‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ‬

‫ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻗﺴـﻢ ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺗﺨﺼﺺ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺨﺮﺝ ﻟﻨﻴﻞ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺟﺴﺘﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ‬
‫درا  ا  
 اا ) وي(‬

‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭﺓ ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﻋـﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄـﺎﻟﺐ ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﻛﻠﻮﺩﻳـﻦ ﺷﻮﻟـﻲ‬ ‫‪ -‬ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴـﻢ ﻏﺪﻳـــﺪ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫‪2010 -2009‬‬
 ‫أم رات ا
 و ا
 و ا ام إ
اذة ا
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‫" ﻛﻠﻮﺩﻳـﻦ ﺷﻮﻟـﻲ " ا

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+ $‬‬

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‫‪01‬‬ ‫♦ ــ ـ ‪.....................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪05‬‬ ‫♦ ا‪ )54‬ا‪8‬ول ‪ :‬ا?>ر ا"=<‪ .‬وا;ي 
‪.....................................................:3‬‬
‫‪06‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪ :‬أب ا‪CD‬ر ا"‪B‬ع ‪.................................................................‬‬
‫‪07‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا‪............................................................................................'
?7‬‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
@ <'‪.............................................................................................‬‬
‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪ B -‬ا
@ه'‪......................................................................................A‬‬
‫‪13‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ : . H‬ه‪ K‬و‪J‬ت ا‪....................................................................:3‬‬
‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
‪ E*D‬ا
; وا
‪'D‬ت ا
‪..............................................................8C‬‬
‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
'‪ D‬و‪ G‬ق ا)'ره‪............................................................................‬‬
‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪.9 -‬ت ا
‪...................................................................................HB‬‬
‫‪22‬‬ ‫♦ ا‪ )54‬ا‪ : . H‬ا‪O‬ورة ا‪C‬ر‪O
 M‬ت ا‪P‬را' ‪ ./‬ا<‪P‬ا‪  ) R‬ن ‪....19-87‬‬
‫‪23‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪ :‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪ ./ .‬ا;ت ا‪ '"CTS‬وا‪5CS‬د ‪............................‬‬
‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪ -‬أه‪ A‬ا‪I97‬ت ا
‪ * L $‬ا
‪3‬ع ا
‪K‬را‪ $ $L‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪............................... J‬‬
‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪/( -‬ل ا‪I97‬ح ا
‪K‬را‪.........................................................................$L‬‬
‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪ B
-‬ر‪P" &L 'Q‬م ا
‪ $ '8‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪................................................... J‬‬
‫‪31‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ : . H‬أه‪ U‬ا‪O‬ت ا‪P‬را' ا‪ =/' .C‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪ ./ .‬ا<‪P‬ا‪...............R‬‬
‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪ ' -‬ا
‪ ''C‬ا
‪+‬ا‪..............................................................................$‬‬
‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪ ' -‬ا
‪.R‬رة ا
‪K‬را‪...........................................................................'L‬‬
‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪ ' -‬إ‪L‬دة ا
*'‪.............................................................................. 8‬‬
‫‪41‬‬ ‫♦ ا‪ )54‬ا‪ ::H‬وا[ اع ا‪ )Z ./ .WX4‬ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪ WX4‬وإ‪WXY‬ت ‪........1990‬‬
‫‪42‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪  :‬ن ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪............................................................. WX4‬‬
‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪ -‬أ‪."T U‬ن ‪ 8L 19-87‬ا
‪3‬ع ا
@‪ $I‬وا
ل ا
‪K‬را‪...............................&''L‬‬
‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
 ا‪ :'T‬ا
‪ $‬وا‪ &. %*4‬ا
‪ RC‬ات ا
@‪..........................................'I‬‬
‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
(‪ :‬ا
‪.......................................................................................$D‬‬
‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
(‪ :‬ا
'ا"‪ $‬وا‪.....................................................................$L4‬‬
‫‪50‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ : . H‬أه‪ U‬ا"آ) ا‪ =2 .C‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪ )Z ./ .‬إ‪XY‬ح  ن ‪.......1987‬‬
‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
‪ 
ZC‬ا
ر‪....................................................................................‬‬
‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪ -‬إ?
' ا
‪.‬د ا‪7‬دار‪...........................................................................‬‬
‫‪54‬‬ ‫♦ ا‪54‬ـ) اا[ ‪ 3 :‬ا‪C S‬ل ( ;م ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪ WX4‬إ^ ;م ا‪............5YM‬‬
‫‪55‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪ :‬وع [ أو إ <ز ا‪8‬را‪ .B‬ا‪ WX4‬ا‪X` 2C‬ك ا‪................"2‬‬
‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪ G -‬ق ا
‪ 19.Q‬ا
‪ 3‬و ‪ $‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪......................................................... J‬‬
‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪ ;' -‬ا
ر
‪."T &( &'@C8‬ن ‪..........................................................19-87‬‬
‫‪60‬‬ ‫ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ : . H‬ا"‪ bM‬ا>‪ "C
 .‬ا‪...........................................PNDA WX4‬‬
‫‪62‬‬ ‫‪ -‬دوا; إ"ء ا
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@‪....................................................'I‬‬
‫‪65‬‬ ‫‪ -‬أ‪ U‬ا
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‪ 'D8
$DG.‬ا
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ل ا
‪K‬را‪ &''L‬وا
‪3‬ع ا
‪K‬را‪.....$L‬‬
‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪ E("  -‬ا('ز ا
@‪.............................................................................$I‬‬
‫‪71‬‬ ‫♦ ا‪54‬ـ) ا‪) : cM‬ا< ‪ 0‬ا" ا ‪..................................................................(.‬‬
‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪/( -‬ل ا
را و)‪ \J1‬ا
'‪....................................................................D‬‬
‫‪73‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا
‪ B‬ا
"‪8
$‬را‪..............................................................................‬‬
‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪ \J1) -‬ا
'‪.......................................................................................D‬‬
‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪ EJ" :'8B -‬ا
@ <' او
‪........................................................................‬‬
‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا‪D‬ج ا
@ <' او
‪.............................................................................‬‬
‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪ EJ" :'8B -‬ا
@ <' ا
‪.........................................................................'"R‬‬
‫‪141‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ا‪D‬ج ا
@ <' ا
‪..............................................................................'"R‬‬
‫‪142‬‬ ‫اـ‪M‬ـ‪....................................................................................................YX‬‬
‫ا"ـا‪T‬ـ[‪....................................................................................................‬‬
‫ا"ـ‪WX‬ـ‪....................................................................................................d‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬
 ‫ﻓﻬﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻔﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬
‫‪76‬‬ ‫♦ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺃ‬

‫‪77‬‬ ‫♦ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺏ‬

‫‪77‬‬ ‫♦ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺝ‬

‫‪79‬‬ ‫♦ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ )ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ(‬ ‫ﺩ‬

‫‪80‬‬ ‫♦ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫‪01‬‬

‫‪81‬‬ ‫♦ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‬ ‫‪02‬‬

‫‪82‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬ ‫‪03‬‬

‫‪82‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬ ‫‪04‬‬

‫‪83‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬ ‫‪05‬‬

‫‪84‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪06‬‬

‫‪84‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬ ‫‪07‬‬

‫‪85‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‬ ‫‪08‬‬

‫‪88‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬ ‫‪09‬‬

‫‪90‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻴﻊ‬ ‫‪10‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫‪92‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ‬ ‫‪11‬‬

‫‪94‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪12‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪1987‬‬
‫‪97‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ‬ ‫‪13‬‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫‪99‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﻀﻠﻬﻡ ﻹﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫‪14‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫‪103‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫‪104‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺘﻤﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫‪16‬‬

‫‪106‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫‪17‬‬
‫ﻁﺭﻑ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ )ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ(‬
‫‪108‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬ ‫‪18‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫‪110‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀل ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬ ‫‪19‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫‪116‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪20‬‬

‫‪118‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪21‬‬

‫‪119‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪22‬‬

‫‪121‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪23‬‬

‫‪123‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪24‬‬

‫‪125‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬ ‫‪25‬‬

‫‪127‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬ ‫‪26‬‬

‫‪131‬‬ ‫♦ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬ ‫‪27‬‬

‫‪133‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬ ‫‪28‬‬

‫‪136‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل )‪(FNDRA‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬

‫‪138‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺘﻘﺭﺒﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫‪139‬‬ ‫♦ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺼﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪31‬‬
‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
 ‫ﻤـﻘـﺩﻤـﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻜﻤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺄﻯ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﺸل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻴﺘﻼﺀﻡ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻋﺭﻑ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻌﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﺠل ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﺸﻜل ﺨﻁﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺘﻬﺩﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻋﺭﻑ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻩ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻋﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﺭﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻔﻬﻡ ﺴﻴﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ‪ ،1963‬ﻤﺭﻭﺭﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ‪ ،1971‬ﻭﻭﺼﻭﻻ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺭﻙ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﺩﻤﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻜﺎﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺨﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺜﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻪ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﻤل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻐﺎﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺁﺨﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(PNDA‬ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺘﻨﺎ ﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺘﺤﺕ ﻋﻨﻭﺍﻥ ‪:‬‬
‫» ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﻫﻲ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﻤﻌﻬﺎ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺒﺭ ﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺘﻨﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﺯ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺇﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻬﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻴﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﺠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﻜﻴﻴﻔﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺒﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﺨﺫﻨﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻁﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻴﺭﺘﻘﻲ ﻝﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‫
ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫ ﺘﻁﺭﻗﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺜﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪– S.Berdani. M.Bourenane : J. Molina : Les Politiques Agraires En Algérie : Vers‬‬
‫‪L’autonomie Ou La Dépendance ? C.R.E.A. Alger , p 169.‬‬
 ‫
ﺜﻡ ﻗﺴﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺜﺔ ﻓﺼﻭل ‪:‬‬
‫ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﺠﻌﻠﻨﺎﻩ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪.19-87‬‬
‫ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ ‪ :‬ﺨﺼﺼﻨﺎﻩ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ‪ 1990‬ﻭﺃﺜﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ‪ :‬ﻓﺨﺼﺼﻨﺎﻩ ﻷﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1990‬ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺨﺼﺼﻨﺎﻩ ﻝﻠﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺼﺎﻏﺔ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺭﻓﻘﺘﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺨﻼﺼﺔ ﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺤﺒﺫﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - I‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ ‪:‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻃـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﺤـﺚ‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪:‬‬

‫‪ .I‬أب ا)'ر ا
‪.<.‬ع‬
‫‪ .II‬ا‪'
?7‬‬
‫‪ .III‬ا
@ <'‬
‫‪ B .IV‬ا
@ه'‪A‬‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪: . H‬‬

‫‪D( .V‬ه‪ E‬و‪'D‬ت ا
‪HB‬‬
‫‪ .VI‬ا
'‪ D‬و‪ G‬ق ا)'ره‬
‫‪.9 .VII‬ت ا
‪HB‬‬
 ‫‪ .I‬ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺒﻘﻁﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﻥ ﻏﺫﺍﺀ ﺸﻌﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻤﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻻﺤﺘﺭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺨﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﻭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻐﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺁل ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﺩ ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺁل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﺯﺕ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﻌﻠﺘﻨﺎ ﻨﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ )ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ( ﺇﻴﻤﺎﻨﺎ ﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺨﺫﻨﺎ ﺒﺂﺭﺍﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺸﻐﺎﻻﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺭﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ‪ :‬ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ .II‬ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻋﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻵﻭﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭﺍ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﻘﺎﺌﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻁﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﻔﻌل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻝﻠﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺊ ﻝﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﺒﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻀﻴﻑ ﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜل ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺯﺤﻑ ﻭﻏﺯﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﻤﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﻭﺍﺌﻲ ﻝﻸﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺇﻗﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ )‪ (DAS‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪-87‬‬
‫‪ 19‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻨﺤﻬﻡ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺇﺘﺎﻭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ )‪ (20‬ﻋﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩ‪‬ﻤﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻜﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺒﺩ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎ ﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻨﺠﺭﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﻘﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﺼﺩﺍﻗﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺘﻭﻝﺩ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻋﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﺯﻭل ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻷﺨﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،19-87‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻓﺭﺯ ﻭﻀﻌﺎ ﺼﻌﺒﺎ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻤﻼ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤل‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺴﺎﻏﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﻨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻗﺒل ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،19-87‬ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺸﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻝﻘﻲ ﻗﺒﻭﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪1981‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺭﻓﻀﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﻌﻠﻕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺠﻤﻴﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﻌﻭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﻜﻠﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺤﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺼﺒﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻋﻤل )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﻝﻴﻀﺎﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻜﺂﺨﺭ ﻤﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻀﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺸﺅﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪،‬‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻔﻴﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺜﺒﻴﺕ ﻭﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻜﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫)‪(4‬‬
‫ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺘﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻤﻼﻜﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﻡ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻳﻀﺒﻂ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﳚﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.02‬‬
‫)‪ - (2‬ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﳌﺆﻃﺮ ﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ، 1998‬ﺹ ‪.08‬‬
‫)‪ – (3‬ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﺹ ‪.07‬‬
‫)‪ – (4‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ﺹ ‪.02‬‬
‫ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ؟ ﻫل ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫل ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﺒﺎﻷﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻏﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ؟ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻙ ﺇﻤﺎ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻨﻘﺹ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﻡ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‬
‫ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫل ﻴﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﺄﺤﻘﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ؟‪ .‬ﻭﻫل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻫل ﺘﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻻ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫل ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫل ﻴﺩﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴل ﺃﻡ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩﺍ ؟‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ .III‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﺤﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ‪:‬‬

‫» ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬

‫ﻭﺇﻝﺤﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫» ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻜﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.IV‬‬

‫ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﻴﺸﻴﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺼل ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺘﺭﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻺﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل )‪ ،(1‬ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻫﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻝﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻭل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺘﺠﺯﺅ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﻴﺅﻜﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻌل ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪.‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻨﺴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺴﻜﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻜﺔ )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻼﻤﺢ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﻤﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻲ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻀﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺼﻌﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻬﺩﻓﺎﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫ﻭﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﻨﺎﻩ ﻴﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﻅﻔﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺤﺩﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ‪ :‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺃﻱ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(4‬‬
‫‪،‬‬ ‫ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺇﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻴﺅﻝﻑ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺴﻠﻌﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻲ ﳏﻤﻮﺩ ﺇﺳﻼﻡ ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺇﳒﻠﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﰊ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ 2001 ،‬ﺹ ‪.105‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﺃﲪﺪ ﺯﻛﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﳒﻠﻴﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻋﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،1986 ،‬ﺹ ‪.411‬‬
‫)‪ – (3‬ﺩ‪ /‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﳋﲑ ‪ :‬ﲝﻮﺙ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﲔ ﴰﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،1997 ،‬ﺹ ‪.125‬‬
‫)‪ – (4‬ﺩ‪ /‬ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﻼﺡ ‪ :‬ﲣﻄﻴﻂ ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،1997 ،‬ﺹ ‪.15‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﻠﺭﺒﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﺴﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ)‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺸﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﺎﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻨﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﺎﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼﻝﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻌﻪ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﺌﺩ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺭﺴﻡ‬
‫ﺨﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻗﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻤﻨﺠﺯﺓ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﺴﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪ :‬ﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫‪.19-87‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﳔﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺼﲔ ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳍﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،1975 ،‬ﺹ ‪.545‬‬
 ‫‪ .V‬ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻭﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ‪:‬‬

‫‪-1‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻫﻭ ﻜل ﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺤﺘﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻫﻴﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﻨﻅﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻴﻌ ‪‬ﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺎﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﺒﻘﺼﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ‪ » ،‬ﺇﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻻﻜﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ «‬
‫ﻓﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻻﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻤﻭﺱ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫ﺍﺘﺼﺎل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻭﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺨﻁﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻫﺩﻑ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ )‪.(4‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻼﺌﻡ ﻭﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻜل ﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎﺠﺎ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺎ ﻴﺴﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺃﺒﻌﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻴﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﻋﻤل ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﻘﺎﻴﻴﺱ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪،‬‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪- Grawitz Madeleine : Methodes des sciences sociales, Paris, Dallaz, 8 eme edition , 1990, p‬‬
‫‪385.‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺣﻮﺵ ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻧﻴﺒﺎﺕ ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻭﻃﺮﻕ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ، 1996 ،‬ﺹ ‪.89‬‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫‪– De Bruyne Paul , Deschoutheete Marque: Dynamique de la recherche en science sociales,‬‬
‫‪P.U.F. ed , 4 eme trimestre, Paris,1974 , p 24.‬‬
‫)‪(4‬‬
‫‪– Grawitz Madeleine : Op-cit, P 286.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ ﻭﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﻜﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺒﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺘﺤﻭﻱ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻗﺭﺍﺀﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻬﻤﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ)‪.(1‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺘﺒﻭﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺤﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ )‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺒﺤﺜﻪ » ﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﺭﻴﻐﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻀﻡ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺠﺯﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﻴﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﺴﺘﻭﻤﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻨﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ «)‪.(3‬‬

‫ﺇﺫﻥ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺒﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻔﺭﻴﻐﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻨﺘﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﻨﻀﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺜﻡ ﻨﻀﻊ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻨﺴﺏ‬
‫ﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﺫﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻺﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺴﺅﺍل ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎﰐ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﺎﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﻮﺙ ﺍﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻖ ﻣﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،1982 ،‬ﺹ ‪.181-180‬‬
‫)‪ - (2‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﳌﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻁ‪ ،1986 ،2‬ﺹ ‪.25‬‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫‪– Boudon Rymond : les methodes en sociologie, Ed , P.U.F.Paris , 1998, p 31.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ‪ :‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ »ﺍﻝﺩﻝﻴل ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺸﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺭﺴﻡ ﻤﺴﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻴﺸﺨﺹ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻁﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ«)‪.(1‬‬
‫» ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺸﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﻭﻅﻴﻔﺔ ﻜل ﺴﺅﺍل ﻴﻘﺎﺒل ﻤﺅﺸﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ « )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻐﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻘﺎﺌﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﺨﺭ ﺒﺎﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻗﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻼل ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻴﺒﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺒﻁﺭﺡ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻭﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺒﺎﻹﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﺒﺩﺃ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺩﻭﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻨﻴﺔ » ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻴﺭ ﺒﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺭﺍﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻭﺝ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻨﻪ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻲ«)‪.(3‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺍﺤﺘﻭﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ )‪ (04‬ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜل ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﻐﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻤﻔﺘﻭﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -(1‬ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -(2‬ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -(3‬ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﻤﻭﻗﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -(4‬ﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻌﺎﻨﺘﻨﺎ ﺒﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺇﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.65‬‬

‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪- Ghilione Rodolphe et Benjamin Matalon : les enquêtes Sociologiques Theorie Pratique,‬‬
‫‪Paris, ed armond colin, 1985 , P 160.‬‬
‫)‪ – (3‬ﺇﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺴﻦ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.65‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺴﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻤﺠﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻨﺩﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﻫﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺼﻨﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝﻨﺎ ﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻨﺎ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺎ ﻝﻭﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻴﻠﻘﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌل ﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻴﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﺫﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﻝﻔﻅﻲ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﻴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ " ﻭﻝﻴﺎﻡ ﺠﻭﺩ "‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺘﻭﺩﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻨﺒﺘﺩﺃ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﻭﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻁﻼﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻭﻅﺎﺌﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻭﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻁﻼﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻐﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺴﻠﻭﻜﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻴﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺼﻁﻨﻊ » ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻝﻠﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻤﻭﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺭﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺸﻔﻭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ«)‪.(2‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﻗﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺇﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﻭﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،1982 ،‬ﺹ ‪،156‬‬
‫‪.157‬‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪– Blanchet Alain et Gortmanne Anne : l’enquête et ses methodes : l’entretien, edition‬‬
‫‪NATHAN , Paris, 1992, p 53.‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﺴﺌﻠﺘﻨﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺈﻝﻘﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﺠل ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﺭﺩﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝﻨﺎ ﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ » ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﻴﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻀﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﺭﻜﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﻭﻴﻔﻬﻤﻪ ﻭﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻼﺤﻅﺔ ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺔ «‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﰐ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.163‬‬

 ‫‪ . VI‬ا‪ 2‬و>ق ا‪CD‬ره ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻌل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺠﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻜل ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻭ ﻜل ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺘﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ )‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻁﻼﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﻜل ﺩﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﻤﻔﺴﺭﺓ ﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ » ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻀﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﻴﺔ«)‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻲ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﺃﻜﺩ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻝﺠﻤﻊ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺠل ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺒﻔﺤﺼﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﺤﺠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺎﰐ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.181-180‬‬

‫)‪ – (2‬ﺇﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.25‬‬
‫ﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﺼﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺌﻭﻴﺔ ﻴﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻭﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﻁﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﻝﻭ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ » ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﺼل ﺒﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻌﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻁﺭﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﺤﻴﻨﺌﺫ ﻴﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺄﺨﺫ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺼﻐﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ«)‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺎﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻓﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻗﺴﻤﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫)‪.(3‬‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻨﺎ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ )ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻡ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺭﻀﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩ‪‬ﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺭﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻐﻴﺎﺒﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﻬﻠﻨﺎ ﺒﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫)‪» (Angers Mauris‬‬ ‫ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ » ﻋﺭﻀﻴﺔ « ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﻓﻬﺎ » ﻤﻭﺭﻴﺱ ﺃﻨﺠﺭﺱ «‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺤﺘﻤﺎل ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻤﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﻝﻴﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫)‪(4‬‬
‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﺭﻭﻓﺎ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺭﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ ‪ 108‬ﻋﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﺼﻐﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ ،‬ﻴﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻀﻡ ‪ 09‬ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ )‪ (DAS‬ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪ ،‬ﺘﺸﻜﻠﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻘﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ )ﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ 101 ،(1987‬ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻴﻨﺸﻁ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ‪ 744‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺣﻮﺵ ﻭ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻧﻴﺒﺎﺕ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.35‬‬

‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪– Angers Maurice : Initiation pratique à la methodologie de science humaines, Casbah‬‬
‫‪universitie, Alger , 1997 p 229.‬‬
‫)‪ – (3‬ﺩ‪ /‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺯﻳﺪﺓ ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻤﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺯﻋﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻭﱃ ﻣﺎﺟﺴﺘﲑ ‪ ،1999 ،89 ،‬ﺹ ‪.47‬‬
‫‪(4)-‬‬
‫‪Angers Maurice : op-cit, p 364.‬‬
‫ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ‪ 01‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪15‬‬
‫ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﻡ‪.‬ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻡ‪.‬ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪FERME‬‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪PILOTE‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬ ‫‪EAI‬‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬
‫‪EAC‬‬ ‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪07‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 1‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 3‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ[‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 3‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 5‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ[‬
‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 5‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪10‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ[‬
‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 10‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 15‬ﻫـ[‬
‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 15‬ﻫـ‬
‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ‪ DAS‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1987‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ‬
‫ﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻨﻘﺎﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻊ )‪(09‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ‪ 101‬ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝـ ‪.17‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﺒـ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻨﻴﺯﺍﻝـﻲ ﺸـﺭﻴـﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻋـﻠــﻴــــﻭﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺒﻭﺴﺎﻝـــــــﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺠﻴـــــــﻼﻝﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻤﻼل ﻤـﺤـﻤـــﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻗﻭﺴﻤـﻲ ﻋـﻠــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺘﺸﻴﺸـــــــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
 ‫‪ . VII‬ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻝﻜل ﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺤﺙ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺘﻠﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﺠﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﺎﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺩﺨل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺒﻭﺘﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻝﻐﺎﺌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺒﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﻬﺘﻡ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﺒﺸﻲﺀ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﻑ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺯﻴﺎﺭﺘﻨﺎ ﻝﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪19-87‬‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪ :‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ ./ .‬ا;ت ا‪ '"CTS‬وا‪5CS‬د‬

