Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The aim of this book is to provide readers with the tools to understand the
historical evolution of terrorism and counterterrorism over the past 150
years.
To appreciate the contemporary challenges posed by terrorism, it is
necessary to look at its evolution, at the different phases it has gone
through and the transformations it has experienced. The same applies to
the solutions that states have come up with to combat terrorism: the nature
of terrorism changes but still it is possible to learn from past experiences,
even though they are not directly applicable to the present.
This book provides a fresh look at the history of terrorism by providing
an in-depth analysis of several important terrorist crises and the reactions
to them in the West and beyond. The general framework is laid out in four
parts: terrorism prior to the Cold War, the Western experience with terror-
ism, non-Western experiences with terrorism and contemporary terrorism
and anti-terrorism. The issues covered offer a broad range of historical and
current themes, many of which have been neglected in existing scholar-
ship; it also features a chapter on the waves phenomenon of terrorism
against its international background.
This book will be of much interest to students of terrorism studies, polit-
ical violence, international history, security studies and international
relations.
Edited by
Jussi M. Hanhimäki and
Bernhard Blumenau
First published 2013
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Typeset in Baskerville
by FiSH Books Ltd, Enfield
Contents
Contributors ix
Preface xii
Introduction 1
PART I
Terrorism prior to the Cold War 15
1 The first global wave of terrorism and international
counter-terrorism, 1905–1914 16
RICHARD BACH JENSEN
PART II
Western experiences with terrorism 65
4 The United Nations and West Germany’s efforts against
international terrorism in the 1970s 66
BERNHARD BLUMENAU
7 Quid pro quo: state sponsorship of terrorism in the Cold War 115
THOMAS RIEGLER
PART III
Non-Western experiences with terrorism 149
9 Bengal terrorism and the ambiguity of the Bengali Muslims 150
RASHED UZ ZAMAN
PART IV
Contemporary terrorism and anti-terrorism 229
PART V
Concluding essay 281
Index 311
Contributors
Policy (2004); The United Nations: A Very Short Introduction (2008); and
Transatlantic Relations Since 1945: An Introduction (2012).
Tobias Hof, PhD, is a Research Fellow at the Institut für Zeitgeschichte
(IfZ) in Munich and an assistant lecturer at the Ludwig-Maximilians
Universität in Munich. He is currently a scholar of the Gerda Henkel
Foundation and is working on a biography on Galeazzo Ciano. He just
published a book on Staat und Terrorismus in Italien 1969–1982 (2011).
Richard Bach Jensen is a professor of history at the Louisiana Scholars’
College at Northwestern State University. His forthcoming book The
Battle against Anarchist Terrorism: An International History, 1878–1934 will
be published by Cambridge University press.
Sean N. Kalic, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department of Military
History at the US Army’s Command and General Staff College in Fort
Leavenworth, Kansas. He is a Cold War scholar, who has written on
terrorism, military thought, and US space policy.
Markus Lammert, MA, is a PhD candidate (Paris/Munich) and a Research
Fellow at the Institut für Zeitgeschichte (IfZ) in Munich. He studied
history, politics, and French literature at Freie Universität Berlin,
Université de Provence, Universität Leipzig, and Sciences Po Paris. He
worked as an assistant in the French Parliament and as a curator at
Schlesisches Museum Görlitz.
Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou is a Visiting Professor at the
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies and Head
of the Programme on the Middle East and North Africa at the Geneva
Centre for Security Policy. Previously, he was the Associate Director of
the Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research at Harvard
University.
Nathaniel K. Powell is a PhD candidate at the Graduate Institute of
International and Development Studies in Geneva. He is also a Research
Associate at the Pierre du Bois Foundation. Currently, he is completing
his PhD on French diplomacy and security policy in Central Africa
during the 1970s.
David C. Rapoport is Professor Emeritus in Political Science at UCLA and
the founding Editor of Terrorism and Political Violence, and the founder of
‘The Study of Religion’, UCLA. He taught the first American terrorism
course in 1970. Rapoport has published 65 academic articles and seven
books including Assassination and Terrorism (1971), Morality of Terrorism
(1989), Inside Terrorist Organizations (2001), The Democratic Experience and
Political Violence (2001), Terrorism: Critical Concepts in Political Science
(2006), and the forthcoming book The Four Waves of Modern Terror. A
festschrift in his honour has recently been edited by Jean E. Rosenfeld:
Terrorism Identity and Legitimacy (2011).
