Misunderstood in The Experience of Orthodox Sikhs in Vancouver

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MISUNDERSTOOD IN THE DIASPORA: THE EXPERIENCE OF ORTHODOX

SIKHS IN VANCOUVER
Kamala Elizabeth Nayar a
a
Department of Asian Studies, Kwantlen University College, Surrey, British Columbia, Canada
Online Publication Date: 01 June 2008
To cite this Article Nayar, Kamala Elizabeth(2008)'MISUNDERSTOOD IN THE DIASPORA: THE EXPERIENCE OF ORTHODOX
SIKHS IN VANCOUVER',Sikh Formations,4:1,17 — 32
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Sikh Formations, Vol. 4, No. 1, June 2008, pp. 17– 32
Kamala Elizabeth Nayar
MISUNDERSTOOD IN THE DIASPORA:

THE EXPERIENCE OF ORTHODOX
SIKHS IN VANCOUVER
This article is an extension of the author’s post-doctoral research on the Vancouver Sikh
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diaspora. The article delineates the development and usage of the term ‘fundamentalism’
in the Sikh tradition and the Sikh diaspora, with specific focus on the Vancouver Sikh
community. Drawing upon the experiences of five orthodox Sikhs, the article sheds
light on how the usage of the term in Vancouver has adversely affected Sikhs and has
created a distorted view of Sikh orthodoxy.
Introduction
A term frequently used in academic and journalist circles over the last several
decades has been ‘fundamentalism’ – a movement or attitude stressing the strict
adherence to a set of basic principles. While fundamentalism was originally used
in reference to Protestant movements that place a great emphasis on the infallibility
of the Bible, it has also been generally associated with Middle Eastern religions. Fun-
damentalism, as it manifests itself in Judaism, Christianity and Islam, can also be
understood as being rooted in the fear of annihilation or desacralization, yet
having an orientation toward the future (Armstrong 2000).
While it is a western term that has taken root in the Middle East, ‘fundament-
alism’ has been extended beyond the traditional usage of the word in order to encom-
pass the rise of numerous religious movements across the globe. Martin Marty and
Scott Appleby (1993) examine particularly the manner in which fundamentalism
manifests itself in the twentieth century throughout the world: in the modern
era, fundamentalist movements have been based on the selective retrieval of
doctrines, beliefs and practices in reaction to a sense of threat to the religious or
‘sacred’ identity of the believers. These movements have been oriented toward
re-creating a social and political order that prefigures a struggle between good and
evil. Mark Juergensmeyer (1993) refers to the politicized religious revival or funda-
mentalist movements as ‘religious nationalism’, which has emerged across the globe
against the western preference to keep state and religion separate.
ISSN 1744-8727 (print)/ISSN 1744-8735 (online)/08/010017-16

# 2008 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/17448720802075397
18 SIKH FORMATIONS
The term fundamentalism has also been used with reference to the Sikhs, in
particular to the movement for an autonomous Sikh state (Khalistan or ‘Land of
the Pure’). There was a growing sentiment among the Sikhs during the 1970s that
the Indian government was marginalizing them in the Punjab, India. As a conse-
quence, there developed a movement for self-determination (alongside the resur-
gence of Sikh orthodoxy) under the leadership of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale
during the late 1970s and early 1980s. This Sikh movement became stronger after
the Indian government’s Operation Bluestar on 3 June 1984—the invasion of the
Akal Takht of the Golden Temple complex at Amritsar in reaction to armed separa-
tist activity there. Following this desecration of the Akal Takht, the militant path
toward an autonomous Sikh state gained full momentum. Furthermore, Sikh organ-
izations that were referred to as fundamentalist, like the International Sikh Youth
Federation (ISYF) and Babbar Khalsa, mobilized Sikhs abroad for Khalistan during
the mid-1980s up to the early 1990s (Tatla 1999).
Several scholars have attempted to understand the nature of Sikh fundamental-