‫‪ g  -‬ا‪I97‬ح‬
‫‪/( -‬ل ا‪I97‬ح ا
‪K‬را‪$L‬‬
‫‪ B
-‬ر‪P" &L 'Q‬م ا
‪ $ '8‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪ J‬‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ : . H‬أه‪ U‬ا‪O‬ت ا‪P‬را' ا‪ =/' .C‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪ ./ .‬ا<‪P‬ا‪R‬‬
‫‪ ' -‬ا
‪ ''C‬ا
‪+‬ا‪$‬‬
‫‪ ' -‬ا
‪.R‬رة ا
‪K‬را‪'L‬‬
‫‪' -‬دة إ‪L‬دة ا
*'‪8‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻗﺒل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪19 - 87‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل‪ :‬ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻪ ﻝﻪ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻗﻁﺎﻋ‪‬ﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴ‪‬ﺎ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺜﺒﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻐل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺽ ﺒﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻝﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻨﻅﺭ‪‬ﺍ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻠﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻜﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﺫﺭﻭﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻤﻔﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺃﻗل ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﻋﻁﻭﺍ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺤﺘﻠﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺴﻭﺍﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻻ ﺘﻀﻴﻑ ﺸﻴﺎ ﻝﻸﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺓ ﻝﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫" ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻥ ‪18‬ﻡ ﺇﻥ‬ ‫‪Marquise de Mirabeau‬‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ " ﻤﺭﻜﻴﺯ ﺩﻭﻤﻴﺭﺍﺒﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝ ‪‬ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻜﺭﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺤﻨﺎ ﻁﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﺸﻬﺭ ﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺃﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﻤل ﻤﻌﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﺘﺒﺫل ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻨﺎ ﺇﹼﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺭﺒﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
 ‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻤﻊ ﺨﺎﻝﻕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ‪.‬ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺨﺼﻬﺎ ﺍﷲ ﺒﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻠﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ :‬ﻫﻭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺼﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻼﺙ ﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻜل ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻭﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ :‬ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﺭﻭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭ ﻻ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺏ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝ ‪‬‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺭ ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﲔ ﺍﱃ ‪‬ﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ‪ ،1973‬ﺹ ‪.59-58‬‬
‫)‪ - (2‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺩﻭﻳﺪﺍﺭ ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻯﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،1981 ،‬ﺹ ‪.169‬‬
 ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻨﻁﻠﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺫﻫﺏ " ﻤﺎﻝﺘﻭﺱ " ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺇﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻐﻠﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﻗﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﻨﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺼﺎﻍ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺫﻫﺏ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭل‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺒﻤﻭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺎﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﻭﺍﻝﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺩﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻀﺎﻋﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺭﺓ ﻜل ‪ 25‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺩﻋﻰ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ "ﺭﻴﻜﺎﺭﺩﻭ" ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺜﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ ﻤﻌﺭﺽ ﻝﻼﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺩﺓ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺨﺼﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﺍﻥ )‪...(1‬ﺍﻝﺦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ "ﺠﻭﻥ ﺴﺘﻴﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻴل" ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻓﺎﺌﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺃﻋﻁﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻌﺩﻻﺕ ﻨﻤﻭ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭ ﻭ ﻨﻅﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻭﻥ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ )‪ ،(2‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻜﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﻼﺴﻴﻜﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻻ ﻴﻠﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺤﺎﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻫﺘﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﺎﻓﺯ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻭﻓﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻝﻠﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪" ،‬ﻓﺎﺩﻡ ﺴﻤﻴﺙ"‬
‫ﻴﻔﻀل ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺃﲪﺪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﻠﺒﺞ ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ )ﲝﺚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﻭﺭﻭﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺹ ‪.427‬‬
‫)‪ - (2‬ﺟﺎﻙ ﻟﻮﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻭ ﲢﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻓﺆﺍﺩ ﺑﻠﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪.1986 ،‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺭﻓﻨﺎ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﺠﺕ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺴﻨﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - 3‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1-3‬ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺩﺩﺕ ﺘﻌﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻠﻔﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺸﺎﻤل ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻥ ﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻓﻬﺎ ﺤﻭﻝﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻌﺭﻴﻔﻪ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺨﺎﺓ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺘﺤﺭﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺜل ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻱ‬
‫»ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻝﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﻷﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ ﻤﺠﺭﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ)‪.(2‬‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ«‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺭﻜﺯﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻐﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺠل ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻭل‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻨﺠﺎﺤﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺤﺼل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭل ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺒﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺴﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺒﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﺘﻭﺴﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺜل ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺫﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺇﻨﻪ ﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﺭﻴﻜﺎ ﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻨﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺘﺸﻤل ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ » ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﻗﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﻧﺰ ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺧﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺍﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﻴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪.1975 ،‬‬
‫)‪ - (2‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺍﳍﻴﻼﱄ ‪ :‬ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.12‬‬
 ‫)‪( 1‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ «‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻀﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﻜﺭﺩ ﻓﻌل ﻝﺘﺤﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻡ ﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﻗﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺘﺅﻜﺩﻩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺘﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻝﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻌﻘﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1979‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻔﺎﺩﻩ " ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺠﻭﺍﻨﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ " ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ"‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﻜﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻝﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺘﺭﻜﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﺤﺴﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﻨﻤﺎ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺠﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻨﻠﻤﺴﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻺﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻅﻬﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻤﺭﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ‬
‫)‪(4‬‬
‫ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ " ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻻ ﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺸﻤل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻜﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ‬
‫ﺤﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
‫)‪(5‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﺒﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2-3‬ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺯﺍﻕ ﺍﳍﻴﻼﱄ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.12‬‬

‫)‪ - (2‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻣﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻫﺮﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﳍﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،1970 ،‬ﺹ ‪.28‬‬
‫)‪ - (3‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪.28‬‬
‫)‪ - (4‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﱪﻭﻙ ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،1993 ،‬ﺹ ‪.24‬‬
‫)‪ - (5‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ‪ :‬ﺹ ‪.06‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻨﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﻌﻠﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺩﺭﻜﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺒﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫»‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻬﺎ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺀ ﻭﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺏ ﻝﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺒﻠﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﻭﺭﺴﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻤﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻴﻭﻏﺴﻼﻓﻴﺎ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ ﻤﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﻤﺤﺎﻜﺎﺓ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺠﺎل ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺠﺎل ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻻﺌﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻠﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﺸﻤل ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎ ﺒﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺜﻼ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺤﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺸﻤل ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ ﻝﻘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺨﻠﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻡ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﱪﻭﻙ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.07‬‬

‫)‪ – (2‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﺰ‪ ،‬ﺃﺑﻮ ﻇﱯ ﺳﺒﺘﻤﱪ ‪ ، 2001-2000‬ﺹ ‪.51‬‬
 ‫‪ – 4‬ﻝﻤﺤﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺒﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻤﻴ‪‬ﺯﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻲ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻴﻭﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺴﻨﺔ ‪،1830‬‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﻴﻁﺎ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩ‪‬ﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺕ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ )ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ(‪ ،‬ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺱ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻝﺒﺎﺒﻠﻴﻙ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﻗﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ(‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻤﻌﻴ‪‬ﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺩﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﺒﻠﻐﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ )ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺴﺘﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻭﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺴﺒﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﺎﺀﻭﻥ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻫﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺭﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻭﺭﺜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻐﺎﺭﺴﺔ )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻘل ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﻝﻠﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺒﺩﺍﻻ ﻝﺩﻭﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻴﻠﻙ ﺜﻡ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻏﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺎﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﻅﻔﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺘﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﺠﺒﺭﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺭ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﺒﺭﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻼﺀ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭ ﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻁﺭﻫﺎ "‬
‫ﺒﻴﺠﻭ" ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ‪1843‬ﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺼﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﺒﺈﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﻑ ﺍﻹﺴﻼﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﻹﺜﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺴﻨﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﺩﺓ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ "ﺴﻴﻴﻨﺎﺘﻭﺱ ﻜﻭﻨﺴﻴﻠﺕ" "‪"synatus consulte‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﲪﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ :‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،2004 ،‬ﺹ ‪.56‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.57‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ‪ 22‬ﺍﺒﺭﻴل ‪1863‬ﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﻋﺭﺍﺵ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻋﺔ ﺒﺘﺠﺯﺌﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺭﺥ ﻓﻲ ‪26‬‬
‫ﺠﻭﻴﻠﻴﺔ ‪1873‬ﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ " ﻭﺭﻨﻲ " " ‪ " Wornier‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﺭﻨﺴﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻼﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﺩﻫﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺒﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﻁﻠﺒﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﺵ‬
‫ﺤﻔﺎﻅﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻭ ﻜﺭﺍﻤﺘﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺩﻤﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺘﺤﻁﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺌﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺤﻤﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺴﻬﻠﺕ ﺘﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻴﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺠﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺨﺯﻴﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﺎﺭﻏﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻀﻌﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻘﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺩﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪...‬ﺍﻝﺦ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺭﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﻴل‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺴﻠﻙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻤﺭﻭﺭﺍ ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺼﻭﻻ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﲪﺪﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺎ ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.66‬‬

 ‫‪ -5‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻫﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻝﻜﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺸﻬﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻗﺩ ﺤﺩﺩﺕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻠل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻤﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻘل ﻤﻥ ﻓﺸل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺒﻘﺘﻪ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺯﻤﻨﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﻌﺯﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻨﻘل ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺇﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻜﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺸﺭﻙ ﺃﺒﺩﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﻤﺸﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺠﻤﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺠﻌل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﻭﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻪ ﺨﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﺴﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻤﺔ ﻭﻭﻀﻭﺡ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺃﺜﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻫﺩﻑ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1962‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺸﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﻀﺞ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻤﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺘﻤﺎﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﺜﺒﺘﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺍﻍ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺭﻜﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺭﻏﻡ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻝﺩﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺩﺙ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺇﺒﺎﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺼﺩﺭﺕ ﻤﺭﺍﺴﻴﻡ ‪ 28 ،22 ،18‬ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،1963‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﻷﻫﻡ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﺜﺭﺍﺌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 63-388‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺭﺥ ﻓﻲ ‪ 01‬ﺍﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ‪1963‬ﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﺄﻤﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻌﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺘﻬﺎ ﻷﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻌﻨﻭﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻭ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺘﺘﻭﻴﺞ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﺩ ﻤﺠﺘﻤﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ ‪ 130‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﺒﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺎل ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﻨﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ ﻭﻓﻕ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺸﺎﻫﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻩ ﻤﺤﻤﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻴﺩﻱ » ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﺜل‬
‫ﻤﺤﺘﻭﺍﻩ ﺍﻹﻴﺩﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﻭل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻝﻺﻓﻀﺎﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﺘﻘﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺼﻑ ﺍﻷﺠﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺼﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﺤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭل‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﺨﺫ ﻗﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﺌﺔ ﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺈﺨﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ«)‪.(2‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭ ﻤﺘﻨﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺭﻤﺠﺔ ﻭ ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪- Claudine chaulet : la Mitidja autogerée, Alger, SNED, 1971, p 61.‬‬
‫)‪ - (2‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻳﺪﻱ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﻭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،1986 ،‬ﺹ ‪.118‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺸﻤل ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻀﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﺎﻁﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺩﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻡ ﺘﺤﻭل ﺠﺫﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﺒﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺼل ﻓﻲ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻜﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺭﺍﻤﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻀﻊ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻭﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﻭ ﻴﻌﺯﺯ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺃﺸﻭﺍﻁﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻁﺎﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺨﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﻘﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻤﺔ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﻤﺯﺩﻫﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﻫﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺤﺩﻭﺙ ﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﺨﻠﻕ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻐﺎﻴﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻝﺒﺎ ﻝﻠﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻌﻠﻮﻝ ‪ :‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻌﺔ ‪ ،1‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﲑﻭﺕ‪،1981 ،‬‬
‫ﺹ ‪.135‬‬
 ‫* ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺍﺜﺭ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﺭﺠﺕ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻤﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻠﻜﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻝﺘﺴﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﻭﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﺩ ﺸﻬﺩﻭﺍ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 130‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﻭﺍﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺭﻤﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺒﺴﻁ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻩ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺒﻬﻠﻭل » ﻝﻘﺩ ﻅﻠﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺤﻠﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺭﺍﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻱ ﻁﻭﺍل ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺔ«)‪.(1‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺩﻓﻌﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻜﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺕ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻉ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻗﻁﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﺍﻝﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻠﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺏ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﺒﺯﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺎﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺘﺤﺕ ﺸﻌﺎﺭ " ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻝﻤﻥ ﻴﺨﺩﻤﻬﺎ‬
‫" ﻭ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻝﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺝ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻓﻴﺎﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺘﻘﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻘﻭﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻜﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﺤﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺸﻬﺎﺭ ﻭﺸﺭﺡ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ ‪1971‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺠﺩ ﺃﺼﻭﻝﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻁﺭﺍﺒﻠﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ‪1964‬ﻡ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺣﺴﻦ ‪‬ﻠﻮﻝ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﳍﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،1976 ،‬ﺹ ‪.37‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﺭﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ »ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺙ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ«)‪.(1‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎل ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺠل ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺘﺠﻬﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻝﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻷﻜﺒﺭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ » ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻭﺽ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﻤﺕ ﺃﺭﻀﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺍﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺏ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺅﻤﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺨﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺍﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺴﺭﻱ ﺇﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺸﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﻌﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻡ ﻝﻠﻔﺎﺌﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﻋﻲ«)‪.(2‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻸﺭﻴﺎﻑ ﺒﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺨﻭل‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻭﻫﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻸﺭﻴﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ ﻷﺨﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﻨﺤﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻤﺤﻭ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺭﻭﺜﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺸﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻻ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺩﺓ ﻁﻭﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺒﺫل ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺩﻴﻤﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ ﺸﻔﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺘﺭﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺸﻴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻁﺎﻤﺢ ﻭﺁﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﺩﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﻴﺎﻑ ﺒﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺒﺭﺯ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻨﻴل ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺼﺒﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﹼﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻫﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﻔﻼﺣﲔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﲔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺡ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪ ،1979 ،21‬ﺹ ‪.15‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ‪ :‬ﻧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﻟﻼﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،1971 ،‬ﺹ ‪.19-18‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻘﺭ‪‬ﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﺄﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺈﺸﺭﺍﻜﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺁﺭﺍﺌﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﺤﺎﻴﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺸل ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻼﺀﻡ ﻭﻤﻁﺎﻤﺢ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺒﺎﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺠﺯﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻵﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺇﻻ ﺩﻝﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺸل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻨﻰ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺴﺕ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺃﺸﻜﺎﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺴﺒﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺏ ﻴﺴﺘﻭﺭﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻊ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻗﺭﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺎﺴﻲ ﺍﻷﻭل )‪(1984-1980‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﻠﻜﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻨﻌﺎﺵ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻴﻜﺎﻨﻴﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻜﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ )‪ (CAPRA‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ )‪ (CAPCS‬ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻭﻨﺎﺕ ﻝﻴﺘﻤﻜﻨﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻵﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺎﺤﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ " ﺒﻨﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ " ﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 1982‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻜﻔل ﺒﺎﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺘﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺍﻨﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﺍﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻗﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺠﺒﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺯﺏ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻜﻡ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ >> ﺇﻥ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺎ ﻝﻤﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﺼﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺘﻁﻬﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻻﻨﺤﺭﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫<<‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ‪ :‬ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﱐ ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ، 1988 ،‬ﺹ ‪.65‬‬
 ‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺤﺩ ﻷﺜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺘﻡ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻤﺞ ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻘﺩﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻫﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ )‪ (5000‬ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻤﻭﺤﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﻬل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺘﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺤﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺃﺸﻜﺎل‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1983‬ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺩ ‪ 3429‬ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ )‪(DAS‬‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﺒﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ ‪ 2.830.000 :‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺒـ ‪ 825‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻁﻤﺢ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﺤﺙ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻥ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺇ ‪‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻋﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ ﺒﺴﺏ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺃﻨﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺘﺴﻤﺕ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺴﻴﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﺒﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻨﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻬﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻀﻌﻑ ﻭﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻬﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻨﺠﺭ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺎﻨﺎﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻬﻤﻴﺵ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ ،14‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 17‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،1981‬ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺟﺔ ﲟﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 15‬ﺃﻭﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ ،1981‬ﲢﺖ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪.707‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻨﻌﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﻀﻤﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺴﺎﺱ ﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻬﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺘل ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺎﻓﺯ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺒﺄﻗل ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻬﻭﺩﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺇﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺨل ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ل‬
‫ﻤﺭﺍﺭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻤﺩﻴﺭﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﻗﺒل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺜﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻬﻴﻜﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺭﻀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻤﺠﺩ‪‬ﺩﺍ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪.1987‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﺍﺕ ‪19-87‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ‪1990‬‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪  :‬ن ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪WX4‬‬

‫‪ -‬أ‪."T U‬ن ‪ 8L 19-87‬ا
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@‪ $I‬وا
ل ا
‪K‬را‪&''L‬‬
‫‪ -‬ا
 ا‪ :'T‬ا
‪ $‬وا‪ &. %*4‬ا
‪ RC‬ات ا
@‪'I‬‬
‫‪ -‬ا
(‪ :‬ا
‪$D‬‬
‫‪ -‬ا
(‪ :‬ا
'ا"‪ $‬وا‪$L4‬‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ : . H‬أه‪ U‬ا"آ) ا‪ =2 .C‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪ )Z ./ .‬إ‪XY‬ح  ن ‪1987‬‬
‫‪ -‬ا
‪ 
ZC‬ا
ر‬
‫‪ -‬إ?
' ا
‪.‬د ا‪7‬دار‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻝﺙ‪ :‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ‪:1990‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻨﺘﻬﺕ ﺒﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺭﺘﺠﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻭﻝﺕ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺠﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺩﺨﻠﻪ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﺈﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻴﻭﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﻓﻘﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺤل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩﺕ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻠﺴﻠﻁﺔ ﺒﻘﻙ ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺒﺭﺯ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1987‬ﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﻘﻠﺔ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻁﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻨﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﺤﺭﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﺎﺌﻘﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ، 19-87‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﻪ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻭل ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ‪ 1990‬ﺘﺼﺤﻴﺤﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺴﺘﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ‪:‬‬
‫‪ - I‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻴﻑ ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻭﺃﺜﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ – II‬ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺕ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ – III‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ‪19-87‬‬
 ‫‪ – I‬ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺼﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ 08‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 1987‬ﺘﺤﺕ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪1987‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ ‪ ،50‬ﺒﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ‪ 09‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪،1987‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺒﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺃﻱ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺃﻤﺜل ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪-87‬‬
‫‪ ،19‬ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻜل‬
‫ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﻴﺎﻜل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﺌﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺒﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺤﺩ ﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺠﺭ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪-3‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺒﺈﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻭﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺈﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻔﻜﻴﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ )‪،(DAS‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ »ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ«‬
‫ﺒﺩﻻ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺼﻁﻠﺢ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﻬﻡ ﺒﺩﻓﻊ ﺇﺘﺎﻭﺓ ﻭﺘﻤﻠﻜﻬﻡ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﺘﻀﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻭﻥ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻷﻥ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺸﺭﺍﺌﺢ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺩﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺒﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺭﺘﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل‬
‫‪ 3264‬ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻬﺎﻴﺔ ‪ 1987‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺸﻐل ﻗﺭﺍﺒﺔ ‪ 138.000‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﺩﺍﺌﻡ‬
‫ﻭ‪ 200.000‬ﻋﺎﻤل ﻤﻭﺴﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 22.356‬ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ‪ 2,2‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬
 ‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺸﻴﺭ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ‪ 5677‬ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﻓﺭﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ‪ 56.000‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺸﺭﻜﺔ ﺘﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻝﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫* ﺃﺜﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻭﻓﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻴﺎﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻠﺯﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﺘﺩﺨﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﻜﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺴﻤﺤﺕ ﺒﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻭﺒﺸﻜل ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻏﻠﺏ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻗﻁﻊ ﻏﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻬﻴﺯ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺍﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺠﻬﻴﺯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﺩ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻺﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ‪ ،1987‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺒﻭﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-1‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﺍﺨﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-2‬‬
‫ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-3‬‬
‫ﻭﻀﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬ ‫‪-4‬‬
‫ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﺄﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ ﻝﻤﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل‬
‫ﻝﺸﺨﺹ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺒﺈﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺨﺎﺭﺝ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﺎ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻪ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ‪ ،19-87‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻊ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ‬
‫ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻻﺴﺘﻴﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ‪ %12,9‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ % 9,88‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1987‬ﺜﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ %11,15‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ 1988‬ﻭ‪ 10,45‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1999‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﺯﺘﻬﺎ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻨﻌﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ‪ ،18‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.22‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻠﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺣﺴﻦ ‪‬ﻠﻮﻝ ‪ :‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.162‬‬
‫‪ –II‬ا‪2‬ا) ا‪ .C‬وا‪ (%J i=T‬ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪ WX4‬ا<"' وا‪4‬د )‪:( EAC- EAI‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻡ‬
‫‪ 19-87‬ﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﺘﻭﻗﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺭﺍﻓﻘﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺘﺭﺠﻊ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺘﻌﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻭﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻐﻤﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻬﻔﻭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻭﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ( ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻼﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻬﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﻺﻓﺭﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ )ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ(‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1-1‬ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺴﺒﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻥ ﻴﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 19-87‬ﻓﻲ ‪ 8‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،1987‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺼﺎﺩﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ " ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺫﻝﻲ ﺒﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ "‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻠﺱ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺩ ﺍﻨﻁﻠﻘﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪ .‬ﻓﺒﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺸﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻬﺭﻱ ﺃﻭﺕ ﻭﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ‪ ،(1) 1987‬ﺘﻡ ﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﺴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺭﻴﻑ ‪ 1987‬ﻭ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ‪.(2) 1988‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻥ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻋﺎﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ (DAS‬ﻜﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺃﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻤﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﺇﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺎ ﺒـ‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﺻﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﺎﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻟﻠﻔﻼﺣﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺧﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳋﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪.‬‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪– S.Bedrani : Bilan et perspective de l’Algerie de la modernité, ouvrage collectif. ED. Alger.‬‬
‫‪P 164.‬‬
‫‪ ،%10‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺘﺴﻨﻰ ﻝﻺﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﻭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺠﺭ‪‬ﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻥ ﻭﺠﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﻝﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻤﺱ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻔﺎﺠﺌﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻴﺯﺕ ﺒﺴﺭﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﻘﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺤﺘﻭﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺴﺘﻨﺠﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺤﺩﺜﻨﺎ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻗﺎﺌﻼ‪:‬‬
‫» ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻋﻼﺒﺎﻝﻲ ﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺘﻤﺸﻲ ﻫﻜﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﻨﺨﺩﻤﺵ ﻤﻌﺎﻫﻡ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻀﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻤﻴﻡ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻜﺎﻙ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺎﻹﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺘﺠﻨﺏ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺨﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1-2‬ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ 19-87‬ﻫﻭ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺞ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ ﻝﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻫل ﻓﻌﻼ ﺘﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ 19-87‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻓﻬﻤﻨﺎ ﻝﻠﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ؟‬
‫ﻭﻫل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻨﻭﺤﺔ؟ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺭﻀﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﻋﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬
 ‫‪ -2-2‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺃﻥ ﻨﻌﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺼﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻨﻪ ﻻ ﺒﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻨﻌﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 10‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 19-87‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻨﻘﻁﺔ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻌﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺯﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﻭﻤﻥ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺫﻝﻙ » ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﻴﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺨﺩﻤﻲ ﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺦ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ‪.«..‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻨﺢ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻤﻬﻨﺩﺴﻴﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎل ﻤﻭﺴﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺍﺌﺩﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻁﻴﻬﺎ ﻨﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺫﻜﻭﺭﺓ ﺁﻨﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻋﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﺎﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﻴﻥ ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺠﻴﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻷﻗﺩﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺩﺴﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺴﻤﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻘﺎﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﻤﻬﻨﺩﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﻭﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻗل ﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻴﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﻭﺫﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺠﻭﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺩل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺨﻀﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﻴﺭ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺩﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 03‬ﻤﻥ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺘﻨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻜﺫﺍ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻁﺎﺒﻕ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﺄﻝﻑ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩﺭﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﻤﻊ ﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻭ ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 10‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻤﻭﻥ ﺘﻘﺎﺴﻤﺕ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻜل ﻤﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ )‪ (DAS‬ﻤﺜل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺤﺼﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺴﻤﺩﺓ‪...،‬ﺍﻝﺦ‪ .‬ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﺘﺠﺩ ﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺼﻌﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﻝﻠﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭﻯ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﺄﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺠﻴﻭﺏ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﻏﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻻ ﺃﻤﻭﺍل ﻴﺸﺘﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ ، 19-87‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺠﻌﻠﺕ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻀﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻜﺎﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻜﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﺒﻘﺴﻁ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺩﺱ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺒﺘﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺸﻠﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
 ‫‪ -1-3‬ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺭﻜﺯﻴﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﺠﺎﻨﺴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﻭ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﻀﺎ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺨﺎﻝﻑ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻨﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻭﺍﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻓﺅ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻨﺱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﻻﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺘﺭﻙ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﻐل ﻭﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻴﻘل‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺤﺩﺜﻨﺎ ﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ " ﻨﺤﺏ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﻭﺤﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺏ ﺨﺎﻭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﻝـ‬
‫‪ EAI‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ "‬
‫ﻭﻝﻘﺩ ﻨﺠﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﻘﺎﺀ ﺃﻨﻔﺴﻬﻡ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻀﻐﻭﻁ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﻤﺎﺴﻜﺔ ﻭ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﻬل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻭ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻘﻭل ﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﻡ‪:‬‬
‫" ﻨﺤﻥ ﻨﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻜﺭﻱ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻨﺎﺵ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩ ﷲ ﺭﺍﻨﺎ ﻤﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﻴﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﺎﺘﻨﺎ"‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2-3‬ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻻﻴﺠﺎﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻹﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﺒﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺴﻴﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺘﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺘﺎﺠﻭﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪( 1‬‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪- Bedrani Slimane : L’Intervention de l’Etat dans l’Agriculture en Algerie : constat et‬‬
‫‪proposition pour un débat : in options Méditerranéennes, Serie B/N°14, 1995.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﻋﺎﺠﺯﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﻘﺩ ﺍﺜﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻁﺎﺀ ﻭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻗﺩﺭﺓ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﻀﻌﻭﻥ ﺒﺩﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﻤﺎﻻ ﺃﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺤل ﻝﻡ ﻴﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻻﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻻ ﻴﺒﺫل ﻜل ﻗﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﻝﺼﺎﺤﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻁﺎﺀ ﻭ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺩﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﺒﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎل ﻴﺠﻬﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﺘﻌﻭﻴﺽ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﻬل ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻭﻗﺒﻠﺕ ﺒﺎﻹﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺩﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻜﺸﺭﻴﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻀﻁﻼﻉ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻁﺎﺀ ﻨﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻝﻸﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﺫﻜﺭﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻓﻬﻤﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﺎﻝﻜﺔ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ ﻓﺭﺤﺒﺕ ﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺄﻋﺩﺍﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻬﻠﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺩﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﻭﺍﻝﻐﻴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻜﺭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺴﺎﻋﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻭﻀﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻷﻡ( ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻔﺼﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫‪ 19-87‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻤﻨﺘﻅﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ – III‬ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪: 19-87‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺼﻐﻴﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻴﺴﻬل ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻋﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻝﺘﻅﻬﺭ ﻝﻭﻻ‬
‫ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺭﺍﻍ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﺩ ﺃﻏﻔل ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪،1971‬‬
‫ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺩ ﻭﺯﻋﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ‪ 1987‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻤﺠﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﺒﺩﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻘﺩ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻴﺜﺒﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺒﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﺩ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻌﻭﻴﻀﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺕ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻐل ﻭﺒﻘﻴﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻭﺭﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜل‪ ،‬ﺍﺼﻁﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻭﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻭﺯﻋﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﻘﻴﺕ ﻋﻘﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻤﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﻷﻥ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ ﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻋﺭﻑ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،1987‬ﺃﻭل ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺘﻪ ﻓﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﺎﺭﺒﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺭﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻥ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜل‬
‫)ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺩ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺒﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺒﺎﻁﺊ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺃﻤﻭﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺄﺨﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺇﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﺘﺄﺨﺭﺍ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺴﺠل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ )‪ (Le Cadastre‬ﻝﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻤﻴﻴﺯﻫﺎ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺒﺩﻗﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻨﻜﺒﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻔﻭﻥ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺨﻭﻓﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻨﺯﻉ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻨﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ " ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺠﻤل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﺄﻝﻑ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫» ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﺫﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ « )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﺴﻠﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻋﻘﺩﺍ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻗﻁﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻅﻬﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻨﻭﺤﺔ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻠﻜﺎ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺸﻌﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻠﻕ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻠﻐﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﺎ ﺩﺍﻤﺕ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻫﻡ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻓﻼ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﻤﻨﻌﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺇﻝﻐﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪-90‬‬
‫‪ 25‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺭﺥ ﻓﻲ ‪ 18‬ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،1990‬ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻴﻤﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 1997‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻊ ﻭﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﺭﺘﻴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ )‪ (USUFRUIT‬ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻱ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻭﺍﻀﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺄﻱ ﺜﻤﻥ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺒﺎﻉ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻡ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻘﻠﺔ ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ ،19-87‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.6‬‬

‫)‪ – (2‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.7‬‬
‫)‪ – (3‬ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻊ ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.12‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻜﺘﻔﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺒﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻁﻴﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻓﻘﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴل‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺭﻭﺭ ﻋﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ، 1987‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺍ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺒﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺅﺒﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻤﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺭﻓﻌﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻭﺭ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫)‪( 1‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺯﻭل ﺇﻻ ﺒﺯﻭﺍل ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺍﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﻜﺎﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻤﺭﻫﻡ ﺇﻤﺎ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻀﻌﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻝﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﺤﻠﻭل ﻤﻘﺘﺭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻨﺫﻜﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺯﺍﻝﺕ ﻤﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻬﻡ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﺠﺎﺭ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﻋﻤﺮ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ ‪ :‬ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ‪ ،1995‬ﺹ ‪.18‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﻮﺻﺼﺔ‬

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‫* ﺍﻝﻔﺼـل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻊ ‪ :‬ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﻤﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺼﺼﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ – 1‬ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻵﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻫﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺍﻍ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺤﻤﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻬل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺘﻜﻭﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻭﻀﻰ ﺒﺤﺩﺓ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺘﻔﺘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻴﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻅﺭﻭﻓﺎ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻌﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺏﺀ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻺﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻁﺒﻘﺕ ﻭﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺘﻁﺒﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻀﻐﻭﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻝـ ‪ ،OMC‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﺄﺜﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻭﻗﻑ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻁﺒﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻤﻭﺠﺏ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ 1987‬ﻓﺘﺨﻠﺕ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻲ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻅﺎﻫﺭ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﻫﻭ ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﺎﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺼل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻁﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﺘﻭﻋﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻭ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻝﺨﻭﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻁﺭﺤﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ " ﺃﻭﻴﺤﻲ" ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺕ ‪،1997‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺤل ﻤﺩ ﻭ ﺠﺯﺭ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﺴﻨﻌﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺽ ﻨﻘﺎﻁﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺼل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫* ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﻤﺭ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻁﻤﺄﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻤﻨﺤﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻐﻠﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺤﺎﻝﻴﺎ ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺭﺥ ﻓﻲ ‪ 08‬ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 1987‬ﻭﺘﻀﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻗﺒل ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪.1987‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﻀﻲ ﻋﻘﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﻤﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺩ ﻝﻭﺤﻅ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻜﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﻭﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺇﻫﻤﺎل ﻭﺘﺴﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺩﻓﻌﻭﺍ ﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻵﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻗﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺤﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺘﻭﺍﺠﻪ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -6‬ﺘﻘﻠﺹ ﻤﺤﺴﻭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -7‬ﻋﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﺘﺎﻭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺭﺘﺒﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﺤﻅﺎﺕ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺇ‪‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﺠﺕ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭﻝﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻠﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺭﺤﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻬﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﻓﻠﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻬﻠﺔ ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﺘﺤﻭل ﺤﻘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﻓﻬﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﺤﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﻓﻼﺤﻲ ﻤﻭﺤﺩ ﻭﺨﻠﻕ ﺴﻭﻕ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﺤﺎﺕ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺴﻴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﺘﻌﺯﺯ ﺤﻘﻭﻗﻬﻡ ﺒﺤﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻤﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻴﺤﻔﺯﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻝﻭ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺒـ ‪ 2,8‬ﻤﻠﻴﻭﻥ ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪.1987‬‬
‫)ﻝﻜﻥ ﻜﻴﻑ ﺘﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺘﻡ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺼﺼﺔ ؟ (‪.‬‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﺘﻔﺭﺽ ﻗﺒل ﻜل ﺸﻲﺀ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺃﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫‪-‬ﺃ ‪‬‬
‫ﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺘﻁﺒﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪) :‬ﺍﻝﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل؟(‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﻥ ﺴﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ؟‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻝﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ؟ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﺒﻴﻌﻬﺎ ؟‪.‬‬

‫* ﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺼﺼﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺠﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺘﻜﻠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺨﻭﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺤﺎﺼل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺨﻭﺼﺼﺔ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،1987‬ﻭﻤﻊ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 25-90‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،1990‬ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻀﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ " ﺃﻭﻴﺤﻴﻰ" ﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺕ ‪ ،1997‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﻤﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭ ‪‬ﺩﺍ ﻭﻗﺎﺒﻼ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ؟ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫* ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪: 1987‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻤﺭﺤﺏ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺎﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺴﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺘﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺨﻔﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺜﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻁ ﻝﻔﺘﺭﺓ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻌﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺨﻤﺱ ﻭﻋﺸﺭﻭﻥ ﺴﻨﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺘﻁﺒﻕ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﺼﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺩﺴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺴﺩﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻠﻎ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻝﻠﺭﻫﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،15‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﺅﺍل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺡ ﻫﻭ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﻥ ﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ؟ ﻭﻫل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﻁﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﺩ ﺘﻤﻜﻴﻥ ﻜل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺸـﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻭﺯﻋـﺕ ﻋـﻠﻴﻬـﻡ ﻝـﺴـﻨـﺔ ‪ ،1987‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻺﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻴﺅﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺭﻜﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺠﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﻫﺅﻻﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﺍﻝﺤﺼـﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀـﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺸﺘﻐﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﺠﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻫﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺤﺘﻰ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺒﻌﺩﻫﻡ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺼﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻭ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻨﺠﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻘﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻁﺎﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺼﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻝﻠﻐﺫﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺃﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺴﻭﺍﺒﻕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺒﻬﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺒﺎﻋﺕ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﻏﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﺴﻜﻨﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻁﺒﻕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﻴﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺘﺎﺫ "ﺒﺩﺭﺍﻨﻲ" ﺃﻥ ﺒﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺩﻋﻭﺓ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻼﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ»ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎﻨﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺭﻤﺯﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻼﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻫﺒﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﻔﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻁﻨﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻏﻨﻰ ﺒﺩﻭﻥ ﻤﺒﺭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻝﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺘﻌﻁﻰ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﻴﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﻁﺎﻝﻴﻥ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ«)‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻴﻭﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺇﺭﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻨﻀﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻨﺸﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺜﺭ ﺒﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﻜﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻌﺭﻑ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﺠﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﺼﻠﺔ ﻗﺭﺍﺒﺔ ﺴﻭﻯ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺘﻔﺘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻴﻑ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﻭﺨﻁﻴﺭﺓ ﺴﺘﺅﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺄﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻝﺘﺨﻠﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﻜﺭﺓ ﺴﺘﺨﻠﻕ ﻁﺒﻘﺔ ﺭﺃﺴﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻌﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺘﺤﺭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﺠﻴﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻠﻜﺎ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻭﻗﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺤﻕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻪ ﻷﻱ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﺎﺯل ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻠﻭﺭﺕ ﻭﺼﺩﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍ ‪‬ﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ " ﺒﻠﻌﻴﺩ ﻋﺒﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ " ﻭﺘﻌﺯﺯﺕ ﺒﺈﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ " ﺃﺤﻤﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻴﺤﻲ " ﻻﻗﺕ ﻤﻌﺎﺭﻀﺔ ﻭ ﺘﺤﺫﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﻴﻥ ﻭﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻌﻜﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻴﻔﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪Bedrani Slimane: op-cit, p 83.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ )‪ (UNPA‬ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ " ﻨﻌﻴﻤﻲ" ﺤﻴﺙ ﺒﻌﺙ‬
‫ﺘﺤﺫﻴﺭﺍ ﺒﺎﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺨﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺠﺭ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻌﻠﻘﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺇﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﻻﺤﻕ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺘﺒﺩﻴﻠﻪ ﺒﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻴﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻬﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺃﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺠﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻨﺩﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺭﺼﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻔﻌﻴل‬
‫ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺈﺼﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺭﺴﻡ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ (PNDA‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺎﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻔﻴﺯﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ؟ ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ؟ ﻭﻫل ﻝﻠﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ؟ ﻫل ﺘﻡ ﺫﻝﻙ؟ ﻝﻺﺠﺎﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ ﺴﻨﻌﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺭﻏﻡ ﺤﺩﺍﺜﺔ ﻨﺸﺄﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
 ‫
ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴــــــﺩ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻨﺸﺄﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﺠل ﺘﻌﺩﻴل ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻴﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻊ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻜﻔﺎﺀﺓ ﺘﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺍ ﻋﺩﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﺹ ﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻜﻔﺎﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﻏﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺤﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻴﺎﺘﻪ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﺎ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﻴﺔ ﻝﻼﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ )‪ (OMC‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺴﻴﺘﻤﻜﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻌﺙ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻀﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺸﻁ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﺨﻼل‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﺄﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻤﻭﺍﺌﻤﺔ ﻝﻀﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻭ ﺍﻹﺭﺸﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺘﺜﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻝﻤﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺴﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﻌﺭﺽ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﺴﻨﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻭ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺝ ﺝ ﺩ ﺵ ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻳﻠﻴﺔ ‪ ،2002‬ﺹ ‪.47‬‬
 ‫‪ .I‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪:(PNDA‬‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﺩﺭ ﺒﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻰ ﺘﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﻪ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻌﻪ ﺤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺸﻬﺭ ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪ 2000‬ﻡ ﺒﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺼل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺨﺫﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺎﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺭ ﻭﻤﻤﻴﺯﺍﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﻭﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻀﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﻓﻊ ﺤﺭﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻸﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺤﻬﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻐﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﺘﻜﻴﻴﻑ ﻭﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﻤﺯﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ .II‬ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ )‪:(PNDA‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺍﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺠﻌﻼ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺘﺭﺤﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺘﺒﻨﺎﻩ ﻀﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻓﻌﺎل‪.‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺠﺯﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺴﻨﺔ ‪1987‬ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺭﻭﺯ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻨﺎﺘﺠﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻜﺱ ﺃﻓﺭﺯﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﻜﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﺴﻠﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﻭﺤﺭﻤﺎﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﺁﻨﺫﺍﻙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺭﺭﺕ ﻁﺭﺡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻨﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻨﺎﺴﻕ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻬﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺼﻭﺩﺓ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺠﻬﺔ ﻭﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻭﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻔﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﻓﺭﺯﺕ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﻡ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺒﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺇﻗﺒﺎل ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺒﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻀﻌﻑ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺘﺞ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫‪ %9,88‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 1987‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ % 11,15‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 1988‬ﺜﻡ ﻋﺎﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫‪ % 10,45‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪.(1) 1999‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻼﻋﻘﻼﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﺭﺍﻋﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ : (1‬ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﳉﻨﺔ ﺃﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻕ ﻭﺍﻻﺝ ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻳﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫‪ ، 2001‬ﺹ ‪.23‬‬
 ‫‪ . 2‬ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻷﺜﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺘﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻻﻨﺼﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻻﻨﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺘﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺤ ‪‬ﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺩﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﺤﺩﻴﺜﻪ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻩ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺃﻁﺭ ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺘﻪ ﻝﻠﺩﺨﻭل ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺒﻁ ﺸﺭﺍﻜﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺘﺤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺒﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ »‪ «OMC‬ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻋﺼﺭ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻭﻝﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﺠل ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﺩﻤﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(1‬ﻭﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺴﻌﻰ ﻝﻠﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺘﺄﻫﻴل ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺇﻋﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫* ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺴﻌﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺎ ﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻲ ﻭﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﻜﻭﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺴﺩﺍﺴﻲ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،(2) 2000‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺠﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺘﻐﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺩﺍﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ : (1‬ﺇﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﱐ ‪ :‬ﳏﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺃﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺟﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،2001 ،‬ﺹ ‪.10‬‬
‫)‪(2‬‬
‫‪: S.Bedrani.F.CHEHAT et S.Ababsa : L’Agriculture Algerienne en 2000, une revolution‬‬
‫‪tranquille le PNDA. Reuve de prospectives agricoles, Revue Anuelle N° 01 – ALGER.‬‬
‫)‪(3‬‬
‫‪: Ministere de l’agriculture : circulaire N°00332 DU 18/07/2000, République Algerinne‬‬
‫‪démocratique et populaire stratégie de mise en oeuvre de PNDA, 2000, p 4.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺘﻌﺯﻴﺯ ﺘﺼﺩﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻀﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻻﺴﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -5‬ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭﺓ ﻭﺘﻨﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -6‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺩﺍﺨﻴل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ " ﻗﻁﻴﻌﺔ "‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﺍ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻭﺠﺏ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ )‪.(1‬‬
‫‪ -7‬ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺜﻤﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -8‬ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺭﺸﻴﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻘﻼﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﺩﺭ ﺒﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺸﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺤﻭل ﺴﻠﺴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ )ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺍﺜﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺼﺩ ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺘﺩﻴﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﺴﺠﻤﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﺭﺘﻜﺯ ﺃﺴﺱ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻉ ﻭﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺸﺠﻴﺭ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ : (1‬ﺝ ﺝ ﺩ ﺵ ‪ ،‬ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.75‬‬
‫* ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﺍﻤﺠﻪ ﻭﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺴﻘﺎﻁﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻜﺸﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺁﺜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻨﻘﺎﺌﺹ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ‬
‫ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻸﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺠﺩ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻔﻜﻜﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺇﻓﺭﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻬﺸﺎﺸﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎ ﻴﺒﺩﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺃﻭﻻ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺜﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ (FNRDA‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻪ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌﻠﻪ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻥ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺎﺕ ﻭﺁﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﻨﺩﺕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻲ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻨﺎﺠﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﻜل ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺸﻜل ﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻨﺘﺴﺎﺀل ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻫل ﺤﻘﻘﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻡ ﺭﺼﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺤﻠﻴﺏ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻁﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻤﺎﻁﻡ ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻭﻓﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ؟‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻨﺼﺭﺍ ﻓﻌﺎﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻬﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ ﻭﻜﻔﻴﻠﺔ ﺒﺘﺜﺒﻴﻁ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺘﻤﺴﻜﻴﻥ » ﺃﺒﺎ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺠﺩ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ «‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ ،‬ﺠﻌل ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﺼﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺠﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻀﺎﻋﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺭﺹ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺘﺸﺨﻴﺹ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺈﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻘﺭ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﺒﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻝﺘﺤﺭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻠﻴﺒﺭﺍﻝﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻀﻌﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻜﺫﺍ ﻀﻌﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻀﻭﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻤﺤﺘﻭﻯ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻝﻠﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﺘﺨﻀﻊ ﻤﺤﺘﻭﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﺍﻤﺞ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻌﺩﻴﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻵﺠﺎل ﻻ ﺘﺸﻜل ﻋﺭﺍﻗﻴل‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻁﺭﺓ ﻭﺭﺒﻤﺎ ﺴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴل‬
‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﺸﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻲ )‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻋﺒﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺤﻴﻁﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻤﻌﻤﻘﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﻨﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻜل ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻲ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﺎ ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﺭﻫﻭﻨﺎ ﺒﺈﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤل ﻨﻬﺎﺌﻲ ﻝﻤﺸﻜل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻪ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.56‬‬
 ‫‪ - III‬ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻗﺒل ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﺘﺒﻌﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺭﺴﻭﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫﻱ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 483-97‬ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺭﺥ ﻓﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ ‪ ،1997‬ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﺩ ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻨﺢ‬
‫ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻗﻁﻊ ﺃﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺼﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻬﺒﻴﺔ )‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺎﻝﺤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﻭﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻬﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﺠﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﻵﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺘﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻭﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺎﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺘﻀﻤﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﻴﺎﻑ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻫﻠﻴﻥ ﻭﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺨﺭﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻴﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺒﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺯﻭﺡ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺩﻱ ﻝﻬﺠﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺤﺴﻥ ﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺒﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﻝﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻗﻠﺕ‬