Contributors xi
Rather, they intended to demonstrate that the twenty-first century did not
invent the phenomenon of terrorism but certainly renewed it, with new
challenges, actors, battlefields, and methods.
The international conference where most of the chapters of this volume
were originally presented brought together many brilliant scholars from all
over the world, both well-known historians and young and promising
researchers. Their gathering on the theme of terrorism at the Graduate
Institute of International and Development Studies confirms the strength-
ening of Geneva as a hub for expertise on security and foreign policy issues.
The Conference dinner took place at the Hôtel Beau-Rivage on the shores
of Lake Geneva. This location has particular historical relevance as the
Empress Elisabeth of Austria was assassinated in 1898 by the Italian anar-
chist Luigi Lucheni a few metres in front of the hotel. She had been staying
incognito at the Hôtel Beau-Rivage. Today, one can still visit her former
apartment.
I would like to express my deep gratitude to Professor Jussi M.
Hanhimäki and Bernhard Blumenau; they have brilliantly designed,
planned, organized, and animated the conference and edited this book.
I am grateful for this second volume resulting from the association
between Routledge and the Foundation and for the partnership between
the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies and the
Pierre du Bois Foundation for Current History and hope that it will be
followed by many more publications in the future.
Irina du Bois
President of the Pierre du Bois Foundation for Current History
Introduction
Jussi M. Hanhimäki and Bernhard Blumenau
‘Two hours that shook the world’, was how the late Fred Halliday summed
up the meaning of the 11 September 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks on New
York and Washington.1 In many ways, he was entirely correct. The collapse
of the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York after two
hijacked commercial airplanes had hit them on that Tuesday morning –
with another plane striking into the Pentagon and one crashing in rural
Pennsylvania after the passengers tried to gain back control – prompted a
sustained global response that, in the years that followed, transformed
international relations. No stone was to be left unturned in rooting out
those responsible for these acts, the American president, George W. Bush,
declared on 20 September 2001. The United States (US) was going to
‘direct every resource at our command, every means of diplomacy, every
tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial
influence, and every necessary weapon of war, to the disruption and to the
defeat of the global terror network’. With these unyielding words, Bush
declared what would be dubbed the ‘Global War on Terror’. It was to be ‘a
lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen’. The Global War on
Terror was to be a total war, a conflict in which every nation would need to
choose whether ‘you are with us or with the terrorists’.2 There were to be
no shades of grey.
Little over a decade later, the war that Bush had declared looks
immensely more complicated than the black-and-white rhetoric had
suggested in 2001. The terrorist network that had organized the 9/11
attacks – al Qaeda – has lost most of its masterminds, including its founder,
Osama Bin Laden, who was killed by American troops on 1 May 2011. But
al Qaeda still exists and its ‘affiliates’ have proliferated; terrorist attacks take
place, regularly, in many parts of the world. Many countries that initially
signalled their sympathy and support for the Bush administration in the
wake of 9/11 became gradually more critical about the way in which the
Global War on Terror was waged. Indeed, by 2003 many Europeans seemed
to be implying that US policies, like the terrorist networks, presented a seri-
ous threat to international security. Or worse, certain American policies –
such as the invasion and occupation of Iraq – seemed to increase, rather
2 Jussi M. Hanhimäki and Bernhard Blumenau
than extinguish, the appeal of the causes for which such transnational
networks as al Qaeda claimed they were fighting. The selective use of
torture to gain information from suspected terrorists and the denial of
legal rights to others further inflamed public opinion about a war that,
unlike what Bush had implied, had no clear end.