ism, and how it relates to the Sikh religious tradition and community. One such
scholar defines Sikh fundamentalism as a ‘defense mechanism’ that places emphasis
on behavioural matters (orthopraxy) rather than scripture (orthodoxy) (Madan
1991). Contrary to this position that Sikh fundamentalism is not founded on ortho-
doxy, Harjot Oberoi (1993) argues that Sikh fundamentalism is a ‘millenarian move-
ment’ based on the belief in a utopia that is God’s plan. As he surveys socio-political
dimensions, especially the Sikh quest for special status as also the loss of land, power
and control, Oberoi provides a couple of quotations from speeches by Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale in order to demonstrate how millenarianism is characteristic of the
Sikh tradition, including features such as Puritanism, a prophetic vision, and
anti-pluralism (256 – 85). The characteristics that Oberoi attributes to Sikh
fundamentalism, however, actually do not fit with the Sikh scriptural tradition:
millenarianism – the belief in a future period of ideal peace and happiness (based
on the Christian belief in Revelation 20: 1 –5 about the second coming of Christ,
when he will reign on earth) – contradicts the basic Sikh world view and religious
goal of escape from the cycle of birth, death and rebirth (sansar) (Nayar 2004).
In refutation of the view that Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale or the Khalistan move-
ment is reflective of Sikh fundamentalism, W.H. McLeod (2000) states that the more
inconspicuous followers who adopt a passionate belief regarding the Sikh scripture
and tradition in effect echo the true sense of Sikh fundamentalism because they
believe in the ‘verbal inerrancy of their scripture’ (181). He provides examples of
such fundamentalists: followers of Bhai Randhir Singh, Nirankaris, and Namdharis.
While McLeod’s definition of fundamentalism may be more accurate, his examples
of Sikh fundamentalists belong, for the most part, to heterodox movements
founded in the nineteenth century; for example, Namdharis and Nirankaris follow
living human gurus whereas Guru Gobind Singh, the founder of the Khalsa, had
declared himself to be the last human guru of the Sikh lineage (for information
regarding Sikh orthodoxy, see below, under ‘Who is a Sikh?’).
In addition to exploring the religious nature of Sikh fundamentalism, other scho-
lars have looked at its political aspects. In her anthropological work on Khalistan
militancy, Joyce Pettigrew (1995) observes that the disorganization of the Khalistan
movement reflects the political culture of Punjab, which is characterized by
MISUNDERSTOOD IN THE DIASPORA 19
factionalism similar to that of the misl chiefs before 1766 when Maharaja Ranjit Singh
consolidated the territory of Punjab. On the other hand, in her ethnographical dia-
logues with Sikh militants, Cynthia Mahmood (1996) raises the important question
about whether or not it does justice to examine the disparate revivalist movements
along the common axis of religious orthodoxy. In doing so, she argues the movements
are removed from their many different political contexts.
Lastly, without any explicit attempt to define Sikh fundamentalism, Kamala
Nayar (2004) does, however, argue that Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and the Khalistan
movement can be best understood through the anti-terrorist paradigm as an ethno-
nationalist movement. That understanding is based on the premise that the move-
ment is a reaction against perceived discriminatory practices directed against an
ethnic group based on the Sikh religion and the Punjabi language, rather than it
being motivated by elements of the actual religious belief system, such as the
Islamic concept of jihad or ‘holy war’ (Corrado and Tompkins 1992).
Besides examining the manifestation of Sikh fundamentalism in the Khalistan

movement in the Punjab, some scholars have also attempted to understand the resur-
gence of Sikh orthodoxy and the quest for Khalistan among Sikhs outside the Punjab.
Mark Juergensmeyer (1989) puts forth the notion that, due to marginalization from
the homeland, Sikhs seek to involve themselves in a movement where they can be
central. Arthur Helweg (1989) states that activism on behalf of Khalistan provided
opportunity for achieving honour and respect in the diasporan gurdwaras in a
context where there is marginalization from the mainstream of the host society.
On the other hand, Verne Dusenbery (1995) argues that the Canadian Sikh commu-
nities have seen a resurgence of Sikh orthodoxy because of the need to form an
identity based on the country of origin in response to the Canadian policy of
multiculturalism.
Like several scholars, journalists have also applied the term fundamentalism to
the Khalistan movement and its associated militants or supporters. Whether or
not it is appropriate to use the term fundamentalism in reference to Jarnail Singh
Bhindranwale and the Khalistan movement, the application of it has become accepted
as a norm. The popular equation of Sikh fundamentalists with the Khalistanis or the
militants of the Panth (‘path’) is now ‘here to stay’, regardless of how accurate it may
be (McLeod 2000). While the term fundamentalism is used in describing the
Khalistani militants and supporters, journalists when reporting other political ten-
sions within the diaspora – especially in Vancouver, British Columbia – also
loosely employ it. Besides the usage of the term ‘fundamentalism’ in respect of
Sikh international organizations like the ISYF and Babbar Khalsa, it has also come
to refer to the orthodox group of Sikhs who favour sitting on mats in the community
dining hall (langar), following the injunction of the Sikh religious governing body in
Amritsar known as the Akal Takht. (For an elaboration on the issue about the use of
tables and chairs in the langar, see section below, ‘“Fundamentalism” in the Vancouver
Sikh Diaspora’.)
On the basis of the above discussion, three conclusions can be drawn: (1) Sikh
scripture or doctrine cannot be identified as the motivating or unifying factor in
what has been referred to as ‘Sikh fundamentalism’; (2) Sikh fundamentalism has
been employed in reference to an ethno-nationalist struggle in the Punjab; and (3)
while the resurgence of Sikh orthodoxy and Khalistan activism that has occurred
20 SIKH FORMATIONS
in the Sikh diaspora has been, in part, reflective of the pressure of developing one’s
identity as an ethnic minority outside the homeland, the term fundamentalism has
come to be loosely used to refer to Sikh orthodoxy. Although there has been
much discussion surrounding the theoretical aspects of Sikh fundamentalism and
the Khalistan movement, it tends to overshadow how the term is actually used/
misused in the diaspora and how such treatment affects practising diasporan Sikhs.
Objectives
In the light of the foregoing discussion, the purpose of this article is to explore the
impact that the present usage of the term ‘Sikh fundamentalism’ has on practising
Sikhs in the diaspora. First, this article investigates how Sikh fundamentalism pre-
sently manifests itself in the Sikh diaspora, with the specific focus on the Vancouver
Sikh community. In doing so, it looks at how the term Sikh fundamentalism is
employed loosely by mainstream journalists for other political tensions within the
Vancouver Sikh community, linking it to Sikh orthodoxy. Second, the article exam-
ines the pertinent themes that emerge from the mainstream usage of the term ‘fun-
damentalism’ for the orthodox Sikh. This portion of the article is based on the
personal experiences of five orthodox Sikhs presently living in Greater Vancouver
and it demonstrates how a basic facet of Sikh identity is being misconstrued as ‘fun-
damentalist’ in the Vancouver Sikh diaspora.
Methodology
The research methodology consists of four elements: (1) theoretical inquiry into the
teachings of the Sikh scripture – the Sri Guru Granth Sahib – and the Sikh code of
ethics – Sikh Rahit Maryada – for an understanding of Sikh orthodoxy; (2) active
participant-observation by the present author in several religious events and programs
at Sikh gurdwaras that have been branded as ‘moderate’ and ‘fundamentalist’; (3)
observation by the present author of mainstream and local Punjabi media (television,
newspaper); (4) analysis of five interviews with orthodox Sikhs in the Greater
Vancouver area based on standard qualitative methodology. The qualitative data relies
on five semi-structured face-to-face interviews using open-ended questions. After the
fifth interview, it seemed that no new information was being gained, and it was felt
that data saturation had been achieved. Interviews were conducted in English and
they were two to three hours in duration. All five interviewees were found through
the snowball method, and were chosen on the basis that they were: (1) 30–40 years
old; (2) orthodox Sikhs, who do not cut their hair (kesh) and who wear the turban;
(3) educated in the West; and (4) presently employed in a mainstream institution.
Before commencing the analysis of Sikh fundamentalism in Vancouver and the
experiences of the five orthodox Sikhs, it is necessary to preface it with a brief over-
view of the definitions of a Sikh.
Who is a Sikh?
There are various ways to define or categorize Sikhs. First, the literal definition of a
Sikh is a ‘learner’, connoting one who is on the path to learn or attain oneness with
the Guru (epithet for Ultimate Reality). The path of learning about the true nature of
Guru involves the recitation of the Divine Name while living the life of a
householder.
Second, the Sikh scripture – Guru Granth Sahib – provides itself a description of
what constitutes a Sikh. One of the most popular stanzas describing a Sikh is:
The one who calls him/herself a Sikh of the True Guru,