‫ﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺘﻀﻁﻠﻊ ﺒﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺘﺄﻁﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺴﻴﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩ‪‬ﺩﺓ ﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻤﻊ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻭﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺴﻤﻴﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ ﻝﻼﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺝ ﺝ ﺩ ﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،1998 ،‬ﺹ ‪.14‬‬
 ‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺼﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ )‪.(1‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻷﺼﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺸﺨﺎﺹ ﺁﺨﺭﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻭﻜﺫﺍ ﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺒﻠﻐﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ‪ % 70‬ﻤﻥ ﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺒﺘﺠﺩﻴﺩ ‪ 140‬ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎ ﺒﻐﻁﺎﺀ ﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻗﺩﺭﻩ ‪ 9,71‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ )‪.(2‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺘﺴﺩﻴﺩ ‪ % 30‬ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺨﺼﺹ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺎﺩل ‪ 29,8‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺃﻗل ﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ )‪ 22‬ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻋﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺘﺩﻋﻲ ﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﻑ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺍﺴﺘﺼﻼﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻐل ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺭﻭﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻭﻋﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩﺓ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﻝﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﺩ ﻜﺜﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﻭﻋﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻭﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻵﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩ ﻋﺩﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺨﺼﺹ ﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺎﻜل ﻭ ﺁﻝﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻤﺨﻁﻁﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻬﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ )‪ ،BADR‬ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻴﻀﺎ )‪ CNMA‬ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ(‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺝ ﺝ ﺩ ﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪ ،17‬ﺹ ‪.21‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺼﻼﺡ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺤﻤﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﺤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻗﺎﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺒﺎﺘﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‪ ،‬ﻋﺭﻀﻨﺎ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻬﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺼﺤﺭﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﻁ ﺍﻷﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺱ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻻﺤﻅﻨﺎ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻀﺢ ﻝﻤﻔﻬﻭﻡ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻜﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺨﻴﺹ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺼﺭﻴﺢ ﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﻤﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺘﻨﺸﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﻤﻨﺤﻪ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻝﻴﺱ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺩ ﻤﺸﺘﺭﻙ ﺘﻌﺎﻗﺩﻱ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻀﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﺠل ﺍﻷﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻝﻺﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺒﻨﻭﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺘﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺎﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻝﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﺜﻨﺎﺌﻲ ﻴﺤﺘﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﺯﺍﻤﺎﺕ ﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺍﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪.1987‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﺩ ﻝﻘﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺴﺎﻨﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻭﺴﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺎﻹﻴﺠﺎﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﺍﻝﺸﻐل‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺝ ﺝ ﺩ ﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.100‬‬
 ‫ﺨـــﻼﺼـــﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺤﺎﻭﻝﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﻨﻴل ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻬﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺘﺤﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻁﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻻﻜﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺼﻭل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﻘﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻘﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻤﻴﺕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬
‫ﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺴﻭﺀ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺩ ﺫﺍﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻤﺜل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻭﻝﺩ ﻤﻊ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﺒل ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻤل‬
‫ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﻁﺄ ﻴﺘﻜﺭﺭ ﻭ ﻝﻜﻥ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻌﺎﻜﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﻭ ﻨﻴل ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻊ‬
‫ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻌﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻹﺼﻼﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻊ ﻋﺠﺯ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻜﺘﻔﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻝﺴﻭﺀ ﺃﻭﻀﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻠﻜﺕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻐﺎﻴﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺃﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺘﺨﺫﺕ ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ ﺼﺩﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،19-87‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺎﻀﻲ ﺒﺘﺸﻜﻴل ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻨﺤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺒﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺩﺨل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻤﻠﻴﻜﻬﻡ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻭﻨﺔ ﻝﺫﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺩﺍ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻨﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺤﺘﻭﺍﺀ ﺭﻫﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻁﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻤﻜﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻻﻨﺸﻐﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺠﻬﺘﻪ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫‪ 19-87‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺼﻌﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺤﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 19-87‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻡ ﺘﺅﺕ‬
‫ﻤﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺇﻨﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺸﻜﺎل ﺍﻝﺭﻭﺍﺒﻁ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ )ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺜﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ‪ (...‬ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻼﺌﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﺨﻠﻕ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﺴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻤﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺼﺎﻏﺔ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﻤﺭ ﻴﻀﺒﻁ ﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻭﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻸﻤﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ ﻨﻬﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﻔﻴﺯﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺠﺴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺩ ﻭﺠﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻴﻴﺩ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﺽ ﺘﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻴﺒﻘﻰ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻠﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺇﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻡ ﺘﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺠل ﺒل ﺘﻌﺩﺘﻪ ﺤﺭﺼﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﻜﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﻬﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻔﺎﻗﻡ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺭﺴﻡ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻋل ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺘﻤﺜﻠﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ (PNDA‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻜﺂﺨﺭ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻨﺘﻬﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - II‬ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪8‬ول ‪ :‬ا‪  3C‬ا"‪

 . %‬را‬

‫♦ ا"‪ :3‬ا‪ jR5D : . H‬ا‪2‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺼـل ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻲ ‪ :‬ﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻌـﻴﻨـﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻷﻭل ‪ :‬ﺍﻝﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬ ‫‪.I‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻤﻭﻨﻭﻏﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ )ﺒﻭﺸـﺎﻭﻱ(‬

‫‪ 1-1‬ﺘﻘـﺩﻴﻡ ﻋـﺎﻡ ﻝﻠﺒﻠﺩﻴـﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻘﻊ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﻝﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺼل ﺒﻴﻥ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺘﻴﺒﺎﺯﺓ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺴﻌﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺒﻬﻀﺒﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪.1984‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﺘل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ‪ % 50‬ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 1970‬ﺍﺤﺘﻔﻅﺕ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺒﻁﺎﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﺭﻴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺸﻬﺩﺕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﻨﻤﻭﺍ ﺴﺭﻴﻌﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺤﻲ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺯﺤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2-1‬ﻝﻤﺤﺔ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﻘﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺫﻫﺎﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﻡ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻨﻴﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﻤﺭ ﻭﺴﻜﻥ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻭﻝﻰ ﻭﺍﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺴﻌﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺒﻊ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻏﺎﺒﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺴﻤﻰ ﺒﻤﺎﻝﻜﻬﺎ‬
‫"ﺒﻭﺭﺠﻭ" ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻤﺘﻠﻙ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺘﻌﻨﻲ ﺸﺭﻗﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﺘﻘﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﺴﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺭﻤﺯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺭﺠل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻝﻴل ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻗﺩﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻗﺎﺌﻤﺔ ﻗﺒل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺇﺜﺭ ﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻲ ﺍﺤﺘﻔﻅ ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﻴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻤﻰ )ﺠﻨﺎﻥ ﻝﺨﻀﺭ( ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺠﺩ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﺍﺌﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﻗﺕ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﺴﻨﺔ ‪1998‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﻌﺩ ‪ 16‬ﻜﻠﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺤﺩﻭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ‪) :‬ﺃﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺭﻴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻓﻘﺔ(‬

‫• ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ( ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﻭﺱ ﺘﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﻝﻲ ﺇﺒﺭﺍﻫﻴﻡ ﺘﺤﺩﻫﺎ )ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ( ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻻﺩ ﻓﺎﻴﺕ ﺘﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻨﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻐﺭﺒﻲ‪.‬‬
‫• ﻭﻴﺤﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‪.‬‬

‫ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻗﺎﺕ‪:‬‬
‫ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺘﻤﻠﻙ ﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﻝﻠﻁﺭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻬﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻁﻭل ﺇﺠﻤﺎﻝﻲ ‪ 187.230‬ﻜﻠﻡ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ‪%90‬‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﺒﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺘﺨﻠل ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﺃﻫﻤﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﺠﻨﻭﺒﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﺭﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺜل ﻋﺎﻤل ﻫﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 11‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﻁ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺭﻗﻡ ‪ 41‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺎﺀ )ﻤﻠﺘﻘﻰ( ﺒﻴﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ ﻭﺘﻴﺒﺎﺯﺓ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ – 2-1‬ﺍﻝﺘﻀﺎﺭﻴﺱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻘﻊ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺤﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻤﺎﻝﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻁﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻠﺔ ﻤﺤﺎﻁﺔ ﺒﻭﺍﺩ ﻀﻴﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻕ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺽ ‪ ،‬ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﺘﻠﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻴﻘﻁﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻭﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﻝﻠﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻫﻀﺒﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻴﺼل ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻋﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪190‬ﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺠﺯﺀﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻨﺤﺩﺭ ﺒﺎﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺤل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺎﻁﺊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻔل‪ ،‬ﻤﻠﻙ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬

‫‪ 1-2‬ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺀ ﺍﻝﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻜﺏ ﻝﺘﺭﺒﺔ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﻴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻁﻴﻥ ﻭﻜﻠﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺴﻔﺢ ﺍﻝﺘﻼل ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻬل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺸﻜل ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻜﺜﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 2-2‬ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺥ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻴﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻤﻌﺘﺩل ﻭﻝﻁﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻘﻠﺏ‪ ،‬ﺠﻭ ﻝﻁﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺘﺎﺀ ﻭﺤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻑ‪.‬‬
 ‫)*(‬
‫‪ 3-2‬ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ )‪:(2006-1996‬‬

‫ﻓﺒﺭﺍﻴﺭ‬ ‫ﺠﺎﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻓﻤﺒﺭ ﺩﻴﺴﻤﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺘﻭﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺸﻬـﺭ‬

‫‪75.6‬‬ ‫‪78.5‬‬ ‫‪103.8 84.4‬‬ ‫‪61.5‬‬ ‫‪16.5‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻠﻤﻠﻡ‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪07‬‬ ‫‪07‬‬ ‫ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻁﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺠﻭﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺠﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﺭﻴل‬ ‫ﻤﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺸﻬﺭ‬
‫‪580‬‬ ‫‪1.2‬‬ ‫‪2.2‬‬ ‫‪8.4‬‬ ‫‪39.2‬‬ ‫‪37.4‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ ‪71.6‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻠﻡ‬
‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻤﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻠﻡ‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻗﻁ ﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺒـ ‪ 580‬ﻤﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺠﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﺒـ ‪ 700‬ﻤﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺍﻋﺘﺩﺍل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻗﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻁﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺸﻬﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﻥ ﻨﺴﺠل ﻨﻘﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺎﻗﻁ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻠﺯﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻘﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ‪.‬‬

‫)*(‬
‫‪ 4-2‬ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ‪ :‬ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺴﺠﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺩﻯ ‪ 10‬ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ )‪:(2006-1996‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻘﺼﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺸﻬﺭﻱ ﺃﻓﺭﻴل ﻭﺸﻬﺭ‬
‫ﺴﺒﺘﻤﺒﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺘﻘﻡ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺘﺒﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﺎﻗﻁ ﺍﻷﻤﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺠﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﺱ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﺜﺭ‪.‬‬

‫)*( ‪ -‬اﳌﺼﺪر‪(TCM Staoueli) :‬‬

‫)*( ‪ -‬اﳌﺼﺪر‪(TCM Staoueli) :‬‬
 ‫‪ – 5-2‬ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺁﺨـــﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺤﻔـﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻭﺩﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ‪/‬ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ‬
‫‪FORAGE‬‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪ 2,8‬ل‪/‬ﺜﺎ‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺭﻑ ل‪/‬ﺜﺎ‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪308‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪420‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺭﻱ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﻘﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ ‪ 308‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻘﻲ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ ‪ 420‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﻴﻭﻀﺢ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩل‬
‫ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺼل ﻤﻌﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 9‬ل‪/‬ﺜﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﺴﺠل ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ‪ 03‬ﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺩﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ ﻜﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻘﻲ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻠﻭﺜﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ – 6-2‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﺸﺭﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫‪1998‬‬ ‫‪1987‬‬ ‫‪1977‬‬ ‫‪1966‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪58423‬‬ ‫‪33704‬‬ ‫‪22210‬‬ ‫‪12149‬‬ ‫ﻋﺩﺩ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺴﻜﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺎﺌل‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﻘﺭﺒﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺼﻤﺔ ﻓﻤﻨﺫ ﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫‪ 1966‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﻴﻭﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻭﺴﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫‪ 12149‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1966‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 58324‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ 1998‬ﺤﻭﻝﻲ ‪ % 65‬ﻤﻥ ﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﻤﺘﻭﺍﺠﺩﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﻜﺯ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻌﺜﺭﺓ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﺭﻯ ﺃﻡ ﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﺭ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ – 7-2‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﻁﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻑ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫‪1600‬‬ ‫‪323‬‬ ‫‪700‬‬ ‫‪1200‬‬ ‫‪744‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝـﻌــﺩﺩ‬
‫‪% 35 %7,1 %15,3 %26,3 %16,3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝـﻨـﺴـﺏ‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻤﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﻀﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﻭﺠﺏ ﺘﻀﺎﻋﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻬﻴﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻭﺴﻴﻭﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻨﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺫﻭﻕ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻐﺎﻝﺏ ﻭﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ 26,3‬ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ‪.16,3‬‬

‫‪ – 3‬ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ‪:‬‬
‫‪ : 1-3‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻡ‪،‬ﻑ‪،‬ﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻡ‪،‬ﻑ‪،‬ﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪Ferme‬‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬ ‫‪Pilote‬‬
‫‪E, A, I‬‬ ‫‪E, A, C‬‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 1‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 1‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 3‬ﻫـ[‬
‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪3‬ﻫـ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 5‬ﻫـ[‬
‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 5‬ﻫـ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪10‬ﻫـ[‬
‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ]‪ 10‬ﻫـ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 15‬ﻫـ[‬
‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 15‬ﻫـ‬
‫‪168‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ‪ 75‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ ،1987‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻭﺫﺠﻴﺔ ‪ Ferme Pilote‬ﺒل ﺘﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ ، EAC.EAI‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻤﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻨﻘﺎﺫ ‪ 09‬ﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺘﻡ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ‪ 101‬ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝـ‬
‫‪ 17‬ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻲ‪ :‬ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫‪.II‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺴﻤﻴﻨﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﺒﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺭﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﻨﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﻤﺜﺎﺒﺔ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻬﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﻫﻲ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ‬
‫ﻭﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﻭﺘﻁﺭﻗﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻷﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻝﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﺤﺩﻴﺩ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﻤﺭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺎﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻓﺒﻐﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻬﺠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﻭﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻤﺤﺼﻭﺭﺓ ﺒﻴﻥ )‪70 – 29‬ﺴﻨﺔ( ﻭﺒﺄﺨﺫﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻝﺜﻼﺙ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻨﺘﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪% 30‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ]‪ 42 - 29‬ﺴﻨﺔ[‬
‫‪% 46‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ]‪ 56 - 43‬ﺴﻨﺔ[‬
‫‪% 24‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ]‪ 70 - 57‬ﺴﻨﺔ[‬
‫‪% 100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ ‪ %46‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 30‬ﻭﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 24‬‬
 ‫ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺇﻗﺒﺎﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻋﻼﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﻩ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺤﺭﺼﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﻝﺔ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎﺯﺍﻝﻭﺍ ﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺤﺒﺎ ﻭﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻵﺘﻲ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪:‬‬

‫ا"<"ع‬ ‫‪.2T‬‬ ‫‪ l‬ي‬ ‫‪bC‬‬ ‫ا‪ C‬ا‪.R‬‬ ‫أ و‪0C%‬‬ ‫أ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻡ‪.‬ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬

‫ن‪%‬‬ ‫ت‬ ‫ن‬ ‫ﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻑ‪.‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭ‬ ‫ﺭ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%13‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%25‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%50‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%06‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%06‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%04‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%24‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%56‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬل‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%92‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪100‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%06‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%26‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪%11‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%50‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬
‫‪8‬‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﺒـ ‪ % 92‬ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ ،% 56‬ﻝﺘﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪.% 6‬‬
‫ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 50‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪24‬‬
‫‪ %‬ﻝﺘﻨﻌﺩﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺜﻡ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻭﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 25‬ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﺒـ ‪13‬‬
‫‪ %‬ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 4‬ﻝﺘﻨﻌﺩﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﻨﺴﺠل ﺃﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﻓﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ‪ ،‬ﺘﻨﺘﺸﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻝﺤﺭﻤﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻡ ﺇﺒﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﻀﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ -3‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻼ‬ ‫ﺸﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺒﻴﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺤﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻑ‪.‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%6‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%25‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%50‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%19‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%8‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%8‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%80‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪%4‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%6‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%68‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻴﺕ "ﺒﻴﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ" ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪ ،%68‬ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ‪ %80‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‪ %69‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ‪ %60‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻴﻤﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺸﻘﺔ ﻭﻓﻴﻼ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %11‬ﻭ‪ %6‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻝﻔﺌﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻌﺩﻡ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫‪%41‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%33‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%26‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤــﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺤﻀــﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻴــﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴــﻥ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%44‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪%56‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%12‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%88‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%92‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%20‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪%80‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬
‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﺼﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺒـ ‪ %80‬ﻭﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪ %92‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ %88‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ ، %56‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺤﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺼل ﺤﻀﺭﻱ ﻭﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ %44‬ﺜﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ ،%12‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭ‪‬ﺍ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪.%08‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻴﻁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺤﻀﺭﻱ ﻝﻠﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻨﺸﺌﻭﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺴﻁ ﺤﻀﺭﻱ ﺃﻱ ﻤﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻻﺩﺘﻬﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -‬ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬

‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺃﻤﻜﻨﺘﻨﺎ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺎﺭﺓ ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺼل ﺍﻝﺠﻐﺭﺍﻓﻲ ﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﻭﺸﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺤﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ‪ :‬ﻭﻻﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﺔ )ﺍﻝﺘﻴﻁﺭﻱ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺴﺒﺏ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻝﻠﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﺭﻴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻘﻴﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻥ "ﺒﻭﺭﺠﻭ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﺘﺴﺎﻉ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻏﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺒﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﻲﺀ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺯل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﻓﻕ ﻝﻠﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻝﻠﺯﻤﻴل ﻓﻲ ﺭﺴﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺠﺴﺘﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻡ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺒﻌﻨﻭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺠﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫)‪( 1‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ" ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﻁﺎﻭﺍﻝﻲ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻴﺤﺩﺙ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - 6‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﻤﺘﺯﻭﺝ‬
‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺯﺏ‬
‫‪% 100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﻣﻌﺎﱄ ‪ :‬ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺟﻴﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﺒﻮﺯﺭﻳﻌﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ‪.2007-2006‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺃﻥ ﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻫﻡ ﻤﺘﺯﻭﺠﻭﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺸﺌﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺎﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭ‪.‬‬

‫‪ - 7‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 9‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 5‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ ‪ 1‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 4‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪%6‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%94‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%68‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫‪/‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%24‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%41‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪%35‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ‪ 5‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 8‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺒـ ‪ %41‬ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%68‬ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺭﻫﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ‪ 1‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 4‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %35‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ ،%94‬ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺃﺴﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ‪ 9‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %24‬ﺁﻝﺕ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪.%69‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺘﻘل ﺤﺠﻡ ﺃﺴﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻻﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺸﺒﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺠﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺠﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺃﻱ )ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ( ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻁﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪ - 8‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺃﺨﺭ‬

‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬

‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﻻ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺇﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪%69‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻜﺘﻔﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪.%31‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻠﺠﺌﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻝﻠﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﺠل‬
‫ﺇﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻤﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻅﺎﺌﻑ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻜﺎﻝﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺨﻭﺍﺹ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻘﻭل ﻭ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﺍﺌﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‪:‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﻁﺕ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻝﺤﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﺘﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺸﻁﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﻗﻭﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺎﻤل ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﻤﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﺨل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻜﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺘﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺘﻭﺩ ﻓﻌﻼ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺘﺒﻌﻨﺎ ﻝﻤﺸﻭﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﺃﻱ ﻫل ﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﺭﺴﺕ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺁﺨﺭ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺴﻤﻌﺕ ﺒﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺫﻝﻙ؟ ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪-87‬‬
‫‪ ، 19‬ﻫل ﻫﻭ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ؟ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ؟‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (09‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺘﻬﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻝﻡ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ ﻤﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﺨﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%81‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%19‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%68‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪%32‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%85‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%76‬‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪%24‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺴﺠﻠﺕ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪% 76‬ﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪.% 24‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺴﺠﻠﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪ % 85‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ % 81‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%68‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻓﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺒﺄﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ %32‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ % 19‬ﻭﺒﺄﻗل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‬
‫‪.%15‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻗل ﺴﻨﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻨﺠﺩﻫﻡ ﺍﻤﺘﻬﻨﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل‬
‫ﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﺒﺩﺅﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻨﺫ ﺍﻝﺼﻐﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻝﺩﻯ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻥ‬
‫"‪ "Borgeaud‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻝﻌﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﺃﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﺜﻬﻡ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﻩ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﻜﻨﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺒﻤﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ‬
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‫ﻜﻲ ﺒﺩﻴﺕ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻨﺕ ﻨﻌﺭﻑ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 70‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل‬
‫ﻋﻼ ﻫﺫﻴﻙ ﺨﺩﻤﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺽ "ﺒﻭﺭﺠﻭ" ﺃﻭ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﻭﺤﺩﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ << ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺠﻊ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺃﺒﻭﺍﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻜﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺩﺭﺱ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﺩﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻭﻋﻨﺩﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﻭﺍ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﻤﻨﺎﺼﺏ ﻋﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻤﺎﻤﻬﻡ ﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍ ﻭﺤﻴﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻬﺭﻭﺏ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺸﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﺭﺭﻩ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻴﻥ ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺩﺨﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻘﻭﺓ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ »ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل« ﻝﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺍﺠﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻷﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﺴﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺒﻐﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺘﺴﺭﻴﺢ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﻋﻤﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺌﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﺴﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ ﻓﺎﻷﻜﺜﺭﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻤﺎﺭﺴﺕ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻤﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺸﺩﺓ ﺘﻤﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ﺇﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺤﺎﻓﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺃﻡ ﻻ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺘﻨﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻨﻭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﻥ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﺘﻐﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ » ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ « ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻭﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺤﻔﺯﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺌﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ؟ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺘﺤﻤﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (10‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﻘﺘﺭﺡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﻭﻁﻤﺄﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻐﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻤﻨﺤﻬﻡ ﺤﻕ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺠﺎﺀ ﻜﺎﻗﺘﺭﺍﺡ ﺤﻜﻭﻤﻲ ﺒﻌﺩ ‪ 07‬ﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻭﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﺘﻐﻠﻭﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺤﺩﺜﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،19-87‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻡ ﺘﻠﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻴﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺠﻭﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﻝﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻻﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻤﺠﻤﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤﺩ ﺍﻵﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺴﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻑ‪ .‬ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%06‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%94‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%20‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪%80‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%23‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%77‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%17‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%83‬‬ ‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻨﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻉ ﺃﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺭﺥ ﰲ ‪ ،1997‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻀﺒﻂ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﳚﺎﺭ ﻭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻊ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %83‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ‪ %94‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ‪ %80‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‪.%77‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒـ‪ %17‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‪ %23‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ‪ %23‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫ﺒـ‪.%6‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻁﻼﻉ ﺸﺒﻪ ﺘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻝﻤﺼﻴﺭ ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺠﺩﺍﻨﻲ ‪،‬‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺒﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺼﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻴﺸﻜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻤﻭﻀﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺘﻬﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻹﻋﺎﻝﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﻋﺎﺌﻠﺘﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﻴﺘﺒﻊ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺘﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺇﺼﻼﺤﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﺎﻤﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺃﺭﺍﻀﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺸﺘﻐﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺸﻜل‬
‫ﺨﺎﺹ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 56‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل »ﺃﻨﺎ ﺴﻤﻌﺕ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ‪،‬‬
‫ﺼﺢ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ ﻻﻻ«‬
‫ﺒﺼﺢ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻼ ﺒﻠﻴﺵ ﺇﻻ ‪‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻠﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺣﺴﻦ ‪‬ﻠﻮﻝ ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.34‬‬