The problems with declaring and fighting a war on terrorism were mani-
fold. For one, combating an ‘ism’ is by nature far more complicated than
confronting a physical entity (such as a country). For another, this was a
particular kind of ‘ism’: terrorism was not an ideology but rather a method
of using violence to advance political goals. Or to put it differently: terror-
ists were united only by their use of indiscriminate violence to promote
certain political goals. Although al Qaeda was the most talked about
transnational terrorist organization of the early twenty-first century, it had
no monopoly or copyright on ‘terrorism’. These – and many other – prob-
lems of definition, strategy, and goals have been discussed vehemently since
September 2001. They are likely to be debated for some time to come.
Yet much of the discussion regarding terrorism and counter-terrorism
during the early twenty-first century has proceeded from the presumption,
explicit or implicit, that something unique in human history had occurred
in those two hours on the morning of 11 September 2001. Was this truly
the case? This is the basic question at the heart of this book. The answer
that emerges from a study of the international history of terrorism is, by
and large, negative.
Terrorism has existed in different forms for far longer than the grand
declarations of the early twenty-first century would lead one to believe. In
the first century AD, the Zealots in Judea, modern day Israel, targeted the
Roman occupiers as well as their Jewish collaborators. In the thirteenth
century, the Assassins, a Shia Islam group based in Northern Iran,
employed killers who, in the manner of twenty-first century suicide
bombers, would target an enemy even at the price of their own lives. The
term ‘terrorism’ itself was finally coined during the French Revolution and
the so-called Reign of Terror in 1793–94. Given that the term referred to a
purge of the (presumed) internal enemies of the revolutionary govern-
ment, another complicated question is raised related to the modern
definition of terrorism: sometimes acts of terror are sanctioned by the
nation state either within or outside its borders. It has touched, at one time
or another, almost every nation on earth. In the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries, for example, the Russian Czar Alexander II in 1881,
French President Marie-Francois Sadi Carnot in 1894 and American
President William McKinley in 1901 were assassinated as part of a global
wave of anarchist attacks.
If the anarchists were generally content with targeting high-profile indi-
viduals (including the empress and crown prince of Austria in 1898 and
1914, respectively), the century that preceded ours saw the gradual
Introduction 3
Many other scholars have given similarly lengthy definitions. Yet, for the
purposes of this book, it may suffice to note that in most of the various
formulations a few things stand out: a) the use or threat of violence; b) the
victims of terrorist acts are often chosen at random to cause an impact; c)
the intention to create psychological effects beyond the immediate targets;
and d) a political change (normally by groups that lack influence or
power) is expected to follow the act. Even such a list is hardly satisfactory,
open to (mis)interpretation and lacking in specificity. But it surely applies
to the cases of terrorism from the late nineteenth to the early twenty-first
century that are studied in this book.
Introduction 5
But there will always be debates about the motivations behind such acts.
This, in turn, assures that there will certainly be disagreements about the
proper set of responses to terrorist acts. Anyone who has followed the ups
and downs of the Global War on Terror in the first decade of the twenty-
first century would find it hard to disagree with this.
The history of terrorism is indeed filled with normative challenges and
contextual complications. The tricky distinction between freedom fighters
and terrorists, for example, is hardly new. The Zealots of Judea and the
Patriots of the American Revolution were not regarded kindly by the Roman
or British imperial authorities. In retrospect, they are heralded as heroes.
Similar examples abound all over the world. An illustrative case is that of a
young Finnish anarchist named Eugene Schauman, who assassinated the
Russian Governor General Nikolai Bobrikov in Helsinki in 1904 and then
proceeded to kill himself. The Russian government, which ruled over
Finland at the time, had a clear view: Schauman was an anarchist, a criminal
who had escaped his due only by shooting himself in the chest. Many Finns
saw it differently. After Finland gained its independence in 1917, Schauman
quickly claimed his place in the pantheon of Finland’s national heroes,
becoming a secular martyr of sorts. Today, a memorial plaque commemo-
rates the event, adorned with the Latin words ‘Se Pro Patria Dedit’ (given
himself for his country). The assassin became a symbol of Finland’s eventu-
ally successful struggle for independence – that is, until the early twenty-first
century when the question of the centenary of the assassination arrived.
