag - u ndec - 1640 1800 1720 -
NR21 s c u 66 1 cer cw plate frag u ndec Q u e e n ’s s h a p e 1762 1800 1781 -
NR21 s c u 66 2 cer cw bowl rim or, b r slip - 1795 1810 1802’ d e c o ra tiv e floral b r slip
NR21 scu 66 1 cer pw bowl frag or, br a n n u la r - 1795 1810 1802? -
NR21 s c u 66 1 cer pw plate frag u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 s c u 66 1 cer pw teapot? handle u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 d o u b le-rib b ed c ro ss -s e c tio n
NR21 sc u 66 2 cer pw frag - bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid ed tp
NR21 sc u 66 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
NR21 s c u 66 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - 5/<34“ b o re d iam
NR21 sc u 66 10 gla dg c s bot frag - - -
NR21 s c u 66 3 gla dg cy bot frag -

NR21 sc u 66 2 bon - unident frag burned
NR21 sc u 66 1 m et iron unident - - -
NR21 sc u 67 1 cer pw plate c e n te r im p re ss e d ; 1779 1820 1799 u n id en tified im p re s s e d m a rk (circle, 3

NR21 s c u 67 1 cer pw p late frag u ndec - 1779 1820 1799
NR21 s c u 67 1 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
to
NR21 s c u 67 1 cer pw bowl rim bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid ed tp
NR21 s c u 67 2 cer ww plate brim bl tp - 1820 1990 1905 willow p a tte rn
cn
NR21 sc u 68 1 cer cw plate frag undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NJR21 sc u 68 1 gla dg cy bot frag - - - - 9 frag s m e n d e d

NR21 s c u 69 4 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d bud; larg e fra g s
MR21 s c u 69 1 gla dg cy bot l)ase - - - - bu lg ed h eel, ro u n d ed c o n e kick-up, iron

VJR21 s c u 69 1 gla dg csbot lip & n e c k - - - - flan g ed lip, ta p e re d neck; 1 6 fra g s m e n d e d
NR21 sc u 70 2 cer cw bowl frag br, o r an n u la r - 1795 1810 1802 -
NJR21 s c u 70 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 5/f>4“ b o re diam

IMR21 s c u 70 6 gla dg c s bot frag -
NR21 s c u 70 8 gla dg cy bot lip & b a s e - _ 1820 1850 1835 p ro b ab ly 1 v e s se l; lip d ow n -tooled w / a d d e d
NR21 sc u 71 1 cer pw plate frag u ndec - 1779 1820 1799 -
NR21 s c u 71 3 gla dg cy bot frag -
NR21 s c u 71 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec . . 5/fl4“ b o re diant
NR21 sc u 74 1 cer ww sau cer rim rd, bl, gr, b k hp - 1820 1890 1855 6" d iam ; m o rn in g glory p a tte rn (curly v in es)
NR21 s c u 74 1 pla Bl shotgun - sta m p e d ■ s ta m p e d "ELEY G R A N D PRIX ”
NR21 sc u 75 1 gla cy bot frag - ;
dg
IMR21 sc u 7 7 1 gla dg cy bot n eck -
NR21 TP2L1 1 cer cw plate rim u ndec p lain rim 1762 1820 1791 ;
NR21 TP2L1 1 cer cw frag - u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
4R 21 TP2L1 1 cer ww frag - g rh p 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c

S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part s u r . tr< Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

NR21 TP2L1 1 cer Ph frag - ero d ed
NR21 T P2L1 2 gla dg bet frag -
N R 2I T P2L1 1 bon unident longbone - -
NR21 TP3L1 1 gla dg csbot frag -
NR21 T P3L1 2 cer Ph frag - ero d ed - - -
NR21 TP3F1 1 w oo unident frag - - 1/4 of log sectio n ; u n id en t sp e c ie s; n o s a w /
NR21 TP4L1 1 cer Ph frag rim eroded -
NR21 TP5L1 1 cer pw frag - bl, rd hp 1779 1820 1799 d e c . o n ext. o f curve
NR21 TP5L1 1 gla dg bot - -
NR21 TP5L1 1 sto unident flake - - ph; w h; ig n eo u s?
NR21 TP6L1 1 cer pw frag - b ltp - 1795 1840 1817 tp o n ex t of curve; bow l?
NR21 TP 6 L 1 4 gla dg c s bot frag -
NR21 T P6L1 1 gla dg cy bot frag -
NR21 TP6L1 2 gla aq flat frag -
NR21 TP6L1 1 m et iron co n cretio n - -
NR21 TP 6 L I 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - 4/54" b o re diam
N R 23 gs 14 gla dg cy bot b a s e , body, - 1790 1820 1805 from 1 bottle, w ine-style q u art, b u lg ed h eel,
NR31 gs 2 cer pc plate rim gold rb
NR31 gs 1 cer pc frag - undec
NR31 gs 1 cer pc teacu p handle u ndec -
256
NR31 gs 1 cer b r sw m ug rim - 1700 1799 1749 N ottingham
NR31 gs 3 cer w h sw frag - sg - 1720 1770 1745
NR31 gs 3 cer w h sw plate - sg - 1720 1770 1745
NR31 gs 3 cer wh sw plate rim sg b e a d & reel 1720 1770 1745
NR31 1 cer dw frag - undec 1640 1800 1720
gs -
NR31 gs 1 cer dw - 1640 1800 1720 bitrque only

NR31 gs 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d b u d
NR31 gs 3 cer ww frag - b ltp - 1820 1990 1905.
NR31 gs 3 cer ww plate body b ltp - 1820 1990 1905
NR31 gs 3 cer ww bowl body gr, rd hp - 1830 1890 1860 floral d e c
\IR31 gs 1 cer ww plate body b r tp - 1810 1990 1900
^JR31 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim bl a n n u lar - 1830 1860 1845 ap p ro x . 6 ' d iam
yR 31 gs 7 cer ww plate undec - 1810 1990 1900
'T O I gs 1 cer ww bowl rim undec - 1810 1990 1900
yR 3i gs 1 cer ww frag - undec - 1810 1990 1900
NR31 gs 1 cer wh ew m a rb le - em b o ssed 1 .5 c m diam , e m b o s s e d "P"
NR31 gs 7 cer be pipe s te m un d ec 5/f>4" b o re
NR31 gs 3 cer be pipe bowl undec
IVIR31 gs 1 m et co p p e r sh e e t an d - - frag of p a tc h 4 cm x 1 5 cm , 4 nail h o le s
NR31 gs 1 gla bg c s bot body under: 1600 1799 1699 b u b b le s - F re n c h ?
IMR31 gs 1 gla aq bot txxly em bo ssed m ed icin e, e m b o s s e d g rad u atio n s
S i t e U nit Q uart M a t C la s s O bject part su r . treat. Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

NR31 gs 5 gla aq bot body -
NR31 gs 1 gla aq bot neck - p a te n t lip
NR31 gs 3 gla bl cy bot body - toiletry, 6 “ F lorida W a te r sty le
NR31 gs 5 gla gr cy bot body - m o d e rn -sty le w in e
NR31 gs 1 gla cl rc b ot body - r e c e s s e d panel,
NR31 gs 1 gla cl cy bot base - 1903 1990 194(5 O w ens scar
NR31 gs 1 gla cl cy bot body - v ertical ribs
NR31 gs 3 gla cl bot body -
NR31 gs 1 gla cl sto p p e r - - 2 -p ie c e m old, o b lo n g top, co rk plug
NR31 gs 4 gla dg csbot body -
NR31 gs 20 gla d3 cy bot body -
NR31 gs 27 gla dg bot - -
NR31 gs 1 gla dg cy bot neck, lip - 1730 1785 1757 u p to o led string rim; J o n e s , G p .1 , fig.18, p.5 2
NR31 gs 1 gla dg cy bot n eck , lip - - 1730 1785 1757 V -sh a p e d lip, d o w n -to o led rim; J o n e s , G p .1 ,
NR31 gs 1 gla dg cy bot n eck , lip - - 1785 1820 1802 r o jn d e d lip, dow n-to o led rim; J o n e s , G p.3,
NR31 T P4, L1 1 cer bbew frag - b r slip - 1725 1775 1750 d o t p attern
NR31 T P8, L1 1 cer ww frag - undec - 1810 1990 1900
NR31 T P8, L1 2 gla dg cy bot - -
NR31 T P8, L1 2 gla dg bot - - -
NR31 T P 9, L1 1 cer wh sw plate body u ndec 1720 1775 1747
N R 32 gs 2 cer ww plate body r d tp - 1830 1850 1840 floral p attern
N R 32 gs 1 cer ww plate body g r tp - 1830 1860 1845
N R 32 gs 1 cer ww bowl body b r tp - 1830 1850 1840 p a sto ra l s c e n e ( s h e e p in field)
N R 32 gs 2 cer ww plate Ixxfy b ltp - 1820 1990 1905
N R 32 5 cer ww - flo bl tp
gs plate - 1840 1850 1845

N R 32 gs 1 cer ww plate - flo bl tp - 1840 1850 1845 willow p a tte rn
N R 32 gs 1 cer ww bowl Ixxfy flo bl tp - 1840 1850 1845 tp o n 2 sid e s
MR32 gs 3 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d b u d
MR32 gs 6 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d b u d
'JR 3 2 gs 1 cer ww cover rim bl, gr, rd, s p & hp 1825 1870 1847 7 “ d iam , c h a m b e rp o t lid?
MR32 gs 2 cer ww ch am b erp o t rim bl s p 1825 1870 1847
MR32 gs 1 cer ww frag - bl s p 1825 1870 1847
iMR32 gs 2 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t rim b lh p 1840 1890 1865
N R 32 gs 1 cer ww teacu p Ixxfy bl, g r hp 1820 1890 1855 w / h an d le b a s e ; floral d ec.
N R 32 gs 2 cer ww sa u cer rim rd, gr hp 1830 1860 1845 5" d iam ; floral d e c .
IVIR32 gs 3 cer ww bowl rim rd, gr, bl hp - 1820 1890 1855 6" d iam ; floral d e c .
N R 32 gs 9 cer ww bowl base rd, gr, bl, pp hp - 1820 1890 1855 3 cliff, b a s e ty p es; interior floral d e c .
N R 32 gs 3 cer ww frag - rd h p - 1830 1860 1845
N R 32 gs 2 cer ww frag - rd, bl hp
N R 32 gs 4 cer ww frag - gr, bk hp
lvlR32 gs 1 cer ww frag - bl s p
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat Form B_. E .M . date C o m m e n t

N R 32 gs 11 cer ww plate frag u ndec 1810 1990 1900 -
NR32 gs 2 cer ww plate rim undec scallo p m o ld ed 1860 1990 1925 -
N R 32 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim u ndec 1810 1990 1900 6" d iam

N R 32 gs 1 cer ww bowl base undec 1810 1990 1900 -
N R 32 gs 9 cer ww frag - undec 1810 1990 1900 -
N R 32 gs 1 cer ww hollow w are - undec 1810 1990 1900 ja r?

N R 32 gs 1 cer ww cover - un d ec 1810 1990 1900 lid to s a m e ja r?
N R 32 gs 1 cer rw sto ra g e body Id int. g la z e - - h ard p a s te ; w h eel throw n
N R 32 gs 1 cer br sw c y bot body u nglazed 1800 1900 1850 in k -sty le
N R 32 gs 3 cer pc sau cer rim gold rb - - 6" d iam
N R 32 gs 1 cer pc plate rim gold rb
N R 32 gs 2 cer pc sau cer body u ndec
N R 32 gs 3 cer pc sa u c e r rim u ndec im p re s s e d - - sc a llo p
N R 32 gs 1 cer pc plate body u n d ec
N R 32 gs 4 cer pc frag - u ndec in cised - - u rid erg laze floral p attern
N R 32 gs 2 cer pc frag - undec
NR32 gs 2 cer pc teacu p rim, b o d y u ndec im p re s s e d - - p attern identifiable; 2 0 th c?
N R 32 gs 2 gla dg cy bot body -
N R32 gs 3 gla dg bot body -
N R 32 gs 4 gla am cy bot body - - -

N R 32 gs 4 gla gr cy bot base - fre e blow n m ed ic in e vial; 3 c m d iam ; iron
N R 32 gs 13 gla cl cy bot body - 1870 1930 1900 tu rn ed in m old
N R 32 gs 1 gla cl cy ja r rim - - - sc re w c a p ; 2 0 th c
N R 32 gs 1 gla cl cy bot co m p lete - 1865 1890 1877 m ed icin e bottie; 2.5" h, 1.75" d iam ; W ilson,
N R 32 gs 1 gla cl rc b ot body - re c e s s e d panel, - - p a te n t m ed icin e bottle

N R 32 gs 1 gla cl bot body - 12-sided - - s e a m to rim; 2 0 th c
N R 32 gs 1 gla cl w ash b o ard frag -
N R 32 gs 1 gla bl cy bot lip - 1850 - 925 ink-style; b u rst-o ff lip

N R 32 gs 1 gla aq ovbot body - - - flask o r k id n e y -sh a p e
N R 32 gs 1 gla aq cy bot n eck - - - stra ig h t finish, fire p o lish ed lip, flatte n ed rim
N R 32 gs 1 gla aq cy b ot base em b o ssed 1889 - 944 se m i-a u to m old; e m b o s s e d "AB_13"
N R 32 gs gla bl cy bot body -
MR32 gs gla bl cy bot base em b o ssed 1870 1890 1880 florida w ater-sty le; 1 ’ diam , 2 p ie c e m old,
N R32 gs 1 m et co p p e r s h e e t m etal - - - - p a tc h w / 7 nail h o les; 3.25x3"
N R32 gs 1 bon - utensil frag - - - b a s a l e n d only; rc c ro ss -s e c tio n
'JR 3 4 gs 1 sh e - button - - slo tted 2-hole - - 1/4* d iam
VJR34 gs m et iron cauldron Ixxfy -
MR34 gs 1 cer Ph frag - - . . ero d ed

4R 34 gs 1 sh e conch frag - - ph? - -
yR 34 gs 1 cer ww frag - b r tp 1810 1990 1900 m o n u m en t, m o urning s c e n e ?
4R 34 gs 7 cer ww plate - g r tp s ta m p e d on 1830 1860 1845 A sian te m p le w / p ro c e ss io n ; "DELHI" in
S i t e U nit Q uart M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B_. E . M . dlate C o m m e n t

N R 34 gs 1 cer ww bowl brink u ndec - 1810 1990 1903 la rg e d iam
N R 34 gs 2 cer ww bowl foot ring undec - 1810 1990 1903 la rg e d iam
N R 34 gs 7 cer ww plate body p p tp - 1830 1990 1910 ro m an tic c o a s ta l s c e n e s
N R 34 gs 7 cer ww plate rim p p tp - 1830 1990 1910 ro m an tic c o a s ta l brim s c e n e
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1841 1857 1849 u n sc allo p ed , im p re ss e d b u d
NR34 gs 1 cer ww plate body flo bl tp - 1840 1850 1845 -
N R34 gs 5 cer ww frag - flo bl tp - 1840 1850 1845 -
N R34 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim flo bl tp - 1840 1850 1845 5 ' d ia m

N R34 gs 1 cer ww bowl base flo bi tp - 1840 1850 1845 -
N R34 gs 1 cer ww plate rim, c e n te r b ltp - 1820 1990 1905 floral d e c .

N R34 gs 9 cer ww plate rim b ltp - 1820 1990 19015 5 diff. b o rd e rs
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim b ltp - 1820 1990 19015 6 ’ d iam
N R 34 gs 4 cer ww frag - b ltp - 1820 1990 1905 -
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww dish foot ring, b ltp - 1850 1900 1875 Iro n sto n e; ch in o iserie p attern; large
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t body g rh p - 1830 1890 1860 floral d e c
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww bowl body or, br, bl a n n u la r - 1840 1900 1870 -
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww bowl rim b k rb - 1830 - 915 -
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww frag - rd, bl s p - 1840 1860 1850 -
N R 34 gs 1 cer ww bowl body rd, yw a n n u la r w/ bk - 1840 1860 1850 -

N R 34 gs 2 gla cl cy bot body -
N R34 gs 11 gla am cy bot body - - 1870 1930 1900 p ro b . from 1 bottle; tu rn ed in m old
N R34 gs 2 gla am cy bot body -
N R34 gs 2 gla dg bot body - em b o ssed - - p arallel v ertical ribs
N R34 gs 13 gla dg bot body -
N R34 gs 4 gla dg cy bot base - 1822 1870 1846 R ick ett’s -ty p e m old
N R34 gs 18 gla dg cy bot body -

N R34 gs 17 gla dg c s bot body - ■
N R 34 gs 6 gla bl cy bot body - 1870 1890 1880 flcrid a w a te r sty le toiletry; 1.25" diar
N R 34 gs 1 gla aq cy bot base em bossed - - - e m b o s s e d "D"
N R 34 gs 2 gla aq ovbot body em bossed - - - m ed icin e-sty le; e m b o s s e d “2 1/2"
N R 34 gs 25 gla aq bot body -
N R 34 gs 7 gla aq ovbot body em bossed - - ro p e b o rd er for p a p e r label
N R 35 w a te r 1 cer be pipe bow l & u n d ec - - - 5/154" b o re; bowl 5 .5 c m high
N R 35 w ell 1 bon hu m an h u m e ru s distal e n d & - - - - b ro k en a t proxim al e n d
N R 35 gs 1 cer bisque tile? - rd, g y slip - - - delft tile b isq u e frag ?
N R 35 gs 5 cer ww frag - u n d ec - 1810 1990 1900 -
N R 35 gs 4 cer ww frag - b ltp - 1820 1990 1905. -
N R 35 gs 4 cer ww plate body b ltp - 1820 1990 1905 -
N R35 gs 1 cer ww frag - r d tp - 1830 - 915 -
MR35 gs 1 cer ww plate Ixxly rd, g r hp - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c

MR35 gs 3 gla dg bot body -
S i t e U n it Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B_. IE.M . d a t e C o m m e n t

N R 35 gs 1 gla dg csbot body -
N R 35 gs 1 gla dg cy bot body -
N R 36 scu 2 1 cer rd b rick frag - -
N R 36 sc u 5 1 cer ww bowl body bl, gr, gy a n n u la r 1840 1900 1870 -
N R 36 sc u 5 1 cer ww frag - rd hp - 1830 1890 1863 -
N R 36 scu 5 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
N R36 scu 5 3 sto ch ert flake - - - Fh .
N R36 scu 6 1 cer ww frag - gr cu t s p “ 1840 1860 1850 -
N R 36 sc u 6 4 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
N R36 scu 6 1 gla cl bot - - " "
N R 36 scu 6 1 gla gr cy bot body - m ed icin e vial; free-blow n;
N R36 scu 6 1 cer rd b rick frag -
N R 36 scu 7 1 gla cl tbw frag en g rav ed w h eel e n g ra v e d ?
N R 36 scu 7 1 cer rd b rick frag -
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec Royal pattern 1765 1800 1782 _
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer bbew cup base w h slip - 1700 1775 1737 -
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e frag br s g - 1690 1800 17415 F u lh am w a re ; thick sh e rd

N R 36 sc u 8 3 cer rd brick frag -
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , cu rv e d lines
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer ww plate - b ltp - 1820 1990 1905 n e t pattern
N R 36 scu 8 2 cer ww bowl base u ndec - 1810 1990 19a) -
N R36 sc u 8 3 cer ww frag - undec - 1810 1990 19a) -
N R36 sc u 8 1 cer ww plate brim g rh p - 1830 1860 18415 floral d e c

N R 36 scu 8 2 cer ww frag - rd hp 1830 1860 1845
- -
N R 36 scu 8 1 cer ww plate brim rd rb, g r c u t s p - 1840 1860 1850 -
N R36 scu 8 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 4/64" b o re diam

N R36 sc u 8 3 gla dg cy bot body -
N R36 sc u 8 1 gla da c s bot body -
N R36 sc u 9 1 cer cw frag rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
N R36 scu 9 1 cer pw frag - b ltp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid ed tp
N R36 scu 9 1 cer pw frag - bl a n n u la r - 1795 1815 18055
N R36 sc u 9 1 cer ww frag - rd, g r hp - 1830 1860 18415 2 -sid e d d e c
N R36 scu 9 3 cer ww frag - u ndec 1810 1990 19ai
N R 36 scu 9 4 gla dg bot - - -
N R36 scu 9 1 m et iron nail head & - s q u a re ; in d eterm , c u t o r w rought
N R 36 s c u 10 1 cer ww plate b rim u ndec - 1810 1990 1900
N R 36 s c u 10 2 cer rd brick frag -
N R 36 s c u 11 1 cer ph frag - - ■ - e ro d ed
N R 36 s c u 11 4 cer ew s to ra g e - u nglazed ja r? , w h eel throw n, c o a r s e red d ish buff b o d y
Reproduced with permission
S it e U n it Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B. E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

N R36 s c u 11 3 cer rd brick frag -
N R 36 s c u 12 1 cer ew s to ra g e frag u nglazed -w h eel throw n, c o a r s e red d ish buff body;

N R36 s c u 13 1 cer g y sw s to ra g e - gy, b r s g - 1550 1780 1665 R h e n ish sw
N R 36 s c u 13 1 cer ww bowl foot ring un d ec - 1810 1990 1900
of the copyright owner. Further reproduction
N R 36 s c u 13 1 bon tooth? u n id en t - -
N R 36 sc u 15 1 cer dw sto ra g e ? - undec - W h int/ext g la z e ; pink body; partially vitrified

N R 36 sc u 15 1 cer ww plate rim g r c u t s p , rd rb 1840 1860 1850
N R 36 s c u 20 1 cer pw plate body b ltp 1795 1840 1817 tp o n re v e rs e "G rey h o u n d s” w / h o u n d figure
N R 36 s c u 20 1 cer dw sto ra g e ? body u ndec W h int/ext g la z e ; pink body; partially vitrified
N R 36 sc u 20 3 cer dw dish rim u ndec plato; w h int/ext g laze; pink body; partially
N R 36 s c u 20 2 m et c o p p er gun ca p - s ta m p e d from sh o tg u n shell; "W E S T E R N N E W
NR36 sc u 23 1 gla dg cy bot body -
NR36 scu 25 1 cer cw plate rim u ndec p lain rim 1790 1820 1805
N R36 sc u 25 1 cer rd b rick frag -
N R36 sc u 26 1 gla dg cy bot base - bulged heel

N R 36 s c u 27 1 cer dw d ish rim un d ec - plato; partially vitrified tin g laze; w h eel

N R 36 sc u 27 3 cer cw frag - un d ec 1762 1820 1791
N R 36 s c u 27 3 cer cw frag - bl p o w d e re d ground - 1795 1815 1805 e x a m p le c .1 8 1 0 a t W alk er Art M us.
N R 36 s c u 27 1 cer pw frag - bl hp 1779 1830 1804
to
N R 36 sc u 27 1 gla dg bot - - - ON
N R 36 s c u 27 2 sto ch alced o n flake - - h—
1
ph
NR36 sc u 28 3 cer rd brick - -
NR36 sc u 28 1 cer g y sw sto ra g e - br, gy sg . 1550 1780 166!5 R h e n is h sw
N R 36 sc u 28 2 cer ww frag - 18a )
gr, bl cut sp ; rd rb 1840 1760

NR36 sc u 28 6 gla dg c s bot - -
N R 36 s c u 29 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1813 1834 1823 e v e n scallo p , im p re ss e d b u d

N R36 sc u 29 2 gla dg bot - -
N R36 sc u 29 1 she pum acea frag - -
N R 36 sc u 29 1 she co n ch ? frag - -
N R 36 s c u 30 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines

N R 36 sc u 30 1 gla aq bot - -
N R 36 sc u 32 1 cer rd brick - -
N R 36 s c u 32 1 cer cw plate b rim _

undec 1762 1820 1791
N R 36 sc u 32 1 cer pw frag - bl hp - 1779 1820 1799
N R 36 sc u 34 1 cer ww bowl body gr, bk hp - 1830 1860 1845 floral d e c
N R 36 sc u 34 1 gla aq bot body -
N R 36 s c u 36 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec - 1762 1820 1791

N R 36 sc u 38 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec R oyal p attern 1765 1800 1782

S i t e U nit Q u a n M at C la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B_. E .M . date C o m m e n t

N R 36 scu39 1 cer rd brick frag
N R 36 scu39 1 gla dg bot -
N R 36 scu40 2 cer rd brick frag
N R 36 scu41 3 cer rd brick frag -
N R 36 sc u 41 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e ? body g ysg 1550 1780 1665 R h e n ish
NR36 S C U 41 1 cer cw hollow w are body bl p o w d ered ground 1795 1815 1805
NR36 sc u 41 1 gia cl tbw base urtdec - thin pontil sc a r; tu m b ler? .sm all dec
N R36 s c u 41 3 gla dg bot body
N R36 sc u 42 3 cer rd brick frag
N R36
N R36
s c u 42
s c u 42
1
1
cer
gla
ww
dg
frag
bot
rim
body
b lip - 1820 1990 1905 :
N R36 s c u 45 1 cer ww co v e r rim undec - 1810 1990 1900 s u g a r p o t lid?
N R 36 sc u 54 1 cer rd b rick frag
N R 36 scu 57 1 gla dg c y bot base - - 1780 1820 1800 b u lg ed h eel, free blown
N R 36 s c u 61 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec p lain rim 1790 1820 1805
N R 36 s c u 63 1 cer rd brick frag
N R 36 s c u 63 1 cer rw hollow w are handle ig thick, prob. te a p o t
N R 36 sc u 63 1 cer pw frag - bl hp - 1779 1820 1799 -
N R 36 s c u 63 1 cer cw frag - undec ■ 1762 1820 1791 -

N R 36 s c u 63 1 gla c s bot -
262
NR36 s c u 64 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1780 1830 180!)
N R36 s c u 64 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal pattern 1765 1800 1782
N R36 s c u 64 3 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791
N R36 s c u 65 1 cer rd b rick frag

N R36 sc u 67 1 cer rd brick frag
N R36 s c u 68 1 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791
N R36 s c u 68 1 gia dg bot -
N R 36 sc u 70 1 gia d3 bot -
N R 36 s c u 72 1 cer pw frag - bl hp 1779 1830 1804
N R 36 s c u 72 1 gia dg c s bot -
N R 36 s c u 73 2 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1820 1791
N R 36 s c u 74 1 cer cw plate brim undec 1762 1820 1791 thick s h e rd ; p latter? serv in g d ish ?
N R 36 sc u 75 1 cer rd b rick frag
N R 36 s c u 75 1 cer cw bowl rim bl p o w d ered ground, 1795 1810 1802!
N R 36 s c u 75 1 cer cw bowl rim undec 1762 1820 1791 plain, rolled rim
N R 36 sc u 75 1 cer pw plate body undec 1779 1830 1804 -
iMR36 s c u 90 1 gla dg bot body
MR36 s c u 91 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal p attern 1765 1800 1782
\1R36 s c u 91 1 m et iron frag - u n id en t, function; rectan g u lar, 1 ”x2
N R36 sc u 95 1 cer pw plate rim sh e lle d g e - 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines
S i t e U n it Q u a n M a tC ia s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B . E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

N R 36 s c u 95 1 gla dg bot - -
N R 36 sc u 96 6 cer rd brick - -
N R36 SCU 97 1 cer ww frag - undec 1810 1990 1900 -

N R 36 s c u 97 1 gla dg frag - -
N R36 sc u 110 1 cer ww plate frag un d ec 1810 1990 1900 .
N R36 s c u 111 1 cer rd brick frag - - - 1/2 brick; n o t d isc a rd e d ; cru d e , light, local?
N R 36 sc u 115 1 cer pw bowl rim bl hp 1779 1830 1804 identifiable C h in e s e ? p attern
N R 36 sc u 125 1 gla dg bot - -
N R 36 sc u 126 1 cer ww plate b rim bl tp 1820 1990 1905 willow p a tte rn

N R 36 s c u 130 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e frag sg 1550 1780 1665 R h e n ish sw
N R 36 s c u 130 1 cer ew sto ra g e body gy slip, u n g lazed - - pink body; c o a rs e ; w h eel throw n; Iberian?
N R 36 s c u 131 1 cer bbew bowl rim b r slip, Id g la z e 1725 1775 1750 d o t p attern ; o u ttu m e d rim
N R 36 s c u 132 1 cer pw teacu p rim bl tp 1779 1820 1799 int. floral, ext. tr e e & bird pat; 3 1 /4 " d iam
N R 36 sc u 133 1 cer cw plate brink undec 1762 1820 1791 -
N R36 sc u 134 1 cer dw frag - u n d e c (w h gl) 1640 1800 1720 pinkish b o d y

N R36 s c u 134 1 cer ww bowl rim bl, gr, rd hp; rd rb 1820 1890 18515 sm a ll d iam .
N R36 s c u 137 1 cer cw plate body undec 1762 1820 1791 -
N R36 s c u 142 1 cer cw plate rim u ndec R oyal p attern 1765 1800 1782 -
N R36 sc u 142 2 cer cw plate body u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
N R36 s c u 143 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e body Br s g 1550 1780 16615 R h en ish

N R36 sc u 143 1 cer ww bowl rim flo bl tp 1840 1850 18415 -
N R 36 sc u 143 1 cer cw plate body u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
N R 36 s c u 147 1 cer ww plate body b ltp 1820 1990 19015 willow p a tte rn
N R 36 s c u 164 1 cer pw hollow w are rim u ndec 1779 1820 1799 teap o t?
N R 36 sc u 166 1 cer cw plate body im p re s s e d 1784 - 892 C ro ss-in -circle, S p o d e factory,
N R 36 sc u 167 1 cer ww frag - p p tp 1830 1990 1910 -
N R 36 sc u 174 1 cer ww plate body rd tp 1830 - 915 T p of sm all b o at, ch in o iserie, unident.
N R 36 sc u 197 1 cer ew sto ra g e body g r Ig interior 1500 1850 1675 G y/pink c o a r s e b o d ied Iberian olive ja r
N R 36 sc u 209 2 cer pw plate - b ltp 1779 1820 1799 -
N R 36 sc u 235 1 cer ew sto ra g e - g r Ig interior 1500 1850 1675 G y/pink c o a r s e b o d ie d Iberian olive jar; po o r
N R 36 s c u 260 6 gla aq cy bot body - - - m old s e a m s
N R 36 s c u 260 1 gla gr bot body - - - m o d ern
N R 36 sc u 2 8 4 9 cer pw frag - bl p o w d ered grour 1779 1820 1799 c u rv ed like m u g
N R 36 sc u 2 8 4 7 cer pw bowl - bl hp 1779 1820 1795) zk jzag p attern ; s e e s c u 4 0 1 ,4 1 5
N R 36 sc u 2 8 4 4 cer pw bowl b a s e ring u ndec 1779 1820 1795) sa m e v essel a s abov e
N R 36 sc u 296 2 cer cw frag - undec 1762 1820 1791 -
N R 36 SCU 32 0 2 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
N R 36 sc u 355 4 gla dg bot frag -
S it e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B_. E.M . date C o m m e n t

N R 36 sc u 358 16 gla dg cybot frag - - 1790 1820 1805 m o s t o r all from o n e bottle; b e ll-sh a p e d
N R 36 scu 358 24 gla dg bot frag - - 1790 1820 18CS m o s t o r all from s a m e bottle a s a b o v e
N R 36 sc u 368 1 cer CW frag - - - 1762 1820 1791 -
N R 36 s c u 37 0 1 cer cw plate rim u ndec R oyal p attern 1765 1800 1782 -

N R36 sc u 370 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
NR36 s c u 39 0 1 cer rw sto ra g e body gr/cl m o ttled interior . . _
o p e n co n tain er; w h eel throw n; thick; po o r
N R36 sc u 391 2 cer bb ew frag body Ig, n o b r slip - 1680 1775 1727 larg e v e s s e l
N R36 sc u 3 9 1 E 2 cer bbew frag body Ig, b r slip - 1700 1775 1737 c o m b e d p attern
N R36 sc u 392 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec R oyal pattern 1765 1820 1792 -
N R 36 sc u 392 4 gla dg cybot - -
N R 36 sc u 392E 1 cer bbew frag - Ig, n o b rslip - 1680 1775 1727 -
N R 36 sc u 392E 1 gla dg bot - -

N R 36 sc u 40 0 1 cer cw plate b ase un d ec _
1762 1820 1791 .
N R 36 sc u 401 1 cer pw bowl body bl hp - 1779 1820 1799 zig zag pattern; s e e s c u 2 8 4 ,4 1 5
N R 36 sc u 415 1 cer pc frag - bl hp - - - C h in e s e - sh o w W R S
N R 36 sc u 415 1 cer pw bowl b a s e an d bl hp - 1779 1820 1799 e:<t. zig zag p attern; int. c ro ss h a tc h a n d
N R 36 sc u 415 1 cer pw saucer rim bl hp - 1779 1820 1799 s a m e p attern a s s c u 115
N R 36 sc u 417 1 cer pw teacu p rim b lh p - 1779 1820 1799 s a m e rim p attern a s sc u 1 1 5 ,4 1 5 ; ext. tree,
N R 36 scu 417 2 cer pw bowl body b lh p - 1779 1820 1799 int., ext. d eco ratio n
N R 36 scu 417 1 cer rd s w hollow w are body p olished ext; n o gl - 1750 1775 1762 w h e e l throw n; E le rs?
N R 36 sc u 4 1 7 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e body br s g - 1550 1780 1665 thick s h e rd ; R h en ish
NR36 sc u 421 1 gla dg cybot body -
NR36 sc u 430 1 cer pw plate brim u ndec _
1779 1820 1799 _
N R36 s c u 430 1 cer cw frag - undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
NR36 sc u 43 0 1 cer ww bowl rim flo bl tp 1840 1850 18415 sm a ll d iam ; 5"
N R36 s c u 430 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 5/64" d iam

N R36 sc u 43 0 1 bon larg e longbone sh a ft burned - - - unid en t, s p e c ie s
N R 36 s c u 431 1 cer rw s to ra g e body cl Ig - - - w h e e l th row n; sm all cylindrical v e s s e l,
N R 36 sc u 43 5 1 cer ew frag body n o gl; u n d e c - ph? - c o a r s e body
N R 36 s c u 44 6 5 gia dg cybot - - - - - o n e bot?
N R 36 s c u 47 4 1 cer be pipe ste m undec - - - 5 /5 4 ” d iam
N R 36 riv er 1 gla dg cy bot base - - - - from river w h e re b o a t d o ck ed ; b u lg ed h eel,
N R 39 TP1 L1 4 gla dg bot - -
N R 39 T P 2 L1 1 cer ww frag - rd, g r hp - 1830 1860 18415 floral d e c
N R 39 T P 2 L1 1 grap - battery co re -
N R 39 T P 9L 1 8 cer cw m ug rim to b a s e b r overgl tp applied han d le 1765 1800 1782 ap p ro x . v e s s e l ht. 3 1/2"; h o rse-d ra w n
N R 39 T P 9L 1 1 cer pw bowl body bl, b r trail slip - 1800 1820 1810 -
N R 39 T P 9 L1 1 cer ww teacu p handle u n d ec - 1810 1990 1 9 a) -
N R 39 gs 9 cer ww bowl foot ring, rd, gr, yw hp; bl rb - 1820 1890 185!i floral d eco ratio n
N R 39 gs 6 cer ww bowl frag rd, bl, g r hp; c ra z e d - 1820 1890 185!) thick body; int, ext d eco ratio n
N R 39 gs 1 cer ww plate frag b ltp - 1820 1990 190!) -
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part s u r . treat, Form B_. E .M date C o m m e n t

N R 39 gs 3 cer ww bowl frag gy, br an n u la r 1840 1900 1870 -
N R 39 gs 1 cer ww plate frag undec 1810 1990 19C0 -
N R39 gs 4 cer ww frag - undec 1810 1990 19C0

N R39 gs 2 cer be pipe bowl undec -
N R39 gs 2 gla am cybot frag -
N R39 gs 1 gla dg cy bot frag -
N R39 gs 1 gla dg c s bet frag • -

N R 39 gs 1 gla aq bot lip - sm a ll toiletry b ottle
N R 39 gs 2 gla cl tbw frag - p a tte rn m olded - tu m b le r
NR41 T P 3 L 3 /4 3 clay rd/tan daub - im p re s s e d ph? - lew -fired (b u rn e d ? )
N R 50 gs 1 gla dg c s bot lip, neck, -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 3 cer ww plate rim bl, rd, g r rb . 20 th c.
NR51 TP 1 L 1 4 cer ww frag - u n d ec 1810 1990 1903 -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 2 cer ww plate body b ltp 1820 1990 1905 -

NR51 TP 1 L 1 11 gla a) bot - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 3 gla am bot - -

NR51 TP 1 L 1 8 gla gr bot - - - m odem
NR51 TP 1 L 1 1 gla dg cybot - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 5 gia cl bot - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 1 gla yw bot - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 7 gla dg bot - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 1 gla cl m a rb le - - sw irled int. 3/4" (1 .9 cm ) d iam ; bl, or, yw , rd, pink, wh
NR51 TP 1 L 1 1 gla cl tbw s te m m o ld ed ? sin g le-b lad ed ste m w a re ; bowl, s te m , b a s e all o n e p iece; L
NR51 TP 1 L 1 2 pla yw cup rim -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 14 cer rd brick frag
-
NR51 TP 1 L 1 1 pla p o ly sty ren w ire - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 2 bon unident
NR51 TP 1 L 1 6 sto c h e rt w h flake .
NR51 TP 1 L 1 1 sto sla te g y frag - -
NR51 TP 1 L 1 14 m et iron nail - - 1820 - 910 m o stiy N .H u m e ty p e 9 (p.253)
NR51 TP 1 L I 1 m et iron sta p le - - 1.25" long
NR51 TP 1 L I 1 m et iron sh e e t frag -
NR51 TP 1 L2 47 cer Ph frag s - heavily e ro d e d A R T IFA C TS ALL SMALL, T RA M PLED
NR51 TP 1 L 2 1 cer rw frag - b r sp o tte d cl Ig w h e e l throw n
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 cer rw bowl rim u n g lazed w h e e l throw n; s a m e a s a b o v e
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 cer ww plate rim rd, gr, bl rb 1810 - 905
NR51 TP 1 L2 2 cer ww frag frag u ndec 1810 1990 1900
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 cer ww plate body rd, g r h p 1830 1860 1845
NR51 TP 1 L 2 1 cer ww frag - b ltp 1820 1990 1905
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 cer ww frag - bl hp 1820 1890 1855
NR51 TP 1 L 2 1 cer be pipe s te m un d ec 5/(54" d iam
S i t e U nit Q u a n M a tC la s s O bject part su r. treat. Form B_. E.M. date C o m m e n t

NR51 TP 1 L2 6 cer rd brick frag -
NR51 TP 1 L2 4 gla dg bot - -
N R51 TP 1 L2 1 gla am bot - .
NR51
NR51
TP
TP
1 L2
1 L2
2
36
gla
gla
cl
aq
bot
cy bot
-
lip, neck,
-
-
- - : all o n e v e s se l; lo n g -n eck ed w in e style;
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 m et co p p er nail / tack - - c u t to point - - 5/8" long
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 m et iron sh eet frag - thin - - -
NR51 TP 1 L2 9 m et iron nail - - cut - - m o stly N. H u m e ty p e 8

NR51 TP 1 L2 1 m et iron s c re w - - flat h e a d ; 1/2 sh a f - - -
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 m et iron sta p le - - - - - 1 5/8“ long
NR51 TP 1 L2 1 bon - longbone frag - - - - m e d iu m m a m m a l
NR51 TP 1 L2 5 sto c h ert debitage - ■ - Ph - Iccal m aterial
NR51 TP 1 L2 6 she - - - - co n ical spiral; a v e . 1 3/4" long; n atu ral?
NR51 TP 1 L3 6 bon turtle? c a ra p a c e - -
NR51 TP 1 L3 11 sto c h ert debitage - - - - - lo cal m aterial

NR51 TP 1 L3 1 sto obsidian blade frag -
N R51 TP 1 L3 4 she - - . n o t m arin e; 2 spiral conical; n a tu ra l?

NR51 TP 1 L3 1 sto c h ert h a m m e rsto n _ - s u b triangular Ph - ta n , b a n d e d C o lh a chert; 3 “ diam ; ab rad in g
N R 5I TP 1 L3 13 cer Fh frag rim s o m e slipped, - Ph - potentially identifiable, b a g g e d s e p a ra te ly
NR51 TP 1 L3 76 cer ph frag - eroded - Ph - -
N R58 gs 1 cer pw plate rim gr hp sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 17913 r c c o c o (Miller ty p e B)
N R 58 gs 1 cer cw saucer rim undec pattern e d g e 1762 1800 1781 -
N R 58 gs 1 cer cw frag - u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
N R 58 gs 4 cer be pipe bowl undec large, an g led - - from o n e pipe
N R 58
TP 1 L 1 1 gla dg bot - -
N R 58 TP 1 L 1 1 sto unident rubbing - polished - - . round; 7/8" diam ; o n e sid e polish ed

N R 58 TP2L1 1 cer rd b rick frag - - - - v e ry sm a ll
N R 58 TP2L1 2 m et iron unident frag -
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t rim & s id e bl, g r hp; rd s p - 1820 1890 185!) larg e frag
N R 66A gs 2 cer ww plate body b ltp - 1820 1990 190!) -
N R 66A gs 2 cer ww frag - b ltp - 1820 1990 1905 -
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww plate body bl hp - 1820 1890 185!) floral d e c
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww plate body bl s p - 1840 1860 1850 -
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww plate body b lh p , g r s p - 1820 1890 185!) -
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww bowl rim, s id e gr, rd hp - 1840 1860 1850 straig h t o u tslo p in g s id e s
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww bow l rim bl, bk, rd a n n u la r - 1830 1860 184!i straig h t o u tslo p in g s id e s
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1841 1857 1849 u n sc allo p ed , im p re ss e d p attern
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww frag - u ndec - 1810 1990 1900 -
N R 66A gs 1 cer ww bowl b a s e ring rd tp * 1830 - 915 p a tte rn of 2 in ro w b o at, ste e rin g oar; m a k e r's
N R 66A gs 1 cer rw frag - bk Ig
N R 66A gs 1 cer rw sh a llo w bowl body cl Ig w h e e l throw n; burnt bk tar-like s u b s ta n c e on
S ite U n itQ u a n M atC lass O bject part su r. treat. F o rm B_. E .M . d a te C o m m e n t

N R 66A gs 1 cer gy sw cybot base cl s g - - - w h eel throw n; 2 1 /2 ' diam ; 19th c
N R 66A gs 1 gla o p a q u e bl c o v e r to rim p r e s s m olded - - 1 9 th c
N R 66A gs 1 gla aq bot co m p lete s a u c e finish, diag - - s a la d - o r olive-oil ty p e, d iam o n d & vert.
N R 66A gs 1 gla aq bot n eck - - - u o p e rm o st 3" only; s a m e a s a b o v e
N R66A gs 1 gla aq cybot body, b a s e em b o ssed - - - so d a -w a te r ty p e, e m b o s s e d "This b ottle is
N R 66A gs 1 gla aq ovbot body, b a s e em b o ssed - - - 2 -part m old; sh allo w c o n c a v e b a s e ;
N R 66A gs 1 gla aq rc bot co m p lete em b o ssed ta p e re d neck; - - d o w n -to d e d lip; 6 1 /4 " h „ 2 1 / 8 x 1 1/8" b a s e ;
N R 66A gs 1 gla aq ro b o t body em bossed c h a m fe re d - - frag of s a m e ty p e a s a b o v e (diff. m old)
N R 66A gs 1 gia bl cybot co m p lete em b o ssed - - - F lorida W a te r style; 2 -p art m old, d o w n
N R 66A gs 1 gla dg cybot base - 1870 1930 1900 2 1/2" diam ; co n ical kick-up; tu rn e d in m old
N R 66A gs 1 gla da cy bot b a s e , body - 1821 1890 1855 p o ssib ly R ick ett's-ty p e (u n m ark ed ); ro u n d e d
N R 66A gs 1 gla dg cybot n eck - flattened lip, b u lg ed n eck
N R66A gs 1 gla <£ c s bot b a s e , body em b o ssed c h a m fe re d - - D utch gin type; dip-m olded; 2 1/2" s q . b a s e ,
N R 66A gs 1 g la d g (am ) cybot body - 1821 1890 1855 3 p a rt m old sh o u ld e r
N R 66A gs 2 gla dg cy bot -
N R66A gs 1 gla am cybot base -e m b o s s e d - - - co n tin en tal liquor/bitters type; b a s e
N R 66B gs 1 sto lim esto n e m an o m id sec tio n d iag o n al scoring - Ph - cylindrically s h a p e d stalactite; b ro k en a t both
N R 66B gs 1 cer ew teapot spout b r ig - 1840 1860 1850 bb; R o ckingham ; sp o u t 4 1/2" L.; s a m e style
N R 66B gs 1 cer PC doll a rm o r leg u nglazed striated - - 2 1/2" L; stocking p attern
N R 66B gs 1 gia cl ja r base - - - iron pontil sc a r; 3 7/8" diam ; ro u n d b u lg ed
N R 66B gs 1 gla cl cybot co m p lete - 1840 1920 1380 3" H, 1" d iam ; 3 o r 4 -p a rt m old; fla n g e d lip;
N R 66B gs 1 gia aq rc b ot co m p lete em bo ssed c h a m fered 1850 1920 1385 to o led d o w n lip, straig h t n eck ; 2 -p a rt m old;
N R 66B gs 1 gla aq bot base& diag. ribbed n e c k - - s a la d - o r olive-oil ty p e, d ia m o n d & vert.
N R 66B gs 3 gla aq bot co m p lete diag. ribbed n e c k - - s a la d - o r olive-oil ty p e, s a u c e n e c k finish;
N R 66B 1 gla bl cybot co m p lete
gs - 1850 1900 1875 light co b alt; 3 -p ie c e m old; 2 -p art finish;

N R 66B gs 1 gla dg cybot body & - 1820 1835 182'/ conical b a s e , iron pontil, b u lg ed h eel; m old
N R 66B gs 1 gla dg cybot base - 1730 1770 1750 5" b a s e d iam ; 4 -p ro n g ed iron pontil; high
N R 66B gs 1 gla dg csbot co m p lete ch a m fered e d g e s - - 9" H, 2 1/4" s q . b a s e ; dip m o ld ed , too led
N R 66B gs 1 gla dg cybot co m p lete em bossed - 1821 1890 18515 3 -p iece m old; flatten ed sid e lip; 9 1/4" H, 2
N R 66B gs 1 gla dg cybot co m p lete - 1821 1890 1855 3 -p iece m old; 2 -p art sh o u ld e r/n eck ; flatten ed
268
S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b je c t part su r. treat. Form B . E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

GB U1L1 19 gla cl bot body m odem
GB U1L1 1 gla aq bot -
GB U1L1 1 gla dg bot -
GB U1L1 cer dw b isq u e - 1640 1800 1720 g la z e g o n e