 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (11‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺎ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌـــﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﻉ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%09‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪%34‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪%19‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%37‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%36‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%40‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%27‬‬ ‫‪07‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%57‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%09‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫‪%33‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%47‬‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻗﺩ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒـ ‪ ، %44‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %33‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺒـ‪ ، %15‬ﺜﻡ ﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺒـ‪.%9‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %57‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻤﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ ‪ ،‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %40‬ﻓﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%37‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺄﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %36‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ‪ ، %34‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %27‬ﻝﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﺩ ﺒﺄﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ‪ ، %19‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ، %16‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‪.%8‬‬
‫ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻗل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺒـ‪ %9‬ﻭﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‪.%8‬‬
‫ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﻠﻔﺯﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻭ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻡ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺴﻤﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺼﺭﻱ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻝﺜﻘﻴﻠﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﻅﻨﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﺓ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻭﻤﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻠﻔﺯﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺍﺩﻴﻭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺼﺭﺡ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻕ ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻭﻥ ﻭﻴﺘﻨﺎﻗﺸﻭﻥ ﻝﻠﺘﺄﻜﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺒﺎﺩل ﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻬﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻜل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻠﺘﺠﺄﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻘﺼﺎﻥ ﻝﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺭﺍﺌﺩ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺘﺄﻜﻴﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﻋﻠﻥ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺴﺒﻕ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﺌﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺠل ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺤﺩﻴﺙ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺱ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪ 1987‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺌﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﺍﳉﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻨﻴﺔ ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻉ ﺃﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺭﺥ ﰲ ‪ ،1997‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻀﺒﻂ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﻭﻛﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﳚﺎﺭ ﻭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (12‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪: 1987‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻤﺸﺠﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪%43‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%57‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪%79‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫‪%21‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪%90‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪%10‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪19-87‬‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%74‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫‪%26‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺍﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،19-87‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %74‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩ ﻻﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪.% 26‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺅﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﺫ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪19-87‬‬
‫ﺒـ ‪ % 90‬ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺅﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ »‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ « ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ % 79‬ﻝﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺅﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ »ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ« ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ %43‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪ ،19-87‬ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺅﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %57‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺒﻌﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺒﺩﺃﺕ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ » ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ « ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ‬
‫‪ % 21‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ » ﻤﻨﺫ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ «19-87‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%10‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻌﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻬﺩ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺃ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ »ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ« ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل‪ ،‬ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺸﺕ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺤﺘﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻨﺴﻲ ﻓﻘﺎﻭﻤﺘﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻨﻴل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﻼل ﻓﻨﻅﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻜل ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺼﻼﺡ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻝﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻓﺄﻱ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺇﺼﻼﺤﻲ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻴﺭﻋﻰ ﻤﺼﺎﻝﺤﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻘﺒﻭل ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺒل ﻝﻠﻨﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪65‬‬
‫ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪:‬‬
‫» ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻤل ﻝﻘﻴﺘﺵ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺃﻭ ﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻨﻨﺘﺞ‬
‫ﻤﻠﻴﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻤﺩ ﷲ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ‪ 19-87‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺒﺩﺃﻭﺍ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ »ﻤﻨﺫ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ «19-87‬ﻭﻓﺘﺭﺓ‬
‫"ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ " ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺘﺭﺘﻴﻥ ﺤﺩﺜﺘﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺜﺭﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻨﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻜﺜﺭﻫﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺼﻔﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ‪ .19-87‬ﻝﻡ ﻴﺄﺕ ﺒﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻴﺘﺨﺒﻁ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻋﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺴﺒﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺠﺎﺀ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺨﻠﻕ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺴﻠﺒﻴﺎﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻝﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﺫﻝﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 40‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ ﻤﻨﺫ ‪ 1987‬ﻴﻘﻭل ‪» :‬ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻫﻭﺵ ﻤﻠﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺨﻁﺭﺵ ﻜل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻴﺘﻜل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻵﺨﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 50‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ »ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ«‪» ،‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﺍﻴﻊ ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻋﻭ ﺴﻭﺍﺴﻭﺍ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ »‪ «19-87‬ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 41‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻘﻭل ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺃﻨﺎ ﻤﺎﺭﺍﻨﻴﺵ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﺒﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻻﺨﻁﺭﺵ ﺃﻗﺴﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻜل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺃﺩﺍ‬
‫ﺤﻘﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺩﺃ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺭﺓ »ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﺭﻉ ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻴﺔ« ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 56‬ﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭل ‪» :‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻜﺴﺭﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺴﻴﺭﺘﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻜﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺤﺒﺘﺒﺵ‬
‫ﺃﺘﺴﻠﻔﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﻫﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻋﻼ ﺠﺎﻝﻭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪ 19-87‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (13‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﻓـﻕ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻓـﻕ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺭﺃ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺍﻓﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻜﻭﺴﻴﻠﺔ ﻝﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%61‬ﺃﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺒـ ‪.%39‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻓﻘﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ ﺒـ‬
‫‪ ،% 86‬ﺜﻡ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻴﻘﺭﺃ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﺒـ ‪ % 83‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒـ ‪ % 75‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺫﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﺒـ ‪.% 67‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺭﺃﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﻐﻴﺭ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺠﻌﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 59‬ﺜﻡ‬
‫ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﺒـ ‪ ،% 33‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒـ ‪25‬‬
‫‪ ،%‬ﺜﻡ ﺫﻭﻱ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻴﻘﺭﺃ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﺒـ ‪ % 17‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ ﺒـ ‪14‬‬
‫‪.%‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺎﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﻯ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻨﻁﻼﻗﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ » ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺨﻴﺭ ﺤﺎﻓﺯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺞ‪ ،‬ﺒﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪،‬‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻭﻕ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﻅﻬﺭ ﻝﻠﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎ ﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ«‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﻨﺎﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﺤﺴﻨﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻺﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻜﺒﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻤﻀﻤﻭﻨﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ » ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﻤﺯﺍﻴﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺌﻴﺴﻲ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﻤﺯﺭﻋﺘﻪ «)‪.(2‬‬
‫ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻋﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻁﺎﺒﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺩﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﻗﺭﻴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻠﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﻫﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 57‬ﺴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﻘﻭل » ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻭﻫﺎﻨﺎ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﺴﺎﻭﻤﻨﻲ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺃﺩﺍﻭﻝﻲ ‪ 07‬ﻫﻜﺘﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﻨﺎﻭ ﻓﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻁﻴﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﺢ ﻝﻭ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺼﺢ ﺃﺭﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻭﻫﺎﻝﻨﺎﺵ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻓﻀﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﻜﻭﻝﻭﻥ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺃﻤﻲ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪:‬‬
‫» ﺇﺫﺍ ﺒﺎﻋﻭﺍ ﻝﺭﺽ ﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻠﻴﺢ ﺒﺼﺢ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺸﺭﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻓﺔ ﺘﻭﻝﻲ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻋﻨﺩﻭ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﻝﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﺎﻭﺩ ﻭﻝﻲ ﻜﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻭﻝﻭﻥ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻠﻙ ﻝﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺫﻭ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻫﺫﻱ ﻝﺭﺽ ﻀﺤﺎﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﺏ‪ ،‬ﻤﺎ ﻝﺯﻤﺵ ﺘﻨﺒﺎﻉ ﻝﺨﺎﻁﺭﺵ ﻗﺎﻉ ﺇﺴﺎﻝﻭ«‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺩﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﺭﻳﱰ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.463‬‬

‫)‪ – (2‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﺑﻮ ﺍﳋﲑ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻻﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺼﻮﺻﻪ ﺑﺎﳌﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻳﻀﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﻓﺘﺎﻭﻯ‬
‫ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،1961 ،‬ﺹ ‪.13‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (14‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺘﻔﻀﻠﻬﻡ ﻹﺤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫‪:‬‬
‫ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺭﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫)ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪(1987‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%84‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%76‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪%24‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%39‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪%61‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻔﻀل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %69‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪.%31‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ %84‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ %76‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪. %39‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪ %61‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ % 24‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪.%16‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺘﻔﻀل ﻝﻭ ﻴﺘﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﻡ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺴﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺠﻌﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻴﺸﻐل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺭﺍﺤﺔ ﻨﻔﺴﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻝﻀﻤﺎﻨﻪ ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺘﻔﻀل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺠﺭﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻤﻴل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺇﻝﻰ ﻜل‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺼﺭﺡ ﺒﻪ ﺃﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ‬
‫‪ 41‬ﺴﻨﺔ ‪ » :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺸﺭﻴﺕ ﻫﺫﻱ ﻝﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻭﻝﻲ ﺤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ‪ ،‬ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﻝﻴل ﻭﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﺒﺎﺵ ﺃﻨﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻴﺩﺓ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ " ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،" 19-87‬ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺴﻴﻁ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻻ ﺘﻔﻀل ﺍﻝﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺨﺸﻰ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﺩ ﺇﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ " ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،" 19-87‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺼﻑ ﺒﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻘﺎﺌﺹ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻋﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺃﻤﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﻷﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺩﺨﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫* ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ‪:‬‬
‫* ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻪ ﺒﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﺘﻤﻴﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺭﻜﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺘﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻴﺼل ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻤﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻀﻤﻬﻡ ﻤﻨﺯل ﻭﺍﺤﺩ)‪ ،(1‬ﺘﺤﺘﻔﻲ ﺒﻤﻭﺍﻝﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺍﻷﺏ ﻴﺭﻏﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻝﻶﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻭﻤﻊ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺭ ﺒﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺒﻼﺩﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻁﻠﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺴﻭﺍﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻑ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻝﺯﺍﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻋﺎﻁل ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻋﻥ ﻋﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻤﺠﺎل‬
‫ﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺨﺼﺼﻪ ﺃﻭ ﺘﻜﻭﻴﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ ﻴﺭﻓﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﻴﺘﻬﺭﺏ ﻤﻨﻪ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺎﻫﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻀﺤﻰ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﻨﻪ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻻﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﺕ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻝﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ ﻤﺼﺩﺭﺍ ﻝﻠﺜﺭﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻷﺯﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻋﺩﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﻭﺘﻴﺭﺓ ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁﺔ ‪ %1,5‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺘﺴﺒﺏ ﺒﻤﺠﻲﺀ‬
‫‪ 450.000‬ﺭﻗﻡ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﻲ ﻜل ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻁﻌﺎﻤﻪ )‪ ،(2‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺼﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل‬
‫ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﻻ ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﺒﺈﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻷﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﻜل ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﻭﺩ ﺇﻝﺤﺎﻕ ﺍﺒﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺴﺏ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻭﺒﻌﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺴﺒﺏ‬
‫ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺴﺎﻭﺉ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﻓﺭﺼﺔ ﻤﻼﺌﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ‬
‫‪ 19-87‬ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻏﻴ‪‬ﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠﻴﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺎﻤل‬ ‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺩ‪ /‬ﲨﺎﻝ ﺍﶈﺎﺳﺐ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﲨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻁ‪ ،1‬ﺩﻣﺸﻖ‪ ، 1995 ،‬ﺹ ‪.105‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ :‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪.25‬‬
‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺤﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻭﻓﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﻴﺄﺨﺫﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻜﺜﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺸﺭﺍﺅﻩ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻜﺘﻤﺎل ﻨﻤﻭ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻁﻰ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻤﺜل‬
‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﻜﺴﺏ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻝﻠﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻜل ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﻤﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺤﺭ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﻅﻑ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﺜﻠﻭﻥ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﺘﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺤﻴﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﻭﻡ ﻫﻲ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﺤﻔﻴﺯ ﺃﺒﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺒﺩﺍﺀ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻌﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺇﻅﻬﺎﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻨﺠﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺩﺨﻭل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻜﺴﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻝﻠﺜﺭﻭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﻤﺜل‬
‫ﺤﺩ‪‬ﺍ ﻝﻠﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (15‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻨﺤﺎﻭل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻥ ﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺩﻤﻪ ﻴﺤﻔﺯ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻤﺘﻼﻜﻬﺎ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻻ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪%18‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%82‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ‪1987‬‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪%17‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪%83‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%18‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪%82‬‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 82‬ﻭﻨﺠﺩﻫﺎ ﺒﺄﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 83‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 18‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﺎ )ﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ( ﺴﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻝﻸﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻝﻬﻡ ﻀﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻤﻥ ﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺤل ﻝﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﻜﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﻭﺕ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻭﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺫﻝﻙ ﺩﻝﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ‬
‫ﻴﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻴﺩﺭﺴﻥ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻴﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﻥ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻤﺎﺭﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻼ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻷﺠل ﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﺃﺯﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻜﻔﻴل ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺱ ﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺸﻭﻩ ﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻸﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (16‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭ ﺘﻤﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ ﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺩﺭﺱ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%37.50‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%62.50‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%20‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪%80‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%38.50‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪%61.50‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%30‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%70‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%70‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ‪.%30‬‬
‫ﻓﺄﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺏ ‪ %80‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺏ ‪ %62.50‬ﺜﻡ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺏ ‪ ،%61.50‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‬
‫‪ ،%38.50‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ %37.50‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%20‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺘﺩﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻤﺜﺎﺒﺭﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻴﺤﻤل ﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺠﺎﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺤﺎﻗﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻌﺎﻫﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻭﻻﺩ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 63‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل » ﻭﻝﻴﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻌﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎﺫﺍ ﺒﻴﺎ ﻴﺨﻠﻔﻨﻲ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﺴﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺤﺘﺭﺍﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺴﻴﺩﺨﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﺸﻴﺎﺀ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺃﻨﻬﻡ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻠﺘﺤﻘﻭﺍ‬
‫ﺃﺒﺩﺍ ﺒﻤﻘﺎﻋﺩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒل ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻌﻔﻪ ﺍﻝﺤﻅ ﻹﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺘﻡ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻪ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺠﺩ ﻋﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺨﺼﺼﻪ ﻓﺎﻝﺘﺤﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺃﺒﻭﻩ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺤﺩﺙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺠﺭﻴﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﺦ ﻴﻘﻭل‪:‬‬
‫» ﻭﻝﻴﺩﻱ ﻜﻤل ﺃﻗﺭﺍﻴﺘﻭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻜﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﻝﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺭﺍﻫﻭ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﻤﻌﺎﻴﺔ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﺴﺘﻤﺭﺓ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﻝﻴﺱ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻁ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻅﺭﻭﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺁﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺴﻨﻭﻀﺤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻝﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻓﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (17‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ )ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ( ‪:‬‬

‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻋﻤل ﻋﻀﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪%45‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪%55‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 4 – 1‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪07‬‬ ‫‪%23‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫‪%61‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 8 – 5‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪%62‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%38‬‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ – 9‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%22‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪%24‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%54‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺄﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ ، %54‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻋﻤل ﻋﻀﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺇﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %24‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ »ﻻ ﺸﻲﺀ«‪ ،‬ﻻ‬
‫ﺘﻭﺠﺩ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 22‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﻀﺢ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﻬﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﺘﻀﺎﻤﻨﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻴﻥ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺠﺩﻩ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻜل ﻓﺭﺩ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻴﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ " ‪ 09‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ "‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺇﻋﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺒـ ‪ ،% 62‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻻﺩ ﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻤﺎﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺩﺨﻭل ﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻪ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺃﻤﻭﺍل ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺤﻜﻡ ﺴﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺘﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺤﺠﻤﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ‪ 5‬ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫‪ 8‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻋﻤل ﻋﻀﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %61‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺒﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ‪ 1‬ﺇﻝﻰ ‪ 4‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺃﺭﺒﺎﺒﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺤﻭ )ﺠﻬﺩ ﻋﻀﻠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻋﻨﺩ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍﻝﻭﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺠﻬﺩ ﺴﻭﺍﻋﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﻴﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺎﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﺼﻐﺭﺕ ﺤﺠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻋﻤل ﻋﻀﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل‬
‫ﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻴﻔﻜﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻓﻀل‬
‫ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﺩﺨﻭل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺎﺒﻼﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺴﺅﺍﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﺤﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻴﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻜﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻝﻠﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺤﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺒﺄﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ‬
‫‪ :‬ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺫﻝﻙ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (18‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤل ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺸﻲﺀ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺸﻜل ﺠﻬﺩ ﻋﻀﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀﻠﺔ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪%09‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪%55‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%36‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪19-87‬‬
‫ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪%12‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫‪%37‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪%51‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%11‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%43‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫‪%46‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒـ ‪ %46‬ﻝﻸﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﺨﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺠﻬﺩ ﻋﻀﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒـ ‪ %51‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻔﻀل ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒـ ‪.%36‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﺨﻠﻭﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀﻫﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺨﺒﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺒـ ‪ ،% 43‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،19-87‬ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ % 55‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%37‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺃﺼﻐﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻜﻠﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒـ ‪ %11‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻤﺜل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺘﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﻜﻥ ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺤﻭل ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﺍﻫﻨﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﻀل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻴﺩﺨل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﺫﻝﻙ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻝﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻀﻠﻲ ﻭﻝﻴﺱ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﺱ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻝﺕ ﻤﺘﻤﺩﺭﺴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻜﺱ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺩﺨﻭل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺨﺒﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﺨل ﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺩﺨل ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺀﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺤﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻜﻤﺤﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﻠﺘﻘﻠﻴﺹ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ ﻭﻝﻭ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻏﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻔﻭﺱ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻩ ﺤﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﺁﺒﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻀﻤﺎﻨﺎ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (19‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀل ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺇﺴﻁﺒل‪+‬ﻤﺨﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﺴﻜﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﺔ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪%47‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%53‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 4 – 1‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪%30‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪%70‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 8 – 5‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ‪ – 9‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%45‬‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪%54‬‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺘﻔﻀل ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺴﻜﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﻭﻻﺩ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪ %54‬ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺇﺴﻁﺒل ﺃﻭ ﻤﺨﺯﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪.% 45‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺒـ ‪ %70‬ﻝﻠﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻜﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ » ‪ 8 – 5‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ « ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ » ‪ 4 – 1‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ « ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %53‬ﻝﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ » ‪ 09‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ « ﺒـ ‪.% 31‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺃﻜﺒﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻭﺒـ ‪ % 69‬ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺇﺴﻁﺒل ﻭﻤﺨﺯﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ " ‪ 09‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻭﻕ "‪ ،‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ » ‪ 4 – 1‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ« ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪ %47‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ » ‪ 8 – 5‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ « ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪.%30‬‬
‫ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﺎﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻭﻝﻭﻴﺔ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻜﻥ‬
‫ﻷﻭﻻﺩﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻭﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻜﺭﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﺤﺠﻡ ﻋﺎﺌﻼﺘﻬﻡ ﺘﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫» ‪ 8 – 5‬ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ « ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺏ ﺍﻷﺤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻨﺸﻐﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺘﺠﺎﻩ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍﻝﻭﻥ ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﻨﻬﻡ ﺃﺘﻤﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺤﺩﻴﺜﺎ ﻭﻴﻨﺘﻅﺭﻫﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒل ﻤﺠﻬﻭل ﻓﻲ ﻅل ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ‬
‫‪ 55‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل » ﺃﻓﻀل ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻜﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻲ ﺒﺎﺵ ﻨﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﺠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺇﻴﺩﻴﺭﻭ ﻫﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻗﻲ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺇﺴﻁﺒل ﺃﻭ ﻤﺨﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻝﻴﺴﺕ ﻤﻠﻜﺎ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻴﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺇﻨﻬﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻤﺴﻜﻥ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻲ ﻝﻸﻭﻻﺩ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺃﻓﻀل ﻝﻭ ﺘﺴﻭﻯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﻀﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺒﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎ ﺴﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﻭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 62‬ﺴﻨﺔ » ﺃﻨﺎ ﻨﺒﻨﻲ ﺇﺴﻁﺒل ﺒﺎﺵ ﺃﻨﻜﺜﺭ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﺢ ﻝﻭ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻴﺒﻴﻌﻭﻝﻲ ﻝﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﻌﻘﺩ‪ ،‬ﻨﺒﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻝﻠﺫﺭﺍﺭﻱ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ ﺘﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺒﺘﺸﻐﻴل ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﺘﻜﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺘﻨﺼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺩﻤﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﻭﻻﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺫﻝﻙ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﻫﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺴﻙ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻜﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻨﻴﺕ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .1‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻤﺒﺎﺸﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﻜﻭﻨﻭﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻁﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺇﻝﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﺘﺩﻨﻲ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻩ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻜﺎﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺃﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﺭﺴﻡ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺭﺓ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺇﻥ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻤﺤﻔﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻜﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﺎﻝﺒﺔ ﺒﺎﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﻠﻕ ﻤﺠﺎل ﻋﻤل‬
‫ﺤﺭ ﻭﻤﺴﺘﻘل ﻭﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺘﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .6‬ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺭﻜﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﻋﻭﺍﻤل ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻫﻭ ﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁ ﺒﺎﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﻴﻁ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﻴﺵ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻪ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺒﻌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺘﺠﺭﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺨﺒﺭﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﻔﻀل ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻤﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺩﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻁﺭ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﻔﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺒﻠﺔ ﻝﻠﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻭﺍﺼﻠﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻬﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻠﻭﺭﺘﻪ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺭﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﻬﻭﺽ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺘﻤﻬﻴﺩ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺘﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺒﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺒﺈﻨﺠﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺩﺭﺠﺔ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻼﺤﻲ ﻤﺴﻁﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻝﻠﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ ،(PNDA‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﻴﻨﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ ﻭﺠﺩﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﺭ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﺨﺫ ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻭﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻨﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﺼﺭ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ ﺒﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﺫﺨﺎل ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻜﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (20‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺒﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻝﻡ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%19‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%81‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%36‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%64‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%46‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%54‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%33‬‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪%67‬‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒـ‬
‫‪ ،%81‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ‪ %64‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%54‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪ %46‬ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %36‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%19‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺃﺴﻠﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﻁﺎﺌﻬﺎ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﻤﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻤﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻤﺭ ﻋﺒﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﻫﻡ ﻴﻨﺼﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺃﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 65‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪» :‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﻨﺩﺨل ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻜﻴﻤﺎ ﺃﺘﺭﺍﻜﺘﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺒﺎﺵ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﻤﻠﻴﺢ ﺃﻭ ﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﻠﺔ ﻤﻠﻴﺤﺔ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 54‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪» :‬ﺍﺨﺼﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺵ ﻨﺯﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺠﻴﻨﺎ ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﻭﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺎﻴﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 36‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺒﺎﻩ ﺃﻨﺩﺨﻠﻭﺍ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺵ‬
‫ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺼﺎﻓﻲ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺭﻭﺡ ﻨﻜﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ‪.«.....‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺠل ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﺘﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺃﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﻋﻴﻨﺘﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﻌﺎﻝﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺭﺯﻫﺎ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ)‪،(1‬‬
‫ﺴﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻘﻼﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﺎﺡ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭﻝﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (21‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‬
‫‪% 63‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 08‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪% 37‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 08‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪% 100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻗﺒل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺄﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 8‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %63‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﻡ ﺘﺯﻴﺩ ﻋﻥ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 8‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪37‬‬
‫‪.%‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻝﺤﺠﻡ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻓﺭﺯ ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺷﺎﺋﻊ ﻛﺜﲑﺍ ﰲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﺤﻞ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﱐ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺗﺴﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻭﺃﺧﺬ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﺼﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳋﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﺓ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺴﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺅﻜﺩﻩ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 57‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻤﻥ ﻗﺒل ﻤﺎ ﻜﻭﻨﺎﺵ ﻨﺨﺩﻤﻭ ﺒﺯﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻻﺨﻁﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﻔﺎﻫﻤﻭﺵ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺨﺩﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻜﺴﺭﻨﺎ ﺒﺯﺍﻑ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 68‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺘﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺎ ﺴﺎﻋﺩﻨﺎﺵ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻜﻨﺎ ﻨﺨﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺸﻭﻴﺔ ‪ 5,4‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﻻﺨﻁﺭﺵ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺇﻋﺎﻨﺩ ﻻﺨﺭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 35‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﺤﺒﻴﺕ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﻭﺤﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺵ ﻨﻌﺭﻑ ﻭﺍﺵ‬
‫ﺃﻨﺩﺨل ﺃﻭﻭﺍﺵ ﺃﻨﺩﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﺒﻜﺭﻱ ﻜﻨﺕ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﺸﻭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﺢ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﺩﻴﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺄﻥ ﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (22‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻭﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‬ ‫ﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺫﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ‬
‫‪% 28‬‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗل ﻤﻥ ‪ 08‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪% 72‬‬ ‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 08‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫‪% 100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﻤﺭﺩﻭﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺤﺕ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ ‪ 08‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %72‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻘﺎﺭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﻝﻭﺍ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻗل‬
‫ﻤﻥ ‪ 08‬ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺃﻱ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 28‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺤﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻴﺭ ﺇﺫ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻝﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺒﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻁﺒﻌﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل ﺒﺄﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺴﻠﻭﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻝﺘﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻏﺎﻝﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻜﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻬﺩﻑ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 36‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﺒﻴﻨﺘﻨﺎ ﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻻﺒﺎﺱ ﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﻀﺎﻋﻔﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻫﻜﺫﺍ ﺒﺎﺵ ﻨﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻴﺩﺓ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 60‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺯﺩﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺴﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺤﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻨﺯﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻐﻠﺔ ﻻﺨﺎﻁﺭﺵ ﻗﺩ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻁﻲ ﻝﻸﺭﺽ ﻫﻲ ﺘﻌﻁﻴﻙ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 55‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﻤﺎ ﻗﺴﻤﻨﺎ ﻭﻝﻴﺕ ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﺒﺯﺍﻑ ﺃﻭﺩﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝـ ‪ SONDA‬ﺃﻭ ﺤﺭ ﻭﺍﺵ ﻨﻐﺭﺱ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺍﺵ ﻨﻐﺭﺱ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻜﺘﺴﺏ ﺸﻜل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻭﺤﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺒﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺴﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻫل ﻝﻬﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﺃﻱ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﻻ ؟ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﻜﺩﻩ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ‪:‬‬

