Cover Letter to the Student

This course introduces Senior High School students to the study of Trends,
Networks and Critical Thinking in the 21 st century as a mode for understanding the
different events that affect them as members of the community. It aims to enhance the
students’ abilities and capabilities in order for them to gain knowledge about the
different factors that affect them today and in the future. Furthermore, the students will
be trained to identify different situations that will give them a better comprehension of
the patterns that indicate the emergence of trends.

This course also aims to make the students be aware of what is happening
around them by being able to identify the facts that will lead them to make better
decisions. As such, the student will be trained to become a critical thinker taking into
consideration what is real from mere appearance, and the appreciation of truth from
those which are fallacious. The student will be given the opportunity to make use of the
different tools for strategic thinking as well as heuristics for intuitive thinking in the
different assessments prepared for this course.

The student will likewise be guided to the realization that as an individual, he is

part of a larger community which is the different networks. Furthermore, as a member of
these different networks the student will have to be informed of the different issues that
affect his/her local, global and planetary networks. In doing so, he/she can come up with
his/her personal analysis and suggestion as to the probable solutions to the issues that
have hampered the development of the different networks.

As a specialized course, the students will be trained to become creative and

critical thinkers, effective communicators, reflective lifelong learners, service driven
citizens and environmental stewards. This course will give the student the opportunity to
explore his/her community by knowing emerging patterns of behavior that can influence
him/her to become a better individual and a productive member of the society.

This course is made up of 3 modules which discusses trends and fads, critical
thinking, democratic interventions and the different networks. The topics herein
presented will help students understand and explain the different concepts that will
prepare them in becoming successful professionals in the future.
 SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY
LABORATORY HIGH SCHOOL – SENIOR HIGH

ACKNOWLEDGMENT AND PROMISSORY NOTE

I, __________________________ of Grade _____ Section

_________________________, acknowledge that I am fully aware of the school’s
policy on plagiarism on scholarly works and observance of academic honesty.

I fully understand that in submitting requirements in all my subjects, I follow the basic
rules on crediting sources and obtaining permission when using materials for academic
purposes. Hence, if I fail to do citation and acknowledgment of sources, it would merit
an automatic WARNING/REPRIMAND and because of which I shall get a Conduct
Grade of Needs Improvement (NI) or Unsatisfactory (U) in that particular grading period
when the offense was committed.

Therefore, I promise in the presence of my parent/guardian that:

1. I will constantly observe proper citation and acknowledgment when using resources
for all my academic requirements for this AY 2020-2021; and
2. I will abide by the school’s rules and regulations.

Signed: Conformed:

_______________________________ ____________________________________
Signature over printed name of student Signature over printed name of parent/guardian

Noted:

DR. ROMEO E. JAVIER

Principal
Module I
This module will introduce you to the study of Trends and Fads which will help
you determine what events, products, activities and other phenomenon can be
considered as trends or fads. Furthermore, this module will present to you the different
ideas or concepts related to trends and fads. By using this material, you will be able to
come up with your own idea of what will be future trends that will affect you as an
individual.
This material together with other supplemental readings and resources aim to
give you a better understanding of the world we are living by knowing what are trends
and fads.

A. UNIT 1: TRENDS AND FADS

At the end of this unit, the learners will be able to:
1.) Define a trend and a fad;
2.) Differentiate a trend from a fad;
3.) Explain the process on how to spot a trend;
4.) Point out the elements that make up a trend;
5.) Describe the different characteristics of a trend;
6.) Identify the parts of a whole;
7.) Identify and explain an emerging pattern; and
8.) Identify causes and consequences.

Motivational Activities:

Activity # 1
Looking back to your childhood days, think of daily activities that you had done before which you
still practice today. What about things that have been part of your daily activities? List down
some on the spaces provided below:
For example: Watching telenovelas, buying imported products, Listening to rock/acoustic music,
having the latest brand of cellphone, etc..
1. __________________________________________________________________________
2. __________________________________________________________________________
3. __________________________________________________________________________
4. __________________________________________________________________________
5. __________________________________________________________________________

From this list, you observed that some have been temporary in the sense that you are no longer
doing these activities or you stopped using these things. This shows that you are doing or
following a certain trend or fad and you unconsciously had been exposed to that trend or fad.
A trend is a product or an activity that has been existence for a long period of time by a large
number of individuals. On the other hand, a fad is something that is temporary.

Activity # 2
Examine the following pictures and give a brief description to each. Beside the description,
indicate if it is a trend or a fad.

Skinny jeans (Wikipedia commons) 1

1. Description: ________________________________________________; _______________

Pokémon GO (Wikipedia Commons) 1

2. Description: _________________________________________________; ______________

K pop group performance [Wikipedia Commons]

3. ___________________________________________________________; ______________

Cashless transaction (Pikist)

4. Description: __________________________________________________; _____________

tiktok logo text (Wikipedia Commons)

5. Description: __________________________________________________; _____________

After doing this activity, what were your basis for labelling the pictures as a trend or a fad?
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________

Activity # 3:
Reflecting on the events that are happening right now ( Covid 19 pandemic), can you think of
something that will be classified as a trend and as a fad? Briefly explain your answer.
TREND: _____________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
FAD: _______________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
 TRENDS
Definition:
 A look that has an appeal of newness because it has been missing or scarce in the
marketplace (Brannon).
 A pattern of group behavior that lasts for a long period of time. It can affect your life and
shape your future.
 It is the prevailing style or preference (Arts, Fashion & Music).
 It is the general movement registering statistical changes for a long period of time.
(Economics).
 The tendency, drift or bend toward a certain stance, thought or policy (Politics).
 The collective behavior or mass involvement which is acceptable to society and shows a
line of historical continuity as it can download today but can resurface sometime in the
future. (Sociologists).
 A new item or a practice that stabilizes and transforms into a habit, a lifestyle or an
enduring product.
 It seeks to innovate lifestyles and find practical ways to solve social issues and improve
the people’s well-being. Humankind’s profound desires for a higher quality of life enabled
the rise of these trends.
 It is an evidence of societal change
 It can also refer to movements, ideologies, concepts, beliefs, etc.
 An inclination to which a group of people tend to move
 It involves a tendency to move upward or downward towards a certain course that may
imply a progression or regression in the condition or a status of a certain subject which
can happen in a shorter or longer span of time.
 A pattern of gradual change in a condition, output, or process, or an average or general
tendency of a series of data points to move in a certain direction over time, represented
by a line or curve on a graph.

Factors that shape trends:

1. Human needs
 Humankind will instinctively tend to its needs. The desire to build a better world and
improve the quality of life compels us to discover, invent and explore new technologies,
products, services, forms of knowledge and skills.
2. Historical forces
 History bears the changes, upheavals, conflicts, issues and solutions carried on by
humankind.
3. Globalization
 The trends and innovations carried on a global scale ensure the resilience of the brand
and product
 The global exchange of goods and services including human capital and the erasure of
time and space as barriers to connectivity have increased the interaction between states
and societies
4. Digital connectivity and social media
 Social media creates a multi-use environment

Elements/Components of a trend:
1. Number of participants
 There is a large number of people who become part of the trend
2. Pattern of behavior
 A trend is formed from repetitive actions of people
 Selfie phenomenon (narcissism/superficiality vs. act of self-exploration & gauge of
acceptance) – these enabled individuals to construct themselves visually and present it
to the public by putting their pictures on social media
3. Long period of time
 A trend has a long-time frame and runs for decades
 The basic example is the use of telephone
4. Cause
 an agent that brings about a result or consequence
 A trend has a starting point which can be an idea, technology, event or person
  An example is the portable music player. From Walkman to your new gadgets.
5. Consequence
 It is always traceable to a cause which can be a person, thing, principle, motive, act or
event
 A trend makes considerable influence or impact
 An example is social networking which is the consequence of a person’s need to
communicate with others.

Hierarchy of trends:
(1) Microtrends
 These are “little things that happen all around us all the time, the tiny things that occur in
everything”.
 May be synonymous with fads
 They offer a glimpse about the future through clues they possess
Example: POPULAR GAMES AND APPS
(2) Macrotrends
 These are “aggregated microtrends or more sweeping changes that are affecting
society”
 Are perceptible in the societal level for a longer period
 More stable than microtrends
Example: SOCIAL MEDIA
(3) Megatrends
 These are “macrotrends that have grown up and moved out. They are big, bold and
affect the lives of great swathes of the human race”
 They have become the prevailing condition that has become too normal
Example: SMARTPHONES
(4) Gigatrends
 These are “trends that are so general that they affect most areas of human life or at least
more than one aspect of life or more than one industry
 Are usually identified to define an era
Example: USE OF INTERNET CONNECTION

General Types of trends:

1.Those in the form of patterns of sustained and increasing numbers for a long period of time.
 Examples are population growth, increased number of HIV/AIDS victims

2.Those which are considered product-use/product consumption or those products which have
continuous appeal and use to the consumers because of its effectiveness, popularity, high
market demand and influence over a sustained period.
 Examples are smart phones, laptops and other gadgets

Types of trends (categorized based on longevity and pattern of movement)

 Trend is longer because it suffices the people’s needs
 The pattern follows a certain change because of its popularity

1.Trend systematic
 A persistent upward or downward pattern of movement that happens for a longer period
 This may include the developments in technology, wealth and population count
2.Seasonal systematic
 A regular and periodic fluctuation within a one-year period which may include weather
conditions in certain geographical location, changes in social practices and religious
rituals
3.Cyclical systematic
 A consistently repeating upward and downward movements entering its highest level or
peak which is a period of prosperity, period of recession, level of depression towards the
level of expansion or recovery
4.Irregular unsystematic
 The erratic fluctuations that exist brought about by unforeseen events such as natural
calamities, major economic or political turmoil or events

Stages/Process of identifying a trend (How an idea or look becomes a trend?)

1) Fringe stage
 There is an innovative idea
  There is participation of the entrepreneurs or business firms on the development and
innovation of ideas
 The use of cellphones instead of telephone for communicating. This is an example of
innovation.
2) Trendy
 Growth of consumer and public awareness
 There is the conduct of test market researches
 The market supported the idea and the product
3) Mainstream
 Conservative consumers join the trend, there is increased acceptance of the product and
companies exploit the growing demand for the idea.
 There are now many companies that are manufacturing and selling cellphones. It is also
been accepted by many people because of its practical uses

What may happen to a trend?

1. Fad – the trend fades away
2. Classic – the trend persists or stays for a long period of time
3. Fragmented – there is recent development of the trend or reinvention which will lead to the
fringe stage

Characteristics of a trend
(1.) Duration of Time
 Longer staying power and longer period of popularity
(2.) Acceptability
 Popularly accepted by many industries and receives popular support
(3.) Cultural basis
 Rooted on the people’s cultural traditions, beliefs and values; it has a form of connection
to the people
(4.) Transitory increase or decrease
 All trends have the potential to eventually slow down and decline; the idea, event or
phenomenon may increase or decrease

What is a Fad?
 It is a short-lived idea or temporary event that is usually called as a “flash in the pan”,
i.e., its popularity and reception fades away easily and its appeal to consumers is
relatively small. Thus, it has a shorter staying power in the market.
 The seemingly drastic swings in mass behavior without obvious external stimuli

Finite variability
 This happens when the products’ manufacturers can no longer manipulate or
introduce new features, thus, wears out the interest and loyalty of its initial
market.
 It happens to some fads since there is no more product innovation.

Theories that explains fad:

1.) Theory of Network Externalities
 In economics, it is described as the circumstance where the value of a product or service
changes as the number of users increase or decrease. This means that the value of fads
increases if the demand is high and decreases if it is no longer profitable or not
supported by consumers. Take into consideration gadgets that are in demand if new and
are pricey but can be bought at a low price after a period of time when it is no longer in
demand.
 The increasing utility that a user derives from consumption of a product as the number of
other users who consume the same product increases or the utility of a product
increases when more people use it. Again, this is an indication that products in the
market are considered fads if people would support it because others are buying it.
There is an influence towards the buying behavior of an individual. An example is the
buying behavior of people when a product is introduced in the market. There is a quick
increase as regards the sale of the product but quickly fades away. An example is the
famous footwear hat was introduced in the market such as havaianas and crocs.

2.) Cascade theory

 It explains the viral quality of fads
  It explains the observable human behavior of imitation wherein humans tend to follow
the actions of others they have observed even if it means disregarding their own
intuition. The information cascade happens when a potential consumer or user
abandons his/her information and defer to the decision made by other individuals. If
there is a product that is considered to be on demand and a buyer is influenced into
buying that product since it is the norm.
 This theory explains why we are supportive of things even if we really have no personal
knowledge about it. We are swayed by the information from other people. A classic
example is the use of glutathione soaps or any whitening products. Most people will buy
it when told that it is effective when sometimes it is not.

Characteristics of a fad
a) It is confined to particular segments in society
b) It is trivial because of its short life expectancy
c) It is not created but is revived from a style that existed all along in the lives of some
subgroup

Basis/parameters for comparing/distinguishing between a fad and a trend

a. Duration of time
 A fad has unexpected popularity but disappears quickly while a trend product lasts for
decades.
b. Number of industries affected
 A fad is often supported by a single industry and rarely crosses over into others while a
trend is supported by many industries
c. Industry acceptance
 Industries are aware of the risk of investing on fads, so they tend to determine first if a
certain product will become a trend
d. Consumer adoption and perception of overall quality
 Trends are far more effective since they address the needs of the people
e. Reason for the rise
 Trends have identifiable and explainable increases caused by consumers needs and in
consonance with other consumer lifestyle trends while fads are determined by an
emotional need to purchase based on publicly and fervent product opinions aside from
the fact that no benefits are assured
f. Incubation period and life span
 Trends develop slowly while fads increase, decrease and eventually die quickly
g. Scope
 A trend is applicable to diverse consumer segments which generate commitment to
different customers, thus, will be able to expand. On the other, a fad includes a single
brand or product with a weak level of commitment from the consumers
h. Cultural roots
 Trends do not cross, cultural borders easily

Related concepts to trends and fads

Trend creators - one who created something new

Trendsetter – the person who starts a trend/ the first to adapt the new
Futurist – one who studies and predicts the future especially based on current trends
Trend analysis – it is based on trend spotting but extends this into future scenarios. It is
the widespread practice of collecting information and attempting to spot a pattern, or
trend, in the information.
Cool hunting – a hunt for those things that will become popular before they are popular
Trend spotting – the study of trends and the way they develop and affect society
- getting advance knowledge of what will happen in the market by studying the
trendsetters
- attempting to see the future in the present (Rehn and Lindkvist, 2013). Being
able to predict a trend is a valued skill for the global citizen.
Trend spotter is a person who notices and reports on new fashions, ideas, or activities
that are becoming popular.

Characteristics of a trend spotter:

1.) Adopt a beginner’s mind
 The individual can see new things in new light which will help him/her to detect even
small changes and shifts that field experts tend to ignore
  It allows one to take in new information that is normally filtered by one’s preferences or
biases.
2.) Know why and what you are looking for
 Identify the reason for looking trends so that you can focus on what kind of trend to spot.
Take note that there are different reasons for different people when looking for a trend.
Their perspectives are likewise different.
 A business person looks for products that will give more profit, while a consumer looks
for comfortability and the price.
3.) Move and search in many places
 One must look beyond what and where others are looking for and searching at. Move
away from your comfort zones.
 Learn to take note what is happening now to imagine and search what will be happening
in the future.
 Take note that sometimes what the person is doing is merely cool hunting. This may
mean that the thing may become popular but it is only to considered as fad and not a
trend.
4.) Beware of the obvious
 Things that are less visible effect changes in culture and society
 Do not join the bandwagon of the obvious since this means that others see them as well.
 Seeing the many pigeons rather than the single peacocks.
5.) Never judge something as good or bad
 Set aside your biases and be objective in looking for trends.
 Objectivity is important to see things without biases or to keep one’s biases at a
minimum.
6.) Be sensitive in looking for signals
 Study how trends gain momentum.
7.) Look for shifts rather than novelties
 An undergoing shift is a good sign of a developing trend
 Take note of what people actually do in contrast with what they say or do
8.) Spot for combination of things
 Trends is a combination of shifts or individual spots.
9.) Find the reason for something
 One must seek for logical explanations and causes for everything. By understanding the
reasons behind things, behaviors, changes and shifts, one can get a better
understanding of an emerging trend.

Identifying emerging patterns:

 A pattern is a design, shape, form or configuration that emerges from repetitious
appearance of lines, curves and behavior
 There is a repetitive behavior
 The emerging pattern may be a sign of an upcoming trend so its identification is
important.

Activities / tools that can be used by an individual to spot or look for an emerging
pattern:
1. Documentation
 Being able to record your observations which you consider related to any trend
 The ability to physically keep information and data wherever and whenever you maybe
2. Archive or memory
 Being able to easily retrieve any documentation you have kept
3. Analysis: methods to be applied
a) Brainstorming – decide which data is important and to be discarded
b) Grouping – create headings for observations and data
c) Crafting combinations – imagining/generating new ideas; linking one thing to another
4. Presentation
 Representing your findings for easy understanding as a way of analysis
Ways/methods of Presentation:
a) Mood board – collage of images, text and object samples; used to capture your intuition
and stimulate creative discussions about trends
b) b.Storyboard – presents narrative of possible scenarios; connect trends to a timeline and
to different contexts, something that can enable you and others to see interesting new
things
 c) Slide shows
d) Interviews
e) Focused group discussions

The six different personality profiles / Trend Groups

 These are the hierarchy of people who show that all people are part of the trend process
 These show the different attitudes of people towards the new innovative styles of things
introduced in the market.

1. Trendsetters - the most open and curious individuals with regard to style and taste.
2. Trend followers - they are those who have to see other people use the innovative new styles
before they themselves will use them.
3. Early Mainstreamers - they accept new styles just before the majority. They have to see the
first two groups use the new style before they do.
4. Mainstreamers - they are average in their acceptance of new, innovative styles. They buy or
use the new style because everybody seems to be doing so.
5. Late Mainstreamers - they are hesitant about and in some cases dismissive of changes in
style and taste.
6. Conservatives - they prefer styles that have existed for years or even decades. They are the
most skeptical of new styles.
By using the Diamond Shaped Trend Model, we could determine the entire population of people
in relation to trends

The picture shows that the Trend Creator

Trend Setter trend creators and anti-
innovators have the least Trend Follower
Early Mainstreamers
number and the
mainstreamers having the most number.
Mainstreamers
Late Mainstreamer
Conservatives
Anti-Innovator

Celebrities are generally not trend creators nor trend setters; they are considered as
great influencers. As such, they can be classified as follows depending on how they are
able to influence others. The status of a celebrity is very important in determining that
celebrity’s potential trendsetting influence.
In general, the higher a celebrity is in the hierarchy, the more the celebrity can affect
trends.

Celebrity Hierarchy/Level of status

1.) Icons - worshipped for decades and known by many (example: Madonna)
2.) Megastars - Jennifer Lopez
3.) Superstars - Lebron James, Kobe Bryant
4.) Stars - Fashion models
5.) Minor Celebrities - Talent Show contestants
6.) Wannabes - they are often popular for a short period of time (15mins of Fame); reality
TV show contestants

Further discussion on trends and fads.

The study of trends and fads is very important to all of us. We are living in a society
wherein our behavior is affected by different things. We often times disregard things that will
have an impact to our lives later on. Most of us have been affected by the principle of
consumerism, that is, we buy things that are not needed. However, this buying behavior of
people is actually one of the patterns that may tell us that there is a certain product which may
become a trend or a fad.

Different phenomenon may be considered as trend since it has also been part of our
daily activities such as riding the public utility vehicles or the use of bicycles when going to and
from our workplaces, or the wearing of school uniforms and other phenomenon that has an
impact to our lives. These phenomena are already integrated to our culture and as such we tend
to maintain the same.