GB U1L1 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5 /6 4 “ b o re d iam
GB U1L1 1 m et iron nail h ead w rought ro se h e a d
GB U1L2 11 cer dw frag body bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 m o stly floral w / thin a n n u la r d e c
GB U1L2 1 cer dw bowl body bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 m o stly floral w / thin a n n u la r d e c
GB U1L2 2 cer dw bowl rim bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 d tic o ra te d b o rd er
GB U1L2 4 cer dw bow l? rim undec - 1640 1800 1720 plain eg g sh ell-b l gl
GB U1L2 8 cer dw frag body undec - 1640 1800 1720 o n e s id e of gl rem aining
GB U1L2 20 cer dw b isq u e body - 1640 1800 1720 g lg o n e
GB U1L2 17 cer dw gl only - bl hp - 1640 1800 1720
GB U1L2 31 cer dw gl only - undec 1640 1800 1720
GB U1L2 1 cer gy sw p o rrin g er base bl hp s g in cise d R h e n ish ; s a m e d e c a s o th e r porringer
GB U1L2 1 cer gy sw p o rrin g er rim bl hp s g R h en ish ; m e n d s w /h an d le frag G B1.2A
GB U1L2 4 cer gy sw p o rrin g er body bl h p s g in cised R h e n ish
GB U1L2 1 cer be pipe bowl & undec 6/34" b o re diam ; potentially d a ta b le
GB U1L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 4 /3 4 ” b o re d iam
GB U1L2 16 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/S4" b o re d iam
GB U1L2 22 cer be pipe bowl undec
GB U1L2 8 bon longbone Ig m a m m a l? shaft
GB U1L2 5 clay rd b ak e d earth - h e a rth frag
GB U1L2 19 gla dg bot body
GB U1L2 2 gla cl bot body

GB U1L2 1 gla bg bot body
GB U1L2 1 gla aq bot body
GB U1L2 2 pla wh unident
GB U1L2 1 m et alu m in u m pull ta b frag
GB U1L2 4 m et iron nail liead w rought flat h e a d
GB U1L2 13 m et iron nail shaft w rought
GB U1L2A 1 cer dw frag body undec o n e sid e gl g o n e
GB U1L2A 2 cer dw frag body bl hp
GB U1L2A 1 cer dw bowl foot ring bl hp
GB U1L2A 2 cer dw bow l? rim bl hp e v e r te d rim
GB U1L2A 1 cer dw frag gl only bl hp
GB U1L2A 1 cer gy sw porrin g er rim & bl hp; s g in cise d tw .ste d h a n d le ; m e n d s w/rim from G B 1 .2;
GB U1L2A 1 cer gy sw porringer? Ijase sg
GB U1L2A 10 clay rd b ak e d earth - h e a rth frag
GB U1L2A 1 bon unident frag -
GB U1L2A 4 cer be pipe ste rn undec

S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b je c t part s u r . tre Form B . E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

GB U1L2A 8 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/64" b o re d iam
GB U1L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/64" b o re diam
GB U1L2A 6 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
GB U1L2A 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec 5/54" b o re diam ; Ig oval h eel
GB U1L2A 1 cer be pipe bowl im p re s s e d "CL" (B) o n b a c k of bowl; larg e,straig h t,
GB U1L2A 1 cer be pipe bowl im p re s s e d 5 /5 4 “ b o re diam ; u n id en t? s ta m p a t b a s e of
GB U1L2A 1 m et iron stra p or frag w rought 1 1 /4 "x 3 1/2"
GB U1L2A 1 m et iron rod - w rought flatten ed en d ; 7"x1/2" s q
GB U1L2A 10 m et iron nail frag w rought
GB U1L2B 6 bot co h u n e? h u sk frag -
GB U1L2B 1 bon fish s c a le - -
GB U1L3 1 m et iron nail h ead w rought fiat h e a d

GB U1L3 1 cer dw frag rim u ndec
GB U1L3 4 cer dw b isq u e body -
GB U1L3 6 cer dw gl only - u ndec

GB U1L3 5 cer dw gl only - bl, rd hp rd c ro s s h a tc h & bl d o ts
GB U2L1 4 gla aq cybot body -
GB U2L1 3 gla am cy b ot body -
GB U2L1 1 gla am cy bot lip - m o d e m crow n finish
GB U2L1 1 gla dg bot body -
GB U2L1 40 gla cl cybot Ixxdy - m odem '

GB U2L1 1 gla cl cy b ot Ixxly em bossed ■_OTHE_* C
GB U2L1 1 gla cl cybot Ixxfy em bossed "JELLO B_"
GB U2L1 1 gla cl cybot Ixxfy em bossed "JE R S _“
GB U2L1 3 pla beige cup frag -
GB U2L2 1 cer dw bowl foot ring bl hp 1640 1800 1720 -

GB U2L2 1 cer dw bow l? rim u n d ec 1640 1800 1720 int gl only
GB U2L2 3 cer dw frag body un d ec 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U2L2 2 cer dw frag body bl hp 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U2L2 1 cer wh sw frag body sg 1720 1775 1747 -
GB U2L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64* b o re diam
GB U2L2 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 6/64" b o re d iam
GB U2L2 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
GB U2L2 1 cer be pipe bow l im p re s s e d im p re s s e d "_R"
GB U2L2 1 clay rd baited earth - - h earth frag
GB U2L2 1 m et iron nail sh a ft w rought
GB U2L2 2 gla am bot body -
GB U2L2 9 gla aq bot body - fluted m c d e m C o c a -c o la

GB U2L2 1 gla aq bot lip - crc w n rim; m o d e rn C o c a -c o la
GB U2L2 4 gla dg cybot body -
GB U2L2 1 gla cl cybot body em b o ssed e m b o s s e d “ SU B_"
S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b je c t part su r. treat. Form B_. E . M . d a t e C o m m e n t

GB U2L2 18 gla cl cybot body
GB U2L2 1 pla wh cup frag -
GB U2L2A 1 cer dw bowl foot ring b lh p 1640 1800 1720 floral, d ot, thin a n n u la r d e c
GB U2L2A 3 cer dw frag body b lh p - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U2L2A 1 cer dw frag body undec - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U2L2A 1 cer dw bisq u e body - 1640 1800 1720 -

GB U2L2A 3 cer be pipe bowl
GB U2L2A 1 cer be pipe bowl em b o ssed - _ . se m ic ircle d e s ig n , unidentifiable
GB U2L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m un d ec - - - 4/64" b o re d iam
GB U2L2A 5 cer be pipe s te m un d ec - - - 5/64" b o re d iam
GB U2L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m u n d ec - - - 6/(34" b o re d iam
GB U2L2A 1 bot cohune? nut h u sk carb o n ized
GB U2L3 2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 6/(34" b o re d iam
GB U3L1 2 cer dw frag body bl hp . 1640 1800 1720 _
GB U3L1 3 cer dw frag body undec - 1640 1800 1720 -

GB U3L1 1 cer dw bisque body - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U3L1 1 cer gy sw jug n eck bl hp; s g en g in e turned - - R h e n ish ; parallel horizontal b a n d s
GB U3L1 2 cer be pipe bow l undec
GB U3L1 1 cer be pipe s te m undec _ - .
5 /(4 " b o re d iam N>
GB U3L1 2 clay - ^4
rd b ak e d earth h e a rth frag
GB U3L1 3 gla dg cybot Ixxfy - - -
GB U3L1 1 bon pig? tooth m o la r
GB U3L1 1 bot unident se e d |XXf - -
GB
U3L2Z 1 cer gy sw p orringer Ixxfy bl hp; s g in cised R h en ish

GB U3L2Z 1 cer dw frag Ixxfy undec
GB U3L2Z 4 cer dw bisq u e Ixxfy
GB U3L2Z 1 cer be pipe bowl im p re s s e d in d ecip h erab le
GB U3L2Z 7 cer be pipe bowl undec
GB U3L2Z 1 cer be pipe bowl undec 6 /6 4 ” b o re d iam
GB U3L2Z 3 cer be pipe s te m undec 6/64" b o re d iam
GB U3L2Z 3 clay rd b ak e d earth - h e arth frag
GB U3L2Z 1 m et iron nail tiead w rought honked h ead
GB U3L2Z 3 m et iron nail shaft w rought
GB U3L2Z 1 m et lead chunk - c ru sh e d , m elted
GB U3L2Z 4 gla dg c s bot lip, n eck , 1 4 m e n d e d fra g s (1 bottle); large,
GB U3L2 1 cer dw frag body bl hp - 1640 1800 1720
GB U3L2 1 cer dw frag body undec - 1640 1800 1720
GB U3L2 7 cer dw b isq u e body - 1640 1800 1720
GB U3L2 1 m et lead sh o t - 5/16" d ia m (8m m ); b u lg e, s e a m visible
GB U3L2 3 clay rd b ak e d earth - h e a rth frag
S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b je c t part su r. treat. Form B . E . M . elate C o m m e n t

GB U3L2 2 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
GB U3L2 5 cer be pipe s te m un d ec . 6 /6 4 “ b o re diam
GB U3L2 5 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - 5/64" b o re d iam
GB U3L2 1 sto ta n ch ert flake -
GB U3L2 1 pla unident frag - co rru g a te d

GB U3L2A 1 cer dw frag body u ndec - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U3L2A 2 cer dw bowl rim bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 b a n d e d floral b o rd e r
GB U3L2A 2 cer dw frag body bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 2 sid e d d e c ; sm all circles & d o ts int;
GB U3L2A 1 cer dw b isq u e body - 1640 1800 17213 -
GB U3L2A 18 cer dw gl only - bl hp - 1640 1800 17213 m o stly a b o v e floral b o rd er

GB U3L2A 4 cer dw gl only - u n d ec - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U3L2A 11 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
GB U3L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m undec _
4/64" b o re d iam
GB U3L2A 7 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 5/I34" b o re d iam
GB U3L2A 2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 6/I34" b o re d iam
GB U3L2A 2 gla dg csbot body - - - like U3L2Z
GB U3L2A 5 gla dg cybot body
GB U3L2A 13 clay rd b a k ed earth - - - . h e a rth frag
GB U3L2A 3 m et iron nail co m p lete w rought - - - rase head
GB U3L2A 7 bon unident s liv e r s reptile?
GB U3L3 1 cer gy sw p o rrin g er body bl hp; sg in cise d - - R h e n ish
GB U3L3 1 cer be pipe bow l u n d ec
GB U3L3 2 cer be pipe s te m un d ec . - 6/(>4" b o re diam
GB U3&1 1 gla bot Ixxfy - - - bubbly
bg
GB U3&1 1 m et iron nail co m p lete w rought - - - s q u a re h e a d
GB U4L1 1 clay rd b a k e d earth - - - - h e a rth frag
GB U4L1 1 cer dw b isq u e Ixxfy - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L1 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 6/fi4“ b o re d iam
GB U4L1 2 gla dg csbot txxty - - -
GB U4L1 1 gla aq bot body
GB U4L1 1 bot co co n u t shell frag -
GB U4L2 1 cer dw bowl rim u ndec 1640 1800 1720 o u lflaring rim
GB U4L2 1 cer dw frag body bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L2 9 cer dw b isq u e body - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L2 1 cer dw gl only body u ndec - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L2 3 cer dw gl only body bl hp - 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L2 1 cer cw tea/coffeepot lid rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -

GB U4L2 3 c lay rd b ak e d earth - h e a rth frag
S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b ject peirt sur. treat Form B . E_. M- e l a t e C o m m e n t

GB U4L2 3 gla cl bot body -
GB U4L2 1 gla bg bot body -
GB U4L2 2 gla am cybot body -
GB U4L2 1 pla wh frag - -
GB U4L2 1 m et iron sp rin g ? coil -
GB U4L2 1 m et iron unident frag cast

GB U4L2 1 m et iron nail co m p lete w rought ro se h e a d
GB U4L2A 1 cer pc frag body bl hp v ery thin; c .1 7 5 0 (W R S )
GB U4L2A 1 cer g y sw jug neck bl hp; s g en g in e turned R h e n ish ; p arallel horizontal b a n d s
GB U4L2A 1 cer dw bow l? body bl hp 1640 1800 1720 d o ts & floral d e c
GB U4L2A 2 cer dw frag body u ndec 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L2A 1 cer dw gl only body bl hp 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U4L2A 15 clay rd b ak e d earth - - h e a rth frag
GB U4L2A 1 cer be pipe bowl im p re s s e d m a r k e d "TH"
GB U4L2A 1 cer be pipe bow l & h eel e m b o s s e d h e e l m a rk ed w /b a s k e t? p attern ; h eel
GB U4L2A 1 cer be pipe bow l undec 6/(54" b o re diam ; long, bulging,
GB U4L2A 2 cer be pips bow l b a s e undec 5/(54" b o re diam ; n o h eel
GB U4L2A 13 cer be pipe bow l undec
GB U4L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/(54" b o re d iam
GB U4L2A 12 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/(54" b o re d iam
GB U4L2A 3 cer be pipe s te m undec 6/(54” b o re d iam
GB U4L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m undec in d eterm in a te b o re
GB U4L2A 1 gla bg bot Ixxfy - bubbly
GB U4L2A 1 gla dg bot Ixxfy
GB U4L2A 1 gla aq bot Ixxfy -
GB U4L2A 1 bon shell m a rin e - -
GB U4L2A 5 m et iron nail shaft w rought

GB U4L2A 4 m et iron nail co m p le te w rought ro se h e a d
GB U4L3 3 cer be pipe s te m m dec 5/64" b o re d iam
GB U4L3 4 clay rd b ak ed earth - - h e a rth frag
GB U4L3 5 m et iron nail frag w rought co rro d e d
GB U5L1 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o re diam
GB U5L1 3 gla aq bot body fluted m o d e m C o c a -c o la

GB U5L1 1 gla cl bot body -
GB U5L2 2 cer dw frag body b lh p 1640 1800 1720 circle p a tte rn

GB U5L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 6/64" b o re d iam
GB U5L2 1 clay rd b ak e d earfti - -
GB U5L2 2 gla gr cybot body -

S ite U n itQ u a n M a t C lass O b ject part su r. treat. Form B . E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

GB U5L2 1 gla gr cybot base
GB U5L2 3 gla am cybot body m o d e m Belikin
GB U5L2 1 m et lead strip - flat, m elted unidentified
GB U5L2 1 bon - unident. - burned
GB U5L2 1 pla sty ro fo am chunk -
GB U5L2 3 pla wh unident. -
GB U5L2 1 m et iron nail sh a ft w rought
GB U5L2A 2 cer gy sw p o rrin g er body bl hp; s g in cised R tienish; o n e is 3 fra g s m e n d e d
GB U5L2A 1 cer dw bowl body bl hp 1640 1800 1720 h eavily d e c . w / parallel lin es
GB U5L2A 1 cer dw frag Ixxfy undec 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U5L2A 1 cer dw bisque Ixxfy 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U5L2A 3 cer dw gl only - u ndec 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U5L2A 3 cer dw gl only - b lh p 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U5L2A 28 clay rd b ak ed earth - h e a rth frag
GB U5L2A 14 cer be pipe s te m un d ec 5/64" b o re d iam
GB U5L2A 24 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
GB U5L2A 1 cer be pipe IxjwI h eel u ndec round, 1/4" d iam h eel
974.
GB U5L2A 1 gla dg bot Ixxfy v ery devitrified, pitted
GB U5L2A 1 m et lead sm all sh o t - 5 /3 2 “ d ia m (4m m )
GB U5L2A 1 bot unident w ood - c h a rre d
GB U5L2A 1 m et iron link - w rought 2-part; h in g e ? bridal p art?

GB U5L2A 8 m et iron nail c o m p le te w rought ro se h e a d
GB U5L2A 25 m et iron can sid e s, e d g e sh eet 2 rolled rim fra g s
GB U5L3 1 cer be pipe bowl im p re s s e d 3-leaf clo v er o n h eel; rouletted bowl m outh;
GB U5L3 1 clay rd baited earth - h earth frag
GB U6L1 1 cer gy sw jug n eck sg en g in e turned R h e n ish ; parallel horizontal b a n d s
GB U6L1 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 6 /6 4 “ b o re d iam
■GB U6L1 1 gla cl bot body em b o ssed e m b o s s e d “_U E _"
GB U6L1 11 gla am cybot body m c d e m Belikin
GB U6L1 1 gla cl cybot n eck flatte n ed string rim; n e c k s e a m ; m o d e m
GB U6L1 1 gla cl c y insulator? -
GB U6L1 1 m et copper bullet case sta m p e d s id e strik e 2 2 calib re; m a rk e d in circle "E"
GB U6L2 1 cer dw plate? brink bl hp a n n u lar 1640 1800 1720 -
GB U6L2 1 cer dw frag - bl hp 1640 1800 1720 -
Reproduced with permission
S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b je c t part su r. treat. EL E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

GB U6L2 1 cer rw frag - ig int & e x t gl
GB U6L2 1 cer pw frag or, bk, gr hp 1795 1830 1812 -
GB U6L2 6 cer be pipe s te m undec 4/(54" b o re d iam
of the copyright owner. Further reproduction
GB U6L2 11 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/(54“ b o re d iam

GB U6L2 2 cer be pipe s te m undec 6/(54" b o re d iam
GB U6L2 1 clay rd b a k ed earth - h e a rth frag
GB U6L2 1 gla dg cybot base p arab o lic kickup
GB U6L2 2 gla dg bot Ixxfy
GB U6L2 1 gla dg bot Ixxfy like G B 3 .2 Z
GB U6L2 5 gla am a m bot Ixxly m o d e m Belikin
GB U6L2 1 m et lead sm all s h o t - 5/152” d ia m (4m m )
GB U6L2 2 m et iron nail co m p lete w rought ro se h e a d
GB U6L2 2 m et iron frag unident c a s t?
GB U6L2 1 sto gy flint gunflint frag - 1/4 fiint; d a rk e r th a n u su a l E nglish m aterial
GB U6L2 1 sto c a ra m e l flake - - b a c k e d platform ; p o ssib le g u n spaw l
GB U6L2 1 sto or, w h a b ra d e r - sm o o th e d flat s id e s; a b ra d e r/ p o lish er?
GB U6L2A 1 cer dw frag rim bl hp 1640 1800 1720 sm a ll
GB U6L2A 1 cer rw bowl rim ig int & e x t gl
GB U6L2A 1 cer be pipe s te m im p re s s e d b a n d s of c o n n e c te d circles, rouletting; 5 /6 4 ” ^
GB U6L2A 5 cer be pipe bowl undec
GB U6L2A 3 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o re d iam
a
GB U6L2A 2 clay rd baited earth - - h e a rth frag
GB U6L2A 1 gla dg cybot lip & rim - V -tooled strin g rim; fire p o lish ed lip,
GB U6L2A 1 gla dg bot body -
GB U6L2A 2 m et lead sm all sh o t - - 5 /32" d ia m (4m m )
GB U6L2A 1 m et lead sh o t - - m u s k e t sh o t; 1/2" d iam (13m m )
'GB U7L1 1 cer gy sw frag body cl Ig 1550 1780 1665 ex t g! only, p o ssib ly b r gl, n o t sg ; R h en ish
GB U7L1 1 clay rd b a k ed earth - - h e a rth frag
GB U7L1 1 gla cl cybot body - m old s e a m
GB U7L1 2 bot w ood frag - c h a rre d
•GB U7L2 1 cer pc sa u cer foot ring b lh p e v id e n c e of overgl en am el; p eo n y p attern
GB U7L2 3 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/64" b o re diam
GB U7L2 3 cer be pipe s te m undec 6 /6 4 “ b o re d iam
GB U7L2 1 gla csbot body - like G B .3 .2 Z
S ite U n itQ u a n M at C la ss O b ject ©art s u r . tres B . E . M. d a t e C o m m e n t

GB U7L2 1 gla am cybot body -
GB U7L2 1 gla cl tbw body undec slo p in g cu rv e
GB U7L2 2 sto c h ert flak es - unm odified la ig e
GB U7L2 1 bot coconut shell frag -
GB U7L2 1 m et iron nail head w rought ro se h e a d
GB U7L2 1 m et iron buckle? frag w rought unident, function
GB U7L2 1 m et iron stra p ? frag w rought p erfo rated ; 4 ”x1 1/8" (10x3cm ) unident.
GB U7L2 2 m et iron frag unident -
GB U7L3 2 cer be pipe ste m undec 5/(54“ b o re d iam
GB U7/8F1 1 cer be pipe bowl undec 4/(54" b o re d iam
GB U7/8F1 1 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
3B U7/8F1 1 gla dg cybot lip & rim - V -tooled rim; fire p o lish ed lip; J o n e s G p . I ,
3B U7/8F1 1 sto ta n ch e rt flake - retouched p o ss ib le gunflint, strike-a-light; w orn
3B U7/8F1 2 m et iron sta p le - w ire m an u f. U -sh a p e d
GB U7/8F1 22 m et iron can sid e s, e d g e sh eet ro lled rim
GB U7/8F1 18 clay rd/bk daub frag im p re s s e d im print of p arallel stic k s
GB U7/8F1 - bot ch a rc o a l s a m p le - - from flotation ^
GB U8L1 1 cer dw frag rim undec 1640 1800 1720 straig h t, n o t outrolling rim
GB U8L1 2 m et iron sta p le - w ire m anuf. U -sh a p e d ^
GB U8L1 1 gla cl cybot txxfy - m old s e a m
GB U8L2 1 cer pc frag body bl hp e v id e n c e of overgl en am el; probably
GB U8L2 1 cer pc frag body bl hp

GB U8L2 3 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o re diam
GB U8L2 2 cla y rd b aired earth - - h e a rth frag
GB U8L2 1 sto c h ert frag - retouched gy, ta n b an d e d ; 1 1/8" sq ; p o ssib le gunflint
GB U9L1 1 cer be pipe s te m & undec 6/64" b o re d iam
'GB U9L1 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o re d iam
GB U9L1 1 gla dg cybot lip, rim, - d o w n -to o led rim; co n stricted b o re;
GB U9L1 1 m et iron nail co m p lete w rought ro se h ead ; fat; b e n t tip
GB U9L1 1 gla gr cybot lip - crow n top; m o d em
GB U9L1 1 gla aq bot body -
GB U9L2 1 cer dw frag body bl hp sm a ll
Site UnitQuan Mat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B . E . M. date Comment
GB U9L2 1 cer wh sw frag body sg 1720 1775 1747 s m a ll
GB U9L2 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec b e re in d eterm in a te
GB U9L2 6 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/(54" b o re diam
GB U9L2 3 clay rd b a k e d earth - - h earth frag
GB U9L2 10 m et lead sm a ll sh o t - - 5 /0 2 to 6/32" (4-5m m )
GB U9L2 2 m et iron nail co m p le te w rought ro se h e a d
GB U9L2 1 m et iron sta p le - w rought? U -sh ap ed
GB U9L2 1 gla gr bot Ixxfy - m odem
GB U9L2 2 gla dg bot Ixxfy -
GB U9L2 2 gla dg c s b ot Ixxfy - like G B .3 .2 Z

GB U9L2 1 gla cl cybot Ixxfy -
GB U9L2 1 pla wh cup rim -
GB U9L2 1 pla pink frag - -
GB U9L2 3 bot cohune? h u sk - c h a rre d

GB U9L2A 1 cer be pipe (item u ndec 5/€f4" b o re diam
GB U9L2A 1 cer Ph frag body ero d ed
GB U9L2A 1 cer pc frag body bl hp
GB U9L2A 1 gla c*g frag body -
LIZ
GB U9L2A 1 m et lead sm a ll s h o t - - 5/32" (4 m m ) d ia m
GB U9L2A 2 pla - w ra p p e r - -
GB U9L3 2 cer be pipe s te m un d ec 5/64" b o re d iam

GB U9L3 1 m et lead sm a ll s h o t - -
GB U9L3 1 m et iron nail sh a lt w rought