‫* ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﺴﻭﻕ ‪:‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺘﺸﺭﺓ ﺒﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﺴﻭﻑ ﻨﻌﺭﺽ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﺠﻪ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ‬
‫ﺠﻨﻴﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ؟‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (23‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻘﻭل‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻤﺢ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪%18‬‬ ‫‪13 %20‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪%54‬‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪%09‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪%53‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%23‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﻻ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%18‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪%54‬‬ ‫‪58‬‬ ‫‪%13‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻠﺠﺅﻭﻥ‬

‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ‪ %54‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %20‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ "ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ" ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %18‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻘﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻤﺢ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ‪.%8‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻠﺠﺅﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺒﺒﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ‪ +‬ﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %53‬ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ‪ +‬ﺒﻘﻭل ‪ +‬ﻗﻤﺢ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %23‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %15‬ﻝﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%09‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﻝﻠﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺩﺍﺨﻴل ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭﺓ ﺘﺘﻤﺎﺸﻰ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ‪ ،‬ﻜﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل‬
‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻁﺭﺡ ﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﻁﻭﻴل ﻜﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺠﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻨﺤل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ » ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﻝﺠﻭﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ‪ ،‬ﻫﺩﻓﻪ ﻫﻭ ﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻤﺔ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻴﺭﺘﻘﻲ ﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻌﺭﻭﻑ‬
‫ﻭﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻨﻭﻴﻊ ﻭﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﻠﻪ ‪ +‬ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺤل ﺇﻻ ﺩﻝﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺠﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺨﺭﻯ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﺩﺨل ﺁﺨﺭ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺘﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻜﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻘﻭل ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ )ﻗﻤﺢ‪ ،‬ﺸﻌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻭل‪ ،‬ﺤﻤﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺒﻌﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺒﺼل ﻭﺍﻝﺜﻭﻡ( ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%23‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻨﻲ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻨﻭﻋﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺒل ﻫﻡ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻴﺨﺘﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻁﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻜﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﻴﺤﺎﻭل ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺃﺭﻀﻪ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺫﻜﻴﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺩﺨﻭﻝﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﺤﺴﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﻭﻝﻬﺎ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻨﻘﺩﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (24‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‬ ‫ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%25‬‬ ‫‪01‬‬ ‫‪%75‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ‪ +‬ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺢ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪52‬‬ ‫‪%12‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%88‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ‪ +‬ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪%09‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%91‬‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺃﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%10‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪%90‬‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻘﻭﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%90‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 91‬ﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﻜﻪ ﻭﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪ %88‬ﻝﻠﺨﻀﺭ ﺜﻡ ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻤﺢ ﺒـ ‪ %75‬ﻝﺘﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﻝﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ‪.% 100‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﻨﻌﺩﻡ ﻓﻲ » ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ« ﻭﺘﺯﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %25‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ ﻭﺍﻝﻘﻤﺢ ﻭﺘﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %12‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‬
‫‪ %9‬ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻭﺍﻜﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺘﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻨﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻘل ﺒﺘﺼﺭﻓﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻬﻼﻜﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺠﻬﺔ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﺤﺩﺩ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺍﺴﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻗﺩ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻨﺤﺼﺭ ﻤﺜﻼ ﻓﻲ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﻜﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺠﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻭﺍﻨﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﺠﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ » ﺸﻲﺀ ﺁﺨﺭ « ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ % 100‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻤﺜل ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺘل ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﺴل ﺒﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺤل ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﻤﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﻠﺏ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺨل ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻻ ﺒﺄﺱ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 44‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪» :‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﻨﻲ ﻨﻐﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺨﺎﻁﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ ﺒﺯﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺒﺎﻏﻲ ﻨﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫‪ l’élvage‬ﺘﺎﻨﻴﻙ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 39‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻤﻊ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺡ ﺍﻨﺯﻴﺩ ﻨﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻭﺭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺨﺎﻁﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻨﺎﺠﺤﺔ ﺒﺯﺍﻑ ﻫﺎﺩﻭﺍ ﻝﻴﺎﻤﺎﺕ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻔﻜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺃﺭﻀﻪ ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﻤﻐﺎﻴﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎل ﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﺎ ﺩﺨل ﻤﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﻴﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻴﺯﺍل ﻴﻨﺘﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻝﺨﻀﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻁﻠﺏ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻏﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺘﻌﻭﺽ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻙ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻱ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﺴﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻝﻠﺤﻭﻡ ﺒﺄﻨﻭﺍﻋﻬﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻏﻼﺀ‬
‫ﺜﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎﻝﻪ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻬﻭ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺭﺴﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺘﺘﻤﺎﺸﻰ ﻤﻊ ﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻔﻜﻴﺭ ﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺘﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﺭﺒﺎﺡ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪: (25‬‬
‫ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻭﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‪:‬‬

‫ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺴﻭﻕ ﺤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪%12‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%88‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬ ‫‪%12‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%88‬‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%23‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%62‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%04‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%81‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺴﻭﻗﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﻜﺜﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%81‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺴﺎﻭﻴﺔ ﺒـ ‪ %88‬ﻭﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %62‬ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻭﺠﻬﻭﻥ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ‪ %15‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺒـ ‪ %23‬ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺜﻡ ‪ %12‬ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﺒﺩﻻ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻷﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻜﺒﺭ ﺭﺒﺢ ﻭﻓﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻻﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﻌﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻴﺤﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﻭﻓﻕ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﻔﻀل ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‬
‫)ﺃﺨﺭﻯ( ﻨﻅﺭﺍ ﻻﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀل ﻋﻨﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻘﻤﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻌﻴﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻭ‬ ‫ﻴﺤﺒﺫﻭﻥ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺤﺭﺼﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻤﻊ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺼﺩﻗﺎﺀ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻤﺘﻨﺎﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻴﻊ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺩ ﺼﺭﺡ ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ‪ 43‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﺤﻭل ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻘﻪ ﻝﻠﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺴﻭﺍﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ ﻭﻗﺎل » ﺒﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﭪ ﻨﺭﺒﺢ ﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﺍﻥ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺁﺨﺭ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 70‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل » ﺃﻨﺎ ﻨﺒﻴﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻭﺍﻥ ﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﻋﻨﺩ‬
‫ﭭﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻨﺎﺱ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺘﻪ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺒﺩﻻ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﺍﻭﻴﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﻬﻭ ﺘﻌﺒﻴﺭ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺄﺜﺭﻩ ﺒﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻪ ﻤﻨﻁﻕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻥ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺘﺘﺄﻗﻠﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﻴﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺠﻌﻠﻪ ﻴﺴﺘﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺸﻙ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻭﻅﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺠﺎﻨﺏ ﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻝﻲ ﺴﻨﻌﺭﺽ ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺩﻤﺠﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ :(26‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‬ ‫ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%13‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%87‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%24‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%76‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﺭﻯ ﺒﺄﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺘﺨﺩﻡ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%69‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %87‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %76‬ﻭﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻗل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%31‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﺴﺘﺨﺩﺍﻡ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ‪ ،%31‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ ‪ ،%69‬ﻭﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺒﺄﻗل ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺏ ‪ %24‬ﻋﻨﺩ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%13‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻫﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﺠﻴﺩ‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﺄﺘﻲ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺅﻫﻠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺭﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺘﻲ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‪ ،‬ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻝﻶﺒﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‬
‫ﻀﻌﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻥ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﻭﺤﺘﻰ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻌﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻴﺩﺭﺴﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻻﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ‬
‫ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻭﻤﺘﻔﺭﻏﺔ ﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻝﺫﺍ ﻭﺠﺏ ﺘﻭﻅﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺤﺩ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺭ ‪ 44‬ﺴﻨﺔ » ﺍﻝﺨﺩﺍﻤﻴﻥ ﻤﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻻﺯﻤﻨﺎ ﺒﺎﺵ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻴﺠﻭ ﻤﻼﺡ ﻭﻋﻼﻫﺎﺩﻴﻙ ﺠﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺒﺭﺓ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻘﻭل ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﺨﺭ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 44‬ﺴﻨﺔ » ﻻﺯﻤﻨﺎ ﺨﺩﺍﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﻤﻴﺘﻴﻲ ﺍﻨﺎ ﻤﺎﺩﺍﺒﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻨﺨﺩﻡ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻱ ﺒﺼﺢ ﻤﺎﺯﺍﻝﻬﻡ ﻴﻘﺭﺍﻭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺩﺨﻠﻭﻥ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻝﺘﻭﻅﻴﻔﻬﻡ ﻴﺩ ﻋﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻋﺎﺌﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺩﺨﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﻬﻭﺍ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻬﻡ ﻭﻝﻡ ﻴﺠﺩﻭﺍ ﻋﻤل ﺁﺨﺭ ﺨﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺤل ﻤﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﺸﺘﺭﺍﻜﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻴﻜﺘﺴﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺨﺒﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺠﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺴﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻴﺯﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺤﻘﻘﻭﻥ ﺭﺒﺤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﺭﻴﻑ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻴﺯﻴﺩ‪.‬‬
‫* ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﻭﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻨﺘﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﺴﻭﻴﻕ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻬﺞ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺎﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻨﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﻭل ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎﻝﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻨﻭﺍﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻜﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻁﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ‪...‬ﻓﺎﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﻤﺘﺠﻪ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺜﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺍﻝﺘﻜﻨﻭﻝﻭﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ)‪ ،(1‬ﻜﺎﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭﻫﺎ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻨﺠﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل‬
‫ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﺜﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻘﻴﺏ ﻋﻥ ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺨﺯﺍﻨﺎﺕ ﻝﻠﻤﻴﺎﻩ‪.‬‬

‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪- Claudine Chaulet : La Terre, les fréres et l’argent : stratégie familiale et production‬‬
‫‪agricole en algérie depuis 1962 , tome 1, OPU Alger, 1987, 100.‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺍﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻷﺨﺭ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻪ ﺍﻝﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ؟ ﺃﻡ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ‬
‫ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻨﺘﻬﺎﺠﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ؟ ﻭﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ؟ ﻭﻫل ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻭﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻴﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺒﺢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ؟ ‪.‬‬
‫* ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﻋﺭﻓﺕ ﺍﻷﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﺘﺯﺍل ﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﻜل ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺍﻷﺯﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻷﻤﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻋﺭﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺸﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺎﺴﺎﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻀﺤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻤﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻲ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﺎﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺘﻁﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻅﻬﻭﺭ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻐﻴﺭ ﻭﺠﻬﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤل ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﻁﻠﺏ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗﺕ ﻤﻀﻰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺩﺃ ﻤﻤﻜﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﻴﻭﻡ ﺒﺈﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺒﺭﻭﺯ ﺼﻨﺎﺩﻴﻕ ﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺘﺭﺍﻓﻕ ﻭﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺇﺫﺍ ﻫﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻥ ﺤﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻤﻭﺍل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻗﺭﻭﺽ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺃﻭ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﺒﺘﺄﺴﻴﺱ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺴﺎﻫﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻨﻔﻌﺔ ﻭ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪. PNDA‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺤﺼﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫل ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﻬﺘﻤﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ؟ ﻭﻫل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﺃﻡ ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ؟‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻨﻙ‪:‬‬
‫ﻝﻘﺩ ﺸﻬﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺇﻫﻤﺎﻻ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ‪ ،BADR‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺍﺜﺭ ﺴﻠﺒﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﻨﻌﻜﺱ ﺒﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻡ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼﻝﻪ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﻘﺭﺭﺍ ﻝﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻋﺩﻡ ﻭﻓﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻤﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﺕ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺀ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺴﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ‪ 2001/2000‬ﺘﻡ ﺘﺠﻨﻴﺩﻩ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺘﺒﻁﺔ ﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻌﺎﻀﺩ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ‪،CNMA‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﻭﻜﻠﺕ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﻝﻼﻗﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺘﺄﻤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﺫﺍ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ )‪(CNMA, BADR‬‬
‫ﻭﺠﻌﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺨﺯﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻭﻤﻴﺔ ﺒﺸﺭﺍﺀ ﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺒـ ‪ 27‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫)*(‬ ‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﺘﺒﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺨﻁﻭﺓ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼﻝﻬﺎ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺒﺎﻝﻎ ﻋﺩﺩﻫﻡ ‪ 250.000‬ﻓﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺴﺢ ﺩﻴﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺒـ ‪ 41‬ﻤﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻴﻨﺎﺭ)‪ ،(2‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﻫﻭ ﺭﻗﻡ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻤﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺎ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‬
‫ﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻋﺭﻀﻨﺎ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‪:‬‬

‫)‪ - (1‬ا‪'J1‬ت (& وزارة ا

@‪ I‬و ا
‪ 'D‬ا
@'‪.‬‬
‫)*( ‪ :T -‬ه‪ m+‬ا
‪.3Q‬ة ‪T‬م آ‪ l
+‬ا
‪ L 'C‬ا
‪ kC '8@. KK‬د‪.‬ن ا
@‪ &'I‬ا
رة ـ ‪'8( 14‬ر د‪D‬ر‪.‬‬
‫)‪ – (2‬ﺟﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﺣﺪ ‪ 2009/03/01‬ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻟـ ‪ 04‬ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪ ،1430‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ‪ ،2545‬ﺹ ‪.7‬‬
 ‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ :(27‬ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ(‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%22‬‬ ‫‪07‬‬ ‫‪%78‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%18‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫‪%82‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%46‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%54‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%26‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪%74‬‬ ‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ‬
‫ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﻀل ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻘﺩﺭﺓ ﺒـ ‪%74‬‬
‫ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ %82‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ % 78‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 54‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺠﻬﻭﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪ ،% 26‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺒـ ‪ % 46‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪22‬‬
‫‪ %‬ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.% 18‬‬

‫ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺃﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻴﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﻜﻬﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻠﻰ ﻝﻠﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﺒﺩل ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﻗﺭﺍﺭﺍﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻝﺠﻭﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺨﻭﺍﺹ ﻤﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺴﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺸﺘﺭﺍﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﻴﺩﺨل ﻓﻲ ﺼﺭﺍﻉ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﻫﻭ ﻓﻲ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﻫﻭ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﻭﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺘﺴﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻭ ﻴﻌﻁﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺘﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻬﻴﺊ ﻝﻪ ﻓﺭﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻭﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 39‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻜﻲ ﺘﻤﺩﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﺨﻴﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻤﺩﻝﻙ ﻭﺍﺤﺩ ﺁﺨﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻗﻭﻝﻙ ﻭﺍﺵ ﺍﺩﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ‪.«...‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 50‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻜﻲ ﻨﺴﻠﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﻏﻴﺭﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﻨﺯﻴﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻭﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺭﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﺔ ﺍﻨﺘﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻴﻠﺔ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 61‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺒﺎﺵ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ ﻴﻁﻠﻊ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺘﺴﻠﻔﻭﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‬
‫)ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ(«‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻔﻀﻠﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺨﺼﻭﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅ ﻓﺎﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﺘﻭﺠﻬﻬﻡ ﻨﺤﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ ﻴﺘﻠﻘﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺃﺒﻨﺎﺌﻬﻡ ﻭﺃﺨﻭﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﺃﻤﻭﺍل ﺃﻭ ﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﻭﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺨﻭﺍﺹ‬
‫ﺒﺎﺘﻔﺎﻗﻬﻡ ﺤﻭل ﺒﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺝ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺒﻌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺭﻓﻀﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﻜﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭﺓ ﻨﻅﺎﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺭﻓﻲ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻝﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﺯﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻨﻬﺎ ﺒﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻴﻪ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻴﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 62‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﻜﻨﺕ ﺒﺎﻏﻲ ﻨﺴﻠﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ ﺒﺎﻩ ﺃﻨﺩﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺠﺭﺓ ‪ …… goute à goute‬ﺒﺼﺢ ﻗﺎﻝﻭﻝﻲ ﻴﺨﺩﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺭﺒﺎ ﻭﻝﻴﺕ ﺤﺒﺴﺕ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﻨﺼﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻌﺼﺏ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﻁﻠﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻗﺭﻭﺽ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﻪ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺒﺎﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻭﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﻗﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫل ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻌﻰ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺒﻁﺭﻕ ﺼﻌﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺴﻨﺭﻯ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻝﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ :(28‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺴـﻬـﻠـﺔ‬ ‫ﻤـﻌـﻘـﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﺃﻤﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪03‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫ﻴﻘﺭﺃ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪28‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪09‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪68‬‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﺍﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫ﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪64‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪02‬‬ ‫ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪%‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ‬
‫ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﻌﻘﺩﺓ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %69‬ﻓﻌﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺒﺄﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻲ ‪ % 76‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻴﻘﺭﺃ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %75‬ﺜﻡ ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %68‬ﺜﻡ ﻴﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻤﺘﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ‪%50‬‬
‫ﻭ‪.%33‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺒﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺒـ ‪ %31‬ﻭﺘﺄﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺜﺎﻨﻭﻱ ﺒـ ‪ %67‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻭﺴﻁ ﺒـ ‪ % 50‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻻﺒﺘﺩﺍﺌﻲ ﺒـ ‪ %32‬ﻝﺘﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺏ ﺇﻝﻰ ‪%25‬‬
‫ﻭ‪ %24‬ﻝﻜل ﻤﻥ ﻓﺌﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﺭﺃ ﻭﻴﻜﺘﺏ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻷﻤﻴﻴﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺒﺄﻨﻪ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﻜﻠﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻁﺭﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺴﻬﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻌﻜﺱ ﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺭﺍﺽ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻫﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤﻼﺕ ﺘﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻨﻭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻭﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺭﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﻓﻠﻐﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻝﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺤﺴﺎﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺤﻜﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺒل ﻴﺭﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻌﻘﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺤﻴﺎﺯﺘﻬﻡ ﻝﻠﻌﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﺒل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺭﻫﻥ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﻌﺯﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺘﻌﺎﻝﻴﻕ ﺒﻌﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 36‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﺼﻌﺒﻭﻝﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺎﻝﻭﻝﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ‬
‫" ‪ "l’hypothèque‬ﺍﻝﺭﻫﻥ ﺃﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﻝﺭﺽ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 54‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻝﻠﺒﻨﻜﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻭﻝﻭﻝﻲ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺩﻜﺵ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺩ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻩ ﺘﺭﻫﻥ ﻝﺭﺽ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﺭﻭﻥ ﺴﻬﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ ﻝﻜﻭﻨﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻴﺤﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺘﺎﺒﺔ ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﻤﻜﻨﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﺒﻤﺭﻭﻨﺔ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻔﺭﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻙ‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻝﺩﻴﻬﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻊ ﺃﻭ ﻴﻌﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ‬
‫ﻴ‪‬ﺠﻴﺩﻭﻥ ﺤل ﺍﻝﻁﺭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﺘﻭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﺴﻬﻴل ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﺃﺼﺒﺢ ﻴﻤﺜل ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻠﺤﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻝﻪ ﻤﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻓﻊ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺯﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺇﻻ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل‬
‫ﺘﻭﻀﻴﺢ ﺍﻹﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺫﻝﻙ ﺒﺘﺴﻭﻴﺘﻪ ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻴﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﻌﻤل ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻭﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
 ‫* ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﻜﺎﺌﺯ ﺍﻷﺴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻘﻭﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻝﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻋﻜﻔﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺯﺍﺌﺭﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺙ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻝﻠﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﺴﺘﻨﺩ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺩ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﻬﻭﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻌﺩ ﺃﻫﺩﺍﻓﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ‬
‫)‪(1‬‬
‫‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬ ‫ﻤﻥ ﺸﺄﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺼﺭﻨﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻘﺎل ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺩﺍﺒﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻤﻲ ﺇﻝﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻫﻲ ﺘﻜﺜﻴﻑ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﺼﺒﺔ ﻭﺘﻨﻭﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺘﻜﻴﻴﻑ ﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻤﻊ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﺭﺒﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﺩﺍﺨﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻝﻠﺨﺼﺎﺌﺹ ﺍﻝﻁﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻝﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺎﻁﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﺩﻋﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺘﺤﻭﻴل ﻴﻀﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺎﻤل ﺒﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺫﺍﺘﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﺄﻤﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻘﺩ ﺘﻡ ﻭﻀﻊ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺠﺩﻴﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ ﻗﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻔﻴﺫ ﻭﻫﻭ ﻓﺭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻭﻉ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺘﺨﻔﻴﻑ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺏﺀ ﺍﻝﻔﺎﺘﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻐﺫﺍﺌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺘﻡ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺘﺩﻋﻡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﻀﺒﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ (FNRDA‬ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻤﻨﻭﺤﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻔﻴﺩﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻫﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺇﺯﺍﻝﺔ‬
‫ﺼﻌﻭﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻭﺍﺠﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒل ﻴﻌﺩ ﺸﺭﻁﺎ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﺎ ﻝﻌﺼﺭﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻨﺸﻁﺔ ﺒﻌﺩﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻤﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﻜﺭﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺯﻴﺘﻭﻥ ﻭﻏﺭﺱ ﺍﻝﺒﻁﺎﻁﺎ‪.‬‬