he/she wakes up in the early morning
and meditates on the Divine Name.
(Guru Ram Das, Guru Granth Sahib 1706, 305)
A Sikh, a student of the Guru (Ultimate Reality), is one who recites and remembers
in devotion the Divine Name (nam-simran).
The spiritual teachings about reciting the Divine Name have been central through-
out the development of the Sikh religion and practice. However, Sikhism emerged at
the time of Mughal invasions and Mughal rule, beginning 1526 CE, during a period
when there was persecution of the Hindus and Sikhs (Grewal 1998). In reaction
to the Mughal oppression and in the quest for social justice, the last human Sikh
guru – Guru Gobind Singh – established the Order of the Khalsa (‘the pure or the
elect’). The creation of the Khalsa Order not only crystallized the Sikh concept of
piri-miri (combining ‘spiritual’ and ‘worldly’ matters, respectively) as an integral
part of the Sikh religious institution, but also established the symbols of Sikh identity.
The receiving of the sacred water (amrit sanchar) marks the initiation into the Khalsa
Order. According to tradition, the members of the Khalsa are required to wear the
five symbols (kakars) to mark their Sikh identity: uncut hair (kesh), shorts for underwear
(kachcha), steel bangle (kara), steel dagger (kirpan), and comb (kanga). As members of
the Guru’s community, they are called Amritdharis (‘bearers of amrit’) or Khalsa Sikhs,
but they can also be referred to as orthodox. Not only did Guru Gobind Singh establish
the Khalsa, but it is also believed that he proclaimed that he was to be the last human
guru of the Sikh guru lineage and bestowed the status of the ‘Word of the Guru’ upon
the Sikh scripture, the Guru Granth Sahib.
Although the Khalsa Order established by Guru Gobind Singh encompasses the
baptized Sikh (Amritdhari), it is important to note that traditionally there has also
been recognition accorded to Sikhs (‘learners’) who are not baptized. Such is the
case with the Sikhs who follow the principal requirement of wearing covered
uncut hair (kesh) along with the other kakars; they are referred to as Keshdharis.
The Sikhs who do not follow this chief requirement but still believe in the spiritual
teachings of the gurus are called Sahajdharis (gradual adopters).
In addition to these different categories of Sikhs, there also grew several different
heterodox sects of the Sikh Panth during the mid-nineteenth century. These sects can
be categorized as heterodox because they follow living human gurus, contrary to the
orthodox position in the proclamation by Guru Gobind Singh that he was to be the
last human guru of the Sikh lineage. For example, the Namdharis, a sect founded by
Bhai Balak Singh (1799 – 1862), had as its objective to return to the way of life
according to the teachings of the Sikh gurus. However, while the sect is known
for its austere lifestyle and observance of a rigid code of conduct and follows
the teachings of the Sikh gurus, it follows a contemporary human guru. Another
22 SIKH FORMATIONS
example is the Nirankari sect that emerged as a reform movement in northwest

Punjab by Baba Dyal (1783 –1855). Its objective was to get rid of image worship
in the Sikh tradition and to return to the worship of nirankar ‘the formless One’;
the founder of the sect, however, acquired the status of guru, after which there
has been a succession of human gurus (Singh 1994).
During the early 1920s, there occurred a Sikh reform movement that attempted
to define a Sikh, in an endeavour to rid Sikhism of the remnants of the Hindu religion
that existed in it. As part of the Sikh reform movement, the Shiromani Gurdwara
Parbandhak Committee (set up in 1925 by the Sikh electorate to administer the prin-
cipal gurdwaras) issued the Sikh Rahit Maryada (Sikh Code of Conduct) in order to
distinguish Sikh Punjabis from other Punjabis. The Sikh Rahit Maryada states:
Any human being who faithfully believes in
(i) One Immortal Being,
(ii) Ten Gurus, from Guru Nanak Dev to Guru Gobind Singh,
(iii) The Guru Granth Sahib,