The Finnish Prime Minister at the time, Matti Vanhanen, bluntly
announced that Schauman’s deed had been ‘purely an act of political
terrorism, and altogether deplorable’. But the plaque remains in place.8
It should be clear by this point that the purpose of this book is not to come
up with a ‘one-size-fits-all’ definition of terrorism or make moral judg-
ments. Rather, it is to emphasize two aspects about the phenomenon. First,
terrorism has, over time, taken many shapes and forms, been used for
many different causes, been driven by religious fanatics and atheist ideo-
logues alike. Depending on the period in question, ‘terrorism’ has been
used by governments to justify policies of repression and aggression – as
well as what can be viewed as perfectly legitimate steps taken to ensure the
safety of the masses from acts of violence. Second, terrorism, like so many
other terms, has specific resonance and meaning depending on the time
and place. It follows that only by looking at the evolution of terrorism, the
different phases it has gone through and the transformations in its causes
and consequences can we fully begin to appreciate the challenges that
terrorism presents to our contemporary world.
As the book will show, the nature of terrorism has changed over time.
The full complexity of the phenomenon can, however, only be fully under-
stood by exploring not only different time periods but also several
geographical areas, for the historical experience with terrorism, in Europe
Introduction 7
alone, has been quite varied. In the early decades of the twentieth century
anarchist violence touched some countries – such as Spain, Russia, and
Italy – quite frequently but was notably absent in others. In the early 1970s,
Italy and West Germany were hard hit by terrorism while the situation was
remarkably different in France. Only in the 1980s did France experience
similar problems. The same holds true when assessing the characteristics of
the terrorist threat. Using the examples of France and West Germany in the
1970s again highlights an important lesson: domestic terrorism committed
by German terrorist groups was a major feature of the early 1970s; at the
same time, France was preoccupied with terrorist acts committed against its
civilian citizens in other parts of the world, such as Africa.9
To help readers to better appreciate the historical evolution of and
notably different experiences with terrorism, the essays selected for this
book thus cover a wide spectrum of case studies across time and space. The
chronological span extends from the last quarter of the nineteenth century
to the present. In addition to Europe, the regional areas examined include
the Indian subcontinent, the US, sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.
Moreover, the book will delve into the role of international organizations
in various efforts to combat terrorism and assess a number of other perti-
nent questions, such as human rights, the right to self-determination and
state terrorism.
These are all issues with much contemporary and historical interest that
have already been treated by scholars in some detail. Indeed, while most
works on terrorism – whether general overviews or more specific analyses
of some aspect thereof – look at the phenomenon through a contemporary
lens, the history of terrorism is a growing, but somewhat underdeveloped,
subfield of international history. Among the notable overviews are books
by: Gérard Chaliand and Arnaud Blin, Michael Burleigh and Randall Law,
Walter Laqueur, James and Brenda Lutz, Bruce Hoffman, Albert Parry, Ben
Saul, and Paul Wilkinson.10 This present book complements the aforemen-
tioned studies by looking both at Western and non-Western experiences
over a time span of roughly 150 years. There are also many articles and
books that deal with terrorism in a more limited, national or temporal,
context. For these and other useful sources for understanding the histori-
cal evolution of terrorism, readers are advised to consult the individual
chapters that form the content of the present volume.
An International History of Terrorism is divided into four major parts that illus-
trate the evolution of terrorism and counter-terrorism from the late
nineteenth century to the present.
The first part consists of three essays on different aspects of terrorism in
the pre-Cold War era. In Chapter 1, Richard Jensen discusses the first
global wave of terrorism and counter-terrorism in the decade preceding
the outbreak of the First World War. Equated by contemporaries with anar-
chism (albeit sometimes falsely), at an international level this phenomenon
8 Jussi M. Hanhimäki and Bernhard Blumenau
originated mainly from Russia and Spain and led to a massive wave of ‘assas-
sinationism’ that affected five continents. Jensen further evaluates the
limited success in the efforts to combat – at both the national and interna-
tional level – this anarchist and nihilist violence before the outbreak of the
Great War. Indeed, as Charles Townshend points out in Chapter 2, the first
attempt to establish an international convention against terrorism was
made at Geneva in 1937. Like subsequent efforts, however, this convention
failed to establish a useful definition of terrorism. As Townshend illustrates,
one of the main reasons for this failure was the unexpected resistance of
Great Britain. Although widely seen as a supporter of international action
through the League of Nations, the British feared that the convention
would be used to suppress legitimate protest in illiberal states (such as the
Soviet Union and Nazi Germany). Indeed, the Brits, perhaps surprisingly,
given the country’s twenty-first century approach to counter-terrorism,
argued that, in some states, necessary political reforms could be advanced
via violent means. To complete Part I, Florian Grafl provides a case study of
anarchism in turn-of-the-century Barcelona, Spain, which was struck by a
series of anarchist bomb attacks. The authorities reacted by prompting a
long-term campaign of anti-anarchist violence that effectively legitimized
local paramilitary groups and, ultimately, spiralled out of control, culmi-
nating in the so-called era of pistolerismo (1917–23). Not for the last time,
counter-terrorism produced unintended violent consequences.