‫)‪ – (1‬ﺝ‪.‬ﺝ‪.‬ﺩ‪.‬ﺵ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﻀﺒﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ )‪. (FNRDA‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺼﺩ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﺒﺩ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﻔﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﻤﺘﻌﺎﻤﻠﻴﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﻴﻥ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻴﻴﻥ ﻴﻭﻓﺭ ﻝﻬﻡ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﻹﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺅﺩﻱ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻝﻘﻭل‬
‫ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ )‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺒﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﻁﻘﺔ ﺒﺤﺜﻨﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﺸﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺤل‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺤﻴﻭﺍﻨﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﺸﺘﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺠﻬﺯﺓ ﺍﻝﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﻔﺭ ﺍﻵﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﻌﺭﻓﺔ ﻤﺩﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﻁﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﻤﺩﻯ ﺤﺼﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭﻩ ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ :(29‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺴﻤﺎﻋﻬﻡ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل)‪: (FNRDA‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺴﻤﺎﻉ ﺒﺎﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‬

‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%19‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%81‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%08‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%92‬‬ ‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪04‬‬ ‫‪%85‬‬ ‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%13‬‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪%87‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%87‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪ %92‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪%85‬‬
‫ﻝﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%81‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺴﻤﻌﻭﺍ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ‪ ،%13‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ ‪ %19‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ ‪ %15‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ ‪.%08‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭﺍﻴﺔ ﺒﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻴﺤﺩﺙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻝﻤﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺍﻷﻤﺭ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺃﻭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻴﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺠﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻓﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻝﻪ ﺼﺩﻯ‬
‫ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻜﺎﻨﻭﺍ ﻴﻨﺘﻅﺭﻭﻥ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺘﻬﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﺍﻫﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺨﻔﺽ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺘﺼﺭﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 50‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺃﻨﺎ ﺴﻤﻌﺕ ﺒﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺭﺤﺕ ﺴﻘﺴﻴﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻝـ ‪.«(*) SDA‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﻤل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 66‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻴﻘﻭل ‪ » :‬ﺴﻤﻌﺕ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻨﺘﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺠﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻭﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺡ ﻤﺎﻝﻘﺎﺵ ﺍﺸﻜﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺎﻭﺍﻨﻭﺍ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ،‬ﻨﻔﻬﻡ ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻀﻁﻠﻌﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻫل ﺘﻡ ﺘﻘﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ؟ ﻭﻫل ﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ)‪ (FNRDA‬ﺨﺎﺼﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﻨﺎ ﻁﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻹﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ؟‪.‬‬

‫)*( – ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ )‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﻜﻔﺭﻉ ﻤﻥ ﻓﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﻴﻌﻠﻕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺁﻤﺎﻻ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﺒﺘﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻼﺯﻡ ﻝﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺴﻨﺒﻴﻥ ﻤﺩﻯ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ :(30‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺘﻘﺭﺒﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻑ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ )‪:(FNRDA‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺩﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%16‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪%84‬‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%10‬‬ ‫‪05‬‬ ‫‪%90‬‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%23‬‬ ‫‪06‬‬ ‫‪%77‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%15‬‬ ‫‪16‬‬ ‫‪%85‬‬ ‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻑ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﻤﺨﻁﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ %85‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%80‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%84‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%77‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ‪ %15‬ﻭﻜﺎﻨﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ ﺒـ‪ %23‬ﺜﻡ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ‪ %16‬ﻭﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%10‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺍﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻭﺍ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻜـ )‪ (SDA‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻷﺠل ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻜل ﻤﺎ ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ‬
‫ﺒﻜﻴﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻤﻌﻠﻭﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺠﺭﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﻨﻭﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻝﺘﻜﻭﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺇﻴﺩﺍﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺴﻌﻴﺎ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻹﻴﻔﺎﺀ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﻭﻁ ﻭﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺨﻴﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﺴﺎﻋﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺒﺎﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﺘﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺘﻘﺭﺏ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻋﻥ ﻤﺩﻯ ﻭﻋﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﻴﺤﻤل ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ ﻁﻤﻭﺤﺔ ﻝﺼﺎﻝﺢ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻝﻁﺎﻝﻤﺎ ﺍﻨﺘﻅﺭﻭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺘﻘﺩﻤﻬﻡ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻔﺴﺎﺭﻫﻡ ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﻜﺜﻔﺎ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺠﻌﻠﻬﻡ ﻴﻌﻠﻘﻭﻥ ﺁﻤﺎﻻ ﻜﺒﻴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻨﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻜﻴﻑ ﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻝﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻵﻤﺎل ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ؟ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻲ ﻴﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺼﻭل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪:‬‬
‫ﺠﺩﻭل ﺭﻗﻡ )‪ :(31‬ﺘﻭﺯﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﺤﺴﺏ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺤﺼﻭﻝﻬﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ )‪:(FNRDA‬‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻻ‬ ‫ﻨﻌﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺘﻜﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%62.5‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫‪%37.5‬‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪%64‬‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪%36‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪%69‬‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫‪%31‬‬ ‫‪08‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫‪%100‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪%65‬‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪%35‬‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻉ‬

‫ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻭل ﺃﻥ ﻤﻌﻅﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻁﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ،%65‬ﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﻴﻭﺥ‬
‫ﺒـ‪ %69‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ‪ ،%64‬ﺜﻡ ﺃﺨﻴﺭﺍ ﺒﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪.%62.5‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻨﺴﺒﺘﻬﻡ ﺘﻘﺩﺭ ﺒـ‪ %35‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻨﺩ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺒـ‪ ،%37.5‬ﺘﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻜﻬﻭل ﺒـ‪ %36‬ﺜﻡ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﻨﻴﻥ ﺒـ‪.%31‬‬
‫ﻨﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺠﺩﻭل‪ ،‬ﺒﺄﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻡ ﻴﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺨﻼﻓﺎ ﻝﻤﺎ ﻜﺎﻥ ﻤﺭﺠﻭﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻴﺭﺠﻊ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻷﺴﺒﺎﺏ ﻤﺘﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺃﺠﻭﺒﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺘﻡ ﺒﻬﺎ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻑ ﺍﻝﺨﺎﺹ ﺒﺎﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﻤﻥ ﺜﻡ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻌﻨﺼﺭ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﻋﻨﺩ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺒﺤﻭﺜﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻤﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺘﺠﻴﺩﻫﺎ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺘﻭﻓﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺫﺍﺘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻴﺘﻁﻠﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻜﺔ ﻤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻨﻌﻠﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻤﺸﻜل ﺁﺨﺭ ﻴﻌﻴﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺸﻜل ﺍﻝﻨﺯﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺍﺤﺩﺙ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻨﻌﻠﻡ ﺍﻥ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻊ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﻝﻜﻥ ﻴﺘﻡ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻡ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺅﻭﻝﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻝﻡ ﻴﻔﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺤﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪60‬‬
‫ﺴﻨﺔ ﻭﻴﻘﻭل‬
‫» ﺭﺤﺕ ﻝﻴﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﺵ ﺍﻴﺩﻋﻤﻭﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒﺼﺢ ﻗﺎﻝﻭﻝﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻴﺠﻲ ﺭﺌﻴﺱ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺤﻨﺎﻴﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺭﻗﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺩﻨﺎ ﺒﺯﺍﻑ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺨﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻝﻡ ﺘﺘﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻹﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ‬
‫ﻨﻘﺹ ﺍﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻁﻠﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺯﺍﻴﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺴﺭ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﺎﻁل ﻓﻲ ﻤﻨﺢ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﻜﻭﻥ ﻨﺸﺎﻁﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺴﺎﺌﻠﻪ ﺘﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩﺓ )‪.(1‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺠﻌل ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻨﺘﻅﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻤﺸﺭﻭﻋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺃﺤﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﻋﻤﺭﻩ ‪ 56‬ﺴﻨﺔ ﻓﻴﻘﻭل »ﻜل ﻤل ﻨﺭﻭﺡ ﻝﻴﻬﻡ ﺍﻴﻘﻭﻝﻭﻝﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﺤﺘﻰ ﻨﻌﻴﻁﻭﻝﻙ ﺍﺤﻨﺎﻴﺎ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﺘﺤﺼﻠﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻌﻭﺩ ﺫﻝﻙ‬
‫ﻝﻤﺤﺎﻓﻅﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻤﺎ ﺴﻬل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻏﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺒﺩﺍﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻨﻨﺎ ﻨﻼﺤﻅ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻜﺒﻴﺭ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺨﺩﻤﺎﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻜﻭﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻅﺭﻭﻑ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻝﺭﻓﻊ ﻤﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪.‬‬

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 ‫ﺍﺴﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺘﻨﺎ ﻝﺘﺤﻠﻴل ﻝﻤﻌﻁﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﺍﻭل ﺍﻹﺤﺼﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺇﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﺘﻤﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺠﺴﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺩﻋﻴﻡ ﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺩﺨﻠﻬﻡ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﺎﻝﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﺘﺩﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻭﻯ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﻨﻬﻡ ﻤﺘﻤﺴﻜﻴﻥ ﺒﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻌﺒﺭ ﻤﻥ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﻗﻭﻯ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺒﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺘﻤﺜل ﻤﺼﺩﺭ ﻝﻠﺭﺯﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺈﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻌﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺃﺠل ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺇﺤﺩﺍﺜﻬﻡ ﺘﻐﻴﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺠﺫﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺘﻘﺴﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻝﻴﻨﺘﻘل ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﺯ ﻤﺤﺩﻭﺩ ﻭﻤﻐﻠﻕ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺠﺎل ﺍﻝﻤﻔﺘﻭﺡ ﻴﻌﺘﻤﺩ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ ﺃﻭﺍﻝﻐﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺭﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻜﺎﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺘﻭﻅﻴﻑ ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻤﺸﺎﻜل ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﻌﺭﻓﻬﺎ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺨل‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺤﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻜﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺒﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﺴﻴﻡ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺨﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻭ‬
‫ﻤﺅﺸﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻤﺭﺍﺭﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ ﻗﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺃﺨﺭﻯ‬
‫ﺘﺴﺎﻋﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺘﻪ ﻜﺎﻻﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﺨل ﻜﻤﺸﺭﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ )‪.(FNRDA‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺭﺩﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺒل ﻻﺒﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺘﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﺩﻋﻤﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻝﻠﻘﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻭﻨﻲ ﺒﺎﻝﻠﺠﻭﺀ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻝﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﺒﻪ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺇﻥ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻋﻘﻭﺩ ﺍﻝﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ ﻴﻌﻁﻭﻥ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﻤﻴﺯﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﻨﺎﺌﻴﺔ ﻝﻌﻘﺩ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﻭﻤﻤﺎ ﻴﻔﺭﺽ ﺃﺨﺫ ﺒﻌﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺘﻘﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻘﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻤﻨﺎﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻠﻭﻀﻊ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻲ ﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﻤﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ ﻭﺘﻌﺎﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩﻡ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻹﺘﺎﻭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -‬ﺭﻏﻡ ﺇﻨﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻁﻨﻲ ﻝﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻜﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﻴﺩﻋﻡ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﻓﺈﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻴﺴﺘﻁﻴﻊ ﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺼﻨﺩﻭﻕ ﻀﺭﻭﺭﺓ ﻤﻠﺤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻼﺻﺔ‬
 ‫ﺍﻝﺨﻼﺼﺔ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻝﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺼل ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻜﺎﻨﺕ ﺘﺘﻤﺤﻭﺭ ﺤﻭل ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺨﺩﻤﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻅﻬﺭﺕ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻭﺠﻪ ﺍﺨﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﺘﻔﺎﻕ ﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻬﺠﺔ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ‪ ،‬ﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﺕ ﻝﻨﺎ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻗﺒل ﺤل ﺃﻱ ﻤﺸﻜل‬
‫ﻴﺘﻌﻠﻕ ﺒﺎﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻴﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻁﺭﺡ ﺃﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻌﻨﻴﻥ ﺒﺎﻷﻤﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺩﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻨﺭﺴﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﻝﻬﺎ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻨﺎﺠﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻴﻨﺘﻬﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻨﺤﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﻨﺯﻝﻨﺎ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﺒﻐﺭﺽ ﻓﻬﻡ ﺘﺼﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﺤﻭل ﺍﻝﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺭﻏﺒﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺠﺎﺀﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺸﻜل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺘﺠﻴﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺴﺎﺅﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺼﻐﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺒﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﻭﻤﻨﻪ ﻗﺩ ﺘﺒﻴﻥ ﻝﻨﺎ ﻤﺎ ﻴﻠﻲ ‪:‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻋﻥ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺌﻡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺨﻠﻴﺎ ﺒﺴﺒﺏ ﺴﻭﺀ‬
‫ﺘﻔﺎﻫﻡ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺘﻜﺎﻝﻴﺘﻬﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤل‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻕ ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻻ‬
‫ﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻬﻡ ﺒﺎﻝﺘﺼﺭﻑ ﺒﻜل ﺤﺭﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﻤﻬﻤﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺤﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻝﻭﺠﻭﺩﻫﻡ ﻁﺎﺒﻌﺎ ﻏﻴﺭ ﻤﺴﺘﻘﺭ ﻤﺎ ﻴﺠﻌل ﺍﻝﺘﻌﺎﻴﺵ ﺩﺍﺨل ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺼﻌﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻨﻅﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻝﺩﺍﺌﻡ ﻻ ﻴﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﻋﺎﻤﻼ ﻤﺤﻔﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻭﻏﻴﺭ ﻀﺎﻤﻥ ﻝﻼﺴﺘﻘﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻝﺠﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻤﺔ ﺃﺴﺎﺴﻪ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺴﺄﻝﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺘﻤﺜل‬
‫ﺠﻭﻫﺭ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻬﻡ ﻴﻁﺎﻝﺒﻭﻥ ﺒﺤل ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻹﺸﻜﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﺒل ﺘﻁﺎﻝﺏ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻔﺌﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺤﺴﺏ ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝﻰ ﺘﻤﻠﻴﻙ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻋﻥ ﻁﺭﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺸﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺨﺎل‬
‫ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ ﻴﻜﻭﻥ ﺒﺼﺩﺩ ﺇﻴﺠﺎﺩ ﺤﻠﻭل ﺘﻼﺌﻡ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻭﻉ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﺭﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺘﻁﻭﻴﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﻭﻜﻤﺎ ﺒﻴﻨﺎ ﺴﺎﺒﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺒﻌﺩ ﺩﺭﺍﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻭﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﻜﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﻋﻥ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻏﻤﻭﺽ ﺘﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﻅﺎﻡ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻨﻲ ﻭﺃﺩﻯ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻐﻤﻭﺽ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺭﺘﺒﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺤﻘﻭﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﻴﻥ ﻭﻭﺍﺠﺒﺎﺘﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ ﺸﺄﻥ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺠﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺴﻭﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻐﻤﻭﺽ ﻭﺍﻻﻨﻘﺴﺎﻡ ﻭﻤﻨﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺎﻝﻴﺔ ﻝﻠﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﻅﻤﺔ ﻝﻠﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ‬
‫‪ 1990-1987‬ﻤﻥ ﺼﻌﺏ ﺘﻁﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺒل ﺘﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻲ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻝﻠﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﺈﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﺨﺎل ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﺌﻠﺔ ﻭﺇﺸﺭﺍﻜﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻫﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻤﻬﻨﺔ ﻻ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺜﺭ ﻝﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺼﻭﺹ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻨﻭﻥ ‪ ،1987‬ﻓﻬﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺘﻨﻅﻴﻡ ﻻ ﻴﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻤﻊ ﻨﻅﺭﺓ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻝﻠﻌﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺒل‬
‫ﻴﺘﻨﺎﻗﺽ ﺃﻴﻀﺎ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻭﺠﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺠﺩﻴﺩﺓ ﻜﻡ ﻫﻭ ﺍﻝﺸﺄﻥ ﺒﺎﻝﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻝﻘﺎﻨﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻘﺎﺭ )ﺤﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻨﺘﻔﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻻﻤﺘﻴﺎﺯ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺫﺍ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻴﺨﺹ ﺍﻝﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻴﺨﺘﻠﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻝﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻨﺘﻬﺠﺔ‬
‫ﺒﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻨﺘﻔﻕ ﺍﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻭﺤﻲ ﺒﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﻤﺠﻤﻭﻋﺔ ﻤﺘﺭﺍﺒﻁﺔ‬
‫ﻨﺎﺠﻤﺔ ﻋﻥ ﺘﺭﻜﻴﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻝﻬﺎ ﺘﺄﺜﻴﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻜﺎﻝﻘﺭﺽ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴﻥ ﻭﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ )‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﻭﺍﻝﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺭﻓﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺫﻩ ﺍﻝﻌﻭﺍﻤل ﻨﻌﺘﺒﺭ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻭﻀﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل‬
‫ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻤﺎ ﺤﺴﻥ ﺍﺴﺘﻐﻼﻝﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺎﺴﺘﺭﺍﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﻤﻊ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺍﻝﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺇﻨﺠﺎﺯﻩ )‪ ،(PNDA‬ﺍﻝﺫﻱ‬
‫ﻴﻌﻤل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﻤﺸﺎﺭﻴﻊ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﻬﺩﻑ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺘﺤﺴﻴﻥ ﻤﻌﻴﺸﺘﻬﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺠﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻝﻬﺫﺍ‬
‫ﻭﺠﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﺩﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﺩﻋﻡ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺤﺎﺠﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺎﻋﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺘﺘﻌﺭﺽ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﻹﻫﻤﺎل ﻜﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺨﻀﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺤﺒﻭﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻝﺒﻘﻭل‪ ،‬ﻤﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺒﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻝﺘﻘﻠﻴل ﻤﻥ ﺩﻋﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺤﺎﺼﻴل ﺫﺍﺕ ﻁﺎﺒﻊ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﺎﺭﺒﺔ ﻤﺜل ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﻭﺍﻤﺽ ﻭﻋﻨﺏ ﺍﻝﻤﺎﺌﺩﺓ ﻭﻏﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺘﺒﺭﻴﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻔﻅ ﺍﻹﺠﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻔﺎﺡ ﺒﻐﺭﺽ ﺍﻝﻤﻀﺎﺭﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﻨﺘﺎﺌﺞ ﺍﻝﻔﺭﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﺜﺎﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﺘﻔﻕ ﻤﻊ ﺴﻴﺎﺴﺔ ﺍﻝﻘﻁﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺘﻭﺴﻴﻊ ﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻝﻘﺭﻭﺽ ﻭﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﺘﻘﺘﺼﺭ ﻓﻘﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺯﺍﻋﻴﻥ ﺍﻝﺫﻴﻥ ﻴﻤﻠﻜﻭﻥ ﻤﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺠﺩ ﻤﺭﺘﻔﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺤﻴﻥ ﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻤﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺘﻨﺘﻅﺭ ﺘﺴﻭﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻤﻥ ﻁﺭﻑ ﺍﻝﺒﻨﻭﻙ‪.‬‬
‫ﻜﻤﺎ ﺃﻨﻨﺎ ﺴﺠﻠﻨﺎ ﻭﺠﻭﺩ ﺸﻐﻑ ﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻻﺴﺘﺠﻭﺍﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﻤﻴﺩﺍﻥ ﺤﻭل‬
‫ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ "ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ" ﺍﻝﺘﻤﻭﻴل ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺒﻭﺍﺴﻁﺔ ﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ )‪ ،(FNRDA‬ﺒﺤﻴﺙ ﻴﻨﺘﻅﺭﻭﻥ ﺍﻝﺩﻋﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺨﻼل ﺍﻨﺨﺭﺍﻁ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻭﻫﻡ ﻴﺄﻤﻠﻭﻥ ﻤﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻭﺴﺎﺌل ﺒﺎﻹﻤﻜﺎﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻜﺎﻝﻤﺸﺎﺘل ﻭﺍﻝﺸﺠﻴﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﻴﻭﺕ ﺍﻝﺒﻼﺴﺘﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻭﺘﺭﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻨﺤل‪،‬‬
‫ﻝﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻁﻠﺒﻬﻡ ﺍﻝﺫﻱ ﻻ ﻴﺘﺤﻘﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻨﻅﺭﻫﻡ ﺇﻻ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﻤﺯﻴﺩﺍ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻝﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﻤﻥ ﺩﻭﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺴﻴﻌﺎﻨﻲ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﺒﺭﻨﺎﻤﺞ ﻤﻥ ﻋﺩ‪‬ﺓ ﻋﺭﺍﻗﻴل ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺭﺍﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻝﺴﺎﺒﻘﺔ ﻷﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻨﺠﺯﺕ ﺒﺼﻔﺔ‬
‫ﻤﻨﻔﺭﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻴﻤﻜﻥ ﺍﻹﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﻜﺫﻝﻙ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻝﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻴﻴﻥ ﺒﺈﺩﺨﺎﻝﻬﻡ ﺃﻓﺭﺍﺩ ﺸﺎﺒﺔ ﻤﻥ ﺍﻷﺴﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻌﻤل ﻤﻌﻬﻡ ﻭﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻝﻴﺩ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻜﺜﻔﺔ ﻴﺩل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻝﻤﻭﺍﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ‬
‫ﺇﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻏﺫﺍﺌﻲ ﻭﻓﻴﺭ ﻭﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻲ ﺍﻝﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤل ﻴﻁﻤﺢ ﻷﻥ ﻴﺘﻁﻭﺭ ﺇﻝﻰ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻋﺼﺭﻱ ﻤﻥ‬
‫ﺨﻼل ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺘﻐﻴﻴﺭ ﺍﻝﻌﺎﻤل ﺍﻝﺯﺭﺍﻋﻲ ﻝﺴﻴﺭ ﻨﻤﻁ ﻭﺤﺩﺘﻪ ﺍﻹﻨﺘﺎﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻤﻪ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﺒﺎﻝﻤﻨﺘﻭﺠﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻝﻔﻼﺤﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﻤﻁﻠﻭﺒﺔ ﺃﻜﺜﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻭﻕ ﺇﻀﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻝﻰ ﺍﺴﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﺍﻵﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻝﺤﺩﻴﺜﺔ ﻭﺍﻝﺒﺤﺙ ﻋﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺍﻷﻤﻭﺍل ﻭﺍﻝﺘﻲ ﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﻝﻪ ﺒﺘﺤﻘﻴﻕ ﺍﻝﺭﺒﺢ ﻭﺍﻝﻔﺎﺌﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺫﺍ ﺍﻝﻨﻤﻁ ﺴﻴﺭﺘﻘﻲ ﻭﻴﺘﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺇﻝﻰ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻋﺼﺭﻴﺔ ﻤﻘﺎﻭﻝﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻝﺴﻨﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻝﻘﺎﺩﻤﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬
 ‫‪ – 1‬ا"ا‪ n
 [T‬ا‪: 2‬‬