GB U10L1 1 gla dg cybot body m elted m eld s e a m
GB U10L1 1 gla am cybot body - m cdem
GB U10L2 1 cer dw b isq u e foot ring - 1640 1800 1720 g lg o n e
GB U10L2 5 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
GB U10L2 2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec in d eterm in a te b o re
GB U10L2 1 cer rw frag - ungl sm all frag
GB U10L2 2 clay rd b a k ed earth - - h e a rth frag
GB U10L2 7 gia dg bot body -
GB U10L2 2 gla dg cybot body -
GB U10L2 1 gla cl unident - - larg e s h a rd ; b ro k en o n all s id e s

Site UnitQuan Mat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B . E . M. date Comment
GB U10L2 6 gla gr cybot body - m old s e a m
GB U10L2 1 m et lead strip frag perforated 1 GS/8"x 5/6" (3.5x7cm ); unident, function
GB U10L2 1 m et iron sp ik e co m p lete w rought ro s e h e a d ; 3 3/4" L (12cm )
GB U10L2 1 m et iron chunk - c a s t? u n d e n t, function
GB U10L2 1 sto sla te fra g s - - u n d en t, function
GB U10L2A 4 cer dw bisque Ixxfy - gl (jone
SB U10L2A 1 cer gy sw jug? base undec no: sg
GB U10L2A 4 cer be pipe bowl undec
GB U10L2A 1 clay rd b ak e d earth - - h earth frag
GB U10L2A 1 gla c) tbw body undec unident.
GB U10L2A 3 gla dg bot body -
GB U10L2A 1 gla gr bot body -
GB U10L2A 1 m et lead sm a ll sh o t - -
GB U10L2A 2 m et iron nail co m p lete w rought

278
GB U1L2 1 cer gy sw jug n eck bl hp sg en g in e turned - - R h en ish ; horizontal b a n d e d
279
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B_. E_. M. date Comment
CT S1 1 cer pc dish body en a m e le d - - - e n a m e l g h o st only, vine & leaf d e c ; round
CT S1 1 cer bk sw teap o t body int. cl Ig em b o ssed 1750 1830 1790 b asaltw are ; puti o n chariot; s e e C T 37,
CT S1 1 cer rw frag body ig
_
CT S1 1 cer cw p itch er? body & bk e x t slip 1795 1810 1802 u n d e c int.
CT S1 1 cer cw frag body b r slip - 1795 1810 1802 u n d e c int.
CT S1 2 cer cw frag body bl an n u la r - 1795 1810 1802 -
CT S1 2 cer cw frag body br an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802 -
CT S1 45 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT S1 1 cer cw bowl base undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT S1 21 cer cw plate body undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT S1 1 cer cw bowl rim undec b u lg ed rim 1762 1820 1791 h em isp h e rical b u lg e
CT S1 2 cer cw frag rim undec th ick rim 1762 1820 1791 -
CT S1 2 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT S1 2 cer cw dish rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 la rg e brim , b u lg ed rim; larg e d iam
CT S1 1 cer cw dish rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 en tirely plain rim, la rg e d iam
CT S1 1 cer cw sau cer rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 en tirely plain rim
CT S1 1 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 en tirely p lain rim
CT S1 5 cer pw plate body b ltp - 1790 1840 1815 -
CT S1 1 cer pw plate rim b ltp - 1790 1840 1815 -
CT S1 1 cer pw frag rim b ltp - 1790 1840 1815 1-sid ed tp

CT S1 1 cer pw frag rim b ltp - 1790 1840 1815 2 -sid e d tp
CT S1 1 cer pw frag body b ltp - 1790 1840 1815 2 -sid e d tp
CT S1 7 cer pw frag body b ltp - 1790 1840 1815 1 -sid ed tp
CT S1 1 cer pw frag body bl hp, rd e n a m e l - 1790 1830 1810 overgl. rd
CT S1 1 cer pw sau cer rim bl hp - 1790 1830 1810 -
CT S1 3 cer pw frag body bl hp - 1790 1830 1810 -
CT S1 2 cer pw frag body bl hp - 1790 1830 1810 2 -sid e d d e c

CT S1 1 cer pw frag rim bl hp - 1790 1830 1810 2 -sid e d d e c
CT S1 5 cer pw bow l? body or, br, bl a n n u la r - 1795 1820 1807 -
CT S1 1 cer pw bow l? body bl an n u lar en g in e turned 1795 1820 1807 -
CT S1 3 cer pw bow l? body br an n u la r en g in e turned 1795 1820 1807 -
CT S1 1 cer pw frag rim b r an n u lar - 1795 1820 1807 -
CT S1 2 cer pw frag body yw slipped; b r hp - 1795 1820 1807 -
CT S1 2 cer pw frag body b rh p - 1790 1825 1807 floral d e c

CT S1 4 cer pw frag body br, gr, bl hp - 1790 1825 1807 floral d e c
CT S1 1 cer pw sau cer rim b r rb; gr, y w h p - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT S1 1 cer pw frag rim b r rb; bl, yw h p - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT S1 1 cer pw bowl rim b r rb; bl, yw hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT S1 1 cer pw frag rim bl rb; yw hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT S1 22 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1804- -

Site Unit QuanMat Class Object Bart sur. treat. Form J3. E_, M. date Comment
CT S1 1 cer pw frag body u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 larg e c u rv e d frag
CT S1 1 cer pw plate body u ndec im p re s s e d 1779 1830 1804 "FIOGERS" o n bo llo m cen ter;
CT S1 3 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1809 1831 1820 e v e n scallo p , straig h t line
CT S1 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1809 1831 1820 e v e n scallo p , straig h t line
CT S1 1 cer pw plate rim b lh p sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1793 R o c o co
CT S1 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1793 R o c o co
CT S1 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1780 1840 1810 uriident. type
CT S1 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1820 1920 1870 -
CT S1 1 cer ww bowl body b r an n u la r - 1830 1860 1845 -
CT S1 3 cer ph frag body ero d ed

CT S1 3 cer be Pipe s te m u n d ec 5/64" b o re d iam
CT S1 3 cer be Pipe bowl u n d ec
CT S1 1 cer be pipe bowl im p re s s e d "I C ” in ro u letted oval o n b a c k ? of bowl
CT S1 6 pla wh bucket body - m o d e m , of ty p e in u s e a t site
CT S1 4 sto c m c h e rt flake - -
CT S1 1 sto rd c h ert flake - -
CT S1 1 sto gy c h ert flake - -
CT S1 1 sto o b sidian blade - -
CT S1 1 gla am cybot lip & rim - m o d e rn Belikin

CT S1 1 gla aq flat frag -
io
CT S1 1 gla aq bot body - G O
i-J
CT S1 5 gla cl tbw body -
CT S1 9 gla cl bot body -
CT S1 2 gla cl frag body em b o ssed h o rizontal ribs; m o ld s e a m ; cy

CT S1 1 gla gr frag body -
CT S1 1 gla gr bot body em b o ssed d o ts a n d curving lines

CT S1 2 gla gr bot body -
CT S1 3 gla dg cybot body -
CT S1 1 gla dg c s bot body -
CT S1 57 gla dg bot body -
CT S1 2 m et iron frag - cast u n ident, heavily co rro d e d

CT S1 1 m et iron frag - - o n e e d g e sh arp ; m a c h e te frag ?
CT S1 2 m et iron nail - w rought ro se h e a d
CT S1 1 m et copper g ro m m e t - -
CT S1 1 m et c o m p o site button - rouletted d e sig n c o p p e r alloy; tin? coating; co n v ex ; 3/4"

CT S1 1 m et copper unident handle? b ev eled e d g e long strip; g u n sid e p late?
CT S1 2 sto gy sla te shingle? - bev eled e d g e s s h a p e d a t 2 e d g e s ; b lack b o ard ? c o m e r
CT S2 2 cer cw plate rim u ndec - 1765 1800 1782 R oyal P attern
CT S2 1 cer cw b ea k e r? rim u n d ec - 1762 1800 1781 p lain rim
CT S2 1 cer cw sau cer rim u n d ec - 1762 1800 1781 p lain rim
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B. E.M. date Comment
CT S2 1 cer cw bow l? rim undec - 1762 1800 1781 p lain rim
CT S2 5 cer cw plate body undec - 1762 1800 1781 p lain rim
CT S2 2 cer cw bow l? body gy hp an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802
CT S2 3 cer pw frag body b lh p - 1780 1830 1805 s ta r d e c
CT S2 1 cer bb ew frag - cl Ig - 1680 1775 1727
CT S2 1 cer bb ew bowl body br c o m b slip - 1700 1775 1737
CT S2 1 cer rd, yw e w frag body ig 1750 1775 1762 a g a te w a re ; 1-sid ed Ig
CT S2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/54" b o re d iam
CT S2 1 gla cl tbw body en a m e l - bl, w h, yw , rd d e c
CT S2 1 gla cl tbw rim undec tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT S2 1 gla cl tbw rim undec ru m m e r g o b le t?
CT S2 gla cl tbw ? body u ndec
CT S2 1 gla aq bot lip & n e c k - flan g ed lip; J o n e s p.91 fig 58;
CT S2 1 gla gr bot body -
CT S2 3 gla dg cy bot body - -
CT S2 2 gla dg cybot base -
CT S2 2 gla dg c s bot to d y -
CT S2 1 gla dg c s bot lip - ta p e re d -d o w n lip

CT S2 1 gla dg cybot lip & rim - 1785 1820 1801? J o n e s g p .3 a , flg.45; dow n-to o led lip & rim,
CT S2 1 gla dg cybot lip & rim - - 1785 1820 1802 J o n e s g p .3 a , fig.43; dow n-tooled &
CT S2 29 gla dg bot body -
CT U1L1 1 cer cw plate body undec . 1762 1820 1791

CT U1L1 1 cer cw plate rim undec Royal P attern 1765 1800 178t?
CT U1L1 1 cer cw frag body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U1L1 1 cer pw frag body bl, br, w h m o c h a 1795 1820 1807

CT U1L1 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec -
CT U1L1 1 gla cl tbw rim en g rav ed tu m b ler?; d iag o n al h a s h m a rk s
CT U1L1 1 gla cl tbw body -
CT U1L1 11 gla dg bot body - -

CT U1L2 cer cw frag body undec 1762 1820 1791
CT U1L2 1 cer cw plate rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U1L2 1 cer cw frag rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U1L2 1 cer cw frag body or, bl a n n u la r - 1795 1810 1802
CT U1L2 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1830 1804
CT U1L2 1 cer pw frag body u ndec - 1779 1830 1804
CT U1L2 1 cer pw frag body bl, br, w h m o c h a - 1795 1820 1807
CT U1L2 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines
CT U1L2 2 gla cl tbw body undec
CT U1L2 1 gia cl body undec
CO
3
CT U IL 2 23 gla dg bot body -

Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form JL, EL M. date Comment
CT U1L2 1 m et copper z ip p e r m ovem ent im p re s s e d - - - “MAG"
CT U2L1 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U2L1 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1780 1830 1805 u n id e n t ty p e

CT U2L1 cer pw frag body bl, w h, or, b r m o c h a - 1795 1820 1807 -
CT U2L1 1 cer be pipe bowl undec - - - -
CT U2L1 1 cer pw frag body b r slip - 1795 1820 1807 -
CT U2L1 1 cer pw frag body b ltp - 1795 1840 1817 2 -sid e d tp

CT U2L1 1 gla cl tbw body undec - - - tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT U2L1 1 gla cl frag - - - - - flat
CT U2L1 1 gla cl tbw body bl, rd, w h e n a m e l - - - -
CT U2L1 1 gla aq cybot body - - - - thin; phial

CT U2L1 16 gla dg bot body - - - - -
CT U2L1 1 c lay rd b ak e d earth - - - - - h e a rth frag

CT U2L1 1 cer rd brick frag - - - - s m a ll
CT U2L1 1 sto b r ch e rt flake - - - - - -
CT U2L2 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U2L2 1 cer cw plate rim undec feath ered g e 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U2L2 1 cer cw b ea k e r? rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U2L2 1 cer pw frag body b r slip - 1795 1820 1807 -
CT U2L2 17 cer cw frag body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U2L2 cer pw plate rim undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U2L2 1 cer pw bowl rim bl rb - 1779 1830 1801 -
CT U2L2 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , cu rv e d lines
CT U2L2 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv e d lines
CT U2L2 1 cer pw frag body bl, gr, br, yw hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U2L2 1 cer be pipe bowl undec - - - -
CT U2L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - in d eterm in a te b o re diam

CT U2L2 clay rd b a k ed earth ; h earth frag
CT U2L2 1 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed - - - w h eel e n g ra v e d d ec; tu m b ler?
CT U2L2 1 gla cl tbw rim - - - - tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT U2L2 3 gla cl tbw body - - - - -
CT U2L2 2 gla cl frag body - - - - c u rv ed

CT U2L2 4 gla aq cybot body - - - - thin
CT U2L2 5 gla dg cy b ot body - - - - -
CT U2L2 43 gla dg bot body - - - - -
CT U2L2 1 gla dg cy bot base - - - - -
CT U2L2 3 bon unident - - burned - - - sm a ll a n im al

CT U2L2 1 m et iron cook pot body cast - - - -
CT U2L2 1 m et iron nail - w rought - - ro se h e a d

CT U2L2 1 m et iron nail shaft w rought - - - -
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B. E.M. date Comment
CT U2L2 2 bot w ood frag - c h a rre d
CT U2L2Z 1 cer cw bowl rim b r h p an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802
CT U2L2Z 1 cer cw bowl body br hp an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802
CT U2L2Z 1 cer cw bowl body br, gy h p an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802
CT U2L2Z 3 cer cw bowl body gy hp an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802
CT U2L2Z 1 cer cw bowl rim u ndec - 1762 1800 1781 en tirely plain rim
CT U2L2Z 2 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1800 1781 outflaring rim
CT U2L2Z 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec R oyal P a tte rn 1765 1800 1781?
CT U2L2Z 1 cer cw frag rim un d ec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U2L2Z 6 cer cw plate body un d ec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U2L2Z 30 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U2L2Z 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1798 ro co co
CT U2L2Z 4 cer pw bowl body bl hp - 1780 1820 18a ) parallel line, la n d s c a p e ? d e c
CT U2L2Z 1 cer pw frag body bl hp - 1780 1820 18a )
CT U2L2Z 10 cer pw bowl body bl, or, br, w h, bk - 1800 1820 1810 finger-p ain ted d e c
CT U2L2Z 4 cer pw bowl rim b r rb, yw, gr, bl hp - 1790 1825 1807
CT U2L2Z 3 cer pw bowl body br, yw, gr, bl hp - 1790 1825 1807
CT U2L2Z 1 cer pw frag body b ltp - 1795 1820 1807
CT U2L2Z 5 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804
CT U2L2Z 1 cer br e w frag body w h slip d k b r refined body; 1-sid ed slip; 2 -sid e d Ig
CT U2L2Z 1 cer rd s w teap o t sp o u t m olded? .
1750 1775 1762! E le rs? ; ungl; m o ld ed o r im p re ss e d lines
CT U2L2Z 4 clay rd b a k ed earth - - h e a rth frag
CT U2L2Z 2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5 /6 4 ” b o re d iam
CT U2L2Z 1 cer be pipe bow l u ndec
CT U2L2Z 3 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed d iag o n al h a s h m ark s, vin o u s d e c
CT U2L2Z 1 gia cl tbw rim - tu m b le r

CT U2L2Z 1 gla cl tbw rim -
CT U2L2Z 7 gla cl tbw body -
CT U 2L 22 4 gla aq cy b ot body - phal

CT U2L2Z 1 gla aq frag - - flat
CT U2L2Z 9 gia ckj cy b ot Ixxfy -
CT U 2L 22 74 gia dg bot Ixxfy -
CT U2L2Z 2 bot w ood frag - c h a rre d

CT U 2L 22 3 sto c m c h e rt flake - -
CT U 2L 22 1 sto gy c h ert chunk - -
CT U3L1 1 cer cw frag Ixxfy undec 1762 1820 1791

CT U3L1 1 gla dg bot body -
CT U3F1 6 clay rd b a k e d earth - - h e a rth frag s; larg e ch u n k s; s a m p le of

CT U4L1 12 cer cw frag Ixxfy undec 1762 1820 1791
CT U4L1 1 cer pw frag body un d ec
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object ptart sur. treat. Form B_. E_. M. date Comment
CT U4L1 1 cer pw frag rim bl rb 1779 1830 1804 int & e x t rb
CT U4L1 1 cer dw frag body bl h p an n u lar 1640 1800 1720 -
CT U4L1 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - 6/64" b o re diam

CY U4L1 1 clay rd b ak e d earth - - - - h e a rth frag
CT U4L1 1 gla cl tbw rim en g rav ed - - tum bler; w h e e l e n g ra v e d v in o u s b o rd er
CT U4L1 1 gla cl tbw base u ndec tu m b le r
CT U4L1 2 gla cl tbw body undec -
CT U4L1 12 gia dg bot body -
CT U4L1 1 gla dg c s b ot body - - -

CT U4L1 2 bon unident - - - la rg e m a m m a l
CT U4L1 1 bon unident - - c u t m a rk s - - la rg e m a m m a l
CT U4L2 1 cer cw beaker base un d ec 1762 1820 1791 larg e frag
CT U4L2 2 cer cw plate body u n d ec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U4L2 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec R oyal P a tte rn 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U4L2 4 cer cw frag body u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U4L2 1 cer cw bowl rim b r hp an n u lar 1795 1810 18012 -
CT U4L2 1 cer cw frag body br hp an n u la r 1795 1810 18012 -
CT U4L2 1 cer cw frag body br, gy h p an n u lar 1795 1810 18012 -
CT U4L2 1 cer pw m ug base bl hp 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U4L2 1 cer pw frag body br, yw hp 1795 1840 1817 -
CT U4L2 1 cer pw frag body bl hp 1780 1830 180!5 -
to
oo
CT U4L2 1 cer pw bowl rim bl an n u la r 1795 1815 180!; - CJ1
CT U4L2 2 cer pw frag body undec 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U4L2 1 cer pw frag body bl, br, w h m o c h a 1795 1820 1807 -

CT U4L2 1 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed - - w h eel e n g ra v e d

CT U4L2 1 gla cl tbw body enam el en am elin g g h o st only
CT U4L2 2 gla cl tbw ? body - - -
CT U4L2 1 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT U4L2 1 gia dg csbot body -
CT U4L2 31 gia dg bot body -
CT U 5F2 2 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 17961 rococo; 4 larg e s h e rd s m e n d e d
CT U 5F2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - 5/64" b o re d iam
CT U 5F2 3 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT U 5F 2 1 m et iron nail - w rought - - highly co rro d e d
CT U 5F2 1 bot w ood - - c h a rre d - - s a m p le of fra g s
CT U5L1 1 cer cw plate brim undec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U5L1 1 gla cl tbw rim un d ec - - tu rn b le r/s te m w a re
CT U5L1 2 gla cl tbw body un d ec
CT U5L1 1 gla dg cybot neck - m issin g lip, rim; bulging L .18th c . sty le
CT U5L1 1 gla dg cybot Ijase -
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B_. E_. M. date Comment
CT U5L1 3 gla dg cybot body -
CT U5L2 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P a tte rn 1765 1800 1782 _
CT U5L2 1 cer pw frag body yw hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U5L2 1 cer pw frag rim bl hp - 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U5L2 1 cer pw frag body u ndec - 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U5L2 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 6/54" b o re d iam

CT U5L2 1 gla cl tbw body rd, w h e n a m e l
CT U5L2 2 gla cl tbw ? body undec
CT U5L2 1 gla cl frag body -
CT U5L2 1 gla aq bot body - - thin
CT U5L2 1 bon w h shell frag - - p ro b ab ly m arin e
CT U5L2 1 m et iron nail - w rought sq u a re h e a d
CT U 6F3 1 cer rw frag body ig
CT U 6F 3 68 cer cw frag body u ndec 1762 1820 1791
CT U 6F 3 5 cer cw plate body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 6F3 1 cer cw sm plate rim undec Royal P attern 1765 1800 1782 s m a lle r brim & d iam
CT U 6F 3 9 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 1 2 s h e rd s m e n d e d
CT U 6F 3 1 cer cw plate rim undec - 1765 1800 1782 thick, ta p e rin g , plain rim
CT U 6F 3 1 cer cw bowl rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 en tirely plain rim
CT U 6F 3 1 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 6F3 1 cer cw sa u cer b ase/b o d y undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 6F3 2 cer cw sau cer foot ring u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 6F3 1 cer cw pitch er handle b a s e undec - 1762 1820 1791 -

CT U 6F3 3 cer cw bowl rim b r h p a n n u lar - 1795 1810 1802 -
CT U 6F3 8 cer cw bowl body gy h p an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802 sa m e vessel a s above?
CT U 6F3 1 cer cw frag body yw slip - 1795 1810 1802! 1-s id e d slip
CT U 6F3 2 cer cw bowl body bl, br, o r an n u lar en g in e turned 1795 1810 1802! -
CT U 6F3 2 cer cw bowl rim bl slip - 1795 1810 1802! -
CT U 6F3 1 cer cw bowl rim bl rb, o r slip - 1795 1810 1802! -
CT U 6F3 1 cer pw bowl body bl, or, b r m o c h a - 1795 1820 1807 m a rb le d w a re
CT U 6F3 12 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U 6F 3 1 cer pw plate body - im p re s s e d 1796 1822 1809 im p re s s e d "H ERCULAN EUM "
CT U 6F 3 6 cer pw frag body bl hp - 1780 1820 1800 2 -sid ed d e c
CT U 6F 3 2 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines
CT U 6F 3 1 cer pw bowl rim b r r b hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U 6F 3 2 cer pw frag body bl, br, gr, yw h p - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U 6F3 9 cer pw bow l body bl, br, o r m o c h a en g in e turned 1795 1820 1807 m a rb le d w a re
CT U 6F 3 1 cer pw bowl rim bl, br, o r m o c h a en g in e turned 1795 1820 1807 m a rb le d w a re
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form B. E . M. date Com m ent
CT U 6F3 1 cer pw teapot? s tr a in e r u ndec 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U 6F3 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/64" b o re diam
CT U 6F3 6 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
CT U 6F3 3 clay rd b ak e d earth - - h earth frag
CT U 6F3 5 bot nut hull - c h a rre d co h u n e?
CT U 6F 3 3 unide - m o rta r? - yw, o r p ain ted ?
CT U 6F3 7 sto gy c h e rt chunk - fire c ra c k e d ?
CT U 6F3 1 gla gr bot body -
CT U 6F 3 7 gla aq cy bot body thin; phial

CT U 6F 3 2 gla rc bot body panel?
CT U 6F 3 180 gla dg bot body
CT U 6F 3 26 gla dg cy bot body
CT U 6F 3 2 gla dg cy bot base
CT U 6F 3 3 gla dg c s bot base
CT U 6F3 1 gla d3 cy bot lip & rim 1785 1820 1802 J c n e s gp. 3 a , fig.45; th ick en ed lip,
CT U 6F3 1 gla cl tbw base undec ste m w a re ; plain co n ical form
CT U 6F3 1 gla cl tbw base undec tu m b ler; 3 “ (7 .6 cm ) d iam ; sm all
CT U 6F3 1 gla cl tbw bowl b a s e undec ste m w a re ; c o lla re d n eck , co n ical bowl
CT U 6F3 1 gla cl tbw rim en g rav ed tum bler; d iag o n al h a s h m a rk s & vin o u s
CT U 6F 3 1 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed d iag o n al h a s h m a rk s iNJ
CT U 6F3 1 gla cl tbw body bl, rd w h en a m e l 00
CT U 6F 3 gla cl tbw rim undec tu m b le r/ste m w a re ; u n id en t fo rm s ^
CT U 6F 3 1 gla cl tbw body undec flat frag, s q u a re d e c a n te r?
CT U 6F3 107 gla cl tbw body undec
CT U7L1 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U7L1 1 cer pw frag body bl, br, o r m o c h a - 1800 1820 1810 m a rb le d w a re