Part II of the book explores different aspects of the ‘Western’ experience
with and responses to terrorism in the Cold War era. Bernhard Blumenau
focuses on West Germany’s efforts to foster international cooperation
against terrorism at the UN in the 1970s, a decade that saw the prolifera-
tion of terrorist acts – assassinations, hijackings, bombings – directed at the
citizens of the Federal Republic. As Blumenau illustrates, the energetic
West German campaign to prompt an international consensus on anti-
terrorist measures, while successful on occasion, ran into serious obstacles
at the UN in large part due to questions about the legitimate use of force
by national liberation movements (an interesting parallel to the 1930s and
the discussions at the League of Nations explored in Townshend’s chap-
ter). Markus Lammert, in Chapter 5, explores the French response to leftist
political violence and its effects on French society in the years after 1968.
Lammert pays particular attention to the student riots of May 1968 that, he
argues, shaped French perceptions of threats to public order. Ultimately,
however, France witnessed a broad demand for liberalization and a new
emphasis on civil rights in the public sphere. Meanwhile in Italy, as Tobias
Hof illustrates in Chapter 6, the anti-terrorism strategies of the 1970s were
inspired by a flexible double strategy. On the one hand, the government,
particularly after the kidnapping and killing of former Prime Minister Aldo
Moro in 1978, introduced repressive legislation. On the other hand, Italian
authorities were willing to give reduced sentences to captured terrorists in
exchange for cooperation.
Introduction 9
Notes
1 F. Halliday, Two Hours That Shook the World. September 11, 2001: Causes and
Consequences, London: Saqi Books, 2001. Halliday borrowed his formulation
from the American journalist John Reed’s Ten Days That Shook the World, New
York: Boni and Liveright, 1919, a first-hand account of the Russian Revolution.
2 G.W. Bush, ‘Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the United
States Response to the Terrorist Attacks of September 11’, 20 September 2001.
Available online: www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=64731&st=
&st1=#ixzz1vPRLneeZ (accessed 19 May 2012).
3 For a discussion of the problem of defining ‘terrorism’ see, for instance, A.P.
Schmid, ‘The Definition of Terrorism’, Alex P. Schmid (ed.) The Routledge
Handbook of Terrorism Research, London/New York: Routledge, 2011.
4 W. Laqueur, The New Terrorism: Fanaticism and the Arms of Mass Destruction, New
York: Oxford University Press, 1999, p. 6.
5 B. Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, New York: Columbia University Press, 2006, p. 40.
6 Ibid., pp.40–1.
7 On the League of Nations and terrorism see B. Saul, ‘The Legal Response of
the League of Nations to Terrorism’, Journal of International Criminal Justice,
2006, vol. 4, 78–102. See also C. Townshend, ‘‘Methods which all civilized opinion
must condemn’: The League of Nations and International Action against Terrorism’,
Chapter 2 in this volume.
8 Aittokoski, H. ‘Finland shaken 100 years ago by murder of Governor-General
Bobrikov’, Helsingin Sanomat International Edition, 15 June 2004. Available
online: www.hs.fi/english/article/1076153076611 (accessed 20 May 2012).
Linguistically talented readers interested in this case may consult S.
Zetterberg, Viisi laukausta senaatissa. Eugen Schaumanin elämä ja teko, Helsinki:
Otava, 1986.
Introduction 13