(iv) the utterances and teachings of the ten Gurus, and
(v) the baptism bequeathed by the tenth Guru and who does not owe allegiance to
any other religion,
is a Sikh.
The Sikh Rahit Maryada also prescribes the norms of behaviour expected of orthodox
Sikhs, including the requirement to bear the five kakars instituted by Guru Gobind
Singh, to eat a vegetarian diet, to abstain from smoking drugs and drinking
alcohol, and to marry an Amritdhari Sikh. Moreover, this code of conduct lays
down the three fundamental principles to be followed by a Sikh: (1) meditation
on God’s name (nam japo), (2) hard work and honest living (kirt karo), and (3)
sharing one’s earnings with the needy (wand ke chako) (Sikh Rahit Maryada Article
III). In fact, Sikhs regard these three principles to be of utmost importance.
While there may be some dispute about the instituting of the Sikh Rahit
Maryada – since it occurred during the early twentieth century when the Sikh
governing body had as its aim to emphasize a ‘Khalsa’ Sikh identity (see Oberoi
1994; McLeod 2003) – for the purposes of this study, it is important to note that
the Sikh Rahit Maryada nonetheless prescribes the norms for contemporary orthodox
Sikhs. Moreover, the wearing of the turban as a basic facet of male Sikh identity can
be traced as far back as to the rahit namas (McLeod 2003; Kalra 2005).
‘Fundamentalism’ in the Vancouver Sikh diaspora

As aforementioned, the term fundamentalism has come to be normally used to refer to
Khalistan militants, while it is also loosely employed by journalists to explain other
political tensions within the Vancouver Sikh diaspora, linking it to Sikh orthodoxy.
Political factionalism is indeed characteristic of the political culture of Punjab
(Pettigrew 1995). Political divisions within the Sikh community have at times erupted
into disputes over the management of gurdwaras, especially in the Greater Vancouver area.
At the wake of Operation Bluestar, some of the gurdwaras were taken over by
pro-Khalistan organizations. For instance, the World Sikh Organization (WSO)
gained control over the Khalsa Diwan Society in South Vancouver, which had
previously been run by non-practising ‘comrade’ Sikhs (that is, those who have a
Marxist orientation). An offshoot of the WSO, the International Sikh Youth Federa-
tion (ISYF), gained control over the Guru Nanak Sikh Gurdwara in Surrey, British
Columbia. However, when the ISYF was ousted from power in January 1998—
through a joint effort of (non-baptized) ‘comrade’ and pro-Indian Congress Sikhs as
well as baptized Sikhs who opposed the ISYF—the ISYF raised the issue of using
tables and chairs in the langar (Nayar 2004).
The ISYF raised this issue in reaction to its loss of temple control in Surrey. On
20 April 1998, the Akal Takht issued an edict (hukam-nama) against the use of tables
and chairs in the langar.1 On 29 May 1998, the management at the Guru Nanak Sikh
Gurdwara – along with the Khlasa Diwan Society in South Vancouver and its
affiliated gurdwaras – decided not to accept the edict. However, the issue was
used successfully to ensure attendance of the followers of the Akal Takht at the
newly established Dasmesh Darbar Gurdwara in Surrey. In fact, opponents of the

ISYF maneuver saw the raising of the issue on the part of the temple management
at the Guru Nanak Gurdwara in Surrey as a way not only to secure attendance,
but also to channel gurdwara funds for organizational interests or for supporting
separate statehood in the Punjab (Nayar 2004).
It is important to note that the followers of the Akal Takht in the Greater
Vancouver area, and thus the attendees of the newly established Dasmesh Darbar
Gurdwara that was branded with the name ‘fundamentalist’, consists of new
Punjabi immigrants, practising but not baptized Sikhs, as well as baptized Sikhs
(Amritdharis), including those who had been originally involved with the joint
effort against the ISYF. Sikhs go to this ‘fundamentalist’ gurdwara because they
feel the obligation or commitment to follow the Akal Takht. While most orthodox
Sikhs attend the gurdwaras branded as ‘fundamentalist’, many attendees are not
necessarily orthodox, so that they may be Keshdhari or Sahajdhari.
Furthermore, the group of orthodox Sikhs who favour sitting on mats in the langar
halls have been labeled as ‘fundamentalist’ in contrast to the term ‘moderate’, which is
used for the others who stand apart from or oppose them. Although orthodox Sikhs
attend the gurdwaras branded as ‘fundamentalist’, many orthodox Sikhs are politically
‘moderate’. Therefore, it would be more accurate to refer to ‘orthodox’ as those pol-
itically ‘moderate’ Sikhs who practise the fundamental principles prescribed in Sikh
religious scripture and doctrine. Even though some orthodox Sikhs support the estab-
lishment of a separate country of Khalistan, many do not. In fact, some Sikhs who attend
the so-called fundamentalist gurdwaras resent being referred to as such because it implies
that they are Khalistanis or that they are associated with the militant path for Khalistan.
Highlighted by the media, the issue of the mode of sitting – following the
injunction made by the Akal Takht – crystallized the division in the community
between the so-called moderates, who favour the use of tables and chairs in the
langar hall, and the so-called fundamentalists who obey the Akal Takht, which
requires sitting on mats. When reporting political tensions within the Vancouver
or larger Canadian Sikh community, mainstream journalists have indeed adopted
and continue to use the terms ‘fundamentalist’ and ‘moderate’, mistakenly linking
Khalistan militants with Sikh orthodoxy. Most recently, on 28 June 2007, the
Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) aired a documentary prepared by reporter
24 SIKH FORMATIONS
Terry Milewski entitled ‘Samosa Politics’ (see CBC online article, ‘Symbols and
suits: Sikh extremism enters mainstream Canadian politics’) which links Khalistan
militants with Sikh orthodoxy in order to demonstrate how Sikh extremism is influ-
encing mainstream Canadian politics. The documentary offended many Sikhs to the
extent that the World Sikh Organization (WSO) has since filed a lawsuit against the
CBC’s Terry Milewski, along with one of the interviewees (MP Ujjal Dosanjh) in the
documentary (Juergensen 2007; Mall 2007).
Despite the claims that ‘Samosa Politics’ was aired across Canada the day before a
right-wing group (Fraser Institute) held a round-table discussion on Sikh extremism,
the documentary portrays the community as consisting of two polar groups: (1) the
‘fundamentalists’, who are linked to the practising or orthodox Sikhs, and who are
taken to be opposed to (2) the ‘moderates’, who are unorthodox in that they do not
maintain the five Sikh symbols—especially the wearing of a turban and maintaining
uncut hair (kesh). In doing so, Milewski portrays orthodox Sikhs – or even turban-
wearers – as militants.
Interestingly, Milewski’s choice of interviews to represent Sikh fundamentalists
(Manmohan Singh, an administrator of a pro-Khalistan gurdwara, and Sukhminder
Singh Hansra, an editor for a Sikh separatist newspaper) and moderates (Liberal
MP Ujjal Dosanjh, BC Liberal MLA Dave Hayer and Balraj Deol)2 reinforces the
stereotype that orthodox or Keshdhari Sikhs are all militant fundamentalists,
whereas the clean-shaven Sikhs are necessarily ‘modern’ and have ‘integrated’ into
Canadian society. Such polarized reporting neglects the voice of politically moderate
orthodox Sikhs. Many of them even question if there is deliberate intention, on the
part of journalists, to exclude them from the dialogue (see section below, ‘Orthodox
Sikhs as a Target of Negative Reportage’).
In view of the above, one cannot correctly (1) generalize that orthodox Sikhs are
necessarily supporters of the Khalistan movement, or (2) refer to those who choose
to sit on mats at the gurdwara as orthodox or fundamentalist. Since the term funda-
mentalism has, however, become a rather loose term to refer to Sikh orthodoxy, the
media has mistakenly linked the term fundamentalism with a basic facet of Sikh
identity – the visible mark of uncut hair and the turban. Such treatment has had
repercussions for the practising diasporan Sikhs, the topic of the following section.
The Orthodox Sikh experience in Vancouver

The portrayal of the South Asian or Indo-Canadian community in the mainstream
media is a sensitive issue for its members. During the 1970s, the media linked
Indo-Canadians with negative elements, even in its portrayal of events in India
(Indra 1979). Since Operation Bluestar there has increasingly been the correlation
of Sikhs with militancy or terrorism in the public mind. And one of the principal
grievances against the mainstream media in recent years has been its tendency to
associate orthodox Sikhs with terrorists (Nayar 2004).
Misrepresentation of turban-wearers as fundamentalists

One of the basic markers of Sikh identity is the custom of covering uncut hair.
Women mainly cover their hair with a cloth or scarf, although some women wear
the turban. Men, on the other hand, customarily wear the turban. Indeed, the turban
is a mark of male Sikh identity. While not all Sikhs cover their hair, many do. It is
important to note, however, that not all Sikhs who cover their hair are baptized.
Furthermore, because fundamentalism has in the public mind been linked with
orthodox Sikhs, there has emerged the connection of fundamentalists with turban-
wearers, along with the assumption that all orthodox Sikhs are supporters of
Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale while clean-shaven Sikhs oppose him.
It may or may not be appropriate to refer to the followers of the ethno-nation-
alist movement for an independent Sikh state as fundamentalists. However, it is note-
worthy that many Sikhs revere him but in varying degrees, for a range of different
reasons. While there is difference in the views about Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale,
the categories of ‘fundamentalist’ and ‘moderate’ seem too simplistic in understand-
ing them. First, the followers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale see him as a martyr
(shaheed). They support his militancy because they see it as a matter of self-defence:
The image is that religion instigates the violence, but the [Sikh] religion gets
violent in self-defence.
(Interviewee 2)
While followers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale combine orthodoxy in respect of Sikh

religion with the political orientation for Khalistan, there are other orthodox Sikhs
who respect him yet they disassociate themselves from the militancy of the Khalistan
movement. For instance, some orthodox Sikhs sympathize with Jarnail Singh Bhin-
dranwale in so far as he fought for his cause and was willing to die for it, even as
they do not see him as a sant or martyr (Interviewees 1, 3, 4). At the same time,
there are unorthodox clean-shaven Sikhs who have sympathy for Jarnail Singh Bhin-
dranwale because they identify with the ethno-nationalist movement for greater
autonomy for the Punjab (Nayar 2004).
Interestingly, some of the Sikhs who respected Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale for
having died for his cause voiced criticism of the Khalistan movement. One prominent
theme that emerged during the interviews was disillusionment over the factionalism
that existed in the Khalistan movement and in the Sikh community at large (Intervie-
wees 1, 3, 4). Meanwhile, one Sikh interviewee stated that the Khalistan movement
was not effective because it encompassed a sociopolitical motive rather than being
based completely on Sikhism (Interviewee 5).
The employment of the term ‘fundamentalist’ to orthodox Sikhs has provided
the scope for stereotypes with a lot of negative associations to fanaticism, based
on the images related to the Khalistan movement. The most obvious stereotype is
that visible Sikhs – those wearing turbans and maintaining uncut hair – are
violent:
When we wear a turban it is like wearing a label that we are fanatics. Because of
this, whenever I go in public I feel I have to walk with caution because people are
watching my every step. . .. In my mind it is because of the media’s portrayal of
those with turbans and beards as fanatical.
(Interviewee 1)
26 SIKH FORMATIONS
Likewise, another baptized Sikh male states:
I feel it [that I am a fanatic] when people look at me in public. I don’t initiate

a discussion, but if others do I take the opportunity to say to a non-Sikh
that the images and stereotypes of Sikhs do not reflect the Sikh religious
teachings.
(Interviewee 3)
While there are various ways to deal with the stereotypes, a baptized Sikh described
his play on the word fundamentalism:
I like to shock people that I am more of a fundamentalist than the gurdwara in

Surrey. Then, I explain that a Sikh in reality is required to treat women with
respect, not to be exclusive, and not to preach a dislike for others. A Sikh fun-
damentalist is someone who actually tries to serve the larger community. These
are the fundamental principles of the religion. . .. I don’t like the way the word is
being used because a traditional Sikh should actually be called moderate. . .. I
don’t like the words orthodoxy, ‘fundamentalist’ etc. because of the way the
media portrays Sikhs as such.
(Interviewee 3)
Four of the five Sikhs interviewed, who keep all their hair uncut and wear a turban at
the present time, did not do so during their childhood. Interestingly, they all voiced
having experienced a big difference in treatment of them by others from the time
when they used to cut their hair to when they began to cover their uncut hair.
To them, this was concrete evidence that the issue at hand was not racially based
on the colour of their skin, but rather a prejudicial stereotype related to the
bearing of an external mark of religious identity (Interviewees 1, 2, 3, 5). One ortho-
dox Sikh man commented on his experience from being clean-shaven to covering his
uncut hair thus:
I noticed at the check out stand (like at the grocery or library). When I was
clean-shaven, the cashier would make eye contact and greet me with a warm
smile. But, when I started wearing the turban and maintaining the kakars, all
of a sudden the warmth, smiles, etc. disappeared at the same stores where I
had shopped at for over a year. No eye contact was made. There was a
reluctance to engage in conversation. This made it clear that it is not an
issue about race, because I am a coloured person. It is an issue of religious
identity.
(Interviewee 1)
Another Sikh interviewee, on the other hand, did not have such a point of refer-
ence for comparison as he has covered his uncut hair throughout his entire life
(Interviewee 4). Nevertheless, this interviewee has interestingly experienced a
difference in treatment in Vancouver from his birthplace in England; while in
Vancouver Sikh fundamentalists are portrayed negatively as ‘backward’ and
‘violent’, in England they are described in a positive light as people who practise
the fundamental principles of a religion. In fact, in Vancouver, there is not only

the link made between fundamentalism and turban-wearers, but the reportage on
orthodox Sikhs is generally made in a bad light.
Orthodox Sikhs as the target of negative reportage

The mainstream media distorts matters regarding turban-wearers and even more so
in respect of orthodox Sikhs and the gurdwara that has been branded as ‘fundamen-
talist’. All the Sikhs interviewed regarded the media as one-sided in its reportage.
They viewed the media as having the objective of showing orthodox Sikhs in a nega-
tive light:
They [journalists] could do a better job informing [the public]. Reporting is not
complete. They will show how a community leader is drinking alcohol, but not
say that it is not acceptable in Sikhism. The media makes fundamentalists look
bad, while it covers up [the wrong doings of the] so-called moderates. [The
media] makes comments regarding Sikhs even when it is irrelevant in order to
make Sikhs look bad. [For instance,] stories will always throw in comments
about the violent Khalistani movement without exactly explaining about it,
nor without linking it to the story.
(Interviewee 3)
In fact, one interviewee, who grew up in England, finds that the Sikhs are the major
focus or ‘scapegoat’ for the news in British Columbia (Interviewee 4). In his view,
the media shows orthodox Sikhs as backward, uneducated, and in trouble with the
law. One orthodox Sikh describes his first-hand experience with the media and
how he felt that there was a deliberate intent to distort the facts regarding Sikh
orthodoxy:
I was interviewed by one major television network in Vancouver on two

occasions: I gave my interpretation or analysis about the situation [dispute
over tables and chairs]. I gave fresh insights into the issue by trying to distinguish
the culture from the religion. The journalist on both occasions said I would be on
the six o’clock news . . .
Keeping in mind that the interviewee is a Canadian-born Sikh who is able to articu-
late himself with a good command of the language, as opposed to immigrants who
tend to be emotionally involved and relatively inarticulate in English:
. . .When I turned on the six o’clock news the interview with me was never
shown. The media opted to show those persons with a strong Indian accent
and who articulated their viewpoint in a very emotional manner. These
two incidents made it clear to me that the media is not out to search for
the truth but rather to play into the negativistic stereotypes of orthodox
Sikhs.
(Interviewee 1)
28 SIKH FORMATIONS
There is the sentiment not only that the media distorts the facts about the orthodox
Sikhs, but also that often its portrayal is in direct contrast to the actual Sikh
teachings:
The media feeds on what Sikhi [Sikh teachings] tells you not to do; it focuses on
violence rooted in ego, anger and greed. Those are the vices Sikhi tells you to
move away from.
(Interviewee 2)
Even as the reportage on orthodox Sikhs is one-sided, it also misrepresents the Sikh
religion. Moreover, the media often portrays the community as consisting of two
polar groups: orthodox Sikhs who are mistakenly identified fundamentalists are
regarded as ‘backward’, while they are taken to be opposed by the clean-shaven
Sikhs who are considered ‘modern’ and ‘integrated’.
A minority within a minority

The phenomenon of stereotypes related to a basic external mark of Sikh identity is
not only found among the general public or mainstream, but it also manifests itself
within the larger Sikh community itself. Many Sikhs turn to the mainstream media
for the news and follow it, believing it must be the correct portrayal of events. In
fact, all the orthodox Sikhs interviewed stated that the clean-shaven Sikhs often
view them negatively, just as presented in the media, to such an extent that they
often attempt to disassociate themselves from the orthodox Sikhs. In this manner,
the media stereotypes are carried over into the larger community of the Punjabis
or South Asians, making orthodox Sikhs in a sense ‘a minority within a minority’.
As an orthodox Sikh stated:
The clean-shaven people tend to blame or feel that the orthodox Sikhs are creat-
ing a bad impression of the community to the mainstream. They think they are
more integrated, but we have the stereotypes as backward and not integrated.
Stuck in the 17th century. I feel that because I identify with the universal teach-
ings of the gurus that I am better able to integrate with the mainstream. I have
experienced some who avoid the turban-bearer because they don’t want to be
associated with the negative stigma or stereotypes of an orthodox appearance.
(Interviewee 1)
One interviewee explained that, while there may be negative stereotypes associated
with orthodox Sikhs in the media, non-orthodox Sikhs also fear criticism for not
living according to the Sikh code of conduct:
But I find now within the community that there is the sense that they see me as
unaccepting. They are in a defensive mode, because they expect me to be on the
offensive, such as going to preach to them and be judgmental and critical about
their behaviour.
(Interviewee 3)
Post-September 11
After the events of 11 September 2001, when two airplanes were used as weapons to
attack the twin towers of the World Trade Centre in New York City, an enormous
wave of fear regarding terrorism swept across North America. In effect, a backlash
of racist activities occurred toward ethnic minorities, especially Muslims and/or
Arabs. While the backlash was a fearful reaction against the terrorist network that
has as its alleged objectives the overthrow of the West, there was also the conflation
of turban-wearers with terrorists. This linkage of turban-wearers with terrorists
resulted in attacks on Sikhs living in North America, including the killing of Balbir
Singh Sodhi in Phoenix, Arizona. Interestingly, several of the Sikh interviewees had
also been mistaken for Muslims in Vancouver post-September 11 (Interviewees 1, 3,
4). However, according to one interviewee, the Vancouver mainstream is aware of
Sikhs as a separate community and knows the difference between Sikhs and Muslims:
In Vancouver Lower Mainland I did not feel a difference after Sept. 11th. People
here know who the Sikhs are, but as soon as you move out of this area into other
parts of B.C. [British Columbia] you feel the prejudice.
(Interviewee 2)
Nevertheless, the interviewees who did experience the prejudice of mistaken iden-
tity did so to the extent that they were labeled Osama Bin Laden. One orthodox Sikh
explained his experience:
I had several experiences of digs about being Osama bin Laden. At the check-out
counter at a grocery, three guys around 20 –21 years (1 Hispanic, 2 Caucasians).
One goes ‘Hey that’s Bin Laden’. I turned around and looked up to him and
started talking to him: ‘That’s not very nice. You are probably surprised that
I am speaking in English [without an accent] to you . . . and it may surprise
you even more that I am not even Muslim. . . . Let me give you some advice.
Go to the library. Library cards are free. Take out a book and read about
other people. Get your head out of your – and learn about other people.
You’re lucky that I am a nice guy because I would not be talking to you right
now. If I was a nut head I would have knocked you right out’.
According to the interviewee, however, the prejudices are not new; the event just
provided an occasion to express them:
Such sentiments were there before but now they have an excuse to give vent to
how they really feel. Others have learned from this [September 11] in a negative
way that they should not trust people like immigrants.
(Interviewee 3)
Similarly, another orthodox Sikh who had experienced prejudice post-September 11,
stated:
There are always ignorant people in society who use Sept. 11th as an opportunity
to vent their racist attitudes towards a “legitimate target”. . . . This co-worker
30 SIKH FORMATIONS
said in a discussion that Bin laden was a Sikh before. It was a subtle dig at me
because everyone knows his background. It made me feel irritated because it
puts me in a corner, I can’t confront her because I will look like the bad guy.
(Interviewee 1)
Although the orthodox Sikhs experienced prejudices post September 11, some of the
interviewees felt that Sikhs needed to take more initiative in educating the main-
stream about the Sikh religion.
The need to reach out and educate others

While there is no doubt that a basic external mark of Sikh identity has been miscon-
strued as denoting militancy or terrorism, there is a pervasive feeling that the Sikh
community needs to reach out and educate people in the mainstream. The Sikhs do
not have a tradition of proselytizing others to become Sikh followers. However, it is

felt that others need to be educated about the Sikh religion, not only to correct the
media’s distorted portrayal of the Sikhs, but also to teach people about who the Sikhs
are. One baptized Sikh interviewee was critical of the Sikh community for its lack of
living up to the spirit of Sikhism:
The Sikhs are viewed through the media. I believe 10% of the image is due to the
low level of the media. While the media has to be investigative, it is not eval-
uated. I, however, blame 90% of the image on the Sikh community itself.
Sikhs do not have the right to complain about the media because we have not
given an accurate portrayal of ourselves. Food banks and soup kitchens are not
at the focus of the community; it is a sideshow for the Sikh temple. The Sikh
temple should be focused on such objectives, not politics. They are not being
done in the spirit of service.
(Interviewee 3)
Meanwhile, another interviewee expressed disappointment with the lack of Sikh

leadership in Vancouver for not educating the masses (Interviewee 4).
Conclusion
It seems that the categories of ‘fundamentalist’ and ‘moderate’ that have been used
for understanding the Vancouver Sikh community and its political disputes in the
gurdwaras are too simplistic. In fact, these categories misrepresent Sikhs by branding
those who are orthodox or follow the Akal Takht as ‘fundamentalist’. The link made
between Sikh orthodoxy and fundamentalism has actually misconstrued a basic facet
of Sikh identity—the wearing of a turban and maintaining uncut hair (kesh)—to mean
sympathy for the Khalistan movement. There is an ironic reversal of religious
identification here: The custom of maintaining an orthodox mark of Sikh identity
had developed at a time when the Sikh community was fighting against Mughal
oppression and persecution, whereas now the wearing of the turban itself has
come to be misrepresented as religious extremism.
Notes
1 In actuality, the issue surrounding the use of tables and chairs in the langar hall
initially occurred in 1990 at the Abbotsford Khalsa Diwan Society gurdwara.
This clash arose when a visiting Sikh religious preacher (giani), Hardev Singh
Ruluvale, convinced the orthodox Sikhs to remove the tables and chairs from the
langar hall. The non-orthodox Sikhs soon after ousted the orthodox Sikhs (Rode
faction of the ISYF in Abbotsford) from power. In effect, the orthodox Sikhs purchased
land near the 264 Avenue Border Crossing in Aldergrove. A pre-existing house on the
property was converted into a gurdwara, which was named Gurdwara Sant Baba Vasakh
Singh after Vasakh Singh, a prominent figure in the California-based Ghadar party.
(According to British Columbia Sikh oral tradition, Vasakh Singh and his associates
would illegally cross over the border and meet fellow Ghadar members where the
Aldergrove gurdwara is located.) It is important to note that this clash between the
orthodox and non-orthodox Sikhs in Abbotsford was informal or unofficial in that it
occurred without the involvement of the Akal Takht.

2 The Sikhs who represent the ‘moderate’ group are those who have been assaulted
by Sikh militants; that is, MP Ujjal Dossanjh and Balraj Deol have been physically
assaulted by Sikh militants and MLA Dave Hayer’s father is alleged to have been
assassinated by Sikh militants.
References
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Kamala Elizabeth Nayar. Address: Department of Asian Studies, Kwantlen University

College, 12666 – 72nd Avenue, Surrey, British Columbia, V3W 2M8, Canada. [email:
kamala.nayar@kwantlen.ca]

Misunderstood in The Experience of Orthodox Sikhs in Vancouver

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MISUNDERSTOOD IN THE DIASPORA: THE EXPERIENCE OF ORTHODOX

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Kamala Elizabeth Nayar

MISUNDERSTOOD IN THE DIASPORA:

ISSN 1744-8727 (print)/ISSN 1744-8735 (online)/08/010017-16

Several scholars have attempted to understand the nature of Sikh fundamental-

Besides examining the manifestation of Sikh fundamentalism in the Khalistan

The one who calls him/herself a Sikh of the True Guru,

example is the Nirankari sect that emerged as a reform movement in northwest

(iii) The Guru Granth Sahib,

‘Fundamentalism’ in the Vancouver Sikh diaspora

newly established Dasmesh Darbar Gurdwara in Surrey. In fact, opponents of the

The Orthodox Sikh experience in Vancouver

Misrepresentation of turban-wearers as fundamentalists

While followers of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale combine orthodoxy in respect of Sikh

Likewise, another baptized Sikh male states:

I feel it [that I am a fanatic] when people look at me in public. I don’t initiate

I like to shock people that I am more of a fundamentalist than the gurdwara in

the fundamental principles of a religion. In fact, in Vancouver, there is not only

Orthodox Sikhs as the target of negative reportage

I was interviewed by one major television network in Vancouver on two

A minority within a minority

The need to reach out and educate others

not have a tradition of proselytizing others to become Sikh followers. However, it is

Meanwhile, another interviewee expressed disappointment with the lack of Sikh

occurred without the involvement of the Akal Takht.

New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Kamala Elizabeth Nayar. Address: Department of Asian Studies, Kwantlen University

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