CT U7L1 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv e d lines
CT U7L1 gla cl tbw body un d ec
CT U7L1 1 gla aq cy bot lip & n e c k - - thin, bubbly; flan g ed lip
CT U7L1 1 gla dg cy bot lip & rim - 1785 1820 1802! J o n e s gp. 3 a , fig.45; thicker
CT U7L1 gla dg bot body -
CT U7L2 1 cer cw sa u cer rim undec _

1762 1820 1791
CT U7L2 1 cer cw frag body b r h p an n u la r - 1795 1810 1802! -
CT U7L2 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec feath ered g e 1765 1800 1782! -
CT U7L2 1 cer cw plate rim un d ec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U7L2 1 cer cw pitcher handle u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U7L2 1 cer pw bowl rim b r an n u la r en g in e turned 1795 1815 18051 -
CT U7L2 1 cer pw bowl rim br, or, bl an n u lar en g in e turned 1795 1815 1805. -
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. Form EL IL M. date Comment
CT U7L2 2 cer pw bowl rim bl slip en g in e turned 1795 1815 1805 -
CT U7L2 3 cer pw bowl body bl, or, br a n n u la r en g in e turned 1795 1815 1805 -
CT U7L2 3 cer pw bowl body bl, or, b r an n u la r en g in e turned 1795 1815 1805 -
CT U7L2 1 cer pw bowl rim bl hp 1820 1830 1825 g eo m etric p attern

CT U7L2 4 cer pw frag body bl hp 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U7L2 1 cer pw teapot sp o u t bl tp 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U7L2 1 cer pw frag body b rh p 1780 1830 1805 floral d e c

CT U7L2 1 cer pw frag body b r hp rb 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U7L2 2 cer pw frag body br, bl, yw, g r hp 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U7L2 2 cer pw frag body u ndec 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U7L2 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/64" b o re d iam

CT U7L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o ra d iam
CT U7L2 2 clay rd b ak ed earth - - h e a rth frag
CT U7L2 1 cer ph frag - - ero d e d
CT U7L2 1 gla cl bot sh o u ld e r -
CT U7L2 1 gla cl rc bot body - em b o ssed “Ci“ a n d "R" - early
CT U7L2 1 gla cl tbw rim wh enam el tum bler; d o t d e c
CT U7L2 3 gla cl tbw body rd, w h e n a m e l sp iral d e c
CT U7L2 1 gla cl tbw rim en g rav ed tu m b ler; d iag o n al h a s h m ark s; vinous
CT U7L2 1 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed bo
CT U7L2 2 gla cl tbw body - rib m o ld ed tu m b le r 00
CT U7L2 2 gla cl tbw rim - tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT U7L2 3 gla cl tbw rim undec s te m w a re ; slightly incurving to rim
CT U7L2 1 gla cl tbw body u ndec flat

CT U7L2 11 gla aq cy bot body - thin; phial
CT U7L2 1 gla aq frag - - flat, thick
CT U7L2 8 gla dg cy bot body -
CT U7L2 1 gla dg cy bot lip & rim - 1785 1820 1802 J o n e s g p .3 a, fig.41; thickened an d
CT U7L2 8 gla dg c s bot body -
CT U7L2 1 gla dg c s bot base - g la s s pontil fractu re
CT U7L2 7 m et iron frag - - unident
CT U7L2 1 m et iron nail - w rought ro se h e a d
CT U7L2 4 sto gy ch e rt flake - -
CT U7L2 3 sto gy ch ert chunk - -
CT U 7F 6 1 cer cw bowl body gy hp an n u lar 1795 1810 1802! -
CT U 7F 6 2 cer cw plate rim u ndec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U 7F 6 2 cer cw frag rim u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
Site Unit QuanMat Class Object part sur. treat. F o rm B_. JE_. M. d a te C o m m en t
CT U 7F 6 3 cer cw plate body undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 7F6 1 cer cw m u g /b eak er rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 7F6 20 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U 7F 6 3 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U 7F6 1 cer pw bowl body b r an n u lar en g in e turned 1795 1815 18C5 -
CT U 7F6 1 cer pw bowl body o r slip - 1795 1815 18C5 -
CT U 7F6 1 cer pw bowl body or, br, bl a n n u la r en g in e turned 1795 1815 18C5 -
CT U 7F6 1 cer pw pitch er handle un d ec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U 7F 6 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv ed lines
CT U 7F 6 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1802 1832 1817 e v e n scallo p , c u rv e d lines
CT U 7F 6 1 cer pw frag body b rh p - 1780 1830 1805 floral d e c
CT U 7F6 1 cer pw frag foot ring b lh p - 1780 1830 1805 ela b o ra te d e c
CT U 7F 6 cer pw frag body bl hp - 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U 7F6 1 cer pw bowl rim bl hp rb - 1780 1830 1805 s ta r d e c *
CT U 7F6 1 cer ww plate rim undec in cise d rb 1810 1990 1900 -
CT U 7F6 cer rw bowl rim ig - - - fo ’d e d o v e r th ic k e n e d rim
CT U 7F6 1 cer rw frag body ig
CT U 7F6 1 cer bb ew frag body ig . 1680 1775 1727 sm all frag; n o b r slip ev id en t
CT U 7F6 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 5/64" b o re d iam
CT U 7F 6 2 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT U 7F6 3 clay rd b ak e d earth - - -
i-o
- - h e a rth frag 00
CT U 7F 6 2 cer rd brick frag - - - - sm a ll vO
CT U 7F 6 1 gla aq cy bot body - - - - thin, bubbly; phial
CT U 7F 6 2 gla am bot body -
CT U 7F 6 4 gla cl tbw body e n a m e le d - - - rd, br, gr, o r, yw, w h

CT U 7F 6 2 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed - - - s u n b u rs t d e c
CT U 7F 6 3 gla cl tbw rim undec - - - tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT U 7F6 2 gla cl tbw body - p re s s -m o ld e d - - tu m b ler; v ertical flu tes
CT U 7F 6 19 gla cl tbw body u ndec
CT U 7F6 4 gla cl bot body - . . .
1.19 t h - 2 0 th c.
CT U 7F6 1 gla cl bot rim & lip - - 1850 1990 1920 lu g -th re a d e d lip
CT U 7F6 1 gla cl tbw base& undec * 1770 1990 1880 ru m m e r g o b let; co llar u n d e r bowl,
CT U 7F6 5 gla dg c s bot body -
CT U 7F6 2 gla dg c s bot base -
CT U 7F6 1 gla dg cy bot lip & rim - - 1785 1820 1802? J o n e s g p .3 a, fig.45; thickened an d
CT U 7F6 13 gla dg cy bot body -
CT U 7F6 1 gla dg cy bot base - ■ ■ ■ "

CT U 7F6 71 gla dg bot body -
CT U 7F6 5 bot w ood frag - ch a rre d

CT U 7F6 1 m et iron frag - -
Site Unit Qua nM at C la ss Ob jec t part sur. treat Form EL E_. M. date Comment
CT U 7F6 1 m et iron nail - w rought ‘ rc se h ead
CT U 7F6 2 sto cm c h e rt flake - - - -
CT U 7F6 1 sto graphite battery c o re -
CT U8L1 1 cer cw frag body - -
CT U8L1 2 cer pw frag body bl hp 1780 1830 1805 2-sid e d h p
CT U8L1 1 cer be pipe s te m - - - - 6/64"b o re diam
CT U8L1 2 clay rd b ak e d earth - - - - - h e a rth frag
CT U8L1 1 m et iron frag - bk painted
CT U8L1 1 bon - longbone ep ip h e sis c u t m ark “ *
CT U8L1 1 bot nut hull - c h a rre d ; co h u n e?
CT U8L2 1 m et iron strip - w rought - - - u n id e n t function; 6 1/4" x 1 1A
CT U8L2 2 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U8L2 1 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 -

CT U8L2 10 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U8L2 1 cer dw frag body undec - 1640 1800 1720 -
CT U8L2 6 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U8L2 2 cer pw frag body bl hp - 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U8L2 1 cer pw bowl rim bl hp - 1780 1830 1805 g eo m etric int d e c ; p attern ext
CT U8L2 1 cer pw plate rim bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
CT U8L2 1 cer gy sw frag body b r slip - 1800 1920 1860 dk. br ext, light int
CT U8L2 1 cer g y sw frag body Ig e x t - 1800 1920 1860 -
CT U8L2 2 cer Ph frag - - en x ie d

CT U8L2 5 cer be pipe s te m u n d ec 5/134” b o re diam
CT U8L2 1 cer be pipe s te m un d ec in d eterm in a te

CT U8L2 1 cer be pipe bowl undec 5/134” b o re diam ; n o h eel, larg e an g led
CT U8L2 12 clay rd b a k e d earth - - h e a rth frag
CT U8L2 1 gla cl tbw rim u ndec tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT U8L2 2 gla cl frag - - flat
CT U8L2 1 gla dg c s bot rim & lip - ta p e re d -d o w n lip
CT U8L2 5 m et iron nail - w rought ra te head
CT U8L2 3 m et iron nail shaft w rought
CT U8L2 2 m et iron nail - w ire m an u f
CT U8L2 3 m et iron nail shaft w ire m an u f
CT U8L2 6 m et iron frag - - u n id en t flat
CT U8L2 1 m et copper belt e n d clasp w h m e t p late tip from w o v e n belt; 3 fra g s of 1 p ie c e
CT U8L2 4 bot nut hull - c h a rre d c o i u n e shell frag?
CT U8L2 1 pla rd com b tine -
Site Unit QuanMat Class Ob ject part sur. treat. Form B_. EL M. date C om m en t
CT U8L2 1 pla bk b o tc a p frag “ s c re w -c a p fo r g la bot
CT U8L2 13 sto gy, c m ch u n k s - -
CT U8L2 7 sto rd flake -
CT U 8F 5 1 bot w ood s a m p le - c h a rre d -

CT U9L1 1 cer cw bowl rim u ndec 1762 1820 1791 re lie d rim
CT U9L1 1 cer cw plate b rim u n d ec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U9L1 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - 5/64" b o re diam

CT U9L1 1 gla bot body ;
aq
CT U9L1 3 sto c m c h e rt chunk -
_
CT U9L2 1 cer cw cup? rim br h p rb 1762 1800 1781 slightly o u tflaring rim
CT U9L2 2 cer be pipe s te m undec - 5/84" b o re d iam
CT U9L2 1 gla dg cy bot base -
CT U9L2 5 gla dg bot body
CT U9L2 1 gla cl frag body - -
CT U9L2 1 m et iron nail - w ire m a n u f ro se h e a d
U9L2 2 sto gy ch e rt chunk
CT - - - NJ
CT U9L2 1 sto gy c h e rt flake -
CT U9L2 1 sto w h c h e rt flake - - -

CT U9L2 1 bot w ood frag - w orn h e a v y n atu ral? w e a r
CT U9L2 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P a tte rn 1765 1800 178:? -
CT U 10/11F 6 cer cw frag body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -

CT U 10/11F 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - 5/54" b o re d iam
CT U 10/11F 1 sto gy sh a le frag - ;
CT U 10/11F 1 m et iron nail shaft w rought ■ ■
CT U 10/11F 1 m et iron spike shaft w rought 3 1/8" (8cm ) L. - s q u a re
CT U10L2 5 cer rw frag body bk Ig - - bright rd refined body; int
CT U10L2 1 cer pw plate body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
CT U10L2 2 cer pw plate body un d ec - 1780 1830 18015 -
CT U10L2 1 cer Ph frag - - - en x ie d

CT U10L2 5 cer be pipe ste m undec . - _
5/(54" b o re d iam
CT U10L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 6/i54" b o re diam
CT U10L2 2 cla y rd b a k ed earth - - - - h e a rth frag
Site Unit Quan Ma t C la ss Ob jec t part sur. treat Form B. E . M. date C o m m en t

CT U10L2 1 m et lead frag - bent un id en t, flat triangular frag
CT U10L2 1 m et c o m p o site g in s id e plate u ndec c o p p e r p lated iron? 2 sc re w h o les,
CT U10L2 1 m et iron frag - - flat; u n id en t
CT U10L2 1 m et iron Ig nail - w rought ro se h e a d
CT U10L2 1 bot nut hull - ch a rre d

CT U10L2 1 sto cm c h e rt flake - -
CT U10L3 6 cer rw frag body bk Ig - - - b lig h t rd refined b ody; int, e x t gl

CT U10L3 1 cer cw plate body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U10L3 1 cer cw frag rim undec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U10L3 1 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1804 6 fra g s m e n d e d

CT U10L3 1 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 5 /6 4 ” b o re diam

CT U10L3 1 cer ph frag - - - - - e io d e d
CT U10L3 2 clay rd b ak e d earth - - ■ - - h e a rth frag
CT U10L3 1 m et iron nail - c u t m anuf - 1820 1990 1905 -
CT U10L3 1 m et iron Ig nail - c u t m anuf - 1820 1990 1905 3 1/2" L (9cm )

CT U11L3 1 cer cw plate body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U11L3 1 cer pw plate body u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 -

CT U11L3 1 cer ww frag body bl tp - 1820 1990 1905 3 frags m e n d e d

CT U11L3 3 cer ww plate body bl tp - 1820 1990 1905 o n e p asto ral s c e n e
CT U11L3 2 cer ww frag body bl tp - 1820 1990 1905 -
CT U11L3 1 cer ww plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1820 1890 1855 e v e n scallo p , u n m o ld ed

CT U11L3 1 cer gy sw s to ra g e body cl Ig in:, e x t gl; 4 fra g s m e n d e d ; 1/4“ thick
CT U11L3 5 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o re d iam
CT U11L3 2 cer i* frag - - ero d ed
CT U11L3 2 m et iron nail - w rought ro s e h e a d

CT U11L3 1 m et iron nail - c u t m anuf 1820 1990 1905 T head
CT U11L3 1 m et iron Ig sc re w - w rought? fle t h e a d ; 2" L x 1/2” h e a d D. (5x1.3cm )
CT U11L3 1 m et iron s tra p ? - - 3 frag s; stra p w / bolt h e a d s ; unident;
CT U11L3 4 sto gy ch e rt chunk - -
CT U11L3 2 sto c m c h e rt flake - -
CT U12L1 1 cer cw bowl rim undec 1762 1820 1791

Site Unit Qu an M at Class Object Bart sur. treat. F o rm EL EL M . d a t e C o m m e n t

CT U12L1 1 cer pw frag body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
CT U12L1 2 cer Ph frag - - - - - eroded

CT U12L1 2 clay rd b a k ed earth - - - - - hearth frag
CT U12L1 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/64" bore diam
CT U12L1 2 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
CT U12L1 1 gla dg bot body - . .
CT U12L1 1 gla gr bot body -
CT U12L1 1 gla cl bot body - “ *■
CT U12L1 3 pla wh bucket body -

CT
CT
U12L1
U12L1
1
1
bon
m et
-
iron
frag
nail
-
-
c h a rre d
w ire nail
: turtle?
CT U12L1 1 m et alu m in u m pulltab handle - -
CT U12L2 1 cer cw frag body b rh p 1762 1800 1781 Weildon pattern, 2-sided dec
CT U12L2 1 cer pw frag rim u ndec - 1779 1830 1804 -

CT U12L2 1 cer pw teapot? lid rim or, br a n n u la r engine turned 1795 1815 1805 -
CT U12L2 1 cer pw bowl rim or, br, bl an n u la r - 1795 1815 1805 -
CT U12L2 1 cer pw frag body o r slip - 1795 1815 1805 -
CT U12L2 2 cer pw frag body or, br hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U12L2 5 cer pw frag body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817 -
CT U12L2 1 cer pw m ug? rim b ltp - 1795 1840 1817 ini, ext tp
CT U12L2 1 cer pw frag body gr hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U12L2 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp shelledge 1785 1840 1812 embossed; unident type
CT U12L2 3 cer be pipe s te m undec - - - 4/(34" bore diam
CT U12L2 5 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 5/i34" bore diam
CT U12L2 2 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - - - 6/134“ bore diam
CT U12L2 1 cer Ph frag - - - - - enxied
CT U12L2 3 cla y rd b ak e d earth - - * - - hearth frag
CT U12L2 4 gla cl tbw ? body u ndec
CT U12L2 1 m et lead frag - - - - - small, flat; casting waste?
CT U12L2 3 m et iron nail - w rought . . . rose head
CT U12L2 4 m et c o p p er sh e e t frag - - - - b k w/gr corrosion
CT U12L2 1 m et c o p p er button - - - - - impression of fabric cover; mi
CT U12L2 2 m et iron frag - - - - - flat; unident
CT U12L2 1 bot nut hull - c h a rre d . - - coinune?
Site Unit Qua nM at C lass Ob ject part sur. tre Form B. E . M. date Comment
CT U12L2 1 bot nut hull - c h a rre d u n id en t s p e c ie s
CT U12L2 1 sto gy c h ert flake - - larg e
CT U12L2 1 sto pu m ice frag - - g v /w h m ottle; sm a ll c h u n k (like N ew R,
CT U12L2 1 bon - frag - c h a rre d unident
CT U13L1 1 cer pw frag body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
CT U13L2 1 cer cw frag body undec . 1762 1820 1791
CT U13L2 1 cer pw bowl rim undec - 1779 1830 1804
CT U13L2 3 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804
CT U13L2 4 cer rw frag body b k lg bright rd refined b o d y
CT U13L2 1 cer Ph frag - - ero d ed
CT U13L2 1 m et c o p p er button - tin? co ated so ld e re d ey e
CT U13L2 2 m et iron frag - - uriident
CT U13L2 5 sto c m c h e rt chunk - - banded
CT IJ14L2 1 cer cw bowl rim undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U14!_2 3 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U14L2 1 cer pw frag body bl tp - 1795 1840 1817
CT U14L2 2 cer pw frag body bl hp 1780 1830 18015
CT U14L2 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec - ■4/(34" b o re d iam
CT U14L2 1 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 5/i>4" b o re d iam
CT U14L2 2 clay rd b ak e d earth - - h e a rth frag
CT U14L2 1 m et iron nail - w rought corroded head
CT U14L2 1 m et iron nail - c u t m anuf - 1820 1990 1905 T head

CT U14L2 2 sto p p ch ert chunk - -
CT U14L2 2 sto cm c h e rt chunk - - -
CT U15L1 1 cer ww frag body bl tp 1820 1990 1905
CT U15L1 1 gla cl bot lip & rim - s c re w th re a d
CT U15L2 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782
CT U15L2 8 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U15L2 1 cer cw plate body undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U15L2 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1798 ro co co
CT U15L2 1 cer pw frag foot ring undec - 1779 1830 1804
CT U15L2 1 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804
o r U15L2 1 cer pc teap o t handle bl hp drag o n h e a d - - o p e n m outh; 3D d esig n
CT U15L2 1 cer be pipe bowl undec larg e front of a n g le d bowl
CT U15L2 1 bon m a rin e shell frag - eroded

CT U15L2 3 sto rd c h e rt chu n k - -
Site Unit Quan Mat C lass O b jec t ean sur. t Form EL E_. M. date C o m m en t
CT U16L2 1 cer cw plate? rim rb tra c e . 1762 1800 1781 o v erg l tra c e
CT U16L2 3 clay rd b ak e d earth - - he arth frag

CT U16L2 1 m et iron frag - - urident; flat
CT U17L2 1 cer pw plate rim b ltp - 1795 1840 1817

CT U17L2 1 cer ww c h a m b e rp o t rim b ltp - 1820 1990 1905
CT U17L2 1 cer ww plate body g rsp - 1840 1860 1850
CT U17L2 1 cer ww bowl body b rsp - 1840 1860 1850
CT U17L2 1 cer ww plate rim pp sp - 1840 1860 1850
CT U17L2 1 cer ww plate body PPhp - 1820 1890 1855
CT U17L2 1 cer ww frag body rd, pp hp - 1820 1890 18515
CT U17L2 1 clay rd b a k e d earth - - h e a rth frag lsJ
CT U17L2 5 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/(34“ b o re d iam >0
fjl
CT U17L2 2 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/(54" b o re d iam
CT U17L2 1 cer be pipe bowl - vertical flan g e of front s e a m
CT U17L2 4 cer be pipe bowl un d ec
CT U17L2 1 gla cl bot body -
CT U17L2 1 gla gr bot body -
CT U17L2 1 gla bl bot body -
CT U17L2 1 gla aq bot body -

CT U17L2 1 m et iron spike shaft w rought
CT U17L2 8 m et iron frag - - unident; flat
CT U17L2 3 bon - frag - - undent
CT U17L2 2 bot w ood frag - c h a rre d larg e
CT U17L2 1 sto p p chert flake - -
CT U17L2 1 sto br pebble - flaked

CT U17L2 3 cer rd brick frag - o n e la rg e , 4 “ W (10cm ), 2 1/4" H (5.8cm )
CT U17L24 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 4/614“ b o re diam
Site Unit Quan Ma t Class Object part sur. tre Form B. E . M. date Comm ent
CT U17L2A 1 clay rd b ak e d earth - - - h e a rth frag
CT U18L1 2 cer ww bow l? body u ndec 1810 1990 1903 h e a rth frag
CT U18L1 1 cer ww bow l? body br s p “ 1840 1860 1850 h e a rth frag
CT U18L1 2 gla cl frag - undec cu rv ed ; b o t o r tbw
CT U18L2 1 cer ww plate b rim rd tp ; 1830 1850 184(3
CT U18L2 1 cer ww plate rim p p tp - 1830 1850 1840
CT U18L2 1 cer ww frag body g rh p - 1820 1890 18515 flcral d e c
CT U18L2 5 cer ww frag body un d ec - 1810 1990 1900
CT U18L2 4 cer ww bowl rim b rsp - 1840 1860 185(3 7 m ended
CT U18L2 8 cer ww bowl body b rsp - 1840 1860 185(3 9 m ended
CT U18L2 6 cer be pipe s te m u ndec 4/154" b o re diam
CT U18L2 2 cer be pipe s te m im p re s s e d 4/i34" b o re d iam ; “_R O A C H " "LONDON"
CT U18L2 3 cer be pipe bowl - vertical flan g e o n front of bowl
CT U18L2 3 c lay rd b ak e d earth - - h earth frag
CT U18L2 2 gla bl bot body -
CT U18L2 1 gla aq cy bot rim -
CT U18L2 3 gla aq bot body -
CT U18L2 1 gla cl c y jar body v ertical s c o a n c h o r c lo s u re
CT U18L2 1 gla cl bot body - c h a m fe re d ridge -
CT U18L2 1 gla dg cy bot lip & rim - 1822 1880 1851 J o n e s g p 3 c, fig 52; th ick en ed rim,

CT U18L2 2 cer rd brick frag -
CT U18L2 2 m et c o p p er nail - - 4 -sid ed sh a ft to point; m an u f ind eterm in ate
CT U18L2 18 m et iron nail - w rought ros;e h e a d
CT U18L2 2 m et iron nail - cut - 1820 1990 1905
CT U18L2 5 m et iron nail shaft w ire m anuf - 1850 1990 1920
CT U18L2 4 m et iron nail - w ire m an u f 1850 1990 1920
CT U18L2 11 m et iron chunk - - flat strip s
CT U18L2 8 bon m am m al longbone shaft - _
larg est 4 1/4" L; h u m a n ? m a n a te e ?
CT U18L2A 1 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT U18L2A 1 m et iron nail shaft w rouoght sm a ll
CT U18L2A 1 bon - frag - - unident
CT U19L1 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P a tte rn 1765 1800 1782
CT U19L1 4 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U19L1 1 cer pw frag body undec
Site Unit Qu an M at C lass Object part sur. treat. Form EL EL M. date C om m en t

CT U19L1 1 cer pw frag body br, o r hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U19L1 1 gla cl tbw body rd, yw e n a m e l dot and bands

CT U19L1 1 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed sunburst pattern
CT U19L1 2 gla aq cy bot body -
CT U19L1 1 sto rd c h e rt chunk - -
CT U19L2 1 cer pw frag rim bl, br a n n u la r engine turned 1795 1815 18015 patterned engine turning
CT U19L2 1 cer bb ew frag body ig - 1680 1775 172-7 no br slip under Ig

CT U19L2 1 gla aq c y bot body - thin phial

CT U20L1 1 cer gy sw frag body u n d e c Ig - - - sm a ll frag
CT U20L1 2 cer cw plate rim R oyal P attern - 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U20L.1 1 cer pw teapot? lid rim br, bk, or, bl, g r hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U20L1 1 cer pw frag rim undec - 1779 1830 1804 -

CT U20L1 2 cer ww plate body u ndec - 1810 1990 1900 -
CT U20L1 1 cer Ph frag - - - - - en x ie d

CT U20L1 1 gla cl tbw body yw, rd e n a m e l
CT U20L1 1 gla cl frag body - - - - b o t o r tbw
CT U20L1 5 bot w ood frag - c h a rre d ■ ■

_
CT U20L1 1 bon - frag longbone - splinter of Ig b o n e
CT U20L1 2 m et iron nail - w ire m an u f 1850 1990 1920
CT U20L1 1 pla wh bucket body - - -
CT U20L1 2 sto rd c h ert flake - -
CT U20L2 3 cer cw frag body undec - -

CT U20L2 1 cer cw pitcher? handle u ndec 1762 1820 1791
CT U20L2 1 cer pw frag body b ltp - 1795 1840 1817 -
CT U20L2 1 cer pw frag rim bl hp - 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U20L2 1 cer pw frag rim b r rb - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U20L2 1 cer pw frag rim bl, yw hp - 1790 1825 1807 line, d o t b o rd er de<
Site Unit Qua nM at Class O b jec t part sur. treat. Form B. E . M. date C om m ent
CT U20L2 2 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1784 1835 18C9 e m b o s s e d , u n id en t ty p e
CT U20L2 1 cer be pipe s te m un d ec 4 /6 4 “ b o re d iam
CT U20L2 2 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" b o re diam
CT U20L2 1 cer be pipe s te m undec in d eterm in a te b o re
CT U20L2 4 cer ph frag - - ero d ed
CT U20L2 2 clay rd b a k e d earth - - h e a rth frag
CT U20L2 1 gla cl frag body undec b o t o r tbw
CT U20L2 3 gla aq frag body - flat frag
CT U20L2 1 bot w ood frag - ch a rre d
CT U20L2 2 m et iron frag - - unident
CT U20L2 1 bon - frag - c h a rre d unident
CT U21L1 5 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U21L1 1 cer cw frag rim undec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U21L1 1 cer cw frag ri.m br, gy h p a n n u lar 1795 1810 180:2 -
CT U21L1 14 cer cw frag body undec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U21L1 1 cer cw bowl foot ring undec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U21L1 2 cer pw frag body undec 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U21L1 1 cer pw frag body b rh p 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U21L1 1 cer pw frag body g rh p 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U21L1 1 cer pw frag body bl hp 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U21L1 1 clay rd b ak e d earth - - he arth frag

CT U21L1 1 gla cl tbw s te m undec s te m w a re
CT U21L1 2 gla cl tbw body un d ec
CT U21L1 2 gla dg c s b ot body -
CT U21L1 3 gla dg cy b o t body -
CT U21L1 1 m et iron nail - w ire m an u f
CT U21L1 1 m et iron frag - - unident; flat
CT U21L1 3 sto rd c h e rt chu n k - -
CT U21L1 1 pla bk frag - -
CT U21L2 1 cer bb ew bowl rim u n d e c Ig 1680 1775 1727 -
CT U21L2 2 cer bbew frag body u n d e c Ig 1680 1775 1727 -
CT U21L2 2 cer cw plate rim u ndec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782 -
CT U21L2 1 cer cw frag rim u ndec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT U21L2 44 cer cw frag body undec 1762 1820 1791
Site Unit Qu an M at C lass Obje ct part sur. treat. Form EL E_. M. date C om m en t
CT U21L2 1 cer pw plate rim g r hp sh e lle d g e 1784 1812 1798 rc c o c o
CT U21L2 1 cer pw plate rim bl rb - 1780 1830 1805 -
CT U21L2 2 cer pw bow l? rim bl hp - 1780 1830 1805 g e o m e tric b o rd e r d e c

CT U21L2 2 cer pw frag rim b r rb, bl, g r hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U21L2 1 cer pw frag rim b r rb, g r hp - 1790 1825 1807 -
CT U21L2 1 cer pw frag body bl hp, rd en a m e l - 1780 1830 1805 rd ov erg l

CT U21L2 1 cer pw frag body br, bl m o c h a en g in e turned 1795 1820 1807 -
CT U21L2 1 cer pw cu p / b e a k e r b a s e ring undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U21L2 1 cer pw bowl b a s e ring undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U21L2 1 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U21L2 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e body b r slip e x t b r slip

CT U21L2 1 clay rd b ak e d earth - - h e a rth frag
CT U21L2 1 cer rd b rick frag -
CT U21L2 1 cer be pipe ste m undec 4/34" b o re d iam

CT U21L2 24 gla bot body -
CT U21L2 1 gla cl tbw rim engraved tum b ler; d iag o n al c ro ss -h a tc h d e c

CT U21L2 1 gla cl tbw body en g rav ed
299
CT U21L2 1 gla cl tbw base undec p r e s s m o ld ed - - c h a m fe re d co rn er, fa c e te d s id e
CT U21L2 3 gla cl bot body undec
CT U21L2 1 m et iron nail - c u t m anuf - 1820 1990 1905

CT U21L2 1 m et iron nail shaft c u t m anuf - 1820 1990 1905
CT U21L2 3 m et iron nail - w ire m a n u f - 1850 1990 1920
CT U21L2 1 m et iron sp ik e - w rought r o s e h e a d ; 4 1/4" (11cm ) L
CT U21L2 1 pla wh com b tine -
CT U21L2 1 pla bk com b tine -
CT U21L2 1 bon - longbone shaft c h a rre d

CT U21L2 3 sto c m c h e rt (lake - -
CT U21L2 1 sto gy ch ert chunk - -
CT U21L2 1 sto pp chert flake - -
CT U21L2A 1 cer cw frag body br hp an n u lar - 1795 1810 1802

CT U21L2A 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal P attern 1765 1800 1782
CT U21L2A 10 cer cw frag body undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT U21L2A 1 cer pw frag body bl hp, rd e n a m e l - 1780 1830 1805
CT U21L2A 1 cer pw bowl rim bl, br, gr, yw hp - 1790 1825 1807
Site Unit Qua nM at C la ss Object part sur. tre£ Form EL EL M. date C om m ent
CT U21L2A 2 cer pw frag body urtdec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT U21L2A 1 gla cl tbw rim engraved * - tum b ler; h a s h m ark s, v in o u s b o rd e r d e c
CT U21L2A 1 gla cl tbw body undec
CT U21L2A 7 gla dg bot body -
CT U21L2A 3 clay rd baked earth - - - - - h e a rth frag

CT U21L2A 1 sto rd chert flake - -
CT U22L1 1 cer cw plate rim undec R oyal pattern 1765 1800 1782
CT U22L1 1 cer Ph frag - - - - - ero d ed

CT U22L1 1 cer be pipe bowl -
CT U22L1 1 cer be pipe stem - _ . . 5 /6 4 “ b o re d iam

CT U22L1 1 gla cl frag body undec - - - tbw o r bot
CT U22L1 1 met iron nail head wrought - - - uriident type
CT U22L1 1 sto cm chert flake - -
CT U22L2 1 cer bb ew frag body brslip - 1680 1775 1727 p a tte rn in d eterm in ate
CT U22L2 1 cer cw frag rim br hp rb - 1762 1800 1781 -
CT U22L2 1 cer pw plate rim g rh p sh e lle d g e 1784 1835 1809 e m b o s s e d ; in d eterm in a te ty p e co
CT U22L2 1 cer pw bowl rim br rb, bl hp - 1790 1825 1807 - o
o
CT U22L2 1 cer rw plate? body yw trail slip - - - ini, e x t Ig
CT U22L2 1 cer gy sw storage body Ig undec - - - e x t Ig
CT U22L2 4 cer ph frag body - - - - en x ie d
CT U22L2 3 clay rd baked earth - - ■ - h e a rth frag

_
CT U22L2 3 gla cl tbw body undec * ■

CT U22L2 1 met lead small shot - - _
4 m m (5/32") d ia m
CT U22L2 1 met lead small shot - - - - - 6 m m (7 /3 2 “) d iam
CT U22L2 2 met iron nail - wrought - - - ro se h e a d
CT U22L2 1 met iron nail - cut manuf - 1820 1990 1905 T head
CT U22L2 1 met iron nail shaft wrought
CT U22L2 1 met iron frag - - - - - unident; flat
CT U22L2 3 sto cm chert flake - -
CT TP2 14 bon - frag - - . - . turtle c a r a p a c e

CT TP2 1 gla aq frag - - - - - flat frag
CT TP2 1 gla dg bot body -
CT TP2 1 sto cm chert flake - -
CT TP3 1 cer pw frag body bl, yw, br hp e n g in e turned 1795 1820 1807
CT TP3 7 cer ph frag body - eroded
Site Unit Qua nM at C lass Obje ct part sur. t Form B. E . M. date Comment
CT TP3 1 cer Ph frag rim - ou tflaring rim
CT TP5 1 gla cl frag body u n d ec tbw, bot
CT TP5 1 m et iron frag - - flat; m e c h e te tip?
CT TP5 1 sto w h ch e rt flake - -
CT TP6 1 cer pw frag body u ndec - 1779 1830 1804

CT TP6 2 sto cm c h e rt ad z e - - - Ph - C o lh a ? ch ert; 1w /w ear; 5 ” L, 4 1/4"
CT TP9 2 cer cw plate rim u ndec R oyal P a tte rn 1765 1800 1782
CT TP9 1 cer cw frag rim u ndec - 1762 1820 1791 thick, p lain rim
CT TP9 1 cer cw frag foot ring undec - 1762 1820 1791
CT TP9 2 cer cw frag body u ndec - 1762 1820 1791
CT TP9 1 cer pw plate rim bl hp sh e lle d g e 1800 1830 1815 u rie m b o ss e d , e v e n scallop
CT TP9 2 cer pw plate body undec - 1779 1830 1801
CT TP9 4 cer pw frag body un d ec 1779 1830 1804
CT TP9 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/i34" b o re d iam
CT TP9 15 gla dg bot body - _
CT T P10 1 cer Ph frag body -
CT T P 10 7 gla dg bot body -
CT T P 10 1 gla aq frag - - - flat frag

CT TP11 1 cer pw bowl foot ring u ndec 1779 1830 180-4
CT TP11 3 cer pw frag body u ndec 1779 1830 180-4
CT TP11 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
CT TP11 4 cer ph frag - - . ero d ed
CT TP11 2 cla y rd baited earth - - h earth frag
CT TP11 1 m et iron nail - w ro u g h t
CT TP11 1 m et lead sm all sh o t - - - 6 m m (7 /3 2 ”) d iam

CT T P12 1 cer cw plate body undec 1762 1820 1791
CT T P12 1 cer Ph frag body - ero d ed
CT T P12 1 bon - longbone shaft - larg e m am m al; h u m a n ? m a n a te e ?
CT T P12 1 sto c m c h e rt flake - -
CT T P13 1 cer pw frag body b ltp - 1795 1840 1817

CT T P 13 1 cer Ph frag body - e ro d ed
CT TP13 2 gla dg bot body •
CT T P 14 3 cer Ph frag - - erc d e d

CT T P 14 1 m et lead sm all sh o t - - 4 m m d iam
CT T P15 2 m et iron nail shaft - u nident m an u f
CT T P 17 1 cer Ph frag - e rcd ed
CT TP17 1 cer rd brick frag -
CT T P17 5 gla cl bot Ixxdy -
CT T P17 1 m et iron nail shaft w rought

CT T P20 1 gla aq bot body -
Site Unit Q u a n M a t C la ss Ob jec t part sur. treat. Form B. E . M. date C o m m e n t

CT T P 20 1 cer ph frag - eioded
CT T P20 1 c lay rd b ak e d earth - hearth frag
CT T P 20 1 sto gy ch ert flake -
CT T P20 1 sto w h ch e rt flake -
CT T P 20 1 sto c m c h e rt flake -
CT TP21 23 cer Ph frag - eroded

CT T P 22 1 cer cw frag body undec 1762 1820 1791 -
CT T P22 1 cer be pipe s te m undec 6/64“ bore diam
CT T P 23 2 cer pw frag body undec 1779 1830 1804 -
CT T P 23 1 cer Ph frag body eroded
CT T P23 1 gla dg bot body
CT T P 23 2 bot w ood frag - charred
CT T P23 1 sto g y ch ert chunk -
CT T P 23 2 sto b r c h e rt chunk -
CT T P 24 5 cer Ph frag body enxied

CT T P 24 2 sto p p chert chunk -
CT T P 25 1 cer be pipe bow l undec

CT T P25 1 sto pp chert chunk -
OJ
CT TP27 1 gla dg bot body O
CT T P27 4 cer Ph frag body enxied |VJ
CT T P 27 1 sto c m c h e rt chunk -
CT T P 28 gla dg bot body

CT TP29 1 cer pw frag body bl, bk annular 1795 1815 18055 -
CT T P 29 1 cer pw frag body undec 1779 1830 1804 -
CT T P 29 2 cer be pipe bowl vertical flange on front & back of bowl
CT T P 29 3 cer be pipe s te m 4/(54" bore diam
CT T P 29 1 cer gyew pitcher h an d le & ungl sem i-coarse dk gy ew; local manuf?
CT T P 29 1 cer rd brick frag
CT T P 29 3 gla dg bot body
CT T P 29 2 gla bl bot body
CT T P29 3 bon - frag - unident
CT T P29 1 sto bk pebble - water worn polisher? natural?
CT T P29 1 sto c m c h e rt flake -
CT T P29 3 m et iron nail - wrought corroded

CT T P29 1 m et iron nail shaft wrought
CT T P 30 1 gla dg csbot body
Site Unit Qu a n M at C la ss O b jec t part sur. treat. Form B. E . M. date C om m en t

CT T P 30 1 gla d9 bot body
CT T P 30 1 gla bl bot body
CT T P 30 1 m et lead sh o t - 7mm (9/32“) diam
CT T P30 1 m et iron frag - flat, unident
CT T P33 1 cer pw frag body bl hp 1780 1830 1805 2-sided hp
CT T P 33 4 cer ph frag body eroded
CT T P 34 13 cer Ph frag - eroded
CT T P 34 1 sto obsidian blade frag
CT T P 35 1 cer pw frag rim bl hp 1780 1830 1805 -
CT T P35 1 sto obsidian blade frag
CT T P35 1 sto rd ch e rt chunk -
CT TP36 1 cer pw plate rim undec 1779 1830 1804 entirely plain rim; 5 frags mended
CT T P 36 1 cer pw frag body undec 1779 1830 1801
CT T P 36 2 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT T P 36 1 cla y rd b ak e d earth - hearth frag
CT T P 36 2 gla bot body
dg 00
CT T P 36 2 sto pp ch ert chunk - o
OO
CT T P 36 2 sto pp ch ert flake -
CT T P 36 4 sto gy c h ert flake -
CT T P37 1 cer b k sw teapot? body intlg embossed 1750 1830 1790 basaltware; floral sprig mold; se e
CT T P 37 1 cer pw bowl foot ring blhp 1780 1830 1805 -

CT TP37 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT TP37 1 gla dg bot body
CT T P 37 1 gla aq bot body
CT T P 37 1 gla cl tbw rim undec tumbler/stemware
CT T P 37 1 m et iron nail frag wire manuf 1850 1990 1920 -
CT TP37 1 sto gy ch e rt chunk -
CT T P 37 1 sto w h c h e rt flake -
CT T P 38 1 cer cw frag body undec 1762 1820 1791
CT T P 38 1 gla gr cy bot body
CT T P 38 2 gla dg bot body
CT T P38 2 sto gy ch e rt flake -
CT T P40 1 gla wh bot? base
Site Unit Qu a n M at C lass Ob ject part sur. treat Form B. E . M. date C om m en t

CT TP41 10 cer ph frag - - ero d ed
CT TP41 4 sto gy ch e rt chunk - -
CT T P 43 2 cer Ph frag - - ero d ed
CT T P 43 1 cer be pipe bowl undec
CT T P 47 1 gla cl bot body undec
CT T P 48 11 cer Ph frag - - ero d ed
CT T P 48 1 clay rd baked earth - - h e a rth frag
CT T P 48 1 m et iron cook pot? - - larg e, thick, slightly cu rv ed ; v ery la rg e
CT T P 48 1 sto gy chert flake - -
CT T P 50 cer ph frag - - e n x ie d
CT T P 50 gla dg bot body -
CT T P 50 1 gla cl frag body undec tb w /b o t c o m e r
CT T P 50 1 sto c m c h ert flake - -
CT TP51 1 gla cl tbw b ase ring undec d e c a n te r; b u lb o u s bottom
CT TP51 1 cer Ph frag - - e n x ie d
CT TP51 1 clay rd baked earth - - h e a rth frag
CT TP51 1 cer bk daub? - charred larg e, h ard
CT TP51 1 m et iron nail shaft wrought
CT T P 52 1 cer Ph frag - - e n x ie d
304
CT T P 52 1 m et iron frag - - unident
CT T P52 1 sto c m c h e rt chunk - -
CT T P 53 cer Ph frag - - e n x ie d
CT T P 53 1 gla cl tbw rim undec tu m b le r/s te m w a re
CT T P53 1 gla cl tbw body wh, rd enamel

CT T P53 1 m et copper button - decorated so ld e re d e y elet plate; m o ld ed ? front
CT T P 53 1 ben fish ossicle - - ear bone
CT T P 53 1 m et iron nail - wrought ro se h e a d
CT T P 53 1 sto p p chert flake - -
CT T P 53 sto c m c h e rt flake - -
CT T P 54 1 gla cl frag body - c u rv ed
CT T P 54 1 m et ste el nail head galvanized roofing nail
CT TP54 sto c m c h e rt flake - -
CT T P 54 1 bot hull coconut frag -
CT T P54 1 pla bk button - - 4 h o le s c o n d e n s e d g ran u lar m at.
CT T P54 2 pla? bk cap - - scr ew threads for bot
CT T P54 1 pla wh bucket body -
CT T P 54 3 pla cellophane wrapper - -
Site Unit Qua nM at C lass Ob ie ct &art sur. treat. Form EL E_. M. date Co m m ent
CT T P 55 5 clay rd b ak e d earth - - - - - h earth frag
CT T P 56 2 cer cw plate rim undec Royal P a tte rn 1765 1800 17E2 -
CT T P 56 1 cer pw plate rim undec - 1779 1830 1804 c o m p le te ly plain rim

CT T P 56 1 cer pw frag body b lh p - 1780 1830 18C6 -
CT TP56 1 cer g y sw s to ra g e body >9 - - - ungl int.

CT T P 56 2 cer Ph frag - - - - - e io d e d
CT T P 56 1 gla dg bot body -
CT T P 57 1 cer pw bowl rim bl, br, o r a n n u la r _

1795 1815 1805
CT TP57 1 cer pw frag body b r slip en g in e turned 1795 1815 1805 -
CT T P 57 2 cer pw frag body br an n u la r - 1795 1815 1805 -
CT T P 57 4 cer pw plate body un d ec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT T P 57 1 cer pw frag body undec - 1779 1830 1804 -
CT T P 57 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e body b r slip - - - Ig; int u n slip p ed

CT T P 57 1 cer gy sw sto ra g e body b rsg - 1550 1780 1665 ungl int; R h e n ish
CT T P 57 2 cer be pipe s te m undec 5/64" bore diam
CT T P 57 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec 5/64" bore diam
CT T P 57 1 cer be pipe bowl u ndec
CT T P 57 2 gla cl tbw body undec

CT T P57 2 sto cm c h e rt chunk - -
CT T P 57 1 m et iron frag - - flat; unident

CT T P58 3 gla dg bot body -
CT T P58 3 gla cl tbw body undec

CT T P 58 1 cer ph frag - - eroded
1
CT T P58 m et iron frag - - flat; unident

CT TP58 1 m et copper rivet - - from blue jean pants
CT TP61 cer Ph frag - - enxied

CT TP61 1 m et iron frag - - flat; unident
CT T P 63 1 m et iron frag - - flat, thick; unident
CT T P 64 1 gla dg cy bot body -
CT T P 64 1 gla dg cy bot lip & rim - 1785 1820 180;’ Jones gp 3a; thickened lip by adding gla,
306
References Cited
Abstracts o f English Shipping Records Relating to Massachusetts Ports, from Original Records in
the Public Record Office, London, 1686-1763
1931 14 volum e typescript held at the James Duncan and Stephen Phillips Library, Peabody
Essex Museum, Salem, Mass.
Albion, Robert G.
1965 Forests and Sea Power: The Timber Problem of the Royal Navy. Hamden, Conn.: Archon
Books.
Anderson, William
1826 The London Commercial Dictionary and Sea-port Gazetteer. London: Effingham Wilson.
The A nnual Register [AR]

1767 Extract of a letter from Bassora, August 29,1765. pp. 56. London: J. Dodsley.
1772 The Annual Register for the Year 1771. pp. 163. London: J. Dodsley.
1818 Chronicle, pp. 342-346. London: J. Dodsley.
Arcana o f Science and A rt, or an A nnual Register of Popular Inventions and Improvements [ASA]
(title and subtitle vary annually)
1828 Useful Arts. P. 187. London: John Limbird.
1833 Chemical Discoveries. P. 141. London: John Limbird.
Archer, Michael, and Brian Morgan

1977 Fair as China Dishes: English Delftware. Washington, D.C.: International Exhibitions
Foundation.
Atkinson, D. R.
1972 A Brief Guide for the Identification of Dutch Clay Tobacco Pipes Found in England. Post
Medieval Archaeology 6:175-182.
Aubert, Vilhelm
1965 A Total Institution: the Ship. In The Hidden Society, pp. 236-258. N ew Brunswick, N.J.:
Transaction Books.
Babcock, Mary Kent Davey

1944 Christ Church, Salem Street, Boston: The Old North Church o f Paid Revere Fame,
Historical Sketches, Colonial Period 1723-1775. Boston: Thomas Todd Co.
307
Bancroft, Edward
1813 Experimental Researches Concerning the Philosophy of Permanent Colours. 2 vols.
London: T. Cadell and W. Davies.
Barthes, Roland
1973 M ythologies. London: Palladin Press.
Beaudry, Mary C.
1993 Public Aesthetics versus Personal Experience: Worker Health and Well-Being in 19th-
Century Lowell, Massachusetts. In Health, Sanitation, and Foodzvays in Historical
Archaeology, edited by Joan H. Geismar and Meta F. Janowitz, pp. 90-105. (Historical
Archaeology 27: 2).
Beaudry, Mary C , Janet Long, Henry M. Miller, Fraser D. Neim an, and Garry Wheeler Stone
1983 A Vessel Typology for Early Chesapeake Ceramics: The Potomac Typological System.
Historical Archaeology 17:1:18-43.
Beaudry, Mary C., and Stephen A. Mrozowski, editors

1989 Interdisciplinary Investigations o f the Boott M ills, Lozvell, Massachusetts. Vol. Ill, The
Boardinghouse System as a Way o f Life. Cultural Resources Management Series 21.
National Park Service, North Atlantic Regional Office, Boston.
Bigelow, Jacob, M. D.
1829 Elements o f Technology. Boston: Hilliard, Gray, Little, and Wilkins.
Binford, Lewis R.
1978 A N ew Method of Calculating Dates From Kaolin Pipe Stem Samples. In Historical
Archaeology: A Guide to Substantive and Theoretical Contributions. Edited by Robert L.
Schuyler, pp. 66-67. Farmingdale, NY: Bay w ood Publishing Co.
Bolland, O. N igel
1977 The Formation o f a Colonial Society: Belize, fro m Conquest to Crown Colony. Baltimore:
The Johns H opkins University Press.
1988 Colonialism and Resistance in Belize. Benque Viejo del Carmen, Belize: Cubola
Productions.
Bolland, N igel, and Assad Shoman

1977 Land in Belize, 1765 - 1871: The Origins of Land Tenure, Use, and Distribution in a
Dependent Economy. Kingston, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research,
University of the West Indies.
Bolster, W. Jeffrey
1990 "To Feel Like a Man:" Black Seamen in the Northern States, 1800-1860." Journal of
Am erican H istory 6: 4:1173-1200.
Bolton, Charles Knowles

1944 Christ Church, Salem Street, Boston, 1723: A Guide. Boston: The Church.
308
Bond, Kathleen H.
1989 "that w e may purify our corporation by discarging the offenders": The Documentary
record of Social Control in the Boott Boardinghouses. In Interdisciplinary Investigations o f
the Boott M ills, Lowell, Massachusetts. Vol. Ill, The Boardinghouse System as a W ay of
Life, edited by Mary C. Beaudry and Stephen A. Mrozowski, pp. 23-35. Cultural
Resources Management Series 21. National Park Service, North Atlantic Regional Office,
Boston.
Bourdieu, Pierre
1984 Distinction. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Brashler, Janet G.
1991 When Daddy was a Shanty Boy: The Role of Gender in the Organization of the Logging
Industry in Highland W est Virginia. In Gender in Historical Archaeology, edited by Donna
J. Seifert, pp. 54-68 [Historical Archaeology 25: 4],
Bridges, Rev. George Wilson

1828 The A nnals o f Jamaica, 2vols. London: John Murray.
Bronson, J. and R.
1977 Early American W eaving and Dyeing. Reprint of 1817 edition, published under the title The
Domestic M anufacturer's A ssistant and the Family Directory in the A rts o f W eaving and
Dyeing. N ew York: Dover Publications.
Brown, Rachel
1978 The W eaving, Spinning, and D yeing Book. N ew York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Brown, Wallace
1990 The M osquito Shore and the Bay of Honduras During the Era of the American
Revolution. Belizean Studies 18: 2&3: 43-63.
Browne, Patrick
1774 N atural H istory o f Jamaica, London: W. Smith & Co.
Burdon, Sir John Alder

1931-35 Archives o f British Honduras. 3 vols. London: Sifton Praed.
Burg, B. R.
1984 Sodomy and the Pirate Tradition. N ew York: N ew York University Press.
Burley, D avid V.
1989 Function, Meaning, and Context: Ambiguities in Ceramic Use by the H ivernant Metis of
the Northwestern Plains. Historical Archaeology 23:1:97-106.
Bums, Sir Alan

1954 H istory o f the British W est Indies. London: George Allen & Unwin.
Calderon Quijano, Jose Antonio

1944 Belice 1663(?) -1821. Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos, Universidad de
Sevilla.
309
1978 Cartografia de Belice y Yucatan. Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispanoamericanos,

Universidad de Sevilla.
Calender o f State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1574-1738 [CSPC]
1860-1969 44 volumes. London: HMSO.
Cartografia de Ultramar
1949-57 4 volumes. Madrid: Servicio Geografico e Historico del Ejercito.
Casagrande, Joseph B., Stephen I. Thompson, and Philip D. Young

1964 Colonization as a Research Frontier. In Process and Pattern in Culture, Essays in Honor
o f Julian H. Steward. Edited by Robert A. Manners, pp. 281-325. Chicago: Aldine.
Catalogue o f Political and Personal Satires Preserved in the Department o f Prints and Drawings in the
British M useum
1870-1954 11 volumes. London: British Museum.
Catesby, Mark
1731-43 N atural H iston/ o f Carolina, Florida and the Bahama Islands. 2 vols. London: Beniamin
White.
Clements, Joyce M.
1993 The Cultural Creation of the Feminine Gender: An Example from 19th-Century Military
Households at Fort Independence, Boston. Historical Archaeology 27:4:39-64.
Coffman, Chase, and Chase

1978 The Search for Holpatin: Historic Excavations in Orange Walk. Paper presented at the
1980 annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Philadelphia, Pa.
Cook, Florence Maude

1927 A Study of the British Logwood Trade. M.A. thesis, Yale University.
Cook, Lieut. James

1935 Remarks on a Passage fro m the River Balise, in the Bay of Honduras, to Merida. N ew
Orleans: Midameres Press (reprint of 1769 edition).
Cook, Lauren J.
1989 Tobacco-Related Material and the Construction of Working-Class Culture. In
Interdisciplinary Investigations of the Boott M ills, Lowell, Massachusetts. Vol. Ill, The
Boardinghouse System as a W ay of Life, edited by Mary C. Beaudry and Stephen A.
Mrozowski, pp. 209-229. Cultural Resources Management Series 21. National Park
Service, North Atlantic Regional Office, Boston.
Cornelius, Charles Over

1926 Historic Furniture Styles. In Mahogany Antique and Modern: A Study o f its History and
Use in the Decorative A rts. Edited by William Farquhar Payson, pp. 81-124. N ew York:
E. P. Dutton & Co.
310
Cotter, John
1958 Archaeological Excavations at Jamestown, Colonial National Historical Park and
Jamestown National Historical Site, Virginia. National Park Service Archaeological Research
Series, no. 4. Washington, DC.
C ountry Report: Jamaica, Belize, Bahamas, Bermuda, Barbados.

1993 The Economist Intelligence Unit, no. 4. London: The Unit.
Craig, Alan K.
1966 The Geography of Fishing in British Honduras and Adjacent Coastal Areas.
PhD dissertation, Louisiana State University.
1969 Logwood as a Factor in the Settlement of British Honduras. Caribbean Studies 9:1:53-62.
Culver, Henry B.
1926 Structural and Decorative Uses in Marine Architecture and Boat Building. In Mahogany
A ntique and Modern: A S tu d y of its History and Use in the Decorative A rts. Edited by
William Farquhar Payson, pp. 65-74. N ew York: E. P. Dutton & Co.
Curtis, Julia B.
1988 Perceptions of an artifact: Chinese porcelain in colonial Tidewater Virginia. In
Documentary Archaeology in the N ew World, edited by Mary C. Beaudry, pp. 20-31.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dampier, William
1906 D ampier's Voyages: Two Voyages to Campeachy. 2 Volumes. Edited by John Masefield.
Reprint of 1717 edition. London: E. Grant Richards.
D avey, Peter, ed.

1979-90 The Archaeology o f the Clay Tobacco Pipe. 12 volumes; B. A. R. British series 63, 78, 97,100,
146,178,192; Int’l series 60, 92,106 (pts. 1,2), 175,566.
Deagan, Kathleen A.
1983 Spanish St. Augustine: The Archaeology o f a Colonial Creole C om m unity.
N ew York: Academic Press.
1985 Spanish-Indian Interaction in Sixteenth Century Florida and Hispaniola. In Cultures in

Contact: The European Impact on Native Cidtural Institutions in Eastern North America,
A D 1000-1800. Edited by William Fitzhugh, pp. 281-318. Washington DC: Smithsonian
Institution Press.
1987 Artifacts o f the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500-1800.
Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.
1991 Historical Archaeology's Contributions to our Understanding of Early America. In

Historical Archaeology in Global Perspective, edited by Lisa Falk, pp. 97-112.
Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Dean, Nicholas
1981 Where Have All the Schooners Gone. D own East 27:12:64-69.
311
Deetz, James
1977 In Small Things Forgotten: Archaeology o f Early American Life. Garden City, NY:
Anchor Books.
De Pauw, Linda Grant

1982 Seafaring W omen. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
The Dictionary o f Merchandise, and Nomenclature in all Languages [DM].

1805 Philadelphia: James Humphreys.
Dobson, Narda
1973 A H istory o f Belize. London: Longman Caribbean.
Douglas, Mary, editor

1984a Food in the Social Order. N ew York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Douglas, Mary
1984b Standard Social Uses of Food: Introduction. In Food in the Social Order, edited by Mary
Douglas, pp. 1-39. N ew York: Russell Sage Foundation.
1991 A Distinctive Anthropological Perspective. In Constructive Drinking, edited by Mary

Douglas, pp. 16-69. N ew York: Cambridge University Press.
Dumbrell, Roger
1983 U nderstanding Anticjue W ine Bottles. Suffolk: Antique Collector's Club.
Edmond, Charles John

1983 The History of Orange Walk. Belizean Studies 11: 3.
Emmerson, Robin
1992 British Teapots and Tea Drinking. London: HMSO.
Encyclopaedia; or, a Dictionary o f A rt, Sciences, and Miscellaneous Literature

1798 18 volum es. Philadelphia: Thomas Dobson.
Esquemeling, John
1987 The Buccaneers o f America, N ew York: Dorset (reprint of the second English
edition,1684).
Esquivel, Laura
1992 Like Water fo r Chocolate: a Novel in M onthly Installments, w ith Recipes, Romances, and
H om e Remedies. N ew York: Doubleday.
Everitt, John C.
1986 The Growth and Developm ent of Belize City, Belizean Studies 14:1:2-45.
Ewen, Charles R.
1991 From Spaniard to Creole. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press.
Fairlie. S.
312
Faulkner, Alaric
1986 Maintenance and Fabrication at Fort Pentagoet 1635-1654 Products of an Acadian
Armorer's Workshop. Historical Archaeology 20:1:63-94.
Feldman, Lawrence H.
1982 Belize and Its Neighbors: A Preliminary Report on the Spanish Colonial Records
of the Audencia of Guatemala. In Archaeology at Colha, Belize: The 1981 Interim Report,
edited by Thomas R. Hester, Harry J. Shafer and Jack D. Eaton, pp. 251-260. San Antonio:
Center for Archaeological Research.
Finamore, Daniel
1989 Documentary Evidence of Frontier Settlement and Social Change in an Eighteenth
Century Caribbean Community. In Proceedings o f the Thirteenth International Congress
fo r Caribbean Archaeology, edited by E. N. Ayubi and J. B. Haviser, pp.415-428. Reports
of the Archaeological-Anthropological Institute of the Netherlands Antilles, no. 9.
1991 Maritime Normandy. In Boudin: M arine Impressionist Paintings, pp. 11-13. Salem, MA:
Peabody Museum.
Floyd, Troy S.
1967 The Anglo-Spanish Struggle For M osquitia. Albuquerque: University of N ew Mexico Press.
Franzen, John G.
1992 Northern Michigan Logging Camps: Material Culture and Worker Adaptation on the
Industrial Frontier. Historical Archaeology 26:2:74-98.
Fur-Fish-Game; H arding's M agazine

1991 Advertisement for Ludy and Mary's Trap Co., Inc. October: 34.
Geismar, Joan H.
1982 The Archaeology o f Social Disintegration at Skunk Hollow: A N ineteenth-C entury Rural
Black C om m unity. N ew York: Academic Press.
The G entlem an’s M agazine [G M J

1732 Foreign Advices in June, 1732. Volume 2: 829. London: Sylvanus Urban.
1750 Uses of Studying Natural History. Volume 20:494. London: Sylvanus Urban.
1752 Historical Chronicle. Volume 22:141. London: Sylvanus Urban.
1788 Interesting Intelligence from the Continent, West-Indies, &c. Volum e 58: 74.
London: Sylvanus Urban
Gerhard, Peter
1979 The Southeast Frontier o f N ew Spain. Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press.
Gibbs, Archibald Robertson

1883 British Honduras: A n Historical and Descriptive Account of the Colony fro m Its
Settlem ent, 1670. London.
313
Graham. Elizaheth A,, Grant D. Jones, and Robert A. Kautz

1985 Archaeology and Ethnohistory on a Spanish Colonial Frontier: An Interim Report on the
Macal-Tipu Project in Western Belize. In The Lowland Maya Postclassic: Questions and
Answ ers, edited by Arlen Chase and Prudence Rice, pp. 206-214. Austin: University of
Texas Press.
Graham, Elizabeth, David M. Pendergast, and Grant D. Jones

1989 On the Fringes of Conquest: Maya-Spanish Contact in Colonial Belize. Science
246:1254-1259.
Hakluyt, Richard
1927 The Principal
i
Navigations.
o Voyages,
i/ o ' Traffiques
jj I
& Discoveries oj f the English
o Nation. 8 volum es.
London: J. M. Dent.
Hall, Martin
1992 Small Things and the Mobile, Conflictual Fusion of Power, Fear, and Desire. In The A r t
and M ystery o f Historical Archaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz, edited by Anne
Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry, pp. 373-399. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.
Hamilton, T. M., and K. O. Emery

1988 Eighteenth-Century Gunflints from Fort Michilimackinac and other Colonial Sites.
Mackinac Island, Michigan: Mackinac Island State Park Commission.
Hammon, Briton
1971 A Narrative of the Uncommon Sufferings, and Surprising Deliverance of Briton
Hammon. In Early Negro Writing, 1760-1837. Introduced by Dorothy Burnett Porter,
pp. 522-528. Boston: Beacon Press.
Hamshere, Cyril
1972 The British in the Caribbean. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Hardesty, Donald L.
1980-81 Historic Sites Archaeology on the Western American Frontier: Theoretical
Perspectives and Research Problems. North American Archaeologist 2(1):67-81.
Harding, A. R.
1907 Steel Traps. Columbus, Ohio: Harding Publishing.
Harley, J. B.
1988 Silences and Secrecy: the Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe.
Imago M u n d i 40: 57-76.
Hartshorn, Gary
1984 Belize: C ountry Economic Profile. San Jose: Trejos. Hnos Sues. S.A.
Heath, Dwight
1987 A Decade of Development in the Anthropological Study of Alcohol Use, 1970-1980. In
Constructive Drinking, edited by Mary Douglas, pp. 16-69. N ew York: Cambridge
University Press.
314
Hellot, Jean
1789 The A rt o f Dyeing Wool, Silk, and Cotton. London: R. Baldwin.
Henderson, Captain George

1811 A n Account o f the British Settlement o f Honduras. London: C. & R. Baldwin.
Hester, Thomas R., Harry J. Shafer and Jack D. Eaton, editors

1982 Archaeology at Colha, Belize: The 1981 Interim Report. San Antonio: The University of Texas
Center for Archaeological Research.
Heusner, Karla
1987 Belizean Nationalism: The Emergence of a N ew Identity. Belizean Studies 15:2.
H ugliss, G. Bernard
1956 English, Scottish and Irish Table Glass from the Sixteenth Century to 1820.
N ew York: Bramhall House.
Humphreys, Francis
1992 The Afro-Belizean Cultural Heritage: Its Role in Combating Recolonization. Belizean
Studies 20:3:11-16.
Humphreys, R. A.
1961 The Diplomatic H istory o f British Honduras, 1638-1901. London: Oxford University Press.
Huxley, Aldous
1934 Beyond the M exique Bay. N e w York: Harper & Bros.
Irion, Jack B.
1990 A Survey For Shipwrecks in Belize, Central America. In Underwater Archaeology
Proceedings from the Society fo r Historical Archaeology Conference, edited by Toni L. Carrell,
pp. 70-75. Tucson: Society for Historical Archaeology.
Jefferys, Thomas
1780 The West-india Atlas. London: Sayer & Bennett.
Johnson, Captain Charles (Daniel Defoe)

1724 A General H istory of the Robberies and M urders of the M ost Notorious Pyrates. London:
CH. Rivington.
Jones, Grant D.
1983 The Last Maya Frontiers of Colonial Yucatan. In Spaniards and Indians in Southeastern
Mesoamerica, edited by Murdo J. MacLeod and Robert Wasserstrom, pp. 64-91. Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press.
1984 Maya-Spanish Relations in Sixteenth Century Belize. Belcast Journal o f Belizean Affairs
1:1:28-40.
1986 The Southern Maya Lowlands during Colonial Times. In Ethnohistory, Ronald Spores,
ed. pp.71-86. Supplement to Vol. 4 of Handbook of M iddle American Indians. Series
edited by Victoria Reifler Bricker, Austin: University of Texas Press.
315
1989 M aya Resistance to Spanish Rule: Time and H istory on a Colonial Frontier. Albuquerque:
University of N ew Mexico Press.
Jones, Grant D., P. Rice, and D. Rice

1981 The Location of Tayasal: a Reconsideration in Light of Peten Maya Ethnohistory and
Archaeology. American A ntiquity 46:3:530-547.
Jones, Olive R.
1986 Cylindrical English W ine and Beer Bottles, 1735-1850. Studies in Archaeology,
Architcture and History, Ottawa: Environment Canada - Paries.
1993 Commercial Foods, 1740-1820. In Health, Sanitation, and Foodzvays in Historical

Archaeology, edited by Joan H. Geismar and Meta F. Janowitz, pp. 25-41. (Historical
A v r h t i o n J n m i 1 f7 t
Jones, Olive R., and E. Ann Smith

1985 Glass o f the British M ilitary, ca. 1755-1820. Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and
History. Hull, Quebec: Parks Canada.
Jones, O live R., and Catherine Sullivan

1985 The Parks Canada Glass Glossary. Studies in Archaeology, Architecture and History. Hull,
Quebec: Parks Canada.
Joseph, Gilbert M.
1977 The Logwood Trade and its Settlements. Belizean Studies 5(2):1-16,5(3):1-15.
1989 John Coxon and the Role of Buccaneering in the Settlement of the Yucatan Colonial
Frontier. Belizean Studies 17(3): 2- 21.
Killion, Thomas W., Jeremy A. Sabloff, Gair Tourtellot, and Nicholas P. Dunning
1989 Intensive Surface Collection of Residential Clusters at Terminal Classic Sayil, Yucatan,
Mexico. Journal o f Field Archaeology 16(3):273-294.
Kinloch, J. B.
1940 Mappiing Vegetational Types in British Honduras from Aerial Photographs.
Caribbean Forester 1&2-.1-4.
Knight, Russell W., editor

1976 A sh to n 's Memorial: A H istory of the Strange A dventures and Signal Deliverances o f Philip
A shton, Jr. o f Marblehead, by John Barnard. Reprint of 1725 edition. Salem, MA: Peabody
M useum of Salem.
Lange, Frederick W. and Jerome S. Handler

1985 The Ethnohistorical Approach to Slavery. In The Archaeology of Slavery and Plantation
Life, edited by Theresa A. Singleton, pp. 15-32. Orlando: Academic Press.
Lee, Raymond. L.
1951 American Cochineal in European Commerce 1526-1625. Journal o f M odern History
23: 3: 205-224.
316
Leslie, Vernon
1988 The Belize River Boat Traffic. Caribbean Quarterly 33:3&4:l-28.
Levi-Strauss, Claude
1969 The Raw and the Cooked. N ew York: Harper and Row.
Lewis, Dr.
1796 The Edinburgh N ew Dispensatory. Boston: Thomas & Andrews.
Lewis, Tire Reverend D. Gareth

1976 The H istory o f St. John's Cathedral, Belize. Belize City: Cubola Publications.
Lewis, Kenneth E.
1984 The American Frontier: A n .Archaeological Study o f Settlem ent Pattern and Process. New
York: Academic Press.
London M ercantile Price-Current.

1826 West India and Spanish Main Produce. Tuesday, May 9: 720:145. London: N.S. Price.
Lundell, C.L.
1942 The Vegetation and Natural Resources of British Honduras. Chronica Botanica
7:4:169-171.
M. W.
1732 The Mosqueto Indian and His Golden River [1699]. In Awnsham Churchill, A Collection
o f Voyages and Travels. London: Henry Lintot & John Osborne.
Marcus, Linda C.
1990 English Influence on Belize and the Peten Region of Northern Guatemala, 1630 to 1763.
Unpublished Phd dissertation, Southern Methodist University.
Marshall, Mac
1979 Conclusion. In Beliefs, Behaviors, and Alcoholic Beverages: A Cross-Cultural Survey, edited
by Mac Marshall, pp. 451-457. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Massachusetts Historical Society

1914-15 Commerce o f Rhode Island, 1726-1800. Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,
series 7:9-10. Boston: The Society.
McCashion, John H.
1979 A Preliminary Chronology and Discussion of Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century
Clay Tobacco Pipes from New York State Sites. In The Archaeology o f the Clay Tobacco
Pipe II, edited by Peter Davey. BAR Intl. series 60: 63-150.
McCulloch, J.R.
1840 A Dictionary, Practical, Theoretical, and Historical, o f Commerce and Commerical
Navigation. Philadelphia: Thomas Wardle.
Mell, C. D.
1917 True M ahogany. Bulletin no. 474. Washington, DC: U. S. Department of Agriculture.
317
Meyers, James Edwin

1974 Belize, i.e. British Honduras, in Anglo-Spanish Relations: The Independent
Englishmen of Central America, 1630-1834. M. A. thesis, University of Miami, Florida.
Michener, James A.
1989 Caribbean. New York: Fawcett Crest.
Millas, Jose Carlos

1968 Hurricanes o f the Caribbean and Adjacent Regions, 1492-1800. Miami: Academy of the
Arts and Sciences of the Americas.
Miller, George L.
1991 Thoughts Towards a Users’ Guide to Ceramic Assemblages, Part One. Council fo r
Northeast Historical .Archaeology Newsletter 18.
Miller, George L., and Silas D. Hurry

1983 Ceramic Supply in an Economically Isolated Frontier Community: Portage County of the
Ohio Western Reserve, 1800-1825. Historical Archaeology 17:2:80-92.
Millet Camara, Luis

1984 Logwood and Archaeology in Campeche. Journal of Anthropological Research 40(2.):324-
328.
Mitford, John, Esq. R.N.

1819 The Adventures o f Johnny Newcome in the Navy: A Poem in Four Cantos. London: Sherwood,
N eely, and Tones.
Mortimer, Thomas
1810 General Dictionary o f Commerce, Trade and Manufactures. London: Richard Phillips.
Naylor, Robert A.
1989 Penny A n te Imperialism. Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses.
Newton, Arthur Percivai

1966 The Colonizing Activities o f the English Puritans. Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press.
N oel Hume, Ivor

1967 Rhenish Gray Stonewares in Colonial America. The Magazine Antiques 92:3::349-353.
1977 Early English Delftware from London and Virginia. Williamsburg, VA: Colonial
Williamsburg Foundation.
1982 M a rtin 's Hundred. N ew York: Alfred A. Knopf.
1991 A Guide to Artifacts o f Colonial America. N ew York: Vintage Books.
Orser, Charles E., Jr.

1992 Beneath the Material Surface of Things: Commodities, Artifacts, and Slave Plantations.
In M eanings and Uses o f Material Culture, edited by Barbara J. Little and Paul A. Shackel,
pp. 95-104 [Historical Archaeology 26:3].
318
The Oxford English Dictionary

1989 Oxford: Clarendon Press, 20 volumes, second edition.
Palacio, Joseph O.
1976 Buttons and Bones at Benque. Belizean Studies 4:5:13-18.
Payson, Wiliam Farquhar

1926 In the Forest. In Mahogany Antique and Modern: A S tu d y of its H istory and Use in the
Decorative A rts, edited by William Farquhar Payson, pp. 3-14. N ew York:
E. P. Dutton & Co.
Pearson, Charles E., and Jamie Whelan

1989 The Invisible Community: Archaeology of Black Sawmill Workers in South Louisiana.
Paper presented at Digging the Afro-American Past: Archaeology and the Black
Experience conference, University of Mississippi, May 17-20.
Pendergast, David
1986 Under Spanish Rule: The Final Chapter in Lamanai's Maya History. Belcast Journal of
Belizean Affairs 3:l&2:l-7.
Pope, Kevin O., and Bruce H. Dahlin

1989 Ancient Maya Wetland Agriculture: N ew Insights from Ecological and Remote Sensing
Research. Journal o f Field Archaeology 16:87-106.
Pope, Peter
1989 Historical Archaeology and the Demand for Alcohol in 17th Century Newfoundland.
Acadiensis 19:1:72-90.
Postlethwayte, Malacy
1766 The Universal Dictionary o f Trade and Commerce. 2 volumes. London: H. Woodfall.
Praetzellis, Adrian, and Mary Praetzellis

1993 Life and Work at the Cole and Nelson Sawmill, Sierra County, California: Archaeological
Data Recovery for the Granite Chief Land Exchange. Anthropological Studies Center,
Sonoma State University. Submitted to the Tahoe National Forest.
Purchas, Samuel
1905-1907 [1625] H akluytus Postum us or Purchas His Pilgrims. 20 volumes. N ew York: MacMillan.
Raynal, L'Abbe Guillaume

1812 A Philosophical and Political H istory of the Settlements and Trade o f the Europeans., 6 volumes.
Glascow: D. McKenzie.
Rediker, Marcus
1987 Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: M erchant Seamen, Pirates, and the Anglo-
American World, 1700-1750. N ew York: Cambridge University Press.
Ritchie, Robert C.
1986 Pirates: M yth s and Realities. The James Ford Bell Lectures, no. 23. University of
Minnesota.
319
Robertson, William
1803 The H istory o f America. 3 volumes. London: A. Strahan, T. Cadell and W. Davies.
Rock, James
1980 What's Out There: Railroad Logging's Material Culture Remains. Paper presented at the
Society for California Archaeology meeting, Redding, California, April 4.
Salwen, Bert
1989 The Developm ent of Contact Period Archaeology in Southern N ew England and Long
Island: From 'Gee Whiz!' to 'So What?' Northeast Historical Archaeology 18:1-9.
Santlpy, Robert S,, C. Ponciano O rtiz, Phillip J. Arnold, Janet M. Kcrlcy,

Ronald R. Kneebone, and Michael P. Smyth
1985 Reportc Final del Campo, Proyecto Matacapan: Temporada 1983. Cuudernos del Miuseo ae
Universidad Veracruzana 4:3-98.
Schivelbusch, Wolfgang
1992 Tastes o f Paradise: A Social History o f Spices, Stim ulants, and Intoxicants. N ew York:
Pantheon Books.
Schrire, Carmel
1992 D igging Archives at Oudepost I, Cape, South Africa. In The A r t and M ystery o f Historical
Archaeology: Essays in Honor o f James Deetz, edited by Anne Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary
C. Beaudry, pp. 361-372. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press.
Shattuck, George Burbank

1905 The Bahama Islands. N ew York: Macmillan.
Siemans, Alfred H.
1977 Patterns Seen From the Air. In The Rio H ondo Project: An Investigation of the Maya of
Northern Belize, edited by Alfred H. Siemans. Journal o f Belizean Affairs 5:1-5.
Singleton, Theresa A., ed.

1985 The Archaeology o f Slavery and Plantation Life. Orlando: Academic Press.
Singleton, Theresa A.
1988 An Archaeological Framework for Slavery and Emancipation, 1740-1880. In The
Recovery o f Meaning: Historical Archaeology in the Eastern United States, edited by Mark P.
Leone and Parker B. Potter, Jr, pp. 345-370, Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution
Press.
1991 Editor's notes. African American Archaeology [Newsletter of the African American
Archaeology Network]. Edited by Theresa A. Singleton, 4:1-2.
Skinner, I. L., editor

1828 The American Journal o f Improvements hi the Useftd Arts. Washington: William Greer.
Skowronek, Russell K., and John W. Walker

1993 European Ceramics and the Elusive "Cittie of Raleigh." Historical Archaeology
2 7 : 1: 58-69.
320
Smith, Sheli O.
1990 Fair Wind, Fair Gender, Fair Due. In Underwater Archaeology Proceedings from the Society
fo r Historical Archaeology Conference, edited by Toni L. Carrell, pp. 38-40. Tucson: Society
for Historical Archaeology.
Smith, Rev. Thomas

1807 The Wonders o f Nature and A rt, vol. XII. Philadelphia: Birch and Small.
Sotheby’s, Inc.
1993 Japanese Works o f A rt, Paintings & Prints. London, 10 June.
Speer, Joseph Smith

1771 W est India Pilot. London: S. Hooper.
Standley, Paul C., and Samuel J. Record

1936 The Forests and Flora o f British Honduras. Botanical Series 350. Chicago: Field M useum of
Natural History.
Stedman, Captain J. G.
1796 Narrative o f a Five Years' Expedition, A gainst the Revolted Negroes o f Surinam , in Guiana.
2 volumes. London: J. Johnson.
Steffen, Jerome O.
1980 Comparative Frontiers: A Proposal fo r Studying the American West. Norman: University
of Oklahoma Press.
Stephens, John Lloyd

1969 Incidents o f Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan, 2 volum es. N ew York: Dover.
Stockham, Peter, editor

1976 Little Book o f Early American Crafts & Trades. Reprint of 1807 edition, published under the
title The Book o f Trades, or Library of the Useful Arts. N ew York: D over Publications.
Tnompson, J. Eric S.
1974 'Canals' of the Rio Candelaria Basin, Campeche, Mexico. In Mesoamerican
Archaeology: N ew Approaches, edited by Norman Hammond. Austin: University
of Texas Press.
1988 The Maya o f Belize: Historical Chapters Since Columbus. Benque Viejo del Carmen, Belize:
Cubola Productions.
Thornton, A. P.
1953 The English at Campeachy, 1670-82. The Jamaican Historical Review 11:3: 27-38.
Tod, Giles M. S.
1965 The Last Sail Down East. Barre, Mass: Barre Publishers.
Toothaker, Charles R.
1905 Commercial Raw Materials. Boston: Ginn & Co..
321
Traven, B.
1952 Rebellon o f the Hanged. New York: Hill & Wang.
Tuckey, James Hingston

1815 M aritim e Geography and Statistics, or a Description of the Ocean arid its Coasts,
M aritim e Commerce, Navigation, &c., &c., &c. 4 volumes. London: Black, Parry and Co.
Uring, Captain Nathaniel

1726 A History o f the Voyages and Travels o f Captain Nathaniel Uring. London: W. Wilkins.
Van Kirk, Sylvia

1980 M any Tender Ties: Women and Fur-Trade Society, 1670-1870. Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press.
Vithayasai, C., P. Cohen, and R. Aylesworth

1985 Age Estimation of Old English Wine Bottles. Appendix C in Olive R. Jones, Cylindrical
English W ine and Beer Bottles, 1735-1850. Studies in Archaeology, Architecture, and
History. Ottawa: Environment Canada - Parks.
Wafer, Lionel
1729 A N ew Voyage and Description of the Isthmus o f America. London: James and John
Knapton.
Walker, Iain
1977 Clay Tobacco Pipes with Particular Reference to the Bristol Industry. 4 volumes. Studies in
Archaeology, Architecture, and History. Ottawa: Parks Canada.
Walker, Iain, and Peter K. Wells

1979 Regional Varieties of Clay Tobacco Pipe Markings on Eastern England. In The
Archaeology o f the Clay Tobacco Pipe I. Edited by Peter Davey. BAR British series
63: 3-66.
Walton, Perry
1912 The Story o f Textiles. Boston: John. S. Lawrence.
Weibust, Knut
1969 Deep Sea Sailors: A Study in M aritime Ethnology. Stockholm: Kungl. Boktryckeriet P. A.
Norstedt & Soner.
Wilcoxen, Charlotte
1987 Dutch Trade and Ceramics in America in the Seventeenth Century. Albany: Albany
Institute of History and Art.
Wilson, Arthur. M.
1936 The Logwood Trade in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. In Essays in the History
of M odem Europe, edited by D.C. McKay, pp. 1-15. N ew York: Harper & Row.
Wilson, Rex L.
1981 Bottles on the Western Frontier. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
322
1981 Bottles on the Western Frontier. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
W oodville, William, M.D.

1790 Medical Botany. Ill volumes. London: William W oodville.
Wright, A.C.S.
1959 Land in British Honduras; Report o f the British Honduras Land Use Survey Team. London:
H.M. Stationary Office.
Yentsch, Anne E.
1980 Expressions of Cultural Diversity and Social Reality in Seventeenth Century N ew
England. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Brown University. Ann Arbor: University
Microfilms.
1988 Farming, Fishing, Whaling, Trading: Land and Sea as Resource on Eighteenth-Century
Cape Cod. In Documentary Archaeology in the N ew World, edited by Mary C. Beaudry,
pp. 138-160. N ew York: Cambridge University Press.
Manuscript sources
British Library (BL)
1790 George Dyer to "Your Lordship" Add. Mss 34903, Feb 12,1790.
Anon
[1723] "Voyage to Guinea, Antego, Bay of Campeachy, Cuba, Barbadoes, &c, 1714-
1723." Add. Ms. 39946; 63 pp.
Belize Archives (BA)

1944 Yorkshire Dyeware and Chemical Co. Ltd. to director, Imperial Institute;
D.I. 98/1944.
Colonial Office Records, Public Record Office, Kew, Richmond, Surrey, Great Britain (PRO)
1745 Inhabitants of the Bay of Honduras to Major Caulfield, June 8,1745. C 0 1 3 7 /48.
1785 Robert White to unknown; 26 November 1785. C 0123/3.
[1787] A Map of that part of Yucatan in the Bay of Honduras alloted to Great Britain for
the cutting of logwood. As specified by the sixth article of the Peace of 1783.
A lso the new extended limits. CO700 BH no. 11.
1787 A Map of the extended limits granted to the English in the Bay of Honduras.
CO700 BH no. 13.
1787 A Map of that part of Yucatan in the Bay of Honduras allotted to Great Britain
for the cutting of Logwood, by David Lamb. CO700 BH no. 14,1787.
1787 Map of the Country between the River Honda and the River Sheboon, by
Colonel Lawrie. CO700 BH no. 15,1787.
1787 Despard to Lord Sydney, March 4,1787. CO 123/6.
323
1790 Present State of the British Settlers in Honduras. C 0123/9:248.
1790 List of the Inhabitants of Honduras with their Families, 1790. C0123/9:256-262.
1790 An account of the Imports and Exports of the Bay of Honduras from 1st October
1787 to 1st October 1788 and from 1st October 1788 to do. 1789. 0 0 1 2 3 /9 .
1790 Journal of my Visitation of part of the District granted by his Catholic Majesty
for the occupation of British Settlers, by Thomas Graham, September 20,1790.
C 0123/9.
Personal Communications
Norman Hammond, Professor of Archaeology, Boston University, Boston, Mass.
Willliam R. Sargent, Curator of Asian Export Art, Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, Mass.
Daniel R. Finamore
Curriculum Vitae
Work Address Home Address

Peabody Essex Museum 2 Ware Street, Apt. 306
East India Square Cambridge, MA 02138
Salem, MA 01970 (508) 745-1876
FAX (508) 744-6776
Date o f Birth: August 21,1961
Historical archaeology
Archaeology of maritime communities
Maritime history and art
Education: Ph.D. Archaeology, Boston University, 1994

M.A. Archaeology, Boston University, 1987
A.B. Anthropology, Vassar College, 1983
Present Positions:
Russell W. Knight Curator of Maritime Arts and History. Peabody Essex M useum
(since Nov. 1993; Acting Curator from April 1992; Associate Curator from
Jan. 1990; Assistant Curator from Dec. 1988)
Arts Editor: The Am erican N eptune (Quarterly Journal of Maritime History and Arts)
Grants and Awards:

1990 National Science Foundation Dissertation Improvement Grant, Division of Social
and Behavioral Sciences, Anthropology; e n title d W o o d cu ttin g and Slavery on the
1 8 th -C e n tu ry Belizean Frontier.
1989 Alice M. Brennan Humanities Scholarship, The Humanities Foundation
1988 Grant-in-Aid of Research, Sigma Xi, The Scientific Research Society
1988 A lum ni Fellowship, Boston University Graduate School
1986 Graduate Scholarship, Department of Archaeology, Boston University
1984 Graduate Assistantship, Department of Archaeology, Boston University
1983 Graduate Assistantship, Department of Archaeology, Boston University
Lectures, Talks, and Papers Presented

1994 Discussant for session "Examining Entrepots: The Historical Archaeology of Atlantic
Commecial Centers." Society for Historical Archaeology Annual Meeting,
Vancouver, B.C. (invited).
1993 "The Craft of Shipbuilding: The N ew England Tradition." Guest lecturer, Salem
State College Summer Institute of Local History.
1993 Talks before the Harvard Club of Boston, Boston Preservation Alliance, and area
Rotary Clubs, on exhibit "The Great A ge of Sail: Treasures from the National
Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England."
325
1992 "Columbus and the Islamic Tradition." Session chair for the 14th annual N ew
England M edievalists Association, Salem, MA.
1992 "English Mariners and African Slaves: Frontier Settlement in the Bay of Honduras."
Society for Historical Archaeology Annual Meeting, Kingston, Jamaica.
1992 "The Mahogany Trade of 18th-Century Belize." Essex County Ornithological Club.
1991 Panel discussant on museum exhibit development and design, Council of American
Maritime Museums Annual Meeting, Solomans MD.
1991 "Woodcutting and Slavery on the 18th-Century Belizean Frontier." Society for
Historical Archaeology Annual Meeting, Richmond VA.
1989 "Documentary Evidence of Frontier Settlement and Social Change in an Eighteenth

Century Caribbean Community." Thirteenth International Conference for Caribbean
Archaeology, W illem stad, Curasao. Published in Proceedings of the Thirteenth
International Congress For Caribbean Archaeology, edited by E.N. Ayubi and J.B.
H aviser, pp. 415-428. Willemstad: Reports of the Archaeological-Anthropological
Institute of the Netherlands Antilles, no. 9, 1991.
Publications
1991 Maritime Normandy. Historical introduction in, Boudin: Impressionist M arine
P aintings, by Peter Sutton, pp. 11-13. Salem: Peabody Museum.
1990 Maritime Art is Drawn from the Sea. Peabody Museum of Salem Antiques Show
Catalog. Reprinted in The American N eptune 51:1 (1991).
1988 Archaeology at H istoric Travellers' Rest: A Prelim inary Report o f Investigations

and Findings, (Nicole Rousmaniere co-author), Reports of the Lower Mississippi
Survey, Peabody M useum, Harvard University.
1988 Archaeological Investigations at the Franklin Delano Roosevelt H istoric Site in

H yde Park, N ew York, Part II: Results of Testing and Recommendations, Office of
Public Archaeology Report of Investigations, Boston University.
1988 In ten sive Archaeological Survey o f the Proposed C ross-C ountry Sewerage Facilities
in Holbrook, M assachusetts. Office of Public Archaeology Report of Investigations
No. 54, Boston University.
1986 Early Evidence o f M aya H ieroglyphic W riting From Kichpanha, Belize. (Eric
Gibson and Leslie Shaw, co-authors). Working Papers in Archaeology no. 2, Center
for Archaeological Research. San Antonio: The University of Texas.
Regular new s column of maritime history/archaeology subjects in The American Neptune.
Num erous short collections-related articles in Peabody Essex Museum newsletter.
326
M useum Exhibits Curated:

1994 "Salty Dogs: High Seas Humor Then and Now"
1993 "Coming to Light: The Luminist Marine Paintings of George Curtis."
1993 "The Great Age of Sail: Treasures fron the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich,
England"
1992 "Pacific Voyages of Exploration: Prints from the Age of Enlightenment and Discovery"
1991 "Sailing for Pleasure: The History of N ew England Yachting"
1990 "Drawn From the Sea" (maritime art from the permanent collection)
1989 "Steamship Travel"
Other A ctivities:
Author of audio guide text for exhibit "The Great Age of Sail: Treasures from the National
Maritime Museum, Greenwich, England," narrated by Walter Cronkite.
Three television appearances, 3 radio appearances, and 17 newspaper interviews for exhibit
"The Great Age of Sail."
Council of American Maritime Museums Archaeology Committee.
Advisory Committee, Spring Point Maritime Museum, South Portland, ME.
Consultant to Issembert Productions, Inc., for Salem National Historic Site film "To the
Farthest Port of the Rich East."
Consultant to Northern Light Productions, for Essex County Regional Visitor Center film "The
Spirit of Essex," (working title).
M onitor/A dvisor to State Attorney General's Office of Consumer Affairs
Periodic manuscript reviews for editor of The Am erican N eptune and The Am erican Quarterly.
Teaching Experience:
1989-91 Resident Tutor; Leverett House, Harvard University
1987-88 Teaching Fellow for course "Sciences in Archaeology," Department of

Archaeology, Boston University
1986 Co-Leader for course "Maya Archaeology," School for Field Studies,
(June-July) Cambridge, MA
1985-86 Teaching Fellow for courses "Sciences in Archaeology" and "Archaeological

Materials Analysis and Preservation"
1985 Faculty Intern for course "Maya Paleoecology," School for Field Studies,
(June-July) Cambridge, MA
1984-85 Teaching Assistant for courses "Sciences in Archaeology" and

"Archaeological Materials Analysis and Preservation"
Archaeological Research Experience:
1990 -1994 Director, Belize Historical Archaeological Survey, Belize, C. A. Field
seasons during March-May 1990, June-August 1992.
1988 (June-July) Co-Field Director; Historic Travellers' Rest Archaeological Project,

Nashville, TN. Peabody M useum, Harvard University. Professor
Stephen W illiams, Principal Investigator
1987 (July) Project Archaeologist; Town of Holbrook Phase I Sewer Extention

Survey, Office of Public Archaeology (O.P.A.), Professor Ricardo J. Elia,
Principal Investigator
(March) Project Archaeologist; Franklin Delano Roosevelt National

c : i . ~ n - - i . n t \ / s -\ n a
ix i S lvjixc .tiyu.c i c t u in i , \_/«i ./-v.
1986 (Dec.) Assistant Archaeologist; Uxbridge-Mendon Archaeological Survey,

Uxbridge and Mendon MA, O.P.A.
(Oct.-Dec.) Assistant Archaeologist; Lynn W oods Archaeological Survey, Lynn,

MA, O.P.A.
(Sept.) Crew Chief; Boott Mills Boarding H ouse Excavations, Lowell National
Historical Park, Lowell, MA, National Parks Service, Professor Mary
Beaudry, Principal Investigator
(Aug.) Assistant Archaeologist; Tenneco Gas Pipeline Archaeological Survey,

O.P.A.
(July) Assistant Archaeologist; Sabbatia Lake Survey,O.P.A.
1986 (June-July) Field Supervisor; Kichpanha Archaeological Project, Belize, Central

America, Dr. Eric Gibson and Leslie Shaw, Directors
(Feb.-May) Excavation Supervisor; Todson Rockshelter, Las Cruces, NM ,

Andover Foundation for Archaeological Research,
Dr. Richard S. M acNeish, Director
1985 (June-July) Field Supervisor; Kichpanha Archaeological Project, Belize, Central

America, Eric Gibson and Leslie Shaw, Directors
Faunal Analyst; Hooper-Lee-Nichols Historic H ouse, Cambridge, MA

Center for Archaeological Studies, Boston University,
Professor Mary Beaudry, Director
(May) Excavator, Photographer; Poor Farm Cemetary, Uxbridge, MA, O.P.A.
(April) Field Assistant; Jason Russell House, Arlington, MA, Center for
Archaeological Studies, Professor Mary Beaudry, Director
328
1984 (July-Sept.) Excavator, Laboratory Analyst; Caideirao Cave, Tomar, Portugal,

National Museum of Anthropology, Lisbon, Joao Zilhao, Director
(May-June) Excavator, Photographer; Fort G riswold State Park, Groton CT, O.P.A.
1983/1984 Excavator; Dutch East India Company Warehouse, Broad Street, N ew

(Dec.-Jan.) York City, Greenhouse Consultants Inc., Dr. Joel Grossman, Director
1983 (Aug.) Excavator; Mohegan Lake Archaeological Survey, NY, Dumont

Archaeological Surveys Inc., Lewis Dumont, Principal Investigator
1982
- flnn- p-A mO O'
\j — Excavator (field school); M chonk Rockshcltcr, NY, SUNY N ew Paltz
Summer Field School, Dr. Leonard Eisenberg, Director

Sailors and Slaves On The Wood

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Sailors and Slaves On The Wood

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

in f o r m a t io n t o Us e r s

The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the

Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by

Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced

University Microfilms International

Sailors and slaves on the w ood-cutting frontier: Archaeology of

Finamore, Daniel R., Ph.D.

Copyright ©1994 by Finamore, Daniel R. All rights reserved.

SAILORS AND SLAVES ON THE WOOD-CUTTING FRONTIER:

ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE BRITISH BAY SETTLEMENT. BELIZE

A.B., Vassar College, 1983

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

K'axob Archaeological Project, who provided logistical support during both

Peabody Essex Museum, who contributed their photographic talents. I

particularly wish to thank Professors Patricia A. McAnany and M ary C. Beaudry,

Early stages of this research were supported by an Alice M. Brennan

Hum anities Fellowship, a Boston University Alumni Fellowship, and a Grant-in-

opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this

National Science Foundation.

ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE BRITISH BAY SETTLEMENT, BELIZE

Boston University Graduate School, 1994

Major Professor: Patricia A. McAnany, Assistant Professor of Archaeology

Bay Settlement (Belize), a period characterized by large-scale transformation

from an egalitarian maritime society to a mainstream British colonial society.

seeking alternatives to their arduous occupations began settling in Spanish

that had evolved among shipboard communities of Atlantic working-class

mariners in response to their dangerous work environment, low status in a

hierarchical economic structure, and social isolation from mainstream European

culture. By the late eighteenth century, a socially stratified settlement utilizing a

occupied by socially marginalized and economically disenfranchised

divergent social and economic systems.

A program of documentary research and archaeological survey

array of wood-cutter camps of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

Seventeen historical-period sites were located and investigated through surface

collection in the New River valley, many of which related to slave-based

m ahogany extraction. Excavations were undertaken at two Belize River valley

locales: the barcadares was an early eighteenth-century community of independent

logwood-cutting mariners, and is the earliest identified British settlement in

Belize; Convention Town w as a community of slave-owning wood cutters w ho

evacuated the Mosquito Shore in 1787. Documentary analysis of maps, censuses,

and accounts of travel is integrated with archaeological analysis of material

culture from the wood-cutting camps in order to investigate, compare, and

provide contextually-based explanations for the geographical patterning and

CHAPTER ONE: Introduction 1

CHAPTER TWO: Settlement and Timber Extraction

CHAPTER THREE: Conceptualizing the Dynamics of Timber

CHAPTER FOUR: Archaeology of the British Bay Settlement . . . . 108

CHAPTER FIVE: Material Culture of the Logwood

CHAPTER SIX: Discussion and Conclusions . . . . 226

APPENDIX ONE: New River Artifact Catalog . . . . 241

APPENDIX TWO: The Barcadares Artifact Catalog . . . . 268

APPENDIX THREE: Convention Town Artifact Catalog . . . . 279

REFERENCES CITED . . . . 306

AUTHOR'S CURRICULUM VITAE . . . . 324

TABLE 2: New River Sites Data 133

TABLE 3: Identifiable Vessel Types from the Barcadares ................171

TABLE 4: Ware Types from the Barcadares 171

TABLE 5: Identifiable Vessel Types from New River Camps ................175

TABLE 6: Ware Types from New River Camps 176

TABLE 7: Identifiable Vessel Types from Convention Town ................181

TABLE 8: Ware Types from Convention Town 182

TABLE 9: Pipe Fragments 204