Some of our ideas when properly conveyed may become a trend. We communicate our
ideas and sometimes emotions through the use of social media. Social media is the tool that we
make use of when we want to convey/communicate our ideas and emotions. For example,
vlogging or video blogging starts with our ideas and we share them through the use of social
media. In this case, your idea becomes a trend if it will affect your supporters or subscribers.
Some of the ideas that are now considered trends are new food recipes, inventions, or anything
which are useful to humans provided that the elements of a trend is present. Thus, Social
media, vlogging and the idea that you conveyed/communicated are to be considered as trends.

Our increased level of awareness regarding different products can be attributed to

globalization (to be discussed later in module 3) has made us realize that some products may
have been popular in a specific place and the manufacturers of these products would now have
to expand its market. Two scenarios can happen because of the expansion. First, the product
will gain support from the new market and will become part of their daily activities. Second, the
product will still be supported in the new market but will eventually fade away. These two
scenarios actually give us a better understanding why a product will be a trend or a fad. The use
of cellphones was introduced to us by developed countries and we have been supportive of this
as shown by our daily use of it. it became a need for us. However, the cellphones that are
introduced should evolve so that it will address our concerns. In short, it must improve and
change as our need for it changes. If the product will no be improved, that cellphone fades
away. This is now what we call as finite variability.

The different trends that we have are actually composed of different parts. This means
that it was created because of the combination of different parts. Thus, a trend cannot happen if
it is not composed of interrelated parts. Let us look into this situation. The use of internet is a
trend. However, internet is just the product of different things. So, we could say that the it was
the product of the combination of the need to communicate, the use of gadgets, the desire to be
connected to others, the right to be informed, the need for entertainment and others which you
think is connected to having an internet. Therefore, knowing that an idea, event, phenomenon or
a product is a trend is one thing but knowing its parts is another.
We have to remember that every aspect of our existence is and will always be affected by
trends and fads. I have here a tabulated summary of how a trend and a fad has been integrated
to the aforementioned aspects.
Aspects Trend Fad
1. Political – this is related to The spread of democracy and the Political memes of different
governmental processes or adherence to it by different states political candidates
activities
2. Economic - this is based on the The use of atm/debit/credit cards Buying of certain products which
production, consumption and or cashless transactions are not really useful or it satisfies
distribution of goods and services the buyers for a limited period of
time
3. Social – this includes any form of Joining different social networks or The use of gay lingo or popular
relationship that we have created professional organizations online games except hose that
with others becomes part of mainstream
society.
4. Cultural – this deal with the The observance of religious The different style in the fashion
customs, practices, behavior of holidays and the celebration of the industry (Clothing, haircut, body
individuals day of different saints (Community piercing)
based fiestas)
Additional readings:
The articles will supplement your knowledge of trends and fads. Read and reflect on the
ideas presented by these articles.

Article # 1
Question to think about?
Is dancing a trend or a fad? What about the different kinds of dances? Is it a trend or a
fad?

The rise of viral dance challenges (and why you should try them on TikTok)
By: INQUIRER.net BrandRoom 08:36 PM March 31, 2020

MANILA, Philippines – At this point, your social media feed might have already played a number of
viral dance challenges. Considering the large volume of Filipinos who are currently under the
enhanced community quarantine, many took the time to create and post their own TikTok videos on
a daily basis.

These users immediately become a part of a huge global activity that so many others are in on, too.
Beyond completing the hashtag challenges, there is also a strong sense of community that is forged
here. Of course, users who enjoy watching videos of these online challenges also play a huge part in
them going viral. As more people watch and engage, popularity, and eventually notoriety grows, too.
For as long as video creators continue to post, and viewers continue to watch, more and more online
challenges will continue to emerge. Such is the case of the recent viral dance challenge trend.

There are many possible reasons why these dance challenges catch on so quickly. It could be
because people love to dance. Dancing is also a social activity, and online dance challenges allow
people to dance together, albeit apart. Here, a dancer’s level of confidence matters about as much
as his or her skill level, and the fact that anyone can join in plays on that sense of belonging that
many want to take part in. Plus, viral dance videos are simply fun to watch.

Here in the Philippines, some of the popular dance challenges we have seen online. Who would
forget about the “Tala” dance challenge? This has become such a huge phenomenon that practically
everyone is doing it – Young and old, male and female, from grandmothers to small children,
individually and in groups. Tala wasn’t the first viral dance challenge, and it certainly wasn’t the last.
https://www.tiktok.com/@mainemendozaaa03/video/6778023462146542850
“Ay, Barbie! Sabi ko na!,” became a song so familiar that almost everybody danced to it at some
point. It’s an edited music from another viral video of a young boy expressing his glee while opening
his present – a Barbie doll. Play the song in public, and inevitably, someone will start dancing.
https://www.tiktok.com/@itsshowtimena/video/6797333404477115649
Even the daughter of singers Dingdong Avanzado and Jessa Zaragoza, Jayda is not exempted from
TikTok’s dance craze. She bonded with her parents in a synchronized dance to Shakira’s hit
number, Hips Don’t Lie. The video is March’s most watched in the Philippines garnering 9.5 million
views as of writing.
https://www.tiktok.com/@jedijayda/video/6806228849160981762

If you’ve never joined in before, why not jump on the bandwagon and post your own video right
now? The best, and easiest way to do this is through TikTok. Here are five things that make TikTok
so great for dance videos.
1. The app has an impressive music library, which makes searching for songs to dance along to an
absolute breeze.
2. With its easy interface, you are ready to shoot anytime, and anywhere with TikTok.
3. Browsing for similar content is as easy as clicking on a hashtag, so you can easily see what
others are posting before you share your own video,
4. You can count on massive engagement on TikTok, with its constantly growing number of users.
5. And finally, TikTok is a great way to showcase the versatility and natural talent of people around
the world, especially Pinoys, whether it’s through dancing, singing, comedy, or any other form of
entertainment.
Are you ready to join the viral dance party on TikTok? Download the app on your iOS and Android
devices to record and share your own dance challenge video today.
Article # 2
Question to reflect upon? What made each generation support a certain trend or a fad?

OK, boomer—but let’s talk, millennials

By: Hyacinth Tagupa - @inquirerdotnet

Philippine Daily Inquirer / 04:20 AM November 22, 2019

Surprise, surprise: Millennials and Gen Z-ers are fed up with Baby Boomers. Though various
generations have been arguing forever as to who’s better and who’s ruining everything, this may be
the first time that the younger set have an unofficial war cry: “OK, boomer.”

It’s a phrase used to shut down outdated views on anything, from gender issues to environmental
conservation to K-pop. Can’t accept that humans are responsible for global warming? OK, boomer.
Ranting about Instagram models? OK, boomer. Most famously, New Zealand lawmaker Chlöe
Swarbrick dropped a well-placed “OK, boomer” on her older colleague who was heckling her while
she was talking about climate change.
As a retort (or in millennial-speak, a clapback), this phrase is perfect. It’s crisp, it’s easy, and it’s
effortlessly succinct. But as a tool in conversation, “OK, boomer” is useless. More than useless, it’s
damaging, because it cuts off what might otherwise be honest, illuminating discussions, and feeds
the general resentment that each age group feels for the other.

I may be overthinking an internet meme here. If it turns out that “OK, boomer” is merely one of those
fads that will soon be buried in the graveyard of the forgotten (right beside “Pen Pineapple Apple
Pen” and “on fleek”), then all is well. But if “OK, boomer” is a sign that younger generations are
unwilling to listen to opinions they don’t agree with, even when those opinions have merit, then we
need to sit down and talk.

Instead of alienating our older folks for not getting on with the times, or for directly contradicting what
we think is right, why don’t we try engaging them in conversation?

I myself have written about how Filipino millennials and Gen Z-ers are diverging from some beliefs
that our parents and grandparents have tried to instill in us. It might be the belief that depression isn’t
real, that contraceptives lead to promiscuity, or that one has to be married by age 30. I’ve cited
generational differences multiple times; it’s often helpful to understand history and society by sorting
them into generations (shared experiences, common struggles, etc).

But every once in a while, I find individuals whose ideas and attitudes are surprisingly refreshing for
their age group. My grandmother keeps asking me “Are you going to get married and have kids
soon?”—which is exactly the kind of question you’d expect from an 88-year-old elder. But then she
always follows it up with “You don’t need to marry. Just adopt a child.”

This to me is interesting, partly because I, a millennial, am agreeable to it, and partly because it’s
unexpected from a Traditionalist—a person born roughly between 1925 and 1945. Traditionalists,
also called the Silent Generation, are characterized as conformists, abiding by rules and aiming for
stability, having grown up in a time of war. Hearing my Traditionalist grandma’s advice to have a
very nontraditional family is like finding a smartphone in a room full of typewriters.

I’ve heard it said that the Silent Generation was seething beneath the surface. They may have
conformed because war and economic turmoil pressured them to, but on the inside, their new
sentiments were bubbling—sentiments that soon became movements such as women’s liberation.

Maybe my Lola isn’t such a rare outlier. Maybe, when it comes down to the meat of things, younger
generations aren’t so different from their grandparents after all.

We may also look at it in terms of cycles. Generational author Amy Lynch explains it like this: “If we
look at history, we find that generations actually cycle. For example, an intensely passionate
generation is always followed by a cynical one, and a cynical gen is always followed by a practical,
fix-it gen, and so forth.” In other words, each generation responds to the shortcomings of its
predecessor. It may seem like an endless clash—like we’re fated to always be arguing against our
parents—but it’s really a continuous balancing.
Traditionalists, boomers, millennials, Gen Z—we all want the world to be a better place, though our
different times have made us perceive it through different lenses. Today, Gen Y and Gen Z are
turning the wheel. We’ve given names to real issues that were previously ignored; we’ve given voice
to parties that were previously unheard. Let’s also have the courtesy to sit down and help our older
folks catch up.

This unit has presented to you the definition, characteristics, stages, types, hierarchy,
elements/components, and the causes and consequences of a trend. Furthermore, it has also
defined and describe fads. It also showed some of the differences between the trends and fads
that will help you understand the subject matter. Other concepts which are related to trends and
fads were also discussed. One of the more important concepts is becoming a trend spotter. This
is important to you as a student so that you will be able to appreciate how trends and fads affect
you as an individual and a member of a larger community. Furthermore, you were also
acquainted with the different personalities that influence your way of thinking towards things that
are considered as trends. These personalities have been influential to you since they either
create the trend or endorse the use of these trends.
The knowledge that you gained from these readings will at least give you a broader perspective
towards your outlook in life. It will give you the opportunity to learn and unlearn things for your
self-improvement. This will eventually make you a better person when it comes to becoming a
creative and critical thinker.

The following are formative assessments which will test your knowledge about the topics
presented in this unit.

Activity # 1:
Every generation have been defined by something that made them unique. Each of the
generations have been trend creator and trend setter. As part of the so-called generation Z or
the post millennials, think of a trend that made your generation unique. Being unique here
means that it is your generation who started it or is popular in your generation. Give and
discuss at least three.
1.)
__________________________________________________________________________
2.)
__________________________________________________________________________
3.)
__________________________________________________________________________
4.)
__________________________________________________________________________
5.)
__________________________________________________________________________

Activity # 2
Fill in the box with words or phrases that will complete the distinction between trends and fads
by using the provided standard.
 Categories / Point of
distinctions FAD TREND
Notion of Change

Behavior

Effects

Time and nature of growth

Scope and Limitations

Examples

References:

Arzadon, M., Romerosa, P., & Zarate, M. (2018). Trends, Networks, and Critical Thinking. Vibal

Group, Inc.

Anatomy-Trend-Henrik-Vejlgaard-1939235049.pdf. (2020). Retrieved 6 August 2020, from

https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1RhkOD6jB5FaVMyRlhWLW9ITFU/edit

Bytedance (2019). Tiktok Logo Text. [Digital Image]. Retrieved from

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tiktok_logo_text.svg

[Cashless transaction]. (n.d.). Credit Card Machine. https://www.pikist.com/free-photo-sjliq

Dela Cruz, A., Fadrigon, C., & Mabaquiao, M. (2017). Trends, Networks and Critical Thinking in

the 21st Century Culture. PHOENIX PUBLISHING HOUSE, INC.

INQUIRER.NET Brandroom. (31, March 2020). The rise of viral dance challenges (and why you

should try them on TikTok). Philippine Daily Inquirer.

Korean Culture and Information Service. (2012). K-POP World Festival Performance by 'A

Dream'.[Digital Image]. Retrieved from

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Kpop_World_Festival_15_(8156758330).jpg

Marquez, L. (2017). Trends, Networks, and Critical Thinking in the 21st Century for Senior High

School. C & E Publishing, Inc.

Tagupa, H. (22, November 2019). OK, boomer—but let’s talk, millennials. Philippine Daily

Inquirer.

Truong-Ngoc, C. (2013). Skinny jeans Street style [Digital Image]. Retrieved from

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Skinny_jeans_street_style_

%C3%A0_Strasbour_octobre_2013.jpg
Urgel, E. (2017). Trends, Networks and Critical Thinking in the 21st Century Culture. DIWA

LEARNING SYSTEMS INC.

Woo, E. (2016). Pokemon GO. [Digital Image]. Retrived from

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pok%C3%A9mon_GO_(27541305793).jpg

B. UNIT 2: CRITICAL THINKING, STRATEGIC ANALYSIS AND INTUITIVE THINKING

At the end of this unit, the learners will be able to:

1.) Define critical thinking;
2.) Discuss critical thinking;
3.) Explain Strategic analysis and intuitive thinking;
4.) Apply strategic analysis; and
5.) Apply intuitive thinking in solving a problem in the community using a map of social
networks

HUMSS STRAND
Humanities and Social Science

The photos above show two important decisions that you made as a student. To be
enrolled as a student of Saint Louis University Laboratory High School Senior High (SLU LHS
Senior High) and to belong to the most dynamic strand which is Humanities and Social Science
Strand. Think and write down the six reasons that helped you arrived at this decision. Then
classify the reasons mentioned whether it is based on your intuition or based on your
examination of facts. Your answer need not be equally divided.

Based on intuition Not based on intuition

1. 1.
2. 2.
3. 3.
4. 4.
5. 5.
6. 6.

Your answers will help you determine if you are a critical thinker. Being able to decide on
your own based on your appreciation of events will help you become independent. However,
you also have to take into consideration that deciding alone without the assistance of others will
not make you a critical thinker automatically. To become a critical thinker, you should be able
make use of your intuition and come up with your own strategy to achieve your goal.

Are you familiar with this game show? How is this played? Were you able to watch some
of the episodes? If not, you may visit the YouTube channel of Eat Bulaga. Do you have any idea
why I have to include this logo of the said game show? This is a simple representation that
sometimes people become judgmental of what they see. From my own perspective, the very
purpose of this game show is to educate us on how we should judge people. It tells us to go
beyond what we see and to examine all the necessary information before making a judgment of
the people around us. By doing this, we become critical thinkers.

CRITICAL THINKING

Definition:
Smith (2003, 26) - a form of higher order thinking; a consciously controlled reflective thinking
thought that draws on, but can be distinguished from lower order cognitive processes like
perception, attention and memory.
Ennis (1991, 6) - a reasonably reflective thinking that is focused on deciding what to believe or
do.
Egan (2005, 14) - the methodological analysis of reasoning. It is about understanding the
implications of inputs (data) and influences (biases) to the reasoning process.

Misconceptions about critical thinking: It is nothing but

1.) the activity of making criticisms
2.) logical thinking
3.) the formal study of some formal reasoning skills that are hardly useful in dealing with real life
issues

Characteristics of critical thinking

1.) It is concerned with correct reasoning.
 It is the correction of faulty reasoning which make it critical thinking. This maybe in the
form of criticism but what has been criticized is not the person or his/her personality but
the issue being discussed.
2.) It deals with the coherence of the structure of reasoning and the relevance of the content of
reasoning
Take Note:
 Logical thinking is solely concerned with the correctness of the structure or form of
reasoning. The reasoning may be coherent or logical but may be based on a wrong
information then this is not critical thinking.
 Critical Thinking looks into the truthfulness or falsity of the data or information.
 Critical Thinking deals with the coherence of the of the structure of reasoning and the
relevance or appropriateness of the content of reasoning. Thus, it deals with the
relevance and truth of the reasons used to justify certain claims.
3.) It is important in everyday decision making.
 Effective decision making requires the right thinking skills and these are best developed
through the formal study of critical thinking skills.
4.) It is good thinking, that is, a desirable form of thinking.
 It is related to other forms of thinking.
 It is classified as a good thinking, that is, the kind of thinking that enables us to achieve a
given purpose or objective.
 We regard thinking as a kind of tool or instrument in order to achieve the desired goal.
Thus, Good Thinking may mean strategic thinking which is the thinking that corresponds to the
what is the most appropriate to achieve a certain goal.
Types of strategic thinking:
a) Creative/Innovative thinking - the strategic or the most appropriate form of thinking for
generating new insights, novel approaches, fresh perspectives and whole new ways of
understanding and conceiving of things.
b) Meditative thinking- the strategic or most appropriate form of thinking for acquiring a
sense of inner peace and profound or spiritual insights about human existence.
c) Instinctive thinking - the strategic and the most appropriate kind of thinking for situations
that require quick decisions especially in light of insufficient information or data to base
on one’s decision.

Core Critical Thinking Skills:

Facione (2013, 5-8) These are the mental abilities or cognitive skills of;
1.) Interpretation - it enables us to comprehend and express the meaning or significance of
a wide variety of experiences, situations, date, events, judgments, conventions, beliefs,
rules, procedures or criteria. It includes the sub skills of categorizing, decoding,
significance and clarifying meanings.

2.) Analysis - it allows us to identify the intended and actual inferential relationships among
statements, questions, concepts, descriptions or other forms of representation intended
to express belief, judgment, experiences, reasons, information or opinions. It includes
examining ideas, detecting arguments, and analyzing arguments.

3.) Inference - it permits us to identify and secure elements needed to draw reasonable
conclusions; to form conjectures and hypothesis; to consider relevant information and to
educe the consequences flowing from data, statements, principles, evidence, judgments,
beliefs, opinions, concepts, descriptions, questions or other forms of representation. It
includes questioning evidence, conjecturing alternatives and drawing conclusions.

4.) Evaluation - it allows us to assess the credibility of statements or other representations

which are accounts or descriptions of a person’s perceptions, experience, situation,
judgment, belief or opinion and of assessing the logical strength of the actual or intended
inferential relationships among statements, descriptions, questions or other forms of
representations.it includes assessing the credibility of the claims and assessing the
quality of arguments.

5.) Explanation - it enables us to present in cogent and coherent way the results of one’s
reasoning or more specifically to state the results of one’s reasoning; to justify that
reasoning in terms of the evidential, conceptual, methodological, criteriological, and
contextual considerations upon which one’s results were based and to present one’s
reasoning in the form of cogent arguments. It includes stating results, justifying
procedures and presenting arguments.

6.) Self - regulation - it enables self-conscious monitoring of one’s cognitive activities, the
elements used in those activities and the results produced particularly by applying skills
in the analysis and the evaluation to one’s own inferential judgments with a view toward
questioning, confirming, validation, or correcting either one’s reasoning or one’s results.
It includes self-examination and self - correction.

Core Critical Thinking Attitudes: It complements the core critical thinking skills.
1. Truth - seeking - being concerned with becoming and remaining well informed.

2. Inquisitive - being curious about the real nature of things and being inclined to ask intelligent
and relevant questions to acquire a deeper understanding of things.

3. Open minded - being considerate of divergent views or being flexible in considering

alternative views and opinions and having the willingness to reconsider and revise one’s own
views in light of better or superior views.

4. Analytical - having the disposition to understand complex concepts by means of simple

concepts.

5. Systematic - being coherent and organized in one’s reasoning.

6. Judicious - being sensible in one’s actions, and is prudent in making and acting his/her
judgment.
7. Confident in reasoning - having trust in the process of reasoned inquiry and having self -
confidence in one’s ability to reason.
* Critical Spirit - the overall attitude of the critical thinker as he/she applies his/her critical
thinking skills.

Appearances and Reality: Helping you become a critical thinker

In order to determine how to be a critical thinker, a person must be able to distinguish
appearances (What appears to be) from reality (What is).
 Most people conclude that what they perceive through their senses are realities without
verifying if it is actually real or are mere appearances.
 As students, you must be able to use critical thinking to know what is real from what
appears to be. The issue in this instance is the certainty of knowing what is the truth.
 Remember that certainty is important to be able to make an informed and rational
decisions.
 Going beyond what we perceive as real through verification will help us ascertain the
truth. To do this is to become a critical thinker.
 One of the importance of going beyond appearances will uncover that which is real. In
today’s use of technology, you must be able to determine if something shown on the
television or on your social media accounts is real or are merely appearance.

Take Note:
1) Filtering and censorship are examples of showing appearances and not realities
1.) Filtering hides what is bad and emphasizes what is good.
2.) Censorship suppresses part of the story in order to make it more acceptable or to tell
another story which is different from the truth.

On Fallacies
2) Another important situation where a person needs to be critical is when he/she must be
able to identify a factual statement/argument from that of a fallacious statement.
Fact - it generally refers to something that is true and can be verified as such. That is, a fact is
something that can be proven to be true or false through evidence. It is the reality.

Fallacy - it originated from the latin term “fallacia”which means deceit or fraud. It is a claim that
aims to deceive the listener to believe that the conclusion. A general type of appeal (or category
of argument) that resembles good reasoning, but that we should not find to be persuasive. A
fallacy is the use of invalid or otherwise faulty reasoning, or "wrong moves" in the construction
of an argument. A fallacious argument may be deceptive by appearing to be better than it really
is. It is therefore to be considered as appearances.
Two types of Fallacies:
1.) Informal Fallacy - it is committed when a person in the course of an argument attempts
to support a claim with a proposition that is not logically relevant to the conclusion being
drawn.
2.) Formal Fallacy/Errors of inference - it is committed when the form of the argument does
not abide with any of the established rules of inference in formal logic. Thus, the error is
found in the form or structure of the argument.

General classification of Informal fallacies:

1. ) Fallacies of Insufficient evidence - the premises provided fail to adequately support the
conclusion being drawn. The specific fallacies covered are as follows:
a.) Fallacy of assumption without proof - the conclusion is true on the basis of a premise or
premises without evidence.
Example:
I topped my PE exams. Therefore, I will be the best PE student at the end of the semester.
This does not support the claim that the student will become the best PE student since exams is
not the only evidence to be used in determining if he/she will be the best PE student.
b.) Fallacy of Hasty generalization - the conclusion is true on the basis that the evidence that
does not fully correspond to the quantity of evidence required to logically support the extent of
the conclusion.
Example:
Some politicians come from political families. Therefore, all politicians come from political
families.
The conclusion in this case is not supported by evidence to show that all politicians came from
political families.
c.) Fallacy of False/Misleading premise - the conclusion is true based on a false or half false
premise/s.
Example:
The Prime Minister of the United States stated that Filipinos will be able to visit and work in the
United States even without a visa. Therefore, Filipinos will surely migrate in order to achieve
their “American Dream”.
This is fallacious since there is no prime minister in the US as such he/she cannot issue such a
decree.

2.) Fallacies of Relevance - the premises provided are not logically relevant to the conclusion
being drawn. It covers the following fallacies.
a.) Argumentum Ad Hominem (Argument against the person) - the conclusion is true on the
basis of discrediting the source of opposing view. These may be abusive, circumstantial and tu
quoque.
1) Abusive/appeal to personality/poisoning the well - the conclusion is true based on the
unpleasant remarks intended to discredit the person with an opposing view by putting
the person in a position of doubt.
Example:
In a classroom where there was a missing cellphone.
Juan: He took the cellphone.
John: You are a liar. I did not take the cellphone.
In this situation, John discredits Juan’s claim by accusing him as a liar while asserting his own
personal claim.
2) Circumstantial - the conclusion is true based on the circumstance of the life of the
person with an opposing view by putting the person in a position wherein his/her
personal circumstances are used to discredit or limit his/her views.
Example:
In a political campaign of aspiring student leaders:
Candidate # 1: As students we should be vigilant in addressing the issue such as academic
dishonesty and laziness.
Candidate # 2: You should not believe him since he is an honor student.
This is fallacious since candidate # 2 did not address the issue rather he attacked the
circumstance of candidate # 1 of being not an academic awardee.
3) You also/Tu quoque - the conclusion is true by putting guilt on the person with an
opposing view for previously subscribing to the conclusion being opposed.
Example:
During a summative assessment conducted by their teacher, there was an argument between
two classmates:
Juan: You should not copy my answer because cheating is wrong.
John: If cheating is wrong, you should not have copied my homework yesterday.
This situation shows that the claim of Juan was wrong because he also did it before. In this
situation, it is making the claim false because it was done previously by the person making the
claim.

b.) Argumentum ad Misericordiam (Appeal to pity) - the conclusion is true based on the
premise/s that attempt to evoke pity or sympathy
Example:
This can be seen when a student approaches his/her teacher to pass him/her because of pity.
Juan: Mam/Sir, ipasa mo na ako. Kelangan kong grumadweyt kasi ako ang magpapaaral sa
kapatid ko. Wala na din akong tatay..
The passing will be based on pity rather than the performance of the student.

c.) Argumentum ad Baculum (Appeal to Force) - the conclusion is true based on threat, force,
coercion, fear or intimidation
Example:
In an office set-up, when the boss requires the employee to work overtime:
Boss: John you have to finish these requirements or else, you need not come to work again.
This situation shows that the subordinated was forced to do overtime work since there was a
threat of losing his job.

d.) Argumentum ad Vericundiam (Appeal to inappropriate authority/general eminence/famous

person) - the conclusion is true based on a person’s /persons’ testimony whereas the person/s
is/are not the proper authority to vouch for the truth of the conclusion.
Example:
This can be seen in different commercials:
When an actress endorses the use of an appliance like washing machine and vouches for its
durability and efficiency. She is actually not the proper authority to since she might not be
actually using the same.

e.) Argumentum ad Populum (Appeal to popular sentiment/mob appeal fallacy) - the conclusion
is true based on the collective sentiment of the people rendering the conclusion popular.
Example:
The different surveys conducted by different organizations. The result of the surveys will let
them conclude that the winning candidate will be based from their survey. The case of Grace
Poe running for presidency in 2016, after the initial survey, the surveying organization said that
she will win the presidential elections. However, as we all know, she did not win in the election.

f.) Argumentum ad Ignorantiam (Argument from Ignorance) - the conclusion is true based on the
fact that it cannot be proven otherwise.
Example:
Juan: I saw a ghost
John: Really? Prove it.
Juan: I cannot.
John: Thus, there is no such thing as a ghost.
In this case, since there can be no evidence to show that the claim is true the conclusion is that
it false which make fallacious.
g.) Genetic Fallacy - the conclusion is true based on a source that is not identifiable since it
banks on historical or temporal origin as foundation of the logical credibility.
Example:
The use of medicinal plant since it has been the practiced by one’s ascendants, it will still be
practiced. This is fallacious because the length of use does not mean it is more effective than
those recently developed and researched medicine.

h.) Petitio Principii (Begging the Question) - the conclusion is true based on a premise/s that is
merely paraphrased or modified reiteration of the conclusion.
Example:
The greatest thing we can do is to love each other. Love is better than any other emotion.

i.) Complex Question - the conclusion is true based on the response to a question wherein the
conclusion is disguised as an assumption that is part of the question.
Example:
When a teacher asks a student as to who helped him cheat in the exams. This is fallacious
because the question is an assumption that the student cheated in the exams in whatever way
he/she will answer.

j.) Ignorantia Elenchi (Red Herring Fallacy/Fallacy of irrelevant conclusions) - the conclusion is
true based on the premise/s that supports another conclusion.
Example:
An effective mayor like Isko Moreno or Vico Sotto will become the best presidential candidate of
the Philippines since they were able to improve their Cities. This is fallacious since the premise
that they were able to improve their cities is not supportive of the position that they are aiming
for.

k.) False Cause - the conclusion is true based on the assumed causal relationship between A
and B despite the lack of a clear link that puts A as the cause of B. This may be post hoc or
simple correlation.
1)Post Hoc (post hoc ego propter hoc - “after this, therefore, before this”) - the conclusion is true
for the simple reason that A transpired before B.
Example:
I washed my clothes. Thereafter, it started to rain. Thus, I caused the rain.
This shows that the event that transpired first was the reason for the second event.
2)Simple Correlation - the conclusion is true based on the assumed relationship between A and
B.
Example:
This is usually related to our superstitious beliefs such as the black cat being related to bad
luck.

l.) Straw Man Fallacy - the conclusion is true based on proving false an argument that is weaker
or watered-down version of the original argument that one intends to oppose. This is made up of
two steps. First, one weakens the original argument that one wishes to oppose by
misrepresenting it and Second, one attacks the weakened version of the argument.
Example:
The debate on the passage of the Reproductive Health Bill. Those who were against mentioned
of consented premarital sex because of the promotion of contraceptives. However, the main
contention here is to prevent overpopulation which has an effect to poverty.
m.) Accident - the conclusion is true based on the application of a rule that is true only for
general cases.
Example:
Zumba is a good form of an exercise. Thus, everyone should join Zumba classes. This is
fallacious since it is addressed to all people which also includes people who can no longer join
Zumba classes because of physical inability.

n.) Converse accident - the conclusion is true based on the application of a rule that is true only
for exceptional cases.
Example:
The importance of breastmilk which is good for babies since it helps in the proper development
of the different organs of the babies. Therefore, all people should drink breast milk. From this
situation, it is evident that breastmilk is only for babies and not adults since the latter has
already developed their organs as they grew up.

o.) Slippery Slope fallacy - the conclusion is not true based on the universality of the conclusion
being proposed.
Example:
The common example would be the interpretation of the ten commandments. Thou shall not kill
should be applied in all circumstances so that if an insect bites you, it is prohibited not to kill the
insect since killing is bad and against the ten commandments.

p.) Arithmetical fallacy - the conclusion is true based on the unqualified application of
arithmetical rules and principles to practical situations.
Example:
Whenever we have an appointment with our friends to meet at a specific time, it cannot be
avoided that some will be late. Usually we compute the time to show that he/she is late by
including the distance and the speed of the vehicle but do not consider other factors such as
traffic, road accidents, and other factors. Thus, it is fallacious to argue that our friends are late
just because of the factors mentioned.

q.) False Analogy - the conclusion is true based on an analogy that does not exactly represent
the argument presented.
Example:
John and Juan both drives an SUV. John is a lawyer therefore Juan is also a lawyer. This is
fallacious since the premise does not support the conclusion.

r.) Fallacy of False dilemma / Black or White fallacy - the conclusion is true based on two
possible contrary alternatives only without regard that they may be other alternatives that can be
possibly considered.
- presents a choice between two mutually exclusive options, implying that there are no other
options. One option is clearly worse than the other, making the choice seem obvious.
Example:
In some advertisements, we can actually see this kind of fallacy. “If you don't use our beauty
products, you'll never look beautiful and glamorous”. This is fallacious because there is actually
an alternative but the choice is actually obvious which is the preference of the beauty products
being endorsed.

3. ) Fallacies of Ambiguity - the premises provided convey meanings that are not clear. The
fallacies under this classification are the following:
a.) Fallacy of Equivocation - the conclusion is true based on a word or phrase that may have
more than one meaning. It occurs when the conclusion of an argument depends on fact that a
word or phrase is used in two different senses in the argument. Such argument is either invalid
or have a false premise and in either case they are unsound.
Example:
No man is an island. However, I am not a man. Therefore, I am an island. This is fallacious
because the interpretation of the word man is not actually pertaining to male but rather to the
general term for human beings.
b.) Fallacy of Amphiboly / Syntactic Ambiguity - the conclusion is true based on the vagueness
of the meaning of the word or phrase because of how it is placed in the sentence. It occurs,
when the arguer misinterprets a statement that is syntactically ambiguous and proceeds to draw
a conclusion based on this faulty interpretation. The syntactical ambiguity arises from a mistake
in grammar or punctuation or a missing comma or dangling modifier or an ambiguous
antecedent of a pronoun. Or some other careless arguments of words. Because of this
ambiguity, the statement may be understood in two clearly distinguishable ways.
Example:
Misplaced parking signs for customers such as “NO PARKING FOR CUSTOMERS ONLY”
instead of “NO PARKING, FOR CUSTOMERS ONLY”. This is to be interpreted in two ways.
First, customers are not allowed to park or second, the parking area is for customers only.

c.) Fallacy of Accent - the conclusion is true based on a falsely placed accent.
Example:
The phrase “bahala na” may mean different if the accent will be placed in different syllables. It
may mean, its really up to you or it is actually a prohibition. Imagine a situation when a
boyfriend/husband asks the girlfriend/wife that he will go out with his friends and the answer
given was “bahala na”. The phrase “bahala na” may mean you can go, its up to you or No.

d.) Fallacy of Composition - the conclusion is true by treating as collective characteristic those
attributes that merely belong to the part/s of the whole.
Example:
Each of the students of the HUMSS strand is very good at public speaking. Therefore, the
HUMSS students are very good debaters. In this situation, you would observe that the skills of
the students may not actually translate to the conclusion indicated.

e.) Fallacy of Division/Decomposition - the conclusion is true by treating as distributed

characteristics those attributes that apply to the whole.
Example:
“The ocean is color blue. Therefore, every droplet of the water from the ocean is blue.”
“The United States is a wealthy country. Therefore, every American is wealthy.”
These statements are fallacious since the characteristic of the whole is attributed to the parts
which is not true

STRATEGIC ANALYSIS
 The root word strategy came from the Greek term “strategia” which means the skills
possessed by the generals that are necessary to win battles.
 Analysis refers to studying carefully each part of a whole and understanding how each
part of a whole and understanding how each part and their relationships with each other
result to the whole
 Thus, Strategic Analysis may be defined/explained as follows:
 a system or method that requires deliberate, abstract and effortful thinking that breaks
down a complex problem into parts. Deliberate thinking employs a detailed examination
of a problem to come up with a solution.
 the process of examining, using one’s rationality or reason, the organization’s
surroundings and resources and how they relate with each other to formulate a strategy
to meet objectives and improve performance.
 Facione (2013, 16) - the system or process of thinking that is more deliberate reflective,
computational and rule governed whose cultivation or development is the one best
catered to by various critical thinking skills and dispositions.

 Below is the most common strategic analysis that shows the different steps in decision
making.
1.) Identify the problem
2.) Analyze the problem
3.) Generate a solution
4.) Implement the solution
5.) Reflect on the outcomes

Analytical Methods in Strategic Analysis

1.) SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity, Threat) analysis
- It guides you to identify your organization’s strengths and weaknesses (S-W), as well as
broader opportunities and threats (O-T). Developing a fuller awareness of the situation
helps with both strategic planning and decision-making.
 - It helps with both strategic planning and decision-making, as it introduces opportunities
to the company as a forward-looking bridge to generating strategic alternatives.
- This method was originally developed for business and industry, but it is equally useful in
the work of community health and development, education, and even for personal
growth.
- It is one of the most commonly used tools to assess the internal and external
environments of a company and is part of a company’s strategic planning process. In
addition, a SWOT analysis can be done for a product, place, industry, or person.

2.) PEST(LE) analysis

- It is an acronym that stand for Political, Economic, Social, Technological, Environmental
and Legal factors that will affect the business establishment.
- A PESTEL analysis or PESTLE analysis (formerly known as PEST analysis) is a
framework or tool used to analyze and monitor the macro-environmental factors that
may have a profound impact on an organization’s performance.
- It is especially useful when starting a new business or entering a foreign market. It is
often used in collaboration with other analytical business tools such as the SWOT
analysis and Porter’s Five Forces to give a clear understanding of a situation and related
internal and external factors.

3.) VCA (Value Chain Analysis)

- It is a way to visually analyze a company's business activities to see how the company
can create a competitive advantage for itself.
- It helps a company understands how it adds value to something and subsequently how it
can sell its product or service for more than the cost of adding the value, thereby
generating a profit margin.
- It promotes the idea that an organization exists to produce value to its clients. Brand
loyalty or sustained patronage is developed.
- This is one of the tools that can help a business to maintain its product or business in the
market. Remember that usually a product or service that stays in the market for a long
period of time is considered as a trend because it presupposes that it addresses the
need of the people.
 INTUITIVE THINKING
Definition:
 Intuition means gut feeling. It come from the Latin term ïntuitio” which means knowledge
from within.
 It is the ability to understand something instinctively (gut feel) without need of conscious
reasoning.
 It is done when one needs to arrive at a judgment quickly.
 It possesses characteristics which mostly run in contrast to analytical thinking since it is
heart centered, unfocused and is not time bound. It is learned through experiences.
 It is usually associated with thinking that makes use of heuristics, that is, mental
shortcuts or thinking maneuvers that enable the decision maker to make quick
judgments, evaluations or decisions. It is likened to the rules of thumb.

Major forms of heuristics:

1.) Satisficing - it is the combination of satisfying and sufficing, that is, it is something that is
good enough to satisfy our objectives.
Example:
When a customer settles for that which is “good” rather than buying the most ideal item. We
usually often hear this reaction to consumers/buyers who are practical which is “pwede na yan”.

2.) Risk - Aversion - there is preference towards certainty rather than uncertainty. It aims for
the “sure thing” or “sure advantage”.
Example:
When it comes to investment, investors who place their money to low risk investment are people
who goes for the sure return of investment even if the ROI is not high.

3.) Loss - Aversion - there is avoidance of loss and preference towards gain. It leads to
status quo bias or a strong tendency to remain at status quo. In this form of heuristic,
there is the application of the endowment effect.
 Endowment effect - there is a tendency of people to give more value to a thing that they
own than an identical thing that they do not own.
Example:
When you are to sell something which you already replaced such as your gadgets, you tend not
to sell it at a price that is not of equal value to your “sentimental value”. This means that you
would rather stop not sell it since the loss is greater than your gain.

4.) Affect - the judgment/decision is arrived at based on one’s immediate positive or

negative emotional reaction to some idea, proposal, person, object. It is usually based
on one’s gut reaction/gut feeling. a type of mental shortcut in which people make
decisions that are heavily influenced by their current emotions.
Example:
When you are to buy a clothing such as blouse or t-shirt, your decision to buy that item is
dependent on your mood.

5.) Association - it is based on a word or idea which reminds us of what we associate with
the word or idea.
Example:
In this present situation that we are confronted, we tend to associate the signs and symptoms of
any sickness to Covid 19. so, when you have cough, colds, or flu like symptoms, it is already
Covid 19.

6.) Availability - it connotes that something will most likely happen because of examples or
similar events that immediately come to our mind.
Example:
When you heard a news about teenagers being the victims of theft/pickpocket, you tend to be
more vigilant since you know that you are a teenager.

7.) Simulation - it is based on our imagination of various scenarios which may happen and
we now come up with different alternatives to prepare for the imagined scenarios.
Example:
You went out with your friends and you did not ask permission from your parents. On your way
home you were already creating scenarios that will happen. With this in mind, you will think of
different reasons for the imagined scenarios.
 8.) Similarity - it is based on the belief that what happened to someone else with whom we
have similarities will happen to us as well. What distinguishes this from availability
heuristics is the probability of occurrence of an expected outcome.
Examples:
In the workplace where a co-worker was sanctioned for not following company policies. Then if
another employee of the same company committed the same violation, he/she would think that
he/she will also be sanctioned. The decision is based on the expected outcome and the
probability is high since there is a connection to the reason for giving sanctions.

9.) Anchoring and Adjustment - it is based on a value first presented / initial value which is
the “anchor” which will later be adjusted to a level we find acceptable.
Example:
When a consumer/buyer haggle with the price of a certain good. The seller usually sets the
“anchor” which is the selling price but the buyer will then have to ask for a discount so as to
lower the price of the good.

As students, you will always be confronted with issues/challenges/problems that you

must address. In looking for an answer, you must be able to use your critical thinking skills. Your
being critical will help you have a better view of the situation. It is not easy to be critical without
the proper mindset and skill set since it is your tool to make an appropriate evaluation of the
facts that must be used to come up with your own decision/judgment.
Decision making is always part of our existence. There will be situations that will give us
different choices to answer for an issue. The choice is usually based on what will be beneficial
to us. In order to arrive at a decision, we make use of tools which will help us make a decision.
However, the decision is not just a decision but it must be the “right” decision if not at least the
best decision in a given situation.
The use of the different analytical tools such as the SWOT, PESTEL and VCA will give
us a better understanding of a given situation and as such will help us make the appropriate
decision.
These tools will show us the different scenarios to which we could base our decisions. These
tools are helpful to an organization but it does not mean that we could not make use of them in
our everyday dealings.
Take note that the use of the aforementioned tools means that the person making the
decision/judgment has the time to consider all possibilities. The factors that are be considered
are given importance and sometimes researches must be made to arrive at a decision. in this
manner, the decision is made after a careful and systematic study of the different factors and
variables that are present. This is called strategic analysis.
However, there are instances that sometimes a decision/judgment must be made in a
short period of time. When we are confronted with this kind of scenario, our decision is based on
our previous experiences or the experiences of others. In this situation, we make use of
heuristics. This is called intuitive thinking.
Therefore, an individual who performs strategic analysis is systematic, rational,
analytical and takes time before he/she arrives at a decision. On the other hand, an individual
who makes use of intuitive thinking involves a more spontaneous, instinctive and unplanned
process of solving problems. The decision is arrived at based on gut feeling relative to
experiences or ideas.
In addition, strategic analysis is brain centered and focused which means that it follows a certain
path before making a decision while intuitive thinking is heart centered and unfocused since
there is a need to make quick decisions. Lastly, strategic analysis can be taught in a formal set
up unlike intuitive thinking which is learned through one’s experiences.
The discussions on realities, appearances and fallacies will guide you to become a
critical thinker. When you are to appreciate facts from false information, critical thinking comes
into play. Without the use of your critical thinking skills and attitudes, you cannot fully identify
and determine what is the truth about an event or a thing. In your everyday interactions, you
must be critical in knowing the truth before giving information to others.
 As students of the HUMSS, it is very important that you are able to ascertain the truth
beyond appearances, appreciate the facts before making conclusions and be real in your
dealings with others.
Fallacious statements are of common usage in our society. The ability to identify what
statements are fallacious is very important since we will be able to correct or know the truth
about the content of the statement. We will be making wrong judgments towards other people if
we are to believe the fallacious statements as true and factual.
As to students, the knowledge about fallacies is critical since you will not be swayed by
claims which may be perceived as true when it is not really the truth. Going beyond the claims
and ascertaining what is behind these claims will make you a better individual and will likewise
prepare you to be in a world full of fallacies and pretentions.

Supplemental readings:
The articles will supplement your knowledge of trends and fads. Read and reflect on the
ideas presented by these articles.

Article # 1:
This is an article that will help you understand realities from just mere appearances.
‘Perception is real; truth is not’ – perpetuating a fallacy
By: Dr. Jose Mario Bautista Maximiano - @inquirerdotnet

INQUIRER.NET U.S. Bureau / 08:00 AM February 06, 2020

Newsweek paints a picture of Imelda R. Marcos as one of the “greediest people of all time;”
Washington Post describes her as one of the “greatest plunderers in history,” and the Guinness
World Records reveals her and her husband as the biggest-ever thieves from a government. Does it
hurt?
Pretending not to have bilked the nation out of billions of dollars, always in self-denial, the Iron
Butterfly remarked without a quiver, “They went into my closets looking for skeletons, but thank God,
ALL THEY FOUND were shoes, (2,700) beautiful shoes.”

Is this kind of statement a subjective reality, a perception that she did not steal anything at all, an
illusion that she was completely innocent? Her son, Bongbong, was likewise deceitful when he
responded to restitution demands during a televised debate with “I cannot give what I do not have.”

Cambridge English Dictionary defines “perception” as “a belief or opinion, often held by many people
and based on HOW THINGS SEEM.” It also defines “reality” as “the way things or situations really
are and NOT THE WAY YOU WOULD LIKE THEM TO BE.”

On November 9, 2018, Imelda Marcos, then 89, was convicted of the high crime of funneling $200
million to her Swiss foundations by the Sandiganbayan and was sentenced to 42 years in prison.
Planeloads of strong evidence, her “Michelangelos and Picassos,” her “diamonds hidden inside
those diaper boxes,” and a protracted series of formal hearings with eye witnesses, these and many
more incriminating circumstances molded the rock-solid foundation of that criminal conviction
beyond reasonable doubt. That’s reality, the objective fact, and nothing but the truth.
Perception is subjective, which means it occurs entirely in the mind of the one who perceives, in
which case a series of mental gymnastics of sort (“the way you would like them to be”) can easily
turn anything into a make-belief or an illusion. On the contrary, reality is objective, which means it
actually exists completely outside of the perceiver’s mind and therefore not subject to any kind of
mental manipulations. For that reason, perception and reality are not the same. They are polar
opposites and, therefore, to say that “perception is real” is a fallacy.

In 1962, Ferdinand Marcos made a preposterous assertion, that is, he was the “most decorated war
hero” who earned almost every medal and decoration of valor, 27 all in all. Jeff Gerth’s investigative
report entitled “Marcos’ Wartime Role Discredited in U.S. Files,” published by the New York Times in
1986, says otherwise.
Based on official U.S. files, the report says that what Marcos claimed were “fake and delusional” and
that his public assertions were his perception of himself, a hero, and by which he wanted others to
perceive him. Precisely, that is how a perception or a “subjective reality” works, according to the
Cambridge English Dictionary.

Consider the televised interview on September 20, 2018, with Bongbong Marcos, where the 93-year-
old Juan Ponce Enrile narrated the events “the way he would like them,” saying that “during Martial
Law, it was only the drug lord Lim Seng who was executed and no one was arrested for criticizing
then-President Marcos.” The documented reality is the opposite of what he said: 70,000 people were
incarcerated, 34,000 tortured, and more than 3,200 from 1965 to 1981, according to Amnesty
International.

So why did Imelda allow self-deception to govern her conduct all her adult life, adorning herself with
ruby and diamond studded gold jewelry, and wearing a loud scarf to look like a queen? Why did
Imee and Bongbong, the proverbial apples not falling far from tree, live lives of self-deception? Imee
lied about her educational attainments, her non-involvement in a well-documented Trajano murder
case, about her age, and a long list of etceteras, while her brother Bongbong lied about Oxford
University and Wharton School of business.
The answer is perception, perception in its crudest form that aim to project a better self before
others. Other people do that. What is scary – and socially and morally unacceptable – is not that
they perceive things wrongly but that they intentionally produce subjective realities (“the way they
would like them to be”) as factual with the intention to deceive others, to continue to wield more
power, and finally to see her son “Bongbong become President of the Philippines.”

When the Marcoses were certain that their ultimate aim was to change the Filipino mindset in
accordance with their own perception, they mastered the worst type of the science of manipulative
influence. Their mastery of manipulation consisted of setting up an expensive PR department,
backed up by a well-oiled army of trolls and humongous fake-news agencies. Henceforth, with one
focus aim, their eternal quest to revise history began.

Problem is, so many Filipinos still believe someone who says “Truth is not real.”
Article # 2
A timely article on critical thinking

Critical thinking in the ‘new normal’

By: Glenn San Luis - @inquirerdotnet

Philippine Daily Inquirer / 04:03 AM June 22, 2020

Prior to the pandemic, we got used to automating decisions and prescribing solutions based on
previous experiences, and this worked to our advantage. But in this “new normal,” past
assumptions and ways of doing things no longer work as effectively. We all need to rethink and
adjust the process of critical thinking and deliberate decision making.
We asked Luigi Mapa, our resource person on leadership and organizational development, for
his thoughts on the changes we would need to apply to ensure our decisions remain relevant in
this new reality we all face. Here are his insights:

We need to reengage the part of our brains that allows us to pay attention to detail, and
evaluate situations objectively. When our neocortex is trained and focused, it equips us to
analyze and act with discretion as we move to generate solutions and make decisions in this
new environment.
At the organizational level, companies need to make tough decisions about fund optimization
and product prioritization. In other words, how to manage costs while thinking strategically on
which revenue streams to focus. Critical thinking and decision making tools will help
organizations make these tough choices with less risk through better analysis.
At the individual level, team members need to assess how their work needs could adapt in this
new environment, and make effective risk/return decisions. This is achieved by careful analysis
of the situation, and by using a structured decision making process to arrive at the best possible
recommendation to their boss.

Critical thinking enables us to challenge the biases and patterns of thought formed by our past
experiences. These experiences may no longer be relevant in our present economy.
For example, a person may have a bias against online interfacing, preferring instead only face
to face communication. Or a manager might be resistant to decentralizing decision making. This
new environment requires us to challenge these behavioral and cognitive patterns and adapt
new ways of thinking and doing. It also allows us to temper emotions triggered by the
circumstances we face. Achieving this requires both behavioral and technical competencies. In
other words, we need to learn a balance of tools, techniques, frameworks and proper mindsets
in order to develop the behavioral and technical aspects of critical thinking and decision making.
For example, we have to ask if we are reacting or deciding due to feelings of panic and anxiety
brought on by nonstop bad news. We have to take a moment, unplug from our newsfeed
temporarily, and then start the process.
In these volatile and uncertain times, it’s essential that we critique our actions and decisions
with more clarity and objectivity. Remember, the root word in critical is ‘critic.’ Critical times
require critical thinking and deliberate decision making. Consider second opinions, or
consensus building. Open yourself to other points of view from team members. These extra
steps could ensure we are closer to an ideal solution.

Critical thinking was considered as one of the most essential skill of the future. That future is
now.

This unit has presented to you the definition, characteristics, misconceptions on critical
thinking. It likewise provided you the necessary skills and attitudes in order to become a critical
thinker. Becoming a critical thinker also means that you should be able to know what is reality
from appearances. To do this, there must be the proper application of the different skills and
attitudes needed in critical thinking. Furthermore, as a critical thinker, you must be able to know
fallacious from factual information.

Activity # 1:
Let us apply some of the things that we learned from this unit by coming up with your own
analysis of yourself. Consider this situation:
You are now a grade 12 student and is about to enter college. However, you are still undecided
on what course to take. To help you arrive at a decision, you must be able to create your own
self-analysis using SWOT and PEST(EL) analysis. Before you start answering the questions
below, you must first make a list your own choices for the course that you want to take up.
1. _____________________
2. _____________________
3. _____________________

PERSONAL SWOT:
Write your strengths and weaknesses as an individual objectively. Then identify the different
opportunities and threats for your chosen course.
 Strengths Weaknesses

YOU
Opportunities Threats

Did your choices changed after doing your personal SWOT analysis? Why or why not?
After having done this, you now have to choose only one course.
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________

By using the PESTEL analysis, determine if this course will be beneficial for you in the future by
providing situations for the different factors will be help you identify the pros and cons of your
chosen course.

Political
Economic
Social
Technological
Environmental
Legal

References:

Arzadon, M., Romerosa, P., & Zarate, M. (2018). Trends, Networks, and Critical Thinking. Vibal

Group, Inc.

Dela Cruz, A., Fadrigon, C., & Mabaquiao, M. (2017). Trends, Networks and Critical Thinking in

the 21st Century Culture. PHOENIX PUBLISHING HOUSE, INC.

Marquez, L. (2017). Trends, Networks, and Critical Thinking in the 21st Century for Senior High

School. C & E Publishing, Inc.

Maximiano, J. (2020). ‘Perception is real; truth is not’ – perpetuating a fallacy. Retrieved 6

August

2020, from https://usa.inquirer.net/50832/perception-is-real-truth-is-not-perpetuating-a-

Fallacy

PESTEL Analysis (PEST Analysis) EXPLAINED with EXAMPLES | B2U. (2020). Retrieved 6

August 2020, from https://www.business-to-you.com/scanning-the-environment-pestel

analysis/
San Luis, G. (2020). Critical thinking in the ‘new normal’. Retrieved 6 August 2020, from

https://business.inquirer.net/300543/critical-thinking-in-the-new-normal#ixzz6UGRmFXHo\

SWOT Analysis - Learn How to Conduct a SWOT Analysis. (2020). Retrieved 6 August 2020,

from https://corporatefinanceinstitute.com/resources/knowledge/strategy/swot-analysis/

Thiele, A. (15, February 2018). PESTEL Analysis – What is it and why do we use it? Retrieved

from https://andet5.com/2018/02/pestel-analysis-what-is-it-and-why-do-we-use-it/

Urgel, E. (2017). Trends, Networks and Critical Thinking in the 21st Century Culture. DIWA

LEARNING SYSTEMS INC.

What is Value Chain Analysis?. (2020). Retrieved 6 August 2020, from https://www.visual-

paradigm.com/guide/strategic-analysis/what-is-value-chain-analysis/

Module 2
This module will present a discussion about democracy and other related
concepts. It aims to give you a comprehensive understanding about democratic
practices which need to know and ought to practice as a member of a democratic
community. This module will likewise inform you of the different issues that hinders the
real principles of democracy. Different assessments will be given to determine and guide
you through a deeper understanding on democracy.

Unit 1: Democratic Interventions

At the end of this unit, the learners will be able to:
1.) Identify democratic practices;
2.) Explain the importance of participation in democracy;
3.) Differentiate participatory from representative democracy;
4.) Illustrate the benefits of democratic participation;
5.) Assess democratic interventions prevailing in political and social institutions; and
6.) Formulate a viable alternative to undemocratic practices.

Motivational Activity:

Positive Negative
Effects Effects
 Democracy

Our country is considered to be a democratic country. It adheres to the ideals

and principles of democracy. By making use of the diagram provided, give the characteristics of
democracy which you think is positive (advantageous) and negative (disadvantageous).

Etymology:
It came from the Greek terms “demos” which means people and “kratos” which means power or
rule.

History
 An Athenian noble, Cleisthenes reorganized the current political system of Athens into
three institutions. The ekklesia (governing body) which crafted the laws; the boule which
comprised of the of representatives from the different Athenian tribes, and dikasteria
which is the judicial institutions where citizens can lodge cases before jurors.
 The crafting and implementation of the Magna Carta of 1215 of England. A document
that challenged the power of the monarch and put him under the rule of law. It also
protected the people from the abuses committed by the feudal lords.
 The US declaration of Independence in 1776 and creation of the US Constitution in 1787
started the democracy that we have adopted up to this present period with some
modifications in order to adapt to the changes of time.

Definition:
 From the etymology, the rule of the people / power of the people.
 According to former US president Abraham Lincoln, it is a government by the people, of
the people and for the people.
 It provides people the right to exercise “some form of genuine control over the
government”.
 A government which provides for the separation of powers, fundamental civil rights,
freedom of religion, and separation of the church and the state.

According to Robert Dahl, there are five criteria that should be in place before
democratic process can commence; to wit:
1. ’’Demos” – adult members should participate in electoral processes except those proven
to have mental deficiencies.
2. Control of the Agenda – the citizens have the exclusive opportunity to decide the agenda
for discussion and deliberation through voting.
3. Enlightened understanding – the citizens ought to have adequate information to make a
choice on what should serve the community and society.
4. Effective participation – the citizens can be rallied and mobilized to make their
preferences realized through direct participation in the social and political life of the
society.
5. Equality in the voting process – each citizen must vote that will be counted as equal in
weight to the choice expressed by any other citizen.

Dimensions of democracy:
For Roger Betancourt, these are as follows:
a) Political rights – the peoples’ participation in the governmental affairs such as election of
officials and the creation of laws.
b) Civil rights – the individual’s right to autonomy and to act freely without discrimination.
 c) Political Legitimization – recognition of the people of their officials and acceptance of
what they (elected officials) could offer.
 The first two dimensions serve as limitations to the government.

For Michael S. Perry, the dimensions are different.

a) Sovereign people – this refers to “body-politic” or the people who rule. They are the
citizens and the voters who exercises sovereignty.
b) Principle of democracy – the people are considered as sovereign equals. Equality is the
underlying principle of democracy.
c) Structure of democracy – this pertains to the various formulations, mechanisms and
institutions which are crafted to enable people to actualize their sovereign will in the
democratic processes. The systems of government constitute additional structures or
mechanisms of democracy.
d) Practice of democracy – this involves the translation of the concept of democracy into
reality or making the rule of the people concretely manifested. The participation of the
people to the electoral processes is an indication whether democracy is being practiced.
Take for instance an election with a low voter turnout means that there was less
participation on the part of the people.

Types of Democracy:
1.) Direct Democracy
 This can only happen to small scale societies where mechanisms for engaging citizens
to participate in the affairs of the of the state become less complicated.
 The citizens have direct participation through public assemblies. Thus, the practice of
democracy is directly in the hands of the constituents/people.
 All the members of the polity gather together and individuals will cast their vote.
 This is also called as pure democracy.
 The practice of democracy is not limited to the right to vote because the people are not
governed by a body of legislators. Instead, the people governed themselves and the
venue for such governance were public assemblies where they debated and voted
individually on issues that affected their lives.
 Participation in such assemblies connotes that the citizen must be an adult, male, an
owner of land and was not as former slave(freedman).
 This type of democracy no longer exists today because of the presence of huge
populations around the world with diverse backgrounds and interests which will make it
impossible. However, there is a provision in our Constitution which can be attributed to
direct democracy and that is the provision on referendum and initiative.

2.) Representative Democracy (Indirect Democracy)

 It is a political system where qualified citizens exercise their political power through
representatives. The sovereign power remains on the citizens but its exercise is
delegated to the representatives they elect. The rationale for this election of
representatives is for the latter (representatives) to make decisions and choices for the
people who elected them.
 The changes in our society and the development of the political system made direct
governance difficult. So, the people have to elect representatives to the government.
 This also is referred to as liberal democracy where paramount consideration is given to
the individual freedoms.
 It is called constitutional democracy since the constitution is considered as the governing
document that protects the inalienable rights and the freedom of all people. The
Constitution likewise guards against the leaders who will abuse the powers given to
them because of their election.
 Models that explain representative democracy:
1.) Trustee model – the representatives are considered specialists and are entrusted
with the wisdom to know what is the best for the people they represent.
2.) Delegate model – the elected representatives are considered only the
mouthpiece of the represented or electorate.

Elements of Representative democracy:

1. Popular support of Government
• Support coming from the people is important to make the government legitimate.
 • In a democracy, the power of the leaders is sourced from the support of the
people who elected them. Without this support the leader does not have the right
to stay in the position.
2. Political Competition
• The people are given the power to choose from among different candidates since
in a democracy anyone can run for public office as long as he/she is qualified.
3. Alternation of Power
• No politician or a political party stays in power forever. Democratic states
exercise alternation of power which means the “reins of power will occasionally
alternate both in terms of actual officeholders and in terms of prevailing ideas”.
4. Popular representation
• The representatives of the people serve as the voice of the people in the
government. In the Philippines, each representative is elected by the people from
their place (district) or to represent their group (party list) in order to promote their
constituents’ interests and demands.
5. Majority rule
• Majority means 50% + 1. This is the underlying reason why decisions are made
by the government taking into consideration the interests of the majority.
6. Recognition of rights to dissent and disobedience
• There is promotion and protection of free expressions and free press. Public
rallies and strike are also allowed provided that they will be regulated.
7. Political equality
• Anyone can run for public office as long as the minimum requirements are
satisfied. Although equality may be imaginary in a democratic state, its
government can make legislations to at least achieved equality though not in its
ideal state.
8. Popular Consultation
• Public consultations can be done through the different mediums available in
order to help the government address the issues affecting the people. Public
opinion should be given weight by the government.
9. Free Press
• Press freedom is very important because it informs the people, raises the
people’s awareness and provide entertainment to people. Media is a tool to
promote and protect the principles of democracy.

Democratic Practices: These actualize the civil and political rights of people.
1.) Suffrage for eligible citizens and qualified registered voters
 Suffrage is the right to vote. It gives the people the opportunity to exercise
sovereignty by choosing the candidate who will govern and serve them.
 It is an inalienable political right of the citizens so that no one unless declared by
law as disqualified should be deprived of its exercise.
 The practice of suffrage gives the people the opportunity to choose the leaders
that will help them improve their standard of living.
2.) Protest against election fraud
 Election is one of the vital components of democracy. It is the mechanism that
can be used to express the people’s choice of their representatives who will carry
out their sovereign will. Therefore, the sanctity of ballot must be safeguarded.
 Election fraud includes vote buying, rigging of votes, and other election related
ways that will alter the real results of election and it should be prevented by the
people by being vigilant.
 Dissent and protest of election results which is the product of election fraud is
vital in democracy since they demonstrate an individual’s freedom of expression.
3.) Communicating with local government officials as a civic responsibility
 Civic responsibility is composed of acts or attitudes related to social involvement
and democratic governance. These are acts which are not mandatory but
voluntary. However, it is important for the promotion of the well-being of the
community
 One of the civic responsibilities of people is to communicate with your local
government authorities. Expressing one’s sentiments and being able to
communicate it to officials is important in order to maintain a mutual relationship
that is directed to the improvement of the society. Cooperation and collaboration
is crucial in a democratic society.
 Civic duty on the hand is mandatory and this is legally required of the individual.
4.) Public Assembly and consultation
  This is based on Republic Act no. 880 (The Public Assembly Act of 1985) which
ensures the people’s exercise of their right to peaceful assembly. These include
rallies, demonstrations, marches, public meetings, processions and parades
which can be held in public places to express their opinions, to protest against
the government on issues affecting the people and air their grievances on certain
issues.
 Take note that the permits are required for any public demonstration. Otherwise,
the protesters may be arrested.
5.) Conduct of a plebiscite to amend a constitutional provision
 A plebiscite is an electoral process for approving or rejecting a change or
amendment in the constitution. Ratification of the proposed change is important.
This means that the people will decide whether to accept or reject the proposed
changes.
 This practice is a feature of direct democracy which has been expressly provided
in the Philippine Constitution. This will assure the people of direct participation in
the political activities of their government.

Advantages of Democracy:
1. It prevents tyranny which is the rule of the cruel and vicious autocrats.
2. It promotes and protect essential rights which include fundamental human rights.
3. It guarantees freedom which include freedom of speech and freedom of expression.
4. It protects the personal interest of the people like the right to own property or freedom to
choose where to live.
5. It promotes self-determination which means that the individual can live by his/her own
rule.
6. It promotes moral autonomy since there is an opportunity to exercise moral
responsibility.
7. It promotes human development, that is, the well-being of citizens and encourages
investment in human resources.
8. There is restriction of inequality since democracy works towards sustaining or redressing
economic and political inequalities.
9. Peace is given primordial importance.
10. There is promise of prosperity since democratic countries are more prosperous than
non-democratic countries.

Factors that show undemocratic practices: These curtail human rights and obstruct the
exercise of one’s free and sovereign will.
1. Gender/Sexual identity
 Gender bias – the prejudicial act or attitude toward males or females
Types of society that shows gender bias
Matriarchal Society Patriarchal Society

- It is characterized by female rule or - It demonstrates the same unequal

female dominance including treatment to females by males.
women’s control of property.
Daughters are more favored than
sons.

2. Wealth distribution and poverty

 The widening gap between those who are rich and those who are poor contributes to
the growing number of people who are considered to belong to those living below the
poverty line.
 The rich have been able to circumvent the laws and are able to think of ways to protect
their personal interests.

3. Race relations, suffrage and political marginalization

 The political positions are reserved to those who are considered superior over others
because of his/her race.

4. Cultural domination, representation and the politics of recognition

 The minority groups (Cultural communities, indigenous groups) which have their own
culture have been disregarded or their culture have been dominated by the major
cultural groups. Furthermore, support from the government is not the same as those
given to groups in the mainstream society.
  Minority groups lack representation in the government which could have been one of the
ways that can protect them from losing their cultural identities.

The importance of civil society in a democracy:

Civil Society are intermediate organizations in between the primary units of society that
includes individuals, families, clans, ethnic groups and the governmental agencies and
institutions. The non-governmental organizations and private organizations are part of the civil
society.
They are created in order to make democracy work. The right to express their opinions
on matters that affect the society should not be suppressed. Rather, it should be taken into
consideration to craft policies that will promote individual and state development.

Discussions on Democracy

`Article II, Section 1 of the Philippine Constitution provides that “The Philippines is a
democratic and republican state. Sovereignty resides in the People and all government authority
emanates from them”.
If we are to examine the provision, the Philippines embraces the idea of people being
the holder of power and they gave this power to a selected few to govern them. Why? For the
simple reason that they cannot govern themselves directly owing to the fact that they have their
own interests to protect and preserve. As such the idea of being able to choose the “right”
representative is the “catch” here. The right representative should be the one that embodies the
dreams and aspirations of the people who elected him/her. Regardless of his/her own personal
interests, the right representative should put importance to the welfare of people who had
chosen him/her to be their leader. This is in line with the Peter Parker principle that “Great
power comes with great responsibility” which is actually derived from a bible verse; "To
whomever much is given, of him will much be required; and to whom much was entrusted, of
him more will be asked."(Luke12:48)
Furthermore, the adherence to democracy is the concrete form of the latin maxim “Vox
populi vox dei”. The voice of the people is the voice of God where the people choose those who
are good and adheres to the Godly virtues.
The premises provided are but ideal situation that represents the real essence of
democracy. Let us be honest on what democracy is in the Philippines. These are mere
observations that can be considered as our description of democracy.
1.) Democracy is the rule of many and not of the few. Is this the case in the Philippines?
Sadly, it is not since we are governed by the few. It should have been okay if these few
are those who are qualified. Again, it is not. What am I pointing at?
 The Philippines is a country that presents itself as a democratic state that
adheres to democratic principles and observe the accepted characteristics and
features of democracy. However, is the Philippines ruled by many? There may
be alternation in power but is it really open to many? I would like to emphasize
two important concepts in relation to this discussion.
First, we are governed by few which may fall under aristocracy or oligarchy. Aristocracy
emphasizes that the few who are considered as the leaders are the best because they are
wealthy and educated. As leaders, their personal interests become subservient to the
interests/welfare of their constituents. In Oligarchy, the interests of the leaders are superior over
the people.
Second, the different areas/localities in the Philippines is governed by political families.
In short, Political dynasties exist in the Philippines. Political dynasty as defined by many is a
family
wherein most members either by blood or marriage are involved in politics or in acquisition of
government position. It is practiced by a family of an incumbent elective official and powers are
distributed in different positions in the government. We are not to judge whether political dynasty
is good or bad. What should be the focus is whether political dynasty prohibits/deters others
from running as a political leader.
2.) The rule of the many means majority rule. Again, this is not the proper way of looking at
the Philippine political set-up. What we practice when we conduct elections is the
application of plurality vote. This is a case when more than two candidates run in the
 same position but the winner does not obtain the majority vote but rather the highest
number of votes. So, how do we distinguish majority vote from plurality vote? In majority
vote, there are only two candidates for the position while in plurality vote there are more
than two candidates. What therefore made our application wrong? It is because of our
borrowed interpretation of what democracy is. We modeled our political system from the
United States which likewise adhere to democracy. However. It is a country that is only
ruled by two political parties unlike the case of the Philippines which has multiparty
system or have different political parties that often merged or separated depending on
the interests of their members.
3.) The leaders are those who are qualified to the position. The very essence of democracy
is the participation of many. No one should be denied his/her right to run for public office.
However, are they qualified? Let us look into the qualifications as provided by law which
are as follows; anyone aspiring for the position should satisfy the age requirement for the
position, a resident of the Philippines, a registered voter in the place where he/she
intends to run, a citizen of the Philippines and is able to read and write. Is there
something wrong in the requirement? Of course, there is and that is as regards the last
requirement. A person who is able to read and write provided all the other requirements
are satisfied can run and be elected. There is no degree required of the candidate. I am
not against this provision of the law but being a public official is not a practice makes
perfect thing. It is entrusted with the belief of the people that the government will be run
by competent leaders who are able to deliver for them. This is not to deprive people who
want to serve. Rather it is an eye opener that there must be a specific educational
requirement that will at least assure us that we are to elect leaders who will be qualified
for the position.

Additional reading:
Below is an article written about Duterte Administration.

Philippine Politics Under Duterte: A Midterm Assessment

By: DAVID G. TIMBERMAN

JANUARY 10, 2019

Summary: More than two years into Rodrigo Duterte's presidency, the record is mixed with change, continuity,
and regression. This should prompt more robust U.S. support for democracy in the Philippines.
INTRODUCTION
Within weeks of his inauguration as president of the Philippines in June 2016, Rodrigo R. Duterte became the most
internationally known Filipino leader since Ferdinand Marcos, the country’s infamous dictator, and Corazon
Aquino, the iconic housewife-turned-president who championed the restoration of democracy in 1986. A great
deal of media attention has been paid to Duterte’s murderous war on drugs as well as to his often crass and
controversial statements. His embrace of China and his visceral disdain for the United States has garnered
additional attention in foreign policy circles, and he frequently is included in media reports and scholarly articles on
the rise of populism globally.
Although the attention to Duterte and his brutal drug war is warranted, much less attention has been paid to his
administration’s broader policy agenda, its approach to politics and governance, and its broader impact on
democratic institutions and norms. As a candidate, Duterte promised that he would produce real and rapid
improvements in the lives of Filipinos, particularly by aggressively addressing crime and corruption. Two and a half
years into his presidency, it is both warranted and possible to assess what has and has not changed under Duterte.
The picture is a mixed one, with elements of change, continuity, and regression.
The Duterte government’s track record regarding human rights and democracy is undoubtedly disturbing. It has
run roughshod over human rights, its political opponents, and the country’s democratic institutions. The
combination of the Philippines’ powerful presidency and the malleability of most of its political institutions is
resulting in significant democratic backsliding. But to focus only on Duterte fails to appreciate two other important
elements: the extent to which this degradation has happened through nominally legal means, and the limited
pushback to date by groups and institutions opposed to strongman rule. This working paper takes an in-depth look
at the complex dynamics contributing to democratic backsliding in the Philippines.
The Duterte administration’s assault on human rights and democracy also raises the question of what the U.S.
government and America’s nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) can and should do to defend democracy in
America’s former colony. The analysis concludes with a discussion of America’s extremely limited support for
human rights and democracy in the Philippines since Duterte became president and offers suggestions for a more
robust response.

ANTECEDENTS
To begin to make sense of Duterte and his approach to politics and governing, it is necessary to understand three
aspects of contemporary Philippine politics: the mixed record of elite democracy since 1986; the successes and
shortcomings of the Benigno Aquino III administration (2010–2016); and the particularities of the 2016 presidential
election.
THE MIXED RECORD OF ELITE DEMOCRACY
Liberal democracy, a legacy of America’s colonization of the Philippines (which lasted from 1898 to 1946), has
always struggled to become deeply rooted in the country. The reasons given for this include cultural factors (the
power of familial and clientelistic ties); religious beliefs (Catholic fatalism); colonial legacies (America’s
empowerment of a land-owning elite); socioeconomic conditions (persistent poverty and inequality); and
institutional factors (a presidential system with winner-take-all elections). Between 1946 and 1972, democracy
struggled under the weight of elite competition and avarice, flawed economic policymaking, poor governance, and
armed insurgency. In 1972, then president Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law, and until 1986 democracy was
dispensed with in favor of a dictatorship. For nearly fifteen years, the Philippines experienced unprecedented
repression and corruption.
The return to democracy following the People Power Revolution in February 1986 restored many of the pre-
martial-law era institutional features and political elites. Although it is generally accurate to view 1986 as a return
to elite democracy, Philippine society, the state, and modes of political competition have changed since 1972. Still,
even the most positive views of democracy in the Philippines since 1986 see it as a flawed work in progress;
harsher critics see it as a sham and a failure. Commonly cited flaws include elections tainted by violence and vote
buying, widespread rent-seeking and corruption, policies that have benefited elites and special interests at the
expense of the poor majority, and a dysfunctional justice system.
However, since 1986 democracy has been institutionalized in many ways, and at times has worked fairly well.
Liberal values were central to the nonviolent People Power Revolution and informed the drafting of the 1987
constitution. This resulted in constitutional guarantees of human rights; regular, competitive elections for local and
national offices; a system of checks and balances; and a free (if flawed) media and robust civil society. The
Philippine military remains somewhat politicized, but since 1992 it has been reluctant to directly intervene in
politics. Beginning in 1986, substantial deregulation and privatization, as well as economic integration, set the
stage for strong growth in the Philippines’ gross domestic product (GDP) over most of the past decade. But even
observers who applaud the post-1986 reforms have questioned if they have been broad and deep enough to
produce fundamental improvements in politics, governance, and the economy.

PRESIDENTS, POLITICAL ELITES, AND OLIGARCHS

From 1935, when the Philippines became a semiautonomous commonwealth, the behavior of presidents and
other powerful political and economic elites has heavily influenced the quality of the country’s democratic politics
and governance.1 The Philippines is a unitary state with a winner-take-all electoral system, a presidency that
exercises huge power over budgets and appointments, and congenitally weak political parties. As a result, the
president plays a central role in determining policy outcomes, as well as the norms and behavior that shape politics
and governance.
The second important influence on democracy in the Philippines is the country’s remarkably resilient political and
economic elite. The president is limited to a single six-year term, so the power and influence of individual
presidents is transitory. By contrast, political and business families such as the Marcoses, Cojuangcos, Aquinos, and
Ayalas—to name just a few—have had noteworthy longevity and adaptability.2 They exert a powerful influence
over elections, legislation, policymaking, regulatory bodies, jurisprudence, and the distribution of government
resources.
For decades, this elite has thwarted the development of a strong state by limiting the government’s fiscal base and
co-opting, corrupting, or intimidating the bureaucracy. It has stunted and distorted the Philippine economy,
preferring collusion and protection over economic competition, and has been slow and selective in opening the
economy to foreign competition. Because elites dominate legislative and policymaking processes, successive
governments have failed to adopt and implement socioeconomic policies that address the needs of the poor and
middle class. With a Gini coefficient of 0.43, the Philippines has long been one of the most unequal societies in
Asia, with one of the highest levels of poverty incidence among Asia’s developing economies. Even after more than
a decade of relatively strong macroeconomic growth, the incidence of poverty decreased only a little, to 21.6
percent in 2015.3
Today, by the World Bank’s metrics the Philippines is a lower-middle-income country with a per capita income of
$3,600 and a consumption-driven economy that has been growing at about 6.5 percent per year for most of the
past decade, fueled by remittances and a growing business process outsourcing sector.4 As a result, the country’s
sizable, predominantly urban, middle class now comprises 15 to 20 percent of the population.5 In sum, over the
past quarter century, the rich have become richer, the middle class has grown but remains insecure, and about
one-quarter of the population remains poor.

THE AQUINO GOVERNMENT AND LIMITS OF REFORMISM

The “real change” promised by Rodrigo Duterte has obscured how much positive change occurred under the
administration of Benigno Aquino III (2010–2016).6 Aquino’s promise to follow the “straight path” was an effort to
both appropriate his mother’s (Corazon Aquino) perceived integrity and draw a sharp contrast with the pervasive
corruption associated with the administration of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo (2001–2010).7 Notable successes of the
Aquino government included passing reproductive health and “sin tax” reform laws, implementing twelve years of
basic education, extending public finance reform, expanding fiscal space and social spending, and making an effort
to provide greater autonomy to Muslims in Mindanao. GDP growth reached 6.5 percent, and by virtually every
measure the country’s international standing improved significantly. As a result, Aquino remained popular
throughout most of his term.
To be sure, there also were significant shortcomings and mistakes. Macroeconomic growth was slow to reduce
poverty, and the government was unable to rapidly improve infrastructure, especially in traffic-clogged Metro
Manila. It did little to reform dysfunctional food and agriculture policies, and could have done more to strengthen
anticorruption institutions and to pass a freedom of information law. In terms of governance, Aquino was widely
seen as honest, but he sometimes valued loyalty over competence and occasionally seemed to lack the empathy
that Filipinos expect from their political leaders. His administration also suffered from complacency (due to the
president’s personal popularity), problems communicating its accomplishments, and its failure to make the Liberal
Party a more coherent and durable political party. And when it came time to choose a successor, Aquino remained
committed to supporting Manuel “Mar” Roxas, his secretary of the Department of the Interior and Local
Government (DILG)—even though opinion polls consistently indicated that Roxas would not win.8

DUTERTE AND THE PROMISE OF REAL CHANGE

On May 10, 2016, Rodrigo Duterte, then seventy-one years old, was elected president, winning 39 percent of the
vote in a five-way race. Charismatic, blunt, and frequently profane, Duterte combined a Dirty Harry persona with a
track record as a successful mayor of Davao City, Mindanao’s largest city. Although Duterte might appear to be
unsophisticated and crude, he is politically savvy and attuned to the attitudes and concerns of average Filipinos. He
ran on his reputation as an effective, no-nonsense mayor of Davao who prioritized law and order over legal
protections for alleged criminals. The overarching theme of Duterte’s campaign was that his strong leadership
would produce rapid change. During his campaign, he heaped criticism on the Manila-based elite, vowed to
undertake a nationwide assault on illegal drugs and criminality, and promised to change the government to a
federal system. His victory over Mar Roxas, who placed a distant second, signaled that the promise of change was
more compelling than continuity. Even though Duterte had been popular in Mindanao before he ran for president,
his victory showed that his appeal spanned regions and socioeconomic classes. The 16.6 million Filipinos who
voted for him appeared to believe that he could deliver real change.
Duterte’s victory surprised many and shocked some. In the wake of his election, political analysts have grappled
with what it says about contemporary Philippine politics. The reasons why he won are complex, suggesting that
cautious and nuanced conclusions are warranted. First, the incumbent, Benigno Aquino—the embodiment of
reformist elite democracy—could not run for a second term. If he had been able to run, it might have been a very
different outcome.9 Second, the Philippine election law has no provision for run-offs, so there is no incentive to
form coalition tickets. Had Mar Roxas and Senator Grace Poe, the two most like-minded candidates, joined forces,
they might have been able to defeat Duterte. Third, Duterte ran a savvy and effective campaign. He announced his
candidacy late, so the media had little time to scrutinize his record as mayor and his rivals had much less chance to
attack him. His campaign mobilized large numbers of volunteers and used social media well. Fourth, all four of
Duterte’s opponents had significant negatives. In contrast, Duterte, because of his personality and message, was
an attention-grabbing and compelling candidate, who was able to tap into (and to some extent manipulate) middle
class frustrations and “latent anxiety,” particularly about drugs and crime.10 Although the assertions of middle-
class frustration seem valid for anyone who has lived in Metro Manila, Cebu, or the handful of other cities that are
home to most of the Philippine middle class, the extent to which this sense of frustration and anxiety was national
in scope is relatively less clear.

THE DUTERTE GOVERNMENT’S PRIORITIES AND POLICIES

Upon assuming office on June 30, 2016, Duterte assembled an eclectic cabinet that included law school classmates,
long-time associates from Davao, ex-military officers, business leaders, and representatives of the communist left.
His diverse coalition came together through personal loyalty, regional affinity, and political opportunism. It
included many political figures who had been sidelined during the Aquino administration, most notably former
president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and members of the Marcos, Estrada, and Villar families.
Now seventy-three years old, Duterte’s world view is heavily influenced by nationalist and leftist thought dating
from the 1960s and 1970s, as well as by his twenty-two years of experience as mayor of Davao City. In Davao, he
combined a hardline approach to law and order with socially progressive and pro-business policies. As mayor he
was both a paternalistic patron and a fearsome boss whose orders had to be followed. As a result, he has little
tolerance for scrutiny or challenges to this authority. He sees the country as beset by existential threats of drugs,
crime, and corruption. As befits Philippine culture, his approach is highly personalistic: he presents himself as the
only leader strong and decisive enough to save the nation. As for his frequently crude and threatening rhetoric,
anthropologist Nicole Curato has called his approach “crass politics” that, though objectionable to many,
communicates multiple messages:
Duterte may be offending the norms of respectful communication when he prefaces his remarks with “mother
fucker,” but he brings to the surface the collective frustration many feel. He may not offer the clearest policy, but
he puts forward the sincerest discourse of sympathy. . . . Duterte’s gutter language establishes the urgency of
saving the republic. Including “kill” and “death” is essential to the president’s vocabulary for the country is at war,
and his politics of “I will” demands quick, albeit painful, solutions.11

KEY CONCERNS AND PRIORITIES

The Duterte government’s top priorities include combating illegal drugs and crime, promoting rapid infrastructure
development, sustaining economic growth and making it more inclusive, enhancing peace and development in
Mindanao, and reorienting the Philippines’ foreign relations. To support these goals, the government has
significantly increased spending on infrastructure, raised the salaries of government employees, expanded existing
social development programs, revived the stalled peace process with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), entered into negotiations with the communist insurgents, and
established a closer relationship with China.
Space constraints do not permit a full discussion of the government’s domestic and foreign policies. Instead, the
following sections discuss three policy areas that offer insights into the Duterte administration—economic
policymaking, peace and development in Mindanao, and constitutional change—and discuss in greater detail the
ongoing war on drugs.
Economic policies and performance. As a candidate, Duterte showed little interest in economic policy issues. To
reassure nervous domestic and foreign businesses, his campaign developed a ten-point economic agenda that
largely continued the Aquino government’s economic policies. Since taking office, Duterte’s two principal
economic priorities have been to accelerate economic growth and make it more inclusive, and to significantly
increase spending on much-needed infrastructure. Key features of the government’s approach to the economy
include running a larger deficit, adopting a more statist approach to infrastructure development, and continuing
increases in social spending.
In 2017, GDP growth was 6.7 percent, and it is projected to be about 6.5 percent in 2018. The government, under
its “Build Build Build” program, has significantly increased spending on infrastructure and has ambitious plans to
build new rail lines, a subway, highways, and bridges in the coming years.12 To finance spending on infrastructure
and social services, the government has embarked on a multiphase tax reform program. The first package of
reforms was signed into law in December 2017; the second and more controversial package is with Congress.
Inflation has been increasing, averaging 4.8 percent for January to August and reaching a nine-year high of 6.7
percent in September and October.13 Higher oil and food prices, excise taxes associated with tax reform, and the
weak peso have all fueled inflation.
Duterte and Mindanao. Duterte is the first president from the southern island of Mindanao, and his election was a
significant political milestone for the Philippines. Home to about 25 percent of the nation’s population, Mindanao
is a promising but vexing mix of economic opportunity and underdevelopment, ethnic and religious diversity, and
multiple forms of armed conflict. Under Duterte, progress on the political and security front has been mixed. This is
in large measure due to the May 2017 occupation of Marawi City, in Lanao del Sur province, by Islamist extremists
affiliated with the self-proclaimed Islamic State. It took five months of combat operations for the Philippine
military to regain control over the extensively damaged city. In response to the Marawi crisis Duterte imposed
island-wide martial law, which remains in effect. The rehabilitation of the city is expected to cost more than $1
billion.
But before Marawi exploded, the Duterte government had done little either to revive the stalled effort to pass
legislation providing for greater Muslim autonomy or to adopt federalism, an approach that many in Mindanao
consider important for the island’s future. The government had entered into a series of on-again, off-again talks
with the communist insurgency, which still has a significant armed presence in eastern Mindanao. Currently, the
process has stalled and appears unlikely to produce a breakthrough.
The most significant accomplishment pertaining to Mindanao was the passage of the Bangsamoro Organic Law
(BOL) in July 2018. The BOL translates into law many of the provisions included in the 2014 peace agreement
between the Aquino government and the MILF. Under the BOL, a new political entity, the Bangsamoro
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, would replace the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
The BOL is an important step forward, but multiple challenges remain, including possible objections to its
constitutionality, a forthcoming plebiscite scheduled for late January and early February 2019, and the actual
establishment of the new autonomous entity.
The fading prospects for constitutional change. As a candidate, Duterte ran against the widely perceived political
and economic dominance of “imperial Manila” and promised to change the Philippines into a federal state. This
platform was not unprecedented: since 1992, there have been recurring initiatives for charter change (or “Cha-
Cha,” in the colloquial expression), and all of them have failed. Duterte’s popularity and political dominance
seemed to enhance the prospects for success this time. But during most of his first two years in office, he showed
limited interest in this complex and contentious issue of federalism. He appointed a twenty-two-member
Constitutional Commission, and received its proposed draft constitution in early July 2018. The commission
suggested eighteen federated regions and kept the directly elected presidency. Cha-Cha is now in the hands of the
Congress. If both houses agree to change the constitution, the revised charter will be subject to a national
plebiscite.
Over the past year, opposition to both the substance and process of Cha-Cha has grown. Senators are elected in a
nationwide constituency, so many of them see federalism as a threat to their political influence and ambitions.
Others criticize the process for being tightly controlled and nonparticipatory. Several of Duterte’s own economic
managers have raised concerns about the economic costs and uncertainties that would accompany such a
fundamental change. A recent Pulse Asia survey indicated that most Filipinos have little knowledge of the 1987
constitution and 66 percent are against changing it. The same survey also found that 69 percent have little or no
knowledge of federalism and only 28 percent favored changing to a federal system.14
As of December 2018 it appears unlikely that Cha-Cha will happen before the May 2019 midterm elections. The
outcome of these elections—and particularly, the future composition of the Senate—may determine whether Cha-
Cha will be revived in the next legislative term.

THE WAR ON DRUGS AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE
Duterte’s principal priority has been a highly punitive approach to illegal drug use, which he sees as an existential
threat to the country’s social fabric. His nationwide war on drugs has applied the approach that he used in Davao
City, giving the police free rein to deal with suspected drug users and pushers with little concern for legal niceties.
It also has involved a lesser-noticed campaign against government officials allegedly complicit in the drug trade.
This approach has resulted in the deaths of thousands of suspected drug users and pushers—mostly young males
living in poor urban neighborhoods—at the hands of the police or unidentified assailants. The police claim that
many of these deaths were the result of the suspects resisting arrest, but evidence from journalists and human
rights groups shows that many were premeditated extra-judicial killings (EJKs).15 The number of EJKs is difficult to
determine and disputed—in part because the government and Philippine National Police (PNP) intentionally
obfuscate the data—but estimates range from 6,000 to 12,000 deaths.16
This loss of life is the most horrific and immediate consequence of the drug war. But the drug war itself is a sign
that the Philippine government has abdicated its responsibility to protect human rights and respect the rule of law.
EJKs violate both the Philippine Constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (to which
the Philippines is a signatory), particularly the provisions concerning the presumption of innocence and adherence
to due process. Given the attention that human rights organizations and the media have paid to the drug war, it is
worth looking more closely at the reasons for it and some of its broader consequences.17
Why is Duterte singularly focused on drugs and crime? It is not surprising that crime is a major problem in the
Philippines, given its high level of poverty, underresourced and corruption-prone law enforcement agencies, and
glacially slow judiciary. Criminal activities, in the form of smuggling, illegal gambling, drugs, trafficking in persons,
and money laundering, are significant features of the Philippine political economy.18 Studies by International Alert
suggest that the illicit economy in Mindanao plays an important role in sustaining the multiple conflicts across the
island.19
Crime has been a political issue intermittently since the 1960s. Marcos pointed to criminality and lawlessness as a
justification for martial law in 1972, and Joseph Estrada’s image as a crime fighter was an important aspect of his
political appeal in the late 1990s.20 Crime also corrupts politics and undermines institutions. Politicians and the
police have long participated in, protected, or otherwise benefited from criminal activity. The proceeds from these
illegal activities have been an important source of financing for some politicians as well as for terrorist groups. At
the community level, drug use and drug-related crimes have long been recognized as serious social problems. By
the late 1990s, the importation (primarily from China), local production, and use of methamphetamine
hydrochloride (known as shabu in the Philippines) was a major issue for law enforcement and the courts.21 In
public opinion surveys prior to 2016, crime usually came just behind unemployment and food prices in the list of
people’s main concerns. Survey data also showed a complex trend during the Aquino administration: fewer people
were victims of crime, but more were worried about encountering drug addicts. Under Duterte, the official
estimates of drug use have increased significantly—suggesting that they were either understated before or are
being overstated now.22
Since the early 2000s, there has been a growing awareness of the problem of narco-politics, mostly involving
mayors and other local officials thought to be complicit in the drug trade.23 However, it would be an exaggeration
to assert that the Philippines is becoming a narco-state, where state institutions have been penetrated by the
power and wealth of drug lords and the economy depends heavily on the production or distribution of illegal
drugs. Nevertheless, Duterte sees it differently. Although he was not the first presidential candidate to run against
drugs and crime, he was the first to frame drugs as an existential threat and to be explicit about the brutal
approach he would use to solve the problem.
Why has Duterte made illegal drugs his signature issue? In addition to viewing drugs as a cancer on society, there is
an ugly political logic. Combating drugs and crime was central to his reputation as an effective mayor of Davao City.
Moreover, public acceptance of the Davao Death Squad, a shadowy group that specifically targeted suspected drug
dealers, petty criminals, and homeless youth, showed the low cost and high returns of mounting an extra-legal war
on drugs and crime.24 As president, Duterte’s nationwide war on drugs continues to play well across most
socioeconomic segments of society, particularly as long as the principal victims are the urban poor.
The drug war also offers a potent and useful political narrative in which Duterte alone possesses the moral
authority to rescue the country from the dangers posed by drug pushers and other criminals. As Peter Kreuzer, a
German researcher, has observed:
Duterte not only successfully established crime as the most pressing problem, but also made the unconditional
fight against this threat into a hallmark of a comprehensive “we” group. Given the assumed absoluteness of the
evil to be combated, any criticism of the president has been silenced. Detractors are suspected of being supporters
of the criminal threat to society, and any reference to due process can be ignored.25
This narrative of drugs as an existential threat has been used to justify imprisoning opposition Senator Leila de
Lima (a prominent critic of Duterte’s drug war), to exercise control over local officials, and to frame the motivation
of the Islamic extremists who took over Marawi City26
Public attitudes about the war on drugs. Most Filipinos believe that Duterte’s war on alleged drug users and
pushers is a draconian but necessary response to a serious social problem. Survey data have shown strong but
softening support for it: in December 2016, 85 percent of those surveyed voiced satisfaction, though by June 2018,
only 78 percent were satisfied.27 At the same time, almost three out of four Filipinos (73 percent) believe that EJKs
happen, almost as many are concerned that they might be a victim of an EJK, and a large majority think that it is
important for the police to capture suspects alive.28
Why is there such strong public support for the drug war? One explanation offered is that it reflects widespread
disillusionment with the Philippine justice system. Certainly, rich and powerful Filipinos enjoy near-total impunity
while many poor and middle-class Filipinos see the system’s high costs, delays, partiality, and corruption. However,
the degree of alienation should not be overstated: few Filipinos ever go to court, and surveys indicate that the
judiciary and the police both enjoy moderately high approval ratings.
A second explanation is that Duterte has successfully dehumanized suspected drug pushers and users and turned
them into a threatening “other” to be eradicated by any means available. As such, they do not deserve legal
protections, rehabilitation, or empathy. This view might erode if the war on drugs expanded to target alleged drug
users in the middle and upper classes.
A third explanation is that the drug war, despite its excesses, is seen as a welcome example of government
responsiveness. It is rare for multiple government authorities—including the PNP, national government agencies,
and local government officials—to work together to address pressing social issues. This whole-of-government
approach appears to have produced results. According to the PNP, the national crime rate (excluding murders) has
declined more than 20 percent over the past two years, and surveys suggest that Filipinos feel more secure. In a
June 2018 Pulse Asia survey, 69 percent said that the Duterte administration’s efforts to eradicate the drugs is his
most important accomplishment, with the fight against criminality ranking second.29
The drug war’s impact on the Philippine National Police. The PNP is the government institution most deeply
involved in implementing the drug war—known locally as Oplan Double Barrel or Oplan Tokhang—and therefore
most directly affected by it.30 The involvement of PNP elements in EJKs is well documented and beyond dispute.31
Some broader consequences of the PNP’s involvement are worth examining in greater detail.
Although largely overlooked by most analyses, the PNP, and its predecessor the Philippine Constabulary, have long
been at the nexus of politics, crime, and the rule of law. As historian Alfred McCoy has shown, Philippine
presidents and local officials have used the police as an essential tool to assert their authority, bolster their
legitimacy, selectively fight crime, and control dissent.32 As the principal law enforcement agency, the PNP has a
long history of being vulnerable to corruption, particularly in the highly lucrative areas of illegal gambling, drugs,
and smuggling. Some of this corruption stems from individual greed, but it also is the product of low salaries, the
complicity of politicians, and the multifaceted shortcomings of the justice system.
As mayor of a city that at times was wracked by political and criminal violence, Duterte considered the police to be
a central pillar of his government. He established close relationships with many in the police and gained an
intimate understanding of how the police operate. Thus, it is not surprising that Duterte and the PNP have a
symbiotic relationship.
In the context of Duterte’s drug war, individual police officers face difficult choices. Journalist Sheila Coronel
describes the complex considerations that influence police behavior today:
Policemen weigh the continually shifting balance of incentives and risks as they seek to deter crime, advance their
careers, please their political patrons, and make money, while also evading exposure and prosecution. Yet in the
end, these policemen often also believe they are upholding order and helping keep the peace. They are specialists
in violence—practitioners in the skills of lethal force—who improvise often morally and legally questionable
workarounds to the constraints of a broken justice system.33
The longer-term consequences for law enforcement from the war on drugs may be highly damaging. The Brookings
Institution’s Vanda Felbab-Brown has warned about its potentially corrupting influence:
Inducing police to engage in de facto shoot-to-kill policies is enormously corrosive of law enforcement, not to
mention the rule of law. There is a high chance that the policy will more than ever institutionalize top-level
corruption, as only powerful drug traffickers will be able to bribe their way into upper-levels of the Philippine law
enforcement system. . . . Moreover, corrupt top-level cops and government officials tasked with such witch-hunts
will have the perfect opportunity to direct law enforcement against their drug business rivals as well as political
enemies, and themselves become the top drug capos.34
Moreover, assuming that eventually there will be a president who no longer sanctions EJKs by the police, the seeds
have been planted for a potentially divisive and dangerous debate over how to handle human rights abuses that
the PNP carried out during the Duterte era.
Other collateral damage. Duterte’s war on drugs has had less dramatic but significant consequences for other
aspects of governance in the Philippines, including the justice system, public health, and local governance.
Impact on the justice system. The war on drugs has further stressed the Philippines’ overburdened justice system.
The volume of cases to be investigated, prosecuted, and tried, as well as the number of alleged offenders awaiting
trial in detention facilities, has increased dramatically. A comprehensive picture of the impact on the justice system
is beyond the scope of this working paper, but some of the available data point to these burdens. In 2016, there
were 28,000 drug arrests—a 44 percent increase over 2015—and more than 47,300 drug-related cases were
filed.35 During the first 10 months of 2017, the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency conducted 34,744 drug
enforcement operations, with 66,672 arrests.36 In 2017, about 70,700 drug-related cases were filed in court, and
about 21,400 were reviewed.37 According to the Supreme Court, as of 2017 more than 289,000 drug cases had
been filed in the country’s lower courts.38
As a result, drug suspects and convicts are crammed into the Philippines’ already packed jails and prisons.
According to the Department of Justice’s Bureau of Corrections, in 2017 the national prison system held 41,500
inmates, more than double its capacity. Data from the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology, which oversees
provincial and municipal jails, show an even more disturbing situation. As of May 2018, there were over 141,000
detainees—of which about 70 percent were drug-related cases—held in jails that were 582 percent
overcapacity.39
Ultimately, the legal dimensions of the war on drugs will test not only the capacity of the justice system, but also
the jurisprudence, values, and autonomy of the Philippine judiciary. In November 2018, a Regional Trial Court
issued the first legal judgment against the PNP, finding three policemen guilty of murdering Kian Delos Santos, a
seventeen-year-old the policemen claimed was a drug runner who resisted arrest. Currently, there is one case
before the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the PNP’s official plan for eradicating illegal drugs.
Impact on public health. The government’s punitive approach to reducing drug use also has important
consequences for public health. It has overwhelmed the country’s paltry rehabilitation capacity and is having a
negative effect on drug-linked diseases. As of mid-2017, the Philippines had only forty-eight drug rehabilitation
facilities and only about fifty medical personnel trained in addiction medicine.40 According to the Philippine Drug
Enforcement Agency, close to 990,000 “drug personalities” voluntarily surrendered in 2016, and by May 2017 that
number had grown to 1.2 million people.
The war on drugs has had predictable negative effects on drug-related public health problems. According to Vanda
Felbab-Brown:
[A] crucial goal of drug policy should be to enhance public health and limit the spread of diseases linked to drug
use. The worst possible policy is to push addicts into the shadows, ostracize them, and increase the chance of
overdoses as well as a rapid spread of HIV/AIDS, drug-resistant tuberculosis, and hepatitis. In prisons, users will not
get adequate treatment for either their addiction or their communicable disease. . . . Even prior to the [sic]
Duterte’s brutal war on drugs, the rate of HIV infections in the Philippines has been soaring due to inadequate
awareness and failure to support safe sex practices. . . . Duterte’s war on drugs will only intensify these worrisome
trends among drug users.41
Impact on local politics and government. Duterte’s almost singular focus on the drug war has far-reaching
consequences for the country’s local politics and governance. In many respects, subnational government in the
Philippines is highly decentralized, but most local government units (LGUs) are dependent upon central
government funding and grapple with the challenge of unfunded mandates. LGUs are key actors in the drug war,
and local officials need to juggle multiple and sometimes conflicting priorities, including protecting their citizens,
cooperating with local law enforcement, and demonstrating results to central authorities. And as reported by
Rappler, a respected Philippine news website, the drug war has caused a major shift in LGU priorities:
At the local level, the drug war has changed the way barangays [the smallest LGUs] spend their funds. . . .
Traditional social services such as medical clinics or feeding programs for malnourished children are no longer
budget priorities. Through a number of policy incentives as well as strict supervision by the DILG, the priority at the
barangay level has now become the monitoring and surveillance of drug suspects and the rehabilitation of drug
users who have surrendered.42
There also is a darker dimension to the drug war at the local level. Peter Kreuzer notes the pressure and
intimidation experienced by local officials:
It has become highly problematic for local political elites to evade the president’s injunction to participate in the
anti-crime killing spree that is engulfing the Philippines. . . . The various reshuffles are placing more hard-line police
officers in command positions. Furthermore, these officers are well aware that results measured in dead bodies
are expected of them. In addition, police officers and politicians alike have been publicly denounced as supporting
and profiting from drug crimes and thus threatened not only with being indicted, but also with becoming victims of
extrajudicial executions themselves. Most officials then choose to fall in line with the president.43

DUTERTE’S SUBVERSION OF DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS AND NORMS

The Duterte government’s approach to eradicating illegal drugs, besides being inhumane and misguided, has
negative consequences for the rule of law, governance, and politics. But that is not the full extent of the damage
being done to the Philippine polity. This section provides an assessment of the Duterte government’s impact on
democratic institutions and norms.

JUST HARDBALL POLITICS AS USUAL?

Some observers of Philippine politics might argue that Duterte is only the most recent example of presidents who
exercise fully the levers of executive power to advance their political and policy agendas. In this light, he is
perpetuating and perhaps perfecting the hardball politics that every president has practiced since 1986. To be
sure, Duterte’s predecessors all used a mix of persuasion and inducements to advance their agenda, and no
president has been above using intimidation and subterfuge to get their way at times. Therefore, the “politics as
usual” view has some superficial validity. But a deeper assessment shows that the Duterte presidency is
qualitatively different from its post-Marcos predecessors because of its willingness to intimidate the opposition,
weaken institutional checks, and discard democratic norms.
The Duterte presidency is fundamentally different from post-1986 administrations in its unrelenting use of
intimidation to weaken any challenges to its authority. Duterte’s brutal drug war sends a powerful message
regarding his willingness to use extra-legal means, including EJKs, to achieve his goals. Unlike previous
administrations, Duterte and his supporters routinely use lawsuits, incarceration, and social media trolling to
intimidate opponents and critics. As sociologist Randy David has observed:
Compared to Ferdinand Marcos, Mr. Duterte has performed the art of intimidation with consummate skill.
Without warning, he calls out the name of his prey, denouncing him or her in the strongest possible terms, and
publicly announces that he or she, or they, are in his line of fire. . . . The public has learned to take these instances
of public vilification of targeted figures as part of the Duterte style of rule. People know these are not empty
threats. Indeed, the public takes them as synonymous with the President’s exercise of political will.44
In some cases, Duterte’s threats may simply reflect his impetuous personality and desire to dominate media
coverage. However, his statements and actions also send the message that no one is safe from his attacks and that
opposing him is a high-risk venture.

DISABLING DEMOCRATIC CHECKS AND BALANCES

As a former mayor, Duterte is used to governing by decree and by dint of his personality, popularity, and unrivaled
authority. In Davao City, he had no strong political opposition, significant institutional checks, or close media
scrutiny. Peter Kreuzer, writing in 2009 (when Duterte was mayor), presciently observed:
Duterte makes abundantly clear that there can be security, but only he himself can provide it. Security is provided
according to his personal ideas of justice and adequateness. In his political symbolism, Duterte clearly is above the
law. It is him, who indicts, passes judgment and orders the executioners to do their job. It is a personalized fight
between those who do not follow the rules and the rightful vigilante whose rules reign supreme.45
As president, Duterte has repeatedly expressed his disdain for those who oppose his policies, and has taken
numerous steps to silence his critics and weaken institutional checks:
• Led by Solicitor General Jose Calida, the government has weaponized the legal system to attack political
opponents. This began in early 2017 when opposition Senator Leila de Lima was imprisoned on nonbailable drug-
related charges.46 Groups allied with Duterte, as well as some leftist organizations, have filed multiple lawsuits
against former president Aquino and former budget secretary Florencio “Butch” Abad, a longtime leader of the
Liberal Party. Most recently, in September 2018 the government arrested Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, a vocal
critic of Duterte. The government claimed that a presidential pardon granted to Trillanes by Benigno Aquino in
2011 was invalid, therefore making Trillanes ineligible to serve as senator.47
• Duterte has repeatedly disparaged or threatened the leaders of key accountability institutions like the chairman
of the Commission on Human Rights, the chief justice of the Supreme Court, and the chairwoman of the Office of
the Ombudsman. Followers of Duterte threatened to seek the impeachment of Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-
Morales, but her term ended in July 2018. Most disturbingly, in March 2018 Solicitor General Calida filed a quo
warranto petition against then chief justice Maria Lourdes Sereno, and in May 2018, the Supreme Court—which
currently is dominated by Macapagal Arroyo appointees and in time will be dominated by Duterte appointees—
took the unprecedented and arguably unconstitutional step of removing its own chief justice.48
• The government has threatened the mainstream media with lawsuits and nonrenewal of franchises.49 These
threats have been directed at media owners like the Rufino-Prieto family, which owns the Philippine Daily Inquirer,
and the Lopez family, which owns ABS-CBN, the country’s largest TV network. In January 2018, the Securities and
Exchange Commission revoked the operating license of the highly respected news website Rappler, alleging that it
has foreign owners and therefore is in violation of the constitution. In November, the Department of Justice said
that it had grounds to indict both Rappler and its founder Maria Ressa for tax evasion and failure to file tax
returns.50 Meanwhile, on social media, critics of the government are routinely harassed and threatened.
•Finally, Duterte has periodically raised the specter of declaring martial law nationwide or forming a revolutionary
government that would no longer be bound by the constitution. Declaring martial law would be constitutional, at
least initially, but would be extremely polarizing politically. However, declaring a revolutionary government would
be an extra-constitutional act. It seems likely that these statements are intended as trial balloons to gauge public
and elite reactions.

THE PROSPECTS FOR PUSHBACK: POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL CHECKS ON DUTERTE

President Duterte’s continued popularity is not surprising. His base of support is rooted in his persona, his tough
approach to fighting drugs and crime, his proto-populist policies, and the Philippines’ continuing economic growth.
Moreover, Duterte and his supporters have demonstrated an impressive ability to put their opponents on the
defensive. They portray individuals and groups associated with the Aquino administration as incompetent or
corrupt elitists. They accuse defenders of human rights of protecting drug peddlers and criminals. They charge the
mainstream media with being partisan and disseminating “fake news.” What then, are the existing and potential
checks on Duterte?

COUNTERVAILING INSTITUTIONS AND ACTORS

A brief scan of the political landscape suggests that most institutions and actors that can serve as checks on
Duterte are weak, divided, or under attack.
• Provisions in the 1987 Constitution place checks on the duration of martial law and the powers than can be
exercised under it. Today, the powers granted to the president and the military during martial law are limited in
ways that did not exist when Ferdinand Marcos used martial law as the foundation for his dictatorship. However, it
is still possible that the constitution will be rewritten, which could include expanding the scope for declaring
martial law and increasing the powers exercised under it.
• Since 1986 the jurisprudence of the fifteen-member Supreme Court has been eclectic, defying simple
characterization. Based on its decisions over the past two years, it is clear that the court does not see itself as a
bulwark against Duterte’s exercise of presidential power. Moreover, the court’s autonomy and integrity have been
seriously compromised by the unprecedented removal of Sereno from chief justice at the behest of Duterte’s
solicitor general.
•The Commission on Human Rights has limited authority and a small staff and budget. Without the cooperation of
the PNP and government prosecutors, its impact has been further diminished. The dramatic increase in EJKs has
highlighted the relative powerlessness of the commission, as well as the divisions and weaknesses that
characterize human rights NGOs in the Philippines.
• The mainstream political opposition is weak and on the defensive. This is the predictable consequence of the
power of the presidency, Duterte’s popularity, and the chronic weakness of political parties. The Liberal Party has
been decimated by defections, and its leadership (and other members of the Aquino coalition) have struggled to
craft a counternarrative and strategy. Aquino has been largely silent, and until recently the putative leader of the
opposition, Vice President Leonor “Leni” Robredo, has kept an intentionally low profile.
• The national democratic left has been divided by Duterte’s policies. Since 1986, the “Natdem” left—the legal
political parties and mass organizations associated with the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)—has enjoyed
a relatively small but well-organized following. But it also suffers from factionalism and antiquated leadership and
doctrine. Its unity has been weakened by the contradictions inherent in Duterte’s policies. To woo over this section
of the opposition, Duterte invited members of the left into his cabinet, entered into peace talks with the CPP and
its armed wing, New People’s Army (NPA), and has been vociferously anti-American. At the same time, other
policies of his are anathema to the left: the human rights abuses associated with the drug war, his empowering of
the PNP and the armed forces, his threats to declare martial law, and his decision to break off peace talks. As a
result, the left has been slow to unify in opposition to Duterte.
• The Catholic Church is an influential voice in Philippine society and politics, but it is not monolithic and its views
do not always prevail. Initially, Catholic bishops were divided over Duterte and how to engage him, especially
because of his popularity and the public’s support for the drug war. But over time, their cautious response to EJKs
has become more critical.51 Duterte has openly disparaged the church, calling it corrupt and hypocritical, and at
one point ranted about God being “stupid.”
• Civil society organizations (CSOs) and coalitions in the Philippines can play an important political role through
their policy advocacy, efforts to make government more transparent and accountable, and ability to mobilize
protests. However, the political impact of civil society is reduced by partisan and ideological differences, the
narrow focus of most CSOs, and inadequate financial and human resources. Many of the CSOs that worked closely
with the Aquino government are now suspect and on the defensive. Yet major universities, especially those in
Manila, remain important centers for critical analysis and debate.
• Philippine and foreign businesses were reassured by the Duterte government’s ten-point economic plan, which
promised considerable continuity, as well as the appointment of Davao-based businessman Carlos “Sonny”
Dominguez as finance secretary. Most businesses support the increased government spending on infrastructure,
but reactions to Duterte’s tax reforms have been more mixed. Businesses also have differing views on China’s
growing economic role and the desirability of federalism. Given the power of the presidency, the business
community tends to be reluctant to criticize a sitting president. However, this could change if businesses feel that
they are being hurt by poor macroeconomic management or excessive cronyism or corruption.
It is important to note that there is a typical arc of presidencies, which begins with high approval ratings, strong
congressional support, and minimal opposition. Following the midterm elections, the power of the president often
begins to diminish as political and business elites position themselves for the next presidential election.

THE POTENTIALLY PIVOTAL ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES

The senior leadership of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) has a tradition of generally respecting civilian
primacy, but the AFP nonetheless influences politics and policymaking in a variety of important ways. First, if there
is a leadership crisis, like there was in January 2001, following the aborted impeachment trial of then president
Joseph Estrada, and the AFP chooses to withdraw its support from the sitting president, it virtually guarantees the
end of that presidency. Second, the AFP’s longtime efforts to combat domestic armed insurgencies make it an
influential actor in Mindanao and other conflict-affected areas. Under Duterte, the role of the AFP in Mindanao has
been elevated further with the imposition of island-wide martial law. Third, the AFP has a strong say in
determining national security policy. Over the past decade, the focus of the AFP’s mission has shifted from internal
security to a growing concern with external threats, particularly from China. Finally, because of the AFP’s long-
standing ties to the U.S. military, the AFP is an important stakeholder in the Philippines’ bilateral relationship with
the United States.
In recent years, the AFP appears to have become more professional and less political, but all presidents still
cultivate the support of the AFP leadership. Duterte has appointed numerous former officers to senior civilian
positions in his government. He knows a number of them from when he was mayor, and he appears to believe that
military officers will be more effective administrators and less prone to corruption than civilians. He also wants to
bolster support within the military for his national security policies, including negotiating with the communists and
embracing China. He has courted rank-and-file soldiers and police, visiting many military bases and raising salaries.
To date, Secretary of Defense Delfin Lorenzana and the AFP leadership have shown they understand the
constitutionally mandated role of the military and are committed to military professionalism. The AFP has avoided
being drawn into the antidrug campaign, and to date the army appears to have administered martial law in
Mindanao with competence and restraint. However, given mandatory retirement ages, the senior leadership of the
AFP changes fairly rapidly. Therefore, routine leadership changes could bring to the fore senior officers who are
more political.
A final potentially important issue is the uncertain extent to which members of the AFP agree with the Duterte
administration’s approach to addressing the country’s national security challenges. Some members of the military
may likely object to his pivot to China, his willingness to negotiate with communist insurgents, and his fixation on
the drug war. Other military officials may also feel that the AFP’s domestic role has become unacceptably
overextended by the Marawi crisis in 2017, the administration of martial law across Mindanao, and the continuing
threat of Islamist extremism.

THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC OPINION

Public opinion in the Philippines is frequently measured by credible survey firms and closely monitored by all
politicians. As a result, public support for the president is an important factor in perceptions of presidential power.
Duterte has remained popular because he entered office with an energized base of support and because elements
of his persona and policies appeal across socioeconomic classes. What might cause public support for Duterte to
soften?
• Duterte promised real change within a matter of months. Although most Filipinos probably knew that his
timeframe was unrealistic, he is now well into the third year of his administration and there has been little or no
change on many fronts. The economy continues to grow, but the benefits of growth have not been quickly or
widely shared. Likewise, it will be years before the benefits of the government’s infrastructure program will be
widely experienced.52 Meanwhile, the push for federalism has been erratic and appears to have stalled. Scholar
Nicole Curato suggests that support for Duterte is “conditional not fanatical.” According to her, “He may be able to
get away with murders, but not with broken promises.”53
•Deteriorating economic conditions. The Philippine economy is likely to continue to grow at around 6.5 percent for
the foreseeable future. But as has been the case in the past, strong GDP growth does not necessarily result in rapid
improvements in the incomes of poor Filipinos. Instead, inflation—which currently is at a nine-year high—has an
immediate and tangible impact on consumers, especially the poor and retirees. In addition to the spike in inflation,
the depreciation of the peso and the uncertainties associated with a change to a federal system pose risks to the
economy’s performance.
•Corruption begins to undermine Duterte’s moral authority. Every presidency is tainted by corruption to a greater
or lesser degree. There is little evidence that Duterte enriched himself while he was mayor of Davao City, and as
president he has dismissed—though not necessarily punished—members of his administration suspected of
corruption. But his push to rapidly increase spending on infrastructure, combined with the weakening of
accountability mechanisms, almost guarantees more corruption and malfeasance in government. As Joel
Rocamora has observed: “People turned against Erap [Joseph Estrada] not because of his performance as
president, but because they changed their judgment of the man. Judgment shifted from the rational to the moral
sphere.”54
•Unease with becoming “another province of China.” The rapidity, degree and tone of Duterte’s embrace of China
—and commensurate distancing from the United States—are not without political risks. Many Filipinos have some
Chinese blood, so there is not the same level of sensitivity about ethnic Chinese domination of the economy as is
found in Indonesia and Malaysia. However, some Filipinos have less-than-positive views of Chinese nationals
residing in the Philippines because they are seen as being associated with the drug trade, gambling, and illegal
mining.55 Surveys indicate that Filipinos have a high level of trust in the United States and a low level of trust in
China, and four of five Filipinos believe that it is “not right” to accede to China in the South China Sea.56
•The emergence of an appealing alternative. To date, the opposition to Duterte lacks a leader (or group of leaders)
who offers a compelling alternative to the president and his policies. The government’s targeted assault on
opposition leaders, including the arrests of Senators de Lima and Trillanes, is partly to blame, but the opposition’s
weakness also stems from its limited pool of potential leaders. After maintaining a low profile for most of the past
two years, Vice President Leni Robredo has become more vocal in her criticisms. Besides Vice President Robredo,
other potential challengers include those whom Duterte has attacked: Senators de Lima and Trillanes and former
chief justice Sereno. Moreover, former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who was elevated to speaker of the
house in July 2018, also may be positioning herself as a possible successor to Duterte.

IS DUTERTE A POPULIST? AND DOES IT MATTER?

In recent years, “populist” has become a convenient adjective to describe a growing number of political leaders,
including Duterte. But as a term intended to categorize a particular approach to politics and governing, populism is
frustratingly expansive. Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser describe populism as a “thin-centered ideology
that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonist camps, ‘the pure people’
versus ‘the corrupt elite.’”57 To this can be added Jan-Werner Muller’s observation that, “In addition to being anti-
elitist, populists are always anti-pluralist. . . . When running for office, populists portray their political competitors
as part of the immoral, corrupt elite; when ruling, they refuse to recognize any opposition as legitimate.” Muller
also notes that populists in power tend to frame their rule as a response to a crisis or an existential threat.58
Finally, Steven Levitsky and James Loxton point to two additional traits of populist leaders: they claim to be
political outsiders and they establish a personalistic linkage to voters.59
Using these criteria, Duterte certainly has some populist traits. His Mindanaowan roots, crass language, and
brusque behavior set him apart from most of the national political elite. In his campaign, he ran as a Manila
outsider, and portrayed the members of the elite associated with the Aquino government as incompetent and
corrupt. As president, he has framed the problems of drugs and crime as an existential national crisis and
portrayed drug users as a dehumanized “other.” His efforts to intimidate political opponents and critics clearly are
anti-pluralist.
However, other aspects of Duterte’s politics do not comport with populism. Although he portrays himself as a
political outsider, he is from a prominent political family and served as mayor of a major city for twenty-two years.
Even as he criticizes some members of the political and business elite, in practice he has allied himself with
powerful members of the political establishment—most notably Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and the Marcos, Estrada,
and Villar families. And while Duterte is more antagonistic toward powerful taipans and conglomerates than
Benigno Aquino was, he appears more interested in ensuring that they support him than in reducing the
concentration of economic power.
Duterte has increased spending for social programs and some of the government’s policies, such as higher salaries
for government employees, free irrigation, and tertiary public education, can be viewed as populist. But to date his
core fiscal and macroeconomic policies are more neoliberal than populist. However, if Duterte’s popularity
declines, there is a risk that his government will adopt economic policies that are more statist and populist.
Finally, to date Duterte has not created a mass movement or highly personalistic political party typically associated
with populist leaders. According to Joel Rocamora, “Digong [Duterte] may bring the popular medjo bastos
(rudeness) into political discourse, but he does not bring citizens into formal processes of political participation. In
contrast to populists who mobilize people, Digong like Estrada is a demobilising populist.”60 Reflecting this
perspective, as well as the more general challenge of building political organizations in the Philippines, efforts to
create a pro-Duterte grassroots movement, Kilusang Pagbabago (Movement for Change), appear to have faltered.
In its stead, Duterte’s daughter, Sara Duterte-Carpio, has established Hugpong ng Pagbabago (Faction for Change),
a Mindanao-based political party widely viewed as her vehicle for entering national politics. The putative failure of
the former and the creation of the latter demonstrate the continued dominance of traditional dynastic politics.
In sum, describing Duterte as a populist provides a convenient but not entirely accurate label to characterize a
complex, somewhat contradictory politician with a disparate policy agenda. Still, the growing literature on populist
leaders generally depicts them as being toxic to liberal democracy, so the Duterte-as-populist narrative provides a
valid but limited frame for viewing his impact on democracy.

DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING: HOW FAR, HOW FAST?

With the challenges currently facing liberal democracy in the United States and elsewhere, the concept of
democratic backsliding has taken on new saliency. According to Nancy Bermeo, backsliding, in its broadest sense, is
“state-led debilitation or elimination of any of the political institutions that sustain existing democracy” (emphasis
added).61 A 2015 study on democratic backsliding, written by Ellen Lust and David Waldner for the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID), suggests that backsliding is best conceived as a change in a combination of
competitive electoral procedures, civil and political liberties, and accountability, and that backsliding occurs
through a series of discrete changes in the rules and informal procedures that shape those elections, rights and
accountability. These discrete changes take place over time, separated by months or even years, and the end result
is not predetermined: backsliding may result in democratic breakdown, or it may not, and can occur within both
democratic and authoritarian regimes.62
The term “backsliding” is particularly appropriate for low-quality democracies like the Philippines, where concerted
and sustained efforts are required to improve the quality of democracy. Absent that, backsliding is inevitable. How
serious is the problem of democratic backsliding in the Philippines, and is the country on the way to democratic
breakdown? In answering these questions, it is important to start by recognizing the sources of democratic
resiliency in the Philippines.
Democratic resiliencies. Elite democracy was practiced before martial law was declared in 1972 and after the
restoration of democracy in 1986. It often was not pretty, and it failed in a number of important ways. But many
Filipinos take pride in people power, and norms of constitutionalism, political competition, free speech and media,
and autonomous civil society have fairly deep roots. A variety of influential institutions, including the Catholic
Church, many schools and universities, and most of the media, embrace and promote democratic norms.
Moreover, the alternative to democracy—authoritarianism—is not an abstraction, at least to older Filipinos who
experienced the Marcos dictatorship.
Broad support for democracy among Filipinos has been consistently borne out in surveys. A 2018 Social Weather
Stations (SWS) survey showed that 78 percent were satisfied with how democracy works and 60 percent always
preferred democracy.63 Surveys also consistently show a high degree of satisfaction with the country’s democratic
institutions, including the Senate, House of Representatives, and Supreme Court. So while Filipinos tend to be fairly
cynical about the motivations and integrity of politicians and government officials, they are used to enjoying
political freedoms, lively political debates, and competitive elections.

Vulnerabilities. At the same time, multiple conditions in the Philippines make it vulnerable to democratic
backsliding.
• Socioeconomic conditions. Inequality, the uneven distribution of benefits from economic growth, and an
apparent sense of middle-class insecurity and vulnerability may make the poor and middle class receptive to
promises of simplistic quick fixes.
• Presidentialism and weak institutions. The combination of a powerful presidency and generally weak and
malleable political institutions gives the president wide latitude. If a president does not respect democratic
institutions and norms, many other political actors will follow suit.
• The weakness of collective action. This applies particularly to political parties and civil society organizations. In
How Democracies Die, Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt underscore the important role that political parties
historically have played in containing extremist demagogues. But in the Philippines, parties are abysmally weak,
and to date have been unable to provide compelling alternative leaders or narratives. Although the Philippines
boasts a robust civil society, as of yet it has not been an effective counterforce to Duterte.
• Generational change. Most Filipinos under the age of forty-five did not directly experience either the abuses of
the Marcos era or the nonviolent People Power Revolution that forced him from office in 1986. Moreover, because
school curricula have glossed over the period and the younger members of the Marcos family (particularly his
children) have been able to revamp his image, public understanding of the severe damage done by the Marcos
dictatorship has been diminished.64 As a result, younger Filipinos know only the freedoms and disappointments of
thirty years of elite democracy. This may make them less protective of the democratic freedoms that were lost
during the Marcos era.

Death by a thousand cuts? In How Democracies Die, Levitsky and Ziblatt describe the incremental demise of
democracy:
Many government efforts to subvert democracy are “legal,” in the sense that they are approved by the legislature
or accepted by the courts. . . . Because there is no single moment—no coup, declaration of martial law, or
suspension of the constitution—in which the regime obviously “crosses the line” into dictatorship, nothing may set
off society’s alarm bells. Those who denounce government abuse may be dismissed as exaggerating or crying wolf.
Democracy’s erosion is, for many, almost imperceptible.65
This observation is highly relevant for the Philippines under Duterte. Two and a half years into his presidency—
with the very important exception of EJKs—his government still operates largely within the bounds of the
constitution. He has not muzzled the media, outlawed the political opposition, or canceled elections. Despite his
threats, he has not declared nationwide martial law or created a revolutionary government. Nevertheless, the
extent to which he has used the powers of the presidency to run roughshod over human rights and weaken
democratic checks and balances is unprecedented.
Levitsky and Ziblatt also observe that “without robust norms, constitutional checks and balances do not serve as
the bulwarks of democracy we imagine them to be.” In particular, they point to the importance of two norms: (1)
mutual toleration, the understanding that competing parties accept one another as legitimate rivals, and (2)
forbearance, the idea that politicians should exercise restraint in deploying their institutional prerogatives.66
Duterte’s actions clearly violate both of these norms. To be sure, they have been frequently disregarded in the
past, but under Duterte any pretense of honoring them has disappeared. As Lisandro Claudio and Patricio Abinales
have noted, “Duterte is the first Philippine president to not render even the minimum obeisance to liberal
democratic politics.”67
Bermeo points to the challenge of responding to gradual or incremental backsliding: “Slow slides toward
authoritarianism often lack both the bright spark that ignites an effective call to action and the opposition and
movement leaders who can voice that clarion.” To date, Duterte hasn’t triggered “the bright spark,” and the
opposition to him has yet to generate compelling new leaders or political movements.
But even where there is backsliding, there may be grounds for optimism that it can be reversed. As Bermeo notes:
Incremental and ambiguous change preserves mixed landscapes wherein one set of institutions or ideas can
correct others. As long as some electoral competition takes place, power can be clawed back. When civil society is
allowed some space, countermobilization can occur. Because backsliding reflects incentive structures, changed
incentives can reverse negative trends.68
The election-driven overthrow of Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, as well as the electoral defeats of then president
Mahinda Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka in January 2015 and then prime minister Najib Razak in Malaysia in June 2018, give
at least some credence to Bormeo’s cautious hopefulness.
SUMMING UP: A MIXED RECORD DELIVERING CHANGE AND AN UNCERTAIN FUTURE
Thus far, how much real change has Duterte’s presidency produced? And what does this suggest for the future? To
date, there has been real change in several areas. The first is the drug war and the damage it has inflicted on the
rule of law, the professionalism of the PNP, and other aspects of governance. Second is the weakening of
democratic institutions and norms. Third is a portion of the government’s economic policies, particularly the
increase in spending on infrastructure and a few populist social programs. Fourth is the reorientation of the
Philippines’ foreign relations to move closer to China and pullback from the United States, the United Nations, and
the liberal norms espoused by the international community. Finally, the possibility of constitutional changes, up to
and including federalism, would be highly significant for the Philippines.
Alongside these changes, there are important elements of continuity. So far, there is considerable continuity in
most macroeconomic policies and public financial management. The government also has continued to expand
(with some tweaks or rebranding) most preexisting social development programs. Finally, the passage of the
Bangsamoro Organic Law was the culmination of a decades-long process.
Under Duterte, there also are worrying signs of regression back to some of the worst aspects of traditional
Philippine politics. First is the emphasis on highly personalistic leadership: Duterte’s presidency is all about him and
not about institutions. Second, little effort has been made to reduce the entrenched power of political dynasties
and oligarchs—except those that might challenge Duterte. Instead, Duterte has been willing to ally with traditional
political leaders who have shown little interest in reforming politics and governance. Third, his administration has
adopted a somewhat more statist approach to economic development. Finally, Duterte’s selective pandering to
1960s-style anti-U.S. nationalism, which exaggerates the influence of the United States and sometimes is used to
deflect public attention away from the shortcomings of far more important domestic actors, is an unwelcome
development.
Looking ahead, it seems likely that there will be a continuing struggle between elites and other groups who desire
a strongman and those who believe in the desirability of democracy, even the flawed version that has been
practiced in the Philippines. The best-case scenario is a gradual reassertion of checks and balances brought about
by a softening of public support for Duterte, a growing recognition of the damage being done to Philippine
democracy, and more unified and effective pushback against his antidemocratic actions. But it is also possible that
the country’s contentious politics could move in dangerous directions. This might be the case if Duterte declares
nationwide martial law or manages to ram through major changes to the 1987 constitution. Alternatively, if
Duterte, who is in poor health, were to resign or be incapacitated before the end of his term, members of his
coalition might try to block Vice President Robredo from succeeding him. Under any of these scenarios, there is a
risk of mass mobilization (both for and against Duterte) that could lead to extraconstitutional and potentially
violent forms of people power. This popular uprising, in turn, could tempt or compel the PNP and AFP to take
sides. The Philippines would then be in perilous, uncharted territory.

AMERICAN SUPPORT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY IN THE PHILIPPINES

American diplomats often boast of the strong people-to-people connections that exist between the United States
and the Philippines, principally because of the large Filipino-American community in the United States. But
America’s institutional engagement with the Philippines is surprisingly thin, even though the country is a former
colony, a major treaty ally, and a fellow democracy. There are two reasons for this state of affairs. First, historically
the bilateral relationship has been dominated by military/security ties, key elements of which include the 1951
Mutual Defense Treaty, the presence of two massive U.S. military bases in the Philippines until the early 1990s, the
post-9/11 Global War on Terror, and most recently the U.S. response to China’s assertion of sovereignty in the
South China Sea. Second, the Philippines’ moderately sized economy has been less open to foreign investment and
less export-oriented than many other East Asian economies. As a result, though U.S.-Philippines economic ties are
not insignificant, they are small compared to the United States’ relations with larger and more open economies in
the region.

U.S.-PHILIPPINES RELATIONS: LESS THAN MEETS THE EYE

During the Obama and Aquino presidencies, the bilateral relationship was the most cordial it had been since the
Fidel Ramos administration (1992–1998). During the six-month period following the election of Duterte and before
the election of Donald Trump, the bilateral relationship went into a downward spiral. The nadir came in early
September 2016, prior to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Laos, when it was
reported that President Obama would raise human rights issues in his one-on-one meeting with Duterte. In a news
conference before the summit, Duterte angrily rejected being lectured by Obama and famously said, “Son of a
whore, I will curse you in that forum.”69 In response, Obama canceled the meeting with Duterte. In September
2016, $4.5 million in U.S. State Department funding intended to assist Philippine law enforcement was shifted to
maritime security. In November of the same year, the State Department suspended the sale of 26,000 military
assault rifles to the PNP. The arrival of a new U.S. ambassador, Sung Kim, in early December, a month after
Trump’s election, provided an opportunity to reset the bilateral relationship.
Today, U.S. foreign policy is shaped by a president who expresses admiration for authoritarian rulers and has
shown little interest in defending human rights and democracy. The Duterte administration is pro-China, much
more transactional in its relationship with the United States, and intolerant of any foreign criticism of human rights
abuses associated with his drug war. Washington now finds itself with limited influence with regard to the Duterte
government. Unlike China and Japan, the U.S. government cannot compel American corporations to fund large
infrastructure investments.70 Moreover, the Philippines is not dependent on foreign aid, so it can take or leave US
development assistance. This is exactly what it did in December 2017, when Manila withdrew from being
considered for a second Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact worth over $400 million. The
Philippines no longer met the MCC’s minimum requirements in the areas of rule of law and controlling corruption,
so it withdrew in order to avoid the embarrassment of being turned down by the MCC Board of Directors.
The nongovernmental foundations of U.S.-Philippine relations are also surprisingly weak. University-to-university
ties are limited, and only a few American universities offer Philippine studies. The involvement of American
foundations—even those that traditionally have had an interest in Southeast Asia such as the Ford, Henry Luce,
and Open Society Foundations—is minimal. And in the realm of public diplomacy, the passage of time has
diminished the ranks and influence of champions of close U.S.-Philippines relations such as former senators John
McCain and Richard Lugar, former representative Stephen Solarz, former secretary of state George Shultz, and
former ambassadors Stephen Bosworth and Nicholas Platt, all of whom have died or retired.

THE TIMID AMERICAN RESPONSE TO THE DUTERTE GOVERNMENT’S SUBVERSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND
DEMOCRACY
Since Donald Trump became president, the U.S. government has avoided saying or doing anything that might
alienate Duterte. During the first half of 2017, the scale and brutality of Duterte’s drug war became irrefutably
clear in major reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, as well as by powerful photojournalism
by the Philippine Daily Inquirer, Reuters, and the New York Times. Despite this, in late April 2017, in a phone
conversation with Duterte, Trump told him: “I just wanted to congratulate you because I am hearing of the
unbelievable job on the drug problem. . . . Many countries have the problem, we have a problem, but what a great
job you are doing and I just wanted to call and tell you that.”71 He also invited Duterte to the White House—an
invitation Duterte later declined.
When the State Department was headed by Rex Tillerson and was itself in turmoil, the U.S. government was
largely silent regarding the drug war and human rights abuses. In August 2017, when Tillerson met with Duterte at
the ASEAN summit in Manila, their discussion focused on the Marawi crisis and terrorism and did not include the
human rights violations associated with the drug war. The State Department’s 2017 human rights report on the
Philippines acknowledged that “extrajudicial killings have been the chief human rights concern in the country for
many years and, after a sharp rise with the onset of the antidrug campaign in 2016, they continued in 2017. . . .
Concerns about police impunity increased significantly following the sharp increase in police killings.” However, it
seemed to suggest that the drug-related EJKs were not all that different from other human rights abuses in the
Philippines.72
In June 2018, the United States joined thirty-seven other members (out of forty-seven total) of the United Nations
Human Rights Council to sign a statement on human rights in the Philippines issued by the government of Iceland:
We urge the government of the Philippines to take all necessary measures to bring killings associated with the
campaign against illegal drugs to an end and cooperate with the international community to investigate all related
deaths and hold perpetrators accountable. . . . While acknowledging that drug use in the Philippines is a serious
problem, actions to tackle drug abuse must be carried out in full respect of the rule of law and compliance with
international human rights obligations.73
This statement appears to be the strongest public statement with which the U.S. government has been associated,
but it received little attention in the media. On the same day this statement was issued, the United States pulled
out of the Human Rights Council.
The U.S. Congress expressed some initial concern over the situation in the Philippines, but has not taken any
meaningful action. In May 2017, senators Ben Cardin and Marco Rubio introduced a bill, the Philippines Human
Rights Accountability and Counter Narcotics Act of 2017 (S 1055), which would restrict arms sales to the PNP and
provide up to $25 million in fiscal years 2017 and 2018 to support human rights groups and assist the Philippines in
dealing with its drug problem. The bill was referred to the Foreign Relations Committee and has languished there
since. In the House of Representatives, in July 2017 the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission held a hearing on
“The Human Rights Consequences of the War on Drugs in the Philippines” that was highly critical of Duterte’s war
on drugs. But there has been no subsequent action.
Although the U.S. embassy in Manila might be engaged in quiet diplomacy regarding human rights, conversations
with Filipino human rights leaders suggest that little has taken place. USAID’s Democracy, Human Rights and
Governance (DRG) portfolio in the Philippines funds conventional rule-of-law, civil society, and local governance
programs, but stays well clear of anything that addresses democratic backsliding. Because of their dependency on
USAID and State Department funding, democracy promotion organizations like Freedom House, the National
Democratic Institute, and the International Republican Institute have not responded in a major way. The Asia
Foundation in the Philippines, which relies more on Australian than U.S. funding, does some work on the rule of
law, but also shies away from anything that might antagonize the Duterte government. Only the National
Endowment for Democracy has significantly increased its funding in support of democracy in the Philippines, from
under $500,000 in 2015 to over $1 million in 2017.

THE CASE FOR A MORE ROBUST AMERICAN RESPONSE

Nancy Bermeo has observed, “When backsliding yields situations that are fluid and ill-defined, taking action to
defend democracy becomes particularly difficult.”74 This is true for “small d” democrats both inside the Philippines
and abroad. Given the long-standing dominance of U.S. military and security interests and the Trump
administration’s lack of interest in defending democracy, it is especially difficult for the U.S. government to
formulate a suitable response.
Still, the United States has a unique historical relationship with the Philippines, one that needs to be considered
alongside purely strategic considerations. The Philippines’ political system is modeled after America’s, and for
more than a century the Philippine elite’s attitudes and behavior have been shaped by America’s influence on the
country’s educational system, economy, and politics. The U.S. government has long and influential relations with
the AFP and, to a lesser extent, the Philippine police. And when Philippine leaders have shown a commitment to
democratic politics and governance, the U.S. government has been quick to proclaim solidarity. Therefore, at a
time when human rights and democracy are under attack in the Philippines, the U.S. government and American
NGOs ought to support Filipino-led efforts to defend human rights and democracy. Doing so would have the added
benefit of showing Filipinos that the U.S.-Philippine relationship is not only about advancing U.S. security and
economic interests.
Moreover, the Philippines is not China, Vietnam, or Cambodia, where the prospects for democracy are negligible in
the short to medium term. The situation in the Philippines is dynamic, and investments in human rights and
democracy have the potential to make a difference. Despite Duterte’s efforts to weaken checks on his power,
there are civil society, media, religious, and educational organizations—and even some members of the business
elite— that are committed to defending democracy. Like Trump in the United States, Duterte has become a
catalyst for a struggle between vastly different visions of what kind of country the Philippines can and should be.
This is a contest Filipino democrats need to win; but in doing so, they will need to offer something better than just
a return to the pre-Duterte status quo.

Naturally, there are no quick or easy fixes. The goal of more robust American support for democracy in the
Philippines should be twofold: first and most immediately, to promote greater solidarity among “small-d”
democrats in the Philippines, the United States, and around the world, and second, to improve and expand the
sharing of ideas and strategies for how to defend and strengthen democratic institutions and norms. Illustratively,
in the near term, the United States could support Filipino efforts on the following fronts:
• improve understanding in the Philippines of effective approaches to countering illegal drugs;
• develop effective responses to the Duterte government’s anti–human rights narrative and broaden the
community of human rights supporters and activists; and
• promote solidarity and sharing lessons for defending human rights and democracy by supporting visits to the
Philippines of human rights advocates, democratic political leaders, and scholars on democracy.
Longer term, Americans and Filipinos should work together to address common challenges to preserving and
improving democracy. This could include joint efforts to:
• improve the role of media/social media in democracy;
• reform political finance and strengthen political parties;
• strengthen school-based and civic education on human rights and democracy; and
• build university-to-university ties, including scholarly collaboration on key aspects of Philippine politics and
society (such as poverty and inequality, criminality and the illicit economy, Supreme Court decision-making, and
the political role of the middle class).
Finally, a U.S. House of Representatives controlled by the Democrats holds out the possibility of greater
congressional attention to the situation in the Philippines. Members of Congress should consider pushing the
Trump administration to apply Magnitsky Global Act sanctions to current and former PNP leaders responsible for
EJKs.
A more robust American response will prompt some Filipinos to accuse the United States of meddling in the
Philippines’ domestic affairs. Duterte’s supporters will almost certainly portray it as effort to destabilize his
government. Therefore, support must be transparent and nonpartisan, and those providing it will need to be
prepared to take some heat. Ideally, this should not be a solely American project—it should involve democratic
groups elsewhere, including in Australia, Canada, Europe, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan.
As long as strategic and security interests dominate U.S. policy toward the Philippines, and with the U.S. Congress
largely consumed with domestic politics, it is unlikely that the U.S. government will take meaningful steps to
support human rights and democracy in the Philippines. Therefore, American NGOs, foundations, and universities
will need to step up and take the lead. But ultimately, it will be the actions of Filipino democrats that matter most.

From the discussion above, we have here the forms of government that Aristotle classified
based on the number of rulers. Give a brief description for each form of government.
 Form of Government

Good/Pure Government Bad/Corrupt Government

# of Rulers

Monarchy - _____________ Tyranny- _______________

One _______________________ _______________________

_______________________ _______________________

Aristocracy- ____________ Oligarchy-______________

Few _______________________ _______________________

_______________________ _______________________

Polity- _________________ Democracy- ____________

Many _______________________ _______________________

_______________________ _______________________

By using the above article as your main reference, make a description that will define the
Duterte administration in terms of the Political, Social, Economic and Cultural aspects of the
Philippine political system.
1. Political -
___________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
2. Social - ____________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
3. Economic - _________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
4. Cultural -
___________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________________

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