‫اـ‪%‬ـ‪C‬ـ‪: 0‬‬ ‫‬

‫‪ • 01‬ا
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رف‪ ،‬ا
ه ة‪. 2001 ،‬‬
‫‪ • 02‬أ زآ‪ $‬وي ‪B831( A/( :‬ت ا
‪.8‬م ا‪ ،'L4‬إ"‪K'8/‬ي‪D
( ،$ L ،$C"  ،‬ن‪ ' ،‬وت‪،‬‬
‫‪.1986‬‬
‫‪ • 03‬د‪I4 /‬ل ا
‪I‬ح ‪ ['3Q :‬و''‪ A‬ا
 و‪L‬ت ا
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 ‪ ،u‬ا
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‫‪.1997‬‬
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 ب ا
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‪8‬ب‬
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‫‪L • 05‬ر ‪..‬ش ‪ B( ،‬ا
‪'"+‬ت ‪D( :‬ه‪ E‬ا
‪ HB‬ا
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‪ P*D‬ا
 '
‪ L38‬وا
‪، D‬‬
‫' وت‪.1982 ،‬‬
‫‪ • 07‬ا‪C‬ن (‪ B‬ا
‪ :&CB‬ا‪ o‬ا
‪D
'8‬ه‪ E‬ا
‪ HB‬ا
‪ $8‬ا‪ ،$L4‬دار ا
‪ ' ،'83‬وت‪ ،‬ط‪.1986 ،2‬‬
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 '
‪ L38‬وا
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‪ ،$'C‬ا
 آ ا
‪ D8
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L ،;8‬ا
 ‪ ;3( ،‬ا

‪ ،‬ا
‪.1986 ،%.‬‬
‫‪ • 13‬دور& وار"‪ : K‬ا‪I9‬ح ا
‪K‬را‪ &' $L‬ا
أ و ا
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& '‪ 0‬و أ ا
‪8C‬ت‪ ،‬دار‬
‫ا
‪ ' ،'83‬وت‪.1975 ،‬‬
‫‪ L • 14‬ا
زاق ا
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I‬ا
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 ‪ $‬وا‪I9‬ح ا
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 ‪L38
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اه ي ‪ :‬ا‪1T‬دت ا‪I9‬ح ا
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‪K‬را‪ 'L‬و‪.L‬ا‪ qJ‬ا
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‪ ، '(D‬د‪.‬ان ا
‪L.3‬ت ا
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‫ا
‪K/‬ا‪.1993 ، J‬‬
‫‪ • 17‬ي ? ‪ :" : L‬ا
‪ '8‬ا
ر‪ ،‬دار ه‪ L38
(.‬وا
‪ D‬وا
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‪K/‬ا‪.2004 ، J‬‬
‫‪ B( • 18‬ا
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‪+‬ا‪ $ $‬ا
‪  /‬ا
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'‪ ،‬ا
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‪8
'DG.‬ب‪،‬‬
‫ا
‪K/‬ا‪.1986 ، J‬‬
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در ‪.84‬ل ‪ :‬ر‪ u‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪ J‬ا
‪ ،HB‬درا ‪L :1' 4  ،'4.
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‪ ، 1 3‬دار‬
‫ا
‪B‬ا‪ L38
U‬و ا
‪ ' ، D‬وت ‪.1981 ،‬‬
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‪8
'DG.‬ب‪ ،‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪.1976 ، J‬‬
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"‪38
$".‬ع ا
‪K‬را‪ ، $L‬د‪.‬ان ا
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‪K/‬ا‪. 1988 ، J‬‬
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‪K/‬ا‪1988 ، J‬‬
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‪K/‬ا‪. 2001 ، J‬‬
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 L‬ا‪ ، J‬ا
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}‪ C‬ا
‪'DG.‬‬
‫
‪8‬ب‪،‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪.1985 ، J‬‬
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‪."T : 'Q‬ن ا‪I9‬ح ا
‪K‬را‪ ;( ( ،$L‬ا
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‫وا
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و
‪ ،‬دار ا
رف‪.1961 ، 1( ،‬‬
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‪ A8L : 0B‬ا‪4‬ع ا
@‪ : $‬دار ا
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 '
‪ g'
Z8‬وا
 ‪ ،4‬ا
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‫‪ • 28‬آل ي أ‪ .‬ا
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‪ 'D‬ا
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ه ة‪،‬‬
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G‬‬
‫ا‪I1‬ح ارا<‪ q G &L $‬ا('ز‪ ،‬وزارة ا
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‫‪ • 33‬د‪ L /‬ا
& ‪.‬زة ‪ :‬دروس ‪ $‬ا
‪ '/*D‬ا
‪ L.3( ،‬وز‪ 8G 8L %L‬ا
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‫‪.1999‬‬
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 ‪ $‬ا
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‪ &'I@8
$DG.‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪ : &' J‬ا
‪.R‬رة وا
@‪I‬ح‪ ،‬ا
د ‪. 1979 ، 21‬‬
‫‪ • 36‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪.1" ، J‬ص ا
(‪R'
8‬ق ا
‪.R‬رة ا
‪K‬را‪ ،'L‬ا
 آ‪ K‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪ J‬ي
‪ILI‬م و ا
‪.1971 ،R‬‬
‫‪ • 37‬ا
‪ '8‬ا
‪ 'J‬ر‪ ،14 AT‬ا
‪1‬درة ر‪( 17 u‬رس ‪ ،1981‬ا
‪.D
4.‬ر وزاري
‪ *'3‬ر‪15 u‬‬
‫أوآ‪ %B ،1981 .‬ر‪.707 AT‬‬
‫‪ • 38‬ا
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‪K/‬ا‪  J‬ا
 ا‪ 'G‬ا
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‫ا ا'‪ '/‬ا
‪ 'D‬ا
@‪ ،'I‬ا
ورة ‪ ،18‬ا
‪K/‬ا‪.2001 ، J‬‬
‫‪ • 39‬ا
‪.*/‬ر ا
‪K/‬ا‪  J‬ا
 ا‪ 'G‬ا
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،$L4‬أق ا
‪'D‬‬
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‪ 'D‬ا
@‪ ،'I‬دورة ‪.2001 '8.4 ، 18‬‬
 : T8‫ ا‬n
 [T‫ ا"ا‬-2
 Les Ouvrages :
01 • S.Bedrani. M.Bourenane : J. Molina : Les Politiques Agraires En Algérie : Vers
L’autonomie Ou La Dépendance ? C.R.E.A. Alger.
02 • Grawitz Madeleine : Mettodes des sciences sociales, Paris, Dallaz, 8 eme edition
, 1990.
03 • De Bruyne Paul: Deschoutheete Marc , Dynamique de la recherches en science
sociales, P.U.F. ed , 4 eme trimestre, 1974 .
04 • Ghilione Rodolphe : et MATALAN Benjamin, les Enquêtes Sociologiques
Theorie Pratique, Paris, ed armond colui, 1985 .
05 • BLANCHET Alain et Gortmane Anne : l’Enquête et ses methodes :l’entretien
edition,NATHAN , Paris, 1992.
06 • Angers Maurice : Initiation pratique à la Methodologie de science Humaines,
Casbah Université, Alger , 1997.
07 • Claudine Chaulet : La Mitidja Autogerée, SNED, Alger, 1971.
08 • Bedrani Slimane : L’Intervention de l’Etat dans l’agriculture en Algérie :
constat et proposition pour un débat : in options Méditerranéennes, serie B/N°14,
1995.
09 • S.Bedrani, Bilan et perspective de l’Algérie de la modernité, ouvrage collectif,
ED. Alger.
10 • Claudine Chaulet : La terre, les frères et l’argent : stratégie familiale et
production agricole en Algérie depuis 1962 , tome 1, OPU alger, 1987.
11 • S.BEDRANI.F.CHEHAT et S.ABABSA : L’Agriculture Algerienne en 2000,
une reduction tranquille le PNDA , Reuve de prospective agricoles, Revue Anuelle
N° 01 – ALGER.
12 • Boudon Raymond, les Methodes en sociologie, ed P.U.F, paris . 1998.
13 • Ministére de l’agriculture : circulaire N°00332 DU 18/07/2000, République
Algerinne démocratique et populaire stratégie de mise au oeuvre de pvda, 2000.
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺣﻖ‬
 ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺳــــﺘـــﻤـــــــــﺎﺭﺓ ‪:‬‬

‫‪% ./ (X) X' [B‬ن ا<اب ا"‪: 0‬‬

‫‪  - I‬ت ' ‪:‬‬

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‫‪ -2‬ا"‪CO‬ى ا‪2C‬ـ
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R2‬‬
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‫‪ W - II‬ا‪"2‬ل ا‪P‬را'( ‪ ./‬ا"‪"HCO‬ة ‪:‬‬

‫‪  -9‬ع ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا‪ WX4‬ا‪ =

nCOJ .C‬؟‪.....................‬ر"=؟‪ =CWO......................‬؟‪.................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬ ‫‪ -10‬ه) آ‪ YD O /2 u
"J i‬ط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬؟‬
‫إذا آ ‪ i‬ا?‪: d> (' : U2 T‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ا" ر‬
‫اـ‪%C‬ـ(‬
‫اـ‪M‬ــــة‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬ ‫‪  -11‬ا‪
 uC‬ط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬آن ة‪ ،‬أو ر‪ v
 i‬ط ‪Dx‬؟‬
‫‪ -‬إذا ‪  U2‬ه ؟ ‪............................................‬‬
‫‪ 2‬ا‪XCS‬ل‬ ‫) ا‪XCS‬ل‬ ‫‪  -12‬ا‪
 uC‬ط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬آن ‪:‬‬
‫ب‪ -‬ا‪H‬رة ا‪P‬را' ‪T‬ـ‪-‬‬ ‫‪ W -13‬د ا‪C4‬ة ا‪ P‬ا‪  .C‬أت ‪ =/‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ :.‬أ‪ -‬ا‪ OC‬ا‪+‬ا‪.J‬‬
‫د‪ -‬ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪WX4‬‬ ‫ا"‪P‬ارع ا‪CS‬اآ‬
 ‫‪ -14‬ا‪CD‬رك 
ط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬آن ( أ‪. )T‬؟‬
‫‪ -‬ا‪XC‬ك ا‪8‬رض‬
‫‪ 0W -‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪.‬‬
‫‪ 5 -‬ر 
‪z2‬‬
‫‪. -‬ء ‪ Dx‬اذآ*‬

‫{ ا‪"2‬ل ا‪P‬وا'( (  ن ‪ 19-87‬و( '"

 اء ا‪8‬رض ‪:‬‬ ‫‪.III‬‬
‫‪  -‬ه ا‪ U‬ا‪ W‬ة ا‪ .C‬آ‪ ."CJ i‬إ= ) ‪1987‬؟‪.................................................‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬
‫‪  -16‬ه ا‪) U‬ا"<"'( ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا‪ WX4‬ا‪ ."CJ .C‬إ= ‪ 2‬ا‪ UOC‬ا‪ W‬ة ؟‪.............‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -17‬ه) ز‪ )"2J i‬و‪ d/‬ا‪  UOC‬ن ‪19-87‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪ W ./ -18‬ا?‪ T‬ـ ‪ : S‬ه) ا‪ UOC‬ا‪+‬ي ‪ v
' TJ‬ا|ن ‪^
' .‬‬
‫‪/‬ــد‬ ‫أ‪-‬‬
‫ا‪l‬ن‬ ‫ب‪-‬‬
‫‪T‬ـ‪ ' -‬د أآ‪H‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -19‬ه) ‪
}4J‬ن ا‪ )"2‬ا‪4‬دي ‪ ./‬ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا‪U2 ، WX4‬‬
‫إذا آن ‪" : U2‬ذا ‪.......................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -20‬ه) ‪ [T‬ا ‪O‬م ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا<"' ( أ‪/‬اده إ^ ‪:‬‬
‫ء ا‪4C‬ه‪ ( U‬ا‪}'8‬ء‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫
 ا? ‪C‬ج‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ا‪ ./ %JS‬ا‪)"2‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫
 ا‪)"2‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫‪ -21‬آ‪ U‬آن ' د 'ت ا‪ ./ )"2‬ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا‪ ) WX4‬ا‪ UOC‬؟ ‪...................................‬‬
‫‪ -22‬آ‪ U‬أ‪ ' ~Y‬د 'ت ا‪ ./ )"2‬ا"‪"HCO‬ة ‪ 2‬ا‪ UOC‬؟‪.............................................‬‬
‫‪  -23‬رأ‪ ./ u‬ا‪ U;C‬ا‪M‬ص  ن ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪19-87 WX4‬؟‪..................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -24‬ه) ز‪
"2J UC‬ن و‪ d/‬ا ‪ v‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪ -25‬ه) ‪J‬ى €ن > ا‪  ./ )"2‬ن ا"‪"HCO‬ات ا‪19-87 WX4‬؟‬
‫<‪  D ^
' 2‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫ <‪  D ^
' 2‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪.‬‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫‪  -26‬ه‪ .‬ا"آ) ا‪ .C‬وا‪ > i3J U%C=T‬ا‪4C S‬ع ا ا‪ 
 UR‬ن ‪19-87‬؟ ‪.......................‬‬
 ‫‪..........................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬ ‫‪ -27‬ه) ‪J‬د ا‪ C‬ال ه‪+‬ا ا ن ‪ n5‬أ‪D‬ى ؟‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -28‬إذا آن ‪ U2‬؟ ه) ‪ %
" 0J‬ا‪8‬رض '( >‪ ' d‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪  -29‬ه رأ‪ 
"' ( u‬ا‪XC‬ك ا‪8‬رض '( >‪ d‬ااء ؟ ‪ -‬ا‪d/‬‬
‫‪  -‬ا‪d/‬‬
‫‪ -30‬ه) ا‪ v 2 u
"C‬دور ‪ ./‬ا‪C‬ار '"
‪ u‬ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬؟‪..................................................‬‬
‫‪...........................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -31‬ه) ‪ uJ"HCO )CO ^
' ^MJ‬ا‪ =
3J ( WX4‬إ^ ر[ أ‪D‬ى  ‪WX/‬؟‪......‬‬
‫‪...........................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪  -32‬رأ‪ ./ u‬ا‪ 5YM‬ا‪ = " .C‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪.‬؟ ‪................................................‬‬
‫‪...........................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -33‬أ‪ Y‬رت ا و وع ‪ ^
' j  T‬إ<ر أو [ ا‪8‬را‪ .B‬ا‪ v' i2" )"/ WX4‬؟‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬
‫إذا آن ‪€ U2‬ي و
 "‪ v i2‬؟ ‪.........................................................................‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ه) ا>
‪ ^
' i2‬ه‪+‬ا ا"وع ؟ ‪..............................................................................‬‬ ‫•‬
‫‪  -34‬ه‪ .‬ا‪ 4%‬ا‪J .C‬د = ‪ u
"J‬ا‪8‬رض ؟ ‪...............................................................‬‬
‫‪...........................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪  -35‬ه‪ .‬ا‪ n5‬أو ا‪ 4%‬ا‪J .C‬د = ‪  D‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬؟‬
‫ا‪ n5‬ا‪  3‬ن ‪19-87‬‬ ‫أ‪-‬‬
‫'"
 اء ا‪8‬رض‬ ‫ب‪-‬‬
‫‪ W ./ -36‬ا‪XC‬آ‪"HCO"
 u‬ة ا‪ W‚ WX4‬ى ا‪4%‬ت ‪ ،‬ه) ‪J‬ا‪ )Y‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ b/ .‬؟‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬
‫ه) ‪J‬ى ( أ ‪ ( v‬ا}وري ‪  nJ‬ا‪ W‬ة ا‪" TC S‬ا‪ 
Y‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬؟‬ ‫‪-‬‬
‫‪B  S‬وري‬ ‫ ‪B U2‬وري‬
 ‫‪.IV‬ا‪C‬ا‪ <J‬ا‪"2‬ل ا‪P‬را'( ‪ *<J‬ا"ر[ و‪ (O3J‬ا ‪: )D‬‬
‫‪  -37‬ه ‪ ./ u55MJ‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ W .‬؟‬
‫‪C‬ك‬ ‫زرا'‬ ‫‪J‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -38‬ه) ه‪+‬ا ا‪ )"2‬دا‪ UR‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -39‬إذا آن '") دا‪ : UR‬ه) ‪C3J‬ج إ^ '"ل زرا'( ‪U2 :‬‬
‫‪ W ./‬ا?‪  : U2 T‬ه‪ 2> .‬ا ا‪ 
2‬؟‪.‬‬ ‫•‬
‫ ‪5CM‬‬ ‫‪5CM‬‬
‫‪  – 40‬ه ا"‪C‬ج ا‪+‬ي ‪ v<CJ‬إ‪H% v‬ة ؟ ‪..........................................................‬‬
‫و"ذا ؟ ‪........................................................................................................‬‬

‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬ ‫‪ -41‬ه) ‪%

=COJ‬ن ه‪+‬ا ا"‪C‬ج ؟‬
‫‪PT‬ء ‪u
=CO‬‬ ‫‪ -42‬ه) ‪OJ‬ن إ ‪ uTC‬؟ آ
‪v‬‬
‫أ‪D‬ى‬ ‫د واو(‬ ‫‪ -43‬آ{ ‪OJ‬ق ه‪+‬ا ا"‪C‬ج ؟ إ^ ـق ‪W‬ـة‬
‫‪" -‬ذا ؟ ‪...........................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫ ‪U2‬‬ ‫‪ -44‬ه) ‪ 5 €<
J‬ر ا ‪ )D‬؟‬
‫‪ W ./ -‬ا?‪ vC'  U2 T‬؟‪...........................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -‬و"ذا ا
<ء إ^ ‪ 5‬ر ‪ Dx‬؟ ‪............................................................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -45‬ه) أو‪S‬دك ‪
"2‬ن ‪ ./‬ا‪8‬رض ؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪ W ./‬إ‪  U2 T‬ع ا‪ )"2‬؟‪...................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -46‬ه) ‪J‬د أن ‪J‬رث اط ا‪P‬را'‪8 .‬و‪S‬دك‪ ( ،‬؟ ‪..........................................................‬‬
‫‪...............................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -47‬ه) ‪ )D J‬أ‪/‬اد '‪ 
"' ./ uC
R‬اط ا‪P‬را'‪ .‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -‬ه) ‪J‬د ‪ ./  ./‬ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا‪ WX4‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪ -‬إذا آ ‪ i‬ا?‪ U2 T‬ه) ‪%‬ن ه‪+‬ا اء '
^ ا‪ )%‬؟‪.‬‬
‫إ) أو ‪PM‬ن‬ ‫‪.
R' (%O‬‬
‫‪" -‬ذا ؟ ‪..........................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -48‬آ{ ‪ +3J‬ع ا"‪ 'O‬ة ا‪ u =  .C‬ا‪S‬ء ‪ 
"' ./‬اء ا‪8‬رض ؟ '( >‪: d‬‬
‫‪ ./ .
}' )"' -‬ا"‪"HCO‬ة ا‪WX4‬‬
‫‪ -‬ـ‪O‬ـ'ــــــــــ ات ــــــــــــــــــــ‬
 ‫‪ S -‬ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــ‪.‬ء‬
‫‪ )
' -‬إ‪ ./ uCT‬آ) ‪ W‬؟ ‪...................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ u> -49‬ا‪P‬را'‪ ^
' "C2 .‬أي ( ‪5‬در ا‪ )"C‬؟ )ا‪ (u‬اــــــ"ـــــ‪.‬‬
‫)أ‪M‬ص(  ا"‪.‬‬
‫‪ )
' -‬إ‪ ^
' uCT‬آ) ‪................................................................................. : W‬‬
‫‪..............................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ -50‬إذا آن ( ا"‪ 5‬ر ا"‪) .‬ا‪ > )=/ (u‬ا‪53‬ل '
‪%J v‬ن ‪:‬‬
‫‪ 2‬ة‬ ‫=
‬
‫‪ )
' -‬إ‪ ^
' uCT‬آ) ‪................................................................................. : W‬‬
‫‪..............................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -51‬ه) "‪ K  i2‬ا '‪ FNDRA U‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -52‬ه) أ ‪ v UC= i‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪ -‬إذا آن ‪ U2‬ه) ‪T‬ء ( أ‪ )T‬؟ ‪ (O3J -‬و‪ 2B‬ا‪"2‬ل ا‪P‬را'(‬
‫‪ ( -‬أ‪ J )T‬اع ا‪.WX4‬‬
‫‪ S -‬ـــــــــــــــــ‪.‬ء‬
‫‪ -53‬ه) ‪J‬ب إ^ ا<=ت ا"‪ƒO‬و '
^ ا ‪ 0
 K‬ا '‪ U‬؟‪..........................................‬‬
‫‪S‬‬ ‫‪ -54‬ه) ‪ i"J‬ا"ا‪ ./ u
> ^
' /‬ا‪53‬ل '
^ ا '‪ ./ U‬ه‪+‬ا ا ‪ K‬؟ ‪U2‬‬
‫‪ -55‬ه ا"‪C‬ج أو ا"وع ا‪+‬ي ‪> ( v i"' J‬ف ‪=T‬ز ا '‪U‬؟‪..................................‬‬
‫‪............................................................................................................................‬‬
‫‪ ./ -56‬رأ‪ ، u‬ه) ا"آ) ا‪ = . 2 .C‬اع ا‪P‬را'‪2J .‬د إ^ ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -‬ـــــــ‪%‬ــــ) اـ‪2‬ــــــر‬
‫‪ -‬ــــــب اـــــ 'ــــــــ‪U‬‬
‫‪ (%J j -‬ا‪"2‬ل ا‪P‬را'(‬
‫‪. -‬ء ‪ Dx‬أذآ* ‪..........................................................................................:‬‬

‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺃﺷﻜﺮﻛﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻥ‬