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Vol. 42, No. 4, July 2012, 585–605

Report on multicultural education in pesantren

Raihani*

School of Social and Cultural Studies, The University of Western Australia,

Australia

This article aims to report a single case study of how an Islamic boarding
school (pesantren) in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, prepared students for a mul-
ticultural Indonesia. Despite negative portrayal by the Western media
about increasing Islamic radicalism in some pesantren, many pesantren
are in fact transforming into modern Islamic institutions, incorporating
the teaching of democratic values and practices, endorsing civil society
and community development, and inculcating cultural/religious diversity
and tolerance in students. Using schoolyard and classroom ethnographies,
along with in-depth interviews and focus group discussions (FGD) with
teachers and students, the study found that classroom and non-classroom
practices of the pesantren promote the development of multicultural edu-
cation. Several subjects within both curriculum developed by the govern-
ment and curriculum developed by pesantrens discuss a considerable
number of issues that relate to cultural and religious diversity, tolerance,
citizenship and democracy. The non-classroom practices of pesantren
offer invaluable and intensive experiences for students to socialise with
peers from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds. However, chal-
lenges remain for the kyai (the pesantren’s great leader) and other leaders,
such as teachers’ lack of competency, unclear multicultural objectives in
both the pesantren’s curricula and the pesantren’s traditions, and unequal
relations among students and among teachers. These challenges must be
overcome to further develop education for cultural diversity.
Keywords: multiculturalism; multicultural education; Indonesia; Pesan-
tren (Islamic boarding school); madrasah

Introduction
Since the Bali bombing of 2002, Islamic institutions in Indonesia, particu-
larly Islamic boarding schools (pesantren), have attracted worldwide atten-
tion. Pesantren have been accused of becoming fertile ground for radical
Islam. Although only a small number of pesantren are linked with radical
Islam, the media coverage of pesantren has in general been negative. One
notable pesantren that the media has consistently portrayed as teaching a
radical version of Islam is Pesantren Ngruki in Solo, of which Abu Bakar

*Email: raihani@uwa.edu.au
ISSN 0305-7925 print/ISSN 1469-3623 online
Ó 2012 British Association for International and Comparative Education
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057925.2012.672255
http://www.tandfonline.com
586 Raihani

Ba’asyir, the accused spiritual leader of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), is the

founding father (Pohl 2006). Several individuals involved in the Bali
bombings are graduates of this pesantren. Despite persistent denials by the
pesantren of Islamic radicalism, the media has continued to force its com-
munity into a corner by ongoing negative reporting. For example, Wahyu-
din, the Ngruki director, was described in the Singapore media as the
‘Head of JI School’ (Tempo. 2004). The International Crisis Group (ICG)
has named the ‘Ngruki Network’ as a South-East Asian terrorist hub of al-
Qaeda, that aims to establish an Islamic state in the region (International
Crisis Group 2003).
While a few pesantren, such as the Ngruki, might teach a radical version
of Islam, many studies have indicated that some pesantren incorporate a
moderate Islamic education, which promotes community development
(Oepen & Karcher 1988), a non-violent interpretation of Islam, democracy
and interreligious and interethnic tolerance (Pohl 2006; Sirry 2010). Pohl
(2006), for instance, presents an ethnography of Pesantren al-Muayyad Win-
dan in Solo, which is actively engaged in social activities that promote Indo-
nesian democracy, gender equality and interreligious relationships and
tolerance. Sirry (2010) also draws a similar conclusion that some pesantren
play a significant role in empowering civil society through outreach and col-
laborative programmes. Pohl (2006, 408) argues: ‘I simply want to point out
that some pesantren are quite capable of promoting a public religious cul-
ture that is democratic and pluralist.’ Although these studies may not repre-
sent the whole spectrum of the pesantren world, they display a contrasting
image of pesantren to that which is frequently represented in the media. In
this article I examine a pesantren in Yogyakarta with regard to its capability
for preparing citizens for a multicultural Indonesia. I use a holistic approach
to multicultural education through examining both classroom instruction and
non-classroom educational practices of the pesantren. I argue that multicul-
tural education is a type of values education, the process of which is not
limited to classroom instruction only but is extended to non-classroom edu-
cational practices (Halstead 1996, 17). Through the presentation of class-
room and non-classroom practices, I will make comparisons between both
practices in how they support the development of education for cultural/reli-
gious diversity.
To provide the contextual landscape, this article first briefly describes the
Indonesian educational system, its recent changes in the light of democrati-
sation of the country, and the place of pesantren in the national education
system based on the current Education Law of 2003. This section also looks
at pesantren as a traditional Islamic educational institution. The article
reviews the discourse of multiculturalism in Indonesia and discusses several
theories of multicultural education in order to develop a theoretical frame-
work. It then explains the case study method used in the study, followed by
the presentation of data. It discusses the findings and in conclusion asks
 Compare 587

whether and how pesantren are capable of developing education for the
multicultural reality of Indonesia today.

Indonesian education and pesantren

The administration of education in Indonesia is dualistic in structure. Gen-
eral or secular schools are administered by the Ministry of Education and
Culture (MOEC), and religious (mostly Islamic) schools (madrasah) are
administered by the Ministry of Religion (MOR). Both types of school
begin with kindergarten and continue to university. As Table 1 shows, the
MOEC schools from kindergarten to secondary constitute 77% of the total
251,273 schools. Most of madrasah (76%) at all levels are private, built on
the initiative of Muslim communities, with poorer management and learning
conditions. Student achievement in madrasah is also generally lower than
that of secular schools (Parker and Raihani 2009).
Since political reform in 1998, the Indonesian government has imple-
mented a remarkable reform of its education system (Bandur 2008; Raihani
2007). School-based management (SBM) was introduced in 2002 and the
new Education Law was issued in 2003. SBM requires more intensive com-
munity participation in the school process than formerly, and the new law
mandates significant delegations of authority to local government and com-
munities to manage school affairs. In line with this decentralisation, the new
curriculum, which is school-based, was implemented in 2006. Unlike the
previous (1994) curriculum which was content oriented, this new curriculum
is focused on developing students’ competencies as outcomes of the learning
process (Kwartolo 2002). General competencies were set up by the central
authority, whereas more detailed competencies and learning objectives have
to be formulated by teachers. In this curriculum, therefore, teachers are
given more authority to develop further the curriculum, select learning mate-
rials and decide learning methods and materials.
Where is pesantren placed in the current education reform? What is the
implication of the reform on pesantren? Although pesantren are considered
an Islamic indigenous educational institution in Indonesia (Steenbrink 1994;
Dhofier 1985), they were not an integral part of the national education sys-

Table 1. Number of schools in Indonesia in 2008.

MOEC MOR
Kindergarten 63,444 18,759
Primary schools (6 yrs) 144,567 21,188
Junior secondary schools (3yrs) 26,277 12,883
Senior secondary schools (3yrs) 16,985 5,398
University/college (4–5 yrs) 268 546
Source: Adapted from Departemen Pendidikan Nasional (2008).
588 Raihani

tem until the Education Law of 2003 was passed. Their heavy content of
Islamic curriculum made it difficult for pesantren to be integrated to the
country’s educational system. Unlike madrasah, which adopted more than
70% of the MOEC curriculum, most pesantren freely used their own curric-
ulum. Under the current law, however, pesantren are structured under the
administration of the MOR, but are administered separately from madrasah.
As far as I know, there has been no research conducted to find out the
implication for the integration of pesantren into the system, but the govern-
ment has begun to provide funding for the development of pesantren as a
consequence of the law.
A pesantren is a boarding school which provides the teaching of Islamic
subjects. The equivalent of a pesantren in Malaysia and Thailand is a pond-
ok (Madmarn 1999). Students live and learn in an Islamic environment dur-
ing their education in pesantren. According to the MOR’s classification
(Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Islam 2008), pesantren can be divided into
three types, i.e. traditional (Salafiyah),1 modern (’Ashriyah), and a mix of
traditional and modern (Kombinasi). Salafiyah pesantren teach solely Islamic
knowledge, usually written in Arabic books called kitab kuning. This type
of pesantren does not adopt any elements of secular curriculum from the
government. ’Ashriyah pesantren adopt several general subjects, but do not
fully follow the government curriculum. Kombinasi pesantren run madrasah
or secular school subjects, usually during the morning, and teach Islamic
subjects in the afternoon and/or evening. According to MOR statistics in
2008 (Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Islam 2008, 109), of the total number
of pesantren (21,521), 37.2% are classified as Salafiyah pesantren, 18%
’Ashriyah and 45% Kombinasi. This figure shows that the pesantren man-
agement, for the most part, aims to incorporate formal government curricu-
lum with traditional Islamic knowledge. Community demand for the
combined Islamic and general education for Indonesian children is the rea-
son behind the large number of Kombinasi pesantren.

Multiculturalism in Indonesia
The idea that Indonesia is a country of cultural diversity has existed within
Indonesian political thinking since at least the early twentieh century
(Drake 1989). In 1928, a group of youths from many parts of the archipel-
ago including Java, Sumatra and Sulawesi gathered in Jakarta to declare
the unity of Indonesia as a nation comprised of groups from different eth-
nic and cultural backgrounds. This declaration is famously known as the
1928 Sumpah Pemuda or Youth Pledge (Drake 1989, 33; Ricklefs 1993,
186). Immediately after independence was declared in 1945, the Indonesian
founding fathers agreed to establish an Indonesian Republic after fierce
debates, notably between the Islamists and the nationalists. The decision
not to make Indonesia an Islamic state was made on the grounds that the
 Compare 589

new nation was composed of groups who followed multiple religions. The
same year, the founding fathers then formulated the Five Principles
(Pancasila) as the country’s philosophy: ‘belief in God, nationalism,
humanitarianism, social justice and democracy’ (Ricklefs 1993, 209). In
1951, Unity in Diversity (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika) was declared to be the
Indonesian national motto, to further suggest that cultural differences
formed the foundation of a united Indonesia. Ki Hadjar Dewantara, the first
Minister of National Education, argued that Indonesian national culture was
the peak of local cultures (Hardjana 2009), even though it was not suffi-
ciently clear how cultural groups were supposed to interact within the new
nation. Nevertheless, all of these declarations indicate that an awareness of
a diverse Indonesia emerged early in the country’s post-independence his-
tory and political thinking.
While multiculturalism mandates the acknowledgement and understand-
ing of the cultural identities of each group in a particular society (Parekh
2006), the New Order’s2 policies on culture stressed uniformity in order to
impose the country’s unity from above (Drake 1989). For the sake of
national integrity, this authoritarian regime practically neglected the growth
of ethnic identities and diversity. One reason for the New Order govern-
ment’s attempts to impose national unity was that it had inherited a vulnera-
ble Indonesia, in terms of national unity, from the Old Order (Drake 1989,
225). The New Order’s policies included, for example, the promotion of
Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia) as the sole official language of government,
the language of instruction in schools and the language of the mass media.
Another policy was to introduce ‘Pancasila’ as a compulsory subject
throughout school and university. This subject was merely indoctrination by
the government to create loyal, nationalist citizens. Other policies were the
unification of all political parties into just three, oppressing political aspira-
tions, and acknowledging only five official religions: Islam; Catholicism;
Protestantism; Hinduism; and Buddhism. In short, the motto of Bhinneka
Tunggal Ika during the New Order regime was translated into ‘unity above
diversity’.
Tilaar (2005) suggests that multiculturalism in Indonesia has not been
clearly operationalised in Indonesian politics. In fact, the national unity that
the New Order government imposed was fragile because it was built on
such an authoritarian approach. After the fall of the regime, communal con-
flicts rooted in religious and ethnic sentiments sparked (de Jonge and Noote-
boom 2006; Achwan et al. 2005; van Klinken 2007). Islamic radicalism has
intensified, marked by violent attacks on Western interests and on religious
buildings. Other examples of such communal violence include the Dayak–
Madura ethnic conflicts in West and Central Kalimantan and the Christian–
Muslim war in Ambon. Since 1998, an awareness of the fragility of the
New Order’s national unity has emerged. The discourse of multiculturalism
has intensified through seminars, conferences, media talks and so forth, but
590 Raihani

despite these continuing endeavours Indonesia has not yet developed a

model of multiculturalism through which the government and society can
operate.

Multicultural education
Although the concept of multiculturalism is yet to be fully developed in
Indonesia and debates about it are ongoing, education that acknowledges
cultural diversity and teaches appropriate responses to it is nonetheless seen
as important. Tilaar (2005) argues that most cultural groups in Indonesia
agreed upon the establishment of this country and were aware of the differ-
ences that existed. This reality of differences, as he suggests, needs positive
attitudes from all people, which can only be instilled through education.
Supporting this statement, Suparlan (2002) and Syaifuddin (2006) argue that
multicultural education supports multiculturalism through the preparation of
a young generation that has multicultural views, and serves a long-term
objective to establish a more peaceful Indonesia.
According to one definition, multicultural education is ‘an inclusive con-
cept used to describe a wide variety of school practices, programs and mate-
rials designed to help children from diverse groups to experience
educational quality’ (Banks 1986, 222). This definition emphasises educa-
tional strategies to help each individual student to develop his or her own
capacity to the fullest potential. Multicultural education is focused on the
process of developing pupils who are able to understand, recognise, respect,
and live comfortably with, and function effectively in, a reality of differ-
ences (Gollnick and Chinn 1986). Multicultural education is an educational
programme run in the context of increasingly culturally complex societies
due to ethnic, geographical and religious backgrounds. Cultural encounters
between groups may create unnecessary friction and clashes due to misun-
derstanding, misguided beliefs and values, and discriminative attitudes
towards cultural differences. Multicultural education is conceptualised on the
basis of four broad principles, which underpin the educational process to
enable pupils to live and function in a diverse society (Bennet 2001). These
four principles include the theory of cultural pluralism, ideals of social jus-
tice and the end of racism, sexism, and other forms of prejudice and dis-
crimination, affirmations of culture in the teaching and learning process, and
visions of educational equity and excellence leading to high levels of aca-
demic learning for all children and youth (Bennet 2001, 173).
In developing multicultural education, Parekh (2006, 227–30) recom-
mends working on the curricular aspects of school. Multicultural curriculum
has to meet two conditions. First, it should not be unduly narrow, because it
should familiarise students with the representative forms of different cultures
so that they can pursue further knowledge on their own. Second, the process
of imparting the curriculum should trigger fruitful dialogue, in that students
 Compare 591

are able to develop their own critical judgments on what is being taught.
Parekh’s recommendation seems to focus on the development of the cogni-
tive domain of students, so that they have a proper understanding of differ-
ent cultures, religions, ways of life, societies and so forth, which in turn
leads them to make critical reviews and judgments. This is then a grounding
for them to develop positive attitudes toward multiculturalism. Other schol-
ars, such as Banks (1997) and Bennet (1990), however, consider that multi-
cultural education should be approached holistically. In other words,
multicultural education needs to reform all major variables of the school so
that students from all ethnic and racial groups will experience equality in
education. This whole-school approach includes the ethos of the school,
such as the school’s culture and values, its curriculum and instruction, its
assessment and evaluation procedures, its language policy, and its approach
to cultural diversity. According to Lynch (1986), this approach will help stu-
dents from minority groups to maintain their unique identities and at the
same time to achieve socialisation with others.

Methodology
The present study employed a case study approach to look at the phenome-
non of multicultural education in one pesantren in Yogyakarta (Merriem
1988, 1998). Multicultural education covers areas of research that cannot be
investigated through quantifying phenomena and trends, like social and cul-
tural interactions, curriculum objectives, content and orientations, classroom
teaching strategies and interactions, school culture and values, and so forth.
These areas should be, and in this current study were indeed, approached
through multiple qualitative methods of investigations. I used schoolyard
and classroom ethnographies to see and experience first-hand interactions
between members of the pesantren community, teaching strategies in the
classroom, and attitudes and behaviours of those involved in the processes
of teaching and learning. I discussed issues related to the research topics
through formal and informal interviews with the kyai (pesantren leader),
teachers, students, principals, parents and several individuals in the sur-
rounding community. I used focus group discussions (FGD) with teachers
and students to further comprehend and clarify information collected through
other methods. These multiple techniques contributed to the enrichment of
data to produce rigour and trustworthiness of research (Maxwell 1996;
Strauss and Corbin 1998).
The selected pesantren, Darul Falah,3 built in 1975, is considered to be
one of the prominent pesantren in Yogyakarta. It has received wide attention
from various observers and activists from both within Indonesia and over-
seas for its moderate vision in the interpretation and implementation of Isla-
mic teachings. It is a Kombinasi Pesantren, which runs a madrasah system
from the primary to senior secondary levels. My focus was on the senior
592 Raihani

secondary section, which in 2009 had 230 male and 377 female students,
constituting about 36% of the total number of students in the whole pesan-
tren. More than 80% of that number originally came from Central Java and
Yogyakarta, and around 7% from West Java, meaning that Central and West
Javanese students are dominant in this section of the student population.
The rest came from other parts of, and outside, Java. One particular reason
for focusing my research on this senior level was that the student respon-
dents would be better able to articulate their opinions and arguments during
interviews and FGDs. The students, aged from 16 to18, were considered
sufficiently mature in giving independent opinions. I came to the pesantren
almost every day during the period of September–October 2009, and spent
time in the complex from 7am to 7pm, observing student interactions and
classroom processes, talking with many students and teachers, and inter-
viewing respondents. Sometimes I stayed longer in the evenings as the
activities in the pesantren were held until 9:30pm.

Multiculturalism understood
One underlying foundation in the development and teaching of multicul-
tural education is the way in which the school community understands
multiculturalism. Assuming contextual determinants, I believe that this
theme is very important to explore in order to depict a comprehensive
account of multicultural education in practice. ‘Multiculturalism’ (or multik-
ulturalisme in Indonesian) was a new word to many respondents, particu-
larly students. To bridge their understanding of this concept, in interviews
and conversations with them I usually used the words ‘kemajemukan’ (plu-
ralism) and ‘keragaman’ (diversity). The word ‘pluralisme’ in Indonesian
has negative connotations of religious pluralism, particularly after the issue
of the Indonesian Ulema Council’s (Majlis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) verdict
in 2005 about the prohibition of ‘pluralisme, liberalisme, dan sekularisme
agama’ (religious pluralism, liberalism, and secularism) (Majlis Ulama
Indonesia 2005). Hence, ‘kemajemukan’ and ‘keragaman’ were safer terms
to use in order to avoid unnecessary misunderstanding between the
researcher and respondents. Sometimes I also used the word ‘multikultural-
isme’ to see to what extent this term was understood by students. If they
looked confused, I used the former two words while also pointing out the
operational meanings of multiculturalism that suggest ethnic, cultural and
religious diversity.
In general, the respondents understood ‘multikulturalisme’ to be about
ethnic and cultural diversity, with Islamic teaching as a guideline. They were
aware of the reality that Indonesia is a ‘colourful’ country consisting of
many different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds. They did not see
any problem with being different from others, and asserted that the key to
differences is tolerance. Many students and teachers confidently expressed
 Compare 593

their willingness to accept neighbours, friends and even future spouses from
different ethnic backgrounds. The experiences of living in the pesantren
equipped them with positive attitudes toward differences. One student in an
FGD said:

Here, we are like brothers. We help each other and try to understand differ-
ences among us. Some of us are from outside Java, and have very different
cultures and traditions, but most of us are from Java, Central Java.

Frictions due to misunderstanding and stereotyping of other cultures had

happened in the pesantren, but were positively perceived by respondents as
important in the process of learning to become culturally competent individ-
uals.
While the respondents applauded the colourfulness of Indonesia, they
believed in the importance of assimilation. The traditional proverb of ‘di
mana bumi dipijak, di situ langit dijunjung’ (wherever ground is stood on,
the sky is held high) was frequently echoed by the respondents during dis-
cussions of cultural pluralism, which means to respect and assimilate with
the host, usually dominant, culture. This principle is believed to be the key
for emigrants to succeed in interacting with local people (Abdullah 2009).
Social sanctions, such as exclusion from communal activities, were cited by
respondents as significant repercussions, should observing the practices of
and adapting to the dominant culture fail. However, the extent to which
minority members could retain and practice their own culture within the
dominant society was undefined and seemingly left to particular societal
conventions.
When it came to religious pluralism and tolerance, the theme most fre-
quently discussed by respondents as part of their understanding of multicul-
turalism, the respondents were clear in their definitions. They believed
Islam, which encourages respect of other religions, to be the guiding
principle of religious pluralism and tolerance. They referred to a verse of
al-Quran, citing ‘for you your religion, and for me my religion’.4 By this
principle of inter-religious relations, people of different faiths live together –
each contributing positively to a harmonious society, but never compromis-
ing his or her faith for the sake of multiculturalism. This understanding is in
line with the MUI fatwa about the prohibition of religious pluralism, which
is interpreted as a view which teaches that all religions are the same, and
therefore the truth of each religion is relative. The MUI does not prohibit
social interactions between religious groups, but emphasises the importance
of exclusivism in the matters of faith and worship.5 Several students claimed
that they would not hesitate to send greetings to their friends or neighbours
of different faiths on religious occasions such as Christmas. The students
confidently argued that the exchange of greetings is part of social ethics and
interaction and is not at all related to the Islamic faith.
594 Raihani

The students’ understandings of multiculturalism were not divorced from

their exposure to a complex Indonesian society. Their exposure to differ-
ences seemed to equip them with the ability to perceive multiculturalism
more positively. Since religion is a determining factor in people’s life in
Indonesia and in their attendance in an Islamic educational environment, the
respondents’ understandings of multiculturalism were found to be strongly
influenced by their faith as well. The respondents clearly did not see a con-
tradiction between being a devoted Muslim and at the same time being
multi-culturally competent. Besides referring to the Islamic teaching that
they followed, which is not hostile to, and encourages respect of, other cul-
tures and religions, they pointed to the harmonious life of Indonesian society
in general, and Yogyakarta’s in particular, as an example of the compatibil-
ity of religion and multiculturalism.

Classroom instructions
There were two types of classes in Pesantren Darul Falah: the morning clas-
ses and the afternoon classes. The morning class used these MOR’s second-
ary school curriculum (Madrasah ’Aliyah), and the afternoon classes used
the pesantren’s own curriculum. In the morning classes, only a few subjects
taught cultural and religious diversity and multiculturalism, including Princi-
ples of Islamic Faith and Islamic Ethics (Akidah/Akhlak),6 Civic Education
(Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan, PKn), History (Sejarah), and Sociology
(Sosiologi). Sosiologi was taught only to students of the Social Science
stream. In Akidah/Akhlak, topics such as relationships with Muslim and
non-Muslims and good deeds were designed to equip students with Islamic
teachings on these particular topics, and included the values of respect and
tolerance. PKn was a new subject in the Indonesian school curriculum,
developed from the previous Pancasila subject. This subject included topics
on the Indonesian political system and democratic citizenship. Sejarah was
focused on the history of Indonesia from the time of traditional kingdoms to
the current nation-state. It explored the complex relationships between major
religions, i.e. Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity in Indonesia,
and their significant influence on the formation of the Indonesian nation-
state. Sosiologi contained materials related to the concepts and structure of
society, social interactions, social institutions and changes. All of these sub-
jects in part contained multicultural lessons and values important to the
development of students’ personalities.
As mandated in the new (2006) curriculum, teachers play a pivotal role
in further developing the curriculum and designing classroom instruction. In
the context of multicultural education, they need to be competent in using
teaching methods that cater to the individual needs of students. As I
observed, however, Pesantren Darul Falah’s teachers seemed to be inade-
quately capable in this aspect.
 Compare 595

On a typical hot day at 11am, Pak Nurdin, a PKn teacher, and I went to his
classroom of male Grade XI students. The classroom is located just opposite
to the dormitory. It is a ground level classroom. Students’ chairs and tables
are set up in five rows and three columns facing the whiteboard and the tea-
cher’s desk – a traditional classroom setting. Each column has two chairs with
tables, so the classroom accommodates 30 students, but three chairs were not
occupied. I was sitting in the back of the right corner of the classroom. Pak
Nurdin began with salam (Islamic greeting) which was replied by all students.
He then checked the attendance list, and looked satisfied that all students were
present. He said: ‘Last week, we discussed the Pancasila democracy. The Pan-
casila democracy is rooted in Indonesian indigenous culture. What does Indo-
nesian culture look like? We can give examples. Indonesian people have good
hearts, like to save money, and are not conceited ...’ Pak Nurdin explained
further about Indonesian culture, and moved to another topic, the democratic
political system that now characterises Indonesia. There is no question and
answer. One student directly in front of me put his face on his right hand on
the table, looking sleepy and bored. Several others looked the same, but many
of them took notes.

This monotonous method of teaching lasted 40 minutes, fortunately

punctuated by several jokes made by Pak Nurdin to keep students awake.
The content was actually interesting and up-to-date, discussing the current
situation of Indonesian politics. Several current stories were brought to the
classroom, but I doubted the students’ ability to relate such stories to
the existing knowledge they had since information about ‘the world’ outside
the pesantren was limited (only available through one shared wall newspa-
per at the library). Pak Nurdin completed the class by greeting the students
and leaving without giving them any tasks or assignment.
The above observation of the classroom teaching process reveals a typi-
cal strategy used by teachers in Pesantren Darul Falah. It is difficult to say
whether those typical teachers adhered to a multicultural way of teaching
which respected the individual uniqueness of students and correspondingly
developed their potential. Several factors were identified to have influenced
this situation. First, although most of the teachers held a university degree,
the university they entered was private and its quality was not commend-
able. Some of them were not from within the field of education. A few
teachers graduated from the highly reputed education university in Yogya-
karta. I observed one of these teachers, who demonstrated much better skills
and competences in classroom teaching and management. She was able to
engage her students in the active learning process. Second, according to
many teachers, the time allocated for each subject was too small – two
hours a week, with a one hour class equalling 40 minutes. An American
volunteer who taught English in the pesantren said that she would take a
few minutes for the change between classes, as classes were held without
any break between them. Third, most of the teachers were honorary, and the
honorary teachers were underpaid. Therefore, to meet the costs of living
596 Raihani

they had to take more teaching loads, meaning that they would not have
much time for out-of-class teaching activities, such as class preparation and
correcting students’ work.
After finishing morning classes, students went to congregational midday
prayer, had lunch and took a rest. It was usual for many students to take a
nap, as did dormitory teachers, but some students had small chats with each
other or washed their clothes. Rich students used laundry services available
around the pesantren. They had to get ready at about 3:30pm for afternoon
prayer, and after that commenced afternoon classes until 5:30pm. The les-
sons they received in these classes covered only religious subjects, i.e. Isla-
mic jurisprudence (Fiqh), Islamic beliefs (Tauhid), Islamic ethics (Akhlak),
Quranic recitation and exegesis (Quran), the Prophet’s traditions (Hadits)
and Arabic lessons. Students were grouped differently from the morning
classes on the basis of their individual progress. So, a Grade XI student in
the morning classes might be grouped with students of different grades in
the afternoon.
Did the afternoon classes teach multiculturalism? From analysis of the
textbooks used for the subjects, the topics covered could be expanded to
include the teaching of multicultural values. Some teachers said that they
always related as many topics as possible to the social realities of Yogya-
karta in particular and Indonesia in general. Topics on social relations in
Akhlak, according to Pak Husni, were closely related to cultural and
social diversity, and it was up to the teachers to take a position on any
relationships between groups and individuals, particularly between Mus-
lims and non-Muslims, and to impart these views to students. By leaving
this teaching to the teachers, however, multicultural education might
become a fragile and unconscious (unplanned) process since apparently
not all the teachers were aware of its importance and/or effective teaching
strategies.

Non-classroom practices
Almost every day I came to the pesantren and witnessed its daily activities,
which started early in the morning. Many students took a shower early at 3
or 4am, anticipating a long queue at the small number of common bath-
rooms before they prayed the additional night prayer (tahajjud). They went
to the mosque for the dawn prayer in congregation, and individually recited
the Quran (nderes), monitored by several teachers. Once finished, they
headed to the communal kitchen and had breakfast. Then they prepared for
morning and afternoon classes. Such daily routines developed a unique liv-
ing experience for the students, constituting the pesantren’s hidden curricu-
lum. Besides developing cohesion between them, students learnt from their
social relationships about the social inequalities between saman7 and regular
students, and interacted with other students and teachers of different ethnici-
 Compare 597

ties and cultures. These experiences significantly shaped their attitudes

towards others, developed their social solidarity, and led to their acceptance
of difference. During the interviews and FGDs, many students frequently
and confidently discussed the values of tolerance, respect and togetherness
that accompanied living in pesantren.
In this section of non-classroom practices, I sketch two aspects that came
from experiences in the pesantren, i.e. solidarity and social justice, and gen-
der relations, which in Pesantren Darul Falah were distinctive.

Solidarity and social justice

One day after my research assistant, Mr Najib Kailani, and I prayed Zuhr
(midday prayer) at the pesantren mosque together with a large crowd of stu-
dents, we walked around the pesantren and popped into its communal kitchen
which accommodates large numbers of students. Meals were being served by
saman who put rice, a side dish and ‘kerupuk’ (Indonesian crackers) on a big
plate held by each student queuing at that time. Other students were sitting on
the floor in groups consisting of 6–8 persons. They were waiting for their
meals to be picked up by the queuing students. Once the meals arrived, they
ate them on that one big plate without spoon and fork. Their naked hands
were very skilful in grabbing meals quickly as if they were racing one
another. There are some students who bring a regular plate (not a big one),
and queue along with other students. They eat individually on their own.

The above occasion is an everyday scene of the pesantren. This is a symbol

of togetherness which develops social solidarity (solidaritas sosial), a
favourite phrase quoted by the interviewed students in describing the charac-
teristics of pesantren. ‘It is like a family,’ said one student. ‘Everyone cares
for each other, is caring of and helpful to others,’ another student further
explained. The students also mentioned other examples such as sharing
things to the extent that students have almost no private belongings. In the
small room in the dormitory, measuring about 6 metres by 8 metres and
occupied by 6 to 8 students, everything was shared: space; possessions; feel-
ings; and experiences.
It was not easy for new students to adapt to this kind of ‘total institution’
(Goffman 1961) environment at the beginning of their life in the pesantren.
The students’ parents described this phase as difficult for both the children
and for themselves. Complaints about the rules, friends, meals and facilities
were commonly heard from these newcomers. One male student said:

If we are not sociable here, acting selfish, arrogant, or unhelpful, we will be

boycotted by our mates. But for new students, they are allowed to be individ-
ualist, have their own plates, for example. But later, I am sure they will be
like us, forged to this communal culture.
598 Raihani

In contrast to the above depicted solidarity is the pesantren’s policy regard-

ing saman. From my everyday observation in the pesantren, the connota-
tions of the spoken term ‘saman’ were felt to be degrading to the social
status of this group. This term is used explicitly to refer to a group of stu-
dents in policy documents and everyday conversations amongst teachers and
students. I felt that this indicated a class difference between saman and reg-
ular students. Saman occupied rooms marginally allocated for them in the
boarding complex, keeping them separate from other students. Their work
demand provided little time for them to develop close friendships with non-
saman students. One of them conveyed:

Some saman who help in the kitchen have to get up earlier, like at 3:30am,
while other students prayed tahajjud and prepare for dawn prayer in the mos-
que. After dawn prayer and Quran recitation, I do my work to clean the
pesantren yards. It takes me one to two hours usually until the other students
are ready for breakfast. I take a shower, and have breakfast with other saman,
and go to school. In the afternoon after lunch, I take a rest and at 3:30 I do
the same work again.

Saman’s work commitments affected their learning habits in classroom, as

noted by some teachers. Regular students said that saman frequently fell
asleep during lessons, but some teachers actually noted this habit in both
saman and non-saman students. Like other students, however, there were
bright saman and less-capable saman. According to some teachers, several
saman performed better than regular students, but overall their ability to
develop was handicapped by their limited time and their commitment to
work for the pesantren.

Gender relations
One of the characteristics of pesantren is its segregation of gender in both
the dormitory life and the classroom process (Srimulyani 2008). In Pesan-
tren Darul Falah, the restriction of male and female relationships seemed to
be applied more strictly to students than teachers. Teachers had freedom to
interact with their peers of the opposite sex. In the school office, for exam-
ple, there was no segregation between male and female teachers.
However, no student was allowed to have a relationship of any kind with
a person of the opposite sex, except in regular meetings for students
involved in the student organisation. The fence surrounding the female stu-
dent complex was a symbol of the barrier for both males and females not to
go beyond the relationship rules set up by the pesantren. There was even a
strict timetable for each male and female student to shop at a convenience
store run by the pesantren. Although many students from both sexes consid-
ered this strict rule to be for their own benefit, they could not hide their
eagerness to interact with the opposite sex, and always strived for every
 Compare 599

opportunity to do so. I captured many occasions where particularly male stu-

dents secretly watched closely their adored ones. For example, on Fridays
and Sundays, when extra-curricular activities were held, many male students
sat at the mosque, facing the street where several female students joined
activities such as drum band practices and Red Cross for Youths. It is true
that no conversation took place between the spectators and players, but
some female students interviewed admitted that both were actually the same
– looking forward to those moments.

Factors influencing education for cultural diversity in pesantren

Pondering upon the above findings of how education for cultural diversity is
developed in Pesantren Darul Falah, I strive to look at several possible fac-
tors that influence its development process. I found that the kyai’s leadership
is particularly influential. As noted in the literature on pesantren in Indone-
sia, the role of the pesantren leader or kyai is highly significant in determin-
ing the ‘colour’ of pesantren. The kyai of Pesantren Darul Falah, Kyai
Ja’far, shows this assertion to be true. He was described by many teachers
and students as an open leader who was always keen to listen to others’
ideas and often came to visit and oversee the pesantren complexes. Before
taking over the leadership after his father (the founder of the pesantren)
passed away, he was an activist in a civil society organisation that promoted
human rights and interfaith relations. The principal of the senior secondary
pesantren said that the kyai had an extensive network with other non-
governmental organisations. Kyai Ja’far had visited the US for a short
course, an experience that added to his reputation and was frequented
mentioned by teachers and students as one of his strengths.
The above qualities and experiences shaped Kyai Ja’far’s vision for
Pesantren Darul Falah. As he said, he is inspired to make his pesantren a
place for learning a moderate version of Islam. Therefore, he has opened the
pesantren to visitors from different backgrounds. For example, he has
warmly welcome many non-Muslim guests including Catholic priests and
Buddhist monks. The pesantren also received the former United States
Ambassador who paid regular visits to moderate Islamic institutions to pro-
mote better understanding between America and Muslim communities. The
pesantren also regularly received participants in interfaith programs run by
non-governmental organisations, who wished to learn firsthand about living
Islam and pesantren. Sometimes, live-in programmes were held in the
pesantren. According to Kyai Ja’far, these programmes, in exposing students
to differences, were intended to equip them with an understanding of differ-
ent ‘worlds’ so that they could contribute positively to multicultural Indone-
sia. Although some students interviewed remarked that they did not fully
understand this aim, they believed that it is an Islamic teaching to respect-
fully welcome guests regardless of their backgrounds.
600 Raihani

As suggested by Parekh (2006), exposure to differences, such as those

depicted above, more or less offer a real experience for students and teach-
ers to interact with different people – an experience they hardly gained from
within the pesantren’s internal community. They could learn other perspec-
tives on many issues, including Islam and other religions, through dialogue
and conversation. Conversely, the visitors also learnt first-hand about living
Islam and about pesantren, a reality which may have been different from
their existing perceptions. All of these benefits were what Kyai Ja’far
intended to promote through the programmes. Although most of the pro-
grammes cannot be seen as active initiatives of the kyai, as the kyai was lar-
gely receptive or reactive, his vision and initiatives to open Pesantren Darul
Falah to the outside world are promising for the development of education
for cultural diversity.
Pak Sulaiman, Kyai Ja’far’s ‘right-hand’ man explained that innovative
vision and initiatives in Pesantren Darul Falah were confined to the strict
traditions of the pesantren as a traditional Islamic educational institution,
that the kyai cannot move beyond. I found that the traditions embedded with
values constituted another factor that influenced the developmental process
of multicultural education. For example, one of the pesantren traditions is
the leadership system developed in the pesantren, which is like a monarchy
– a kyai will appoint his son or daughter to be his successor. This system
delegates key positions and responsibilities in a pesantren to the kyai’s fam-
ily members. This practice contradicts democratic principles of leadership.
Pesantren Darul Falah is not an exception to this tradition. Kyai Ja’far’s
close relatives, including sisters and nephews, were the principals of schools
within the pesantren. Looking at their educational backgrounds, these close
relatives were, however, quite qualified compared to most of the teachers.
They graduated from a well-reputed education university in Yogyakarta.
The relationship between Kyai Ja’far’s family and the students, teachers
and other members of the pesantren community members was unique, but
unequal. The term used by many teachers and students to refer to the kyai’s
family circle was ‘ndalem’ (internal people), equally used to refer to the
royal family of Yogyakarta. This indicates a special status in the community
of ‘ndalem’ because of a privileged blood relationship, not of place of
residence. In Pesantren Darul Falah, the polarisation between ‘ndalem’ and
others had several implications, including patron–client relationships, undis-
tributed power and underground criticisms. Many observers of pesantren
have raised the issue of the patron–client relationship in pesantren, in
describing the interdependence between the kyai and his community
(Dhofier 1985; Falakh 1999; Mas’udi 1989). From the perspective of mod-
ern management, power distribution in the pesantren was limited to the
small circle of the kyai’s family. All key leadership positions were taken by
members of the family. This concentrated power in my opinion resulted in
unspoken or underground criticisms by several teachers, particularly by
 Compare 601

those who did not understand this unique culture of pesantren. These teach-
ers felt unequally treated by the pesantren leaders. They complained about
unfairness in terms of the distribution of teaching hours and other assign-
ments between themselves as ‘outsiders’ and other teachers considered very
close to ‘ndalem’.
Another factor that influenced the development of education for cultural
diversity in Pesantren Darul Falah was the government’s lack of serious and
focused attention to this form of education. As previously described, the top-
ics of cultural diversity and religious difference were raised in only a few
subjects. It was up to the teachers to particularly emphasise these topics dur-
ing their classroom time. The school curriculum failed to include multicul-
tural education as one of the pesantren’s key concerns, and therefore the
teachers’ attention was not drawn to this important form of education. Ibu
Ami, the principal of the Madrasah ’Aliyah, explained:
We just implement the curriculum prescribed by the government. There
are several guidelines that we must follow, and there is no explicit mention
of including/developing multicultural education in the curriculum. We have
an overloaded curriculum, while our students have to study in the morning
and in the afternoon.
It is clear that the government lacks a clear vision for multicultural edu-
cation in the school curriculum. Although the government recently initiated
a programme of character education in 2010, it had not yet been imple-
mented at the time of this research.

Conclusion
Both classroom and non-classroom practices in Pesantren Darul Falah illus-
trate ways in which education for cultural diversity is being developed. On
the one hand, there is a lot of potential and a lot of promises for multicul-
tural education in the school’s curriculum, particularly in the subjects of
Sosiologi, PKn, Akhlak and Sejarah. In these subjects, topics on cultural
diversity, interreligious tolerance and citizenship were deliberately covered,
as mandated in the national curriculum. However, from observations of
classroom activities and teaching undertaken in this study, there is no evi-
dence that these topics are foci of the pesantren curriculum. Multicultural
education is left to be taught through non-deliberate teaching and learning.
On the other hand, the non-classroom setting in Pesantren Darul Falah pro-
vides a wider landscape and a stronger support for students to develop
intercultural understanding and attitudes through their dynamic interactions
with peers in the dormitories, schoolyards and mosque. Through living
together they learn about ethnic and cultural differences and learn to act
appropriately upon such differences. However, several challenges, arising
from the dichotomies between regular students and saman, and male and
female students, could potentially hinder the provision of social justice to
602 Raihani

be promoted in the pesantren, with social justice being one of the princi-
ples of multicultural education (Bennet 1990, 2001). Also, uniformity of
attitudes and behaviours as a result of strict rules applied to students living
in this environment might undermine particularities of culture inherent in
students.
The findings of this study reveal the complex relationship between the
state and the community where the school serves as a nexus in the process
of creating multicultural citizens. On one side, the morning classroom
instructions in the pesantren reveal the government’s unclear conceptualisa-
tion of education for cultural diversity. Although the government suggests
that it is important that multiculturalism is taught in schools, it has demon-
strated a lack of support in enabling the pesantren to transform itself and
provide an environment in which students’ multicultural attitudes can flour-
ish. On the other side, the afternoon classroom and non-classroom practices
are the domains of the community and reflect community awareness of the
need to teach children about cultural and religious diversity and tolerance.
The community’s awareness is influenced significantly by the surrounding
cultural and religious environments and experiences. Yet the community has
limited capacities to realise such awareness into well-planned and developed
school programmes, while as suggested above, the government has in gen-
eral shown complacency with regard to such issues.
Another important issue emanating from the findings of the study is the
central and pivotal position of religion in the lives of Indonesian people and
their relationships with others. Unlike the secular conception of politics,
which separates religious affairs from politics, Pancasila clearly states reli-
gion is one of the principles of the nation. This does not mean, however,
that Indonesia is a state based on a particular religion, but it does show that
religion is significantly influential. Therefore, discussions of multiculturalism
in the Indonesian context cannot be separated from the role of religion, as
this has been shown in the findings of this study. The main question is,
therefore, do religious teachings, to some extent, interfere in intercultural
relations and state policies in the matter of multiculturalism? There is no
simple answer to this question. In terms of intercultural relations among
individuals and groups, religion can be a source of conflict within, and/or
between, individuals or groups. The sending of Christmas greetings by Mus-
lims is a clear example of this conflict. Some may argue for religious toler-
ance as one aspect of multiculturalism, so that the exchange of religious
greetings must be tolerated and respected. However, in extreme cases such
as the emerging groups of same-sex relations, which have been an increas-
ing phenomenon in contemporary Indonesian society, the extent to which
tolerance can be granted to these groups has become a major problem for
both the Indonesian government and society. Using the logic used by stu-
dents mentioned earlier in this article, that religion should guide intercultural
relations, homosexual and lesbian groups would not seem to be able to co-
 Compare 603

exist openly and equally within the wider Indonesian religious society. And
for this reason, perhaps, the government has not shown a firm attitude
towards the attacks by Islamist groups on several events initiated by the
same-sex lovers8. Unlike Western liberal democratic multiculturalism, such
as Canada’s official policy of multiculturalism9 which supports these minor-
ity groups (Young and Nathanson 2007, 134), Indonesian multiculturalism
appears to be yet undecided.

Notes
1. The term Salafiyah here must be differentiated in meaning from the same term
referring to an Islamic puritanism movement in Saudi Arabia. The former refers
to the pesantren’s traditional system of teaching and management – nothing that
in any way relates to the Salafi movement.
2. The New Order began in 1966 following the failure of an ill-planned coup
attempt allegedly by Indonesian communists (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI)
in September 1965 (Ricklefs 1993, 280), while the period of the Old Order
started from 1945 to 1965.
3. This, and all other names mentioned throughout this article, is a pseudonym to
protect as far as I can the anonymity of the institution and respondents.
4. Al-Quran, Chapter 109, Verse 6.
5. In the Indonesian context, as far as I observe, the Christmas celebration usually
involves several acts of worship such as sermons and prayers. Therefore, the
above MUI verdict has to be placed in this context of celebration. The Christ-
mas greeting by Muslims, to me, cannot be classified as joining the Christmas
celebration.
6. The transliteration of Arabic words follows what is written in the Indonesian
language or in the actual transliteration used in the school documents.
7. Saman stands for santri mandiri literally meaning independent student. This
group of students is given scholarships by Pesantren Darul Falah with the con-
cession that they have to work for the pesantren. Some of them become clean-
ers, kitchen helpers or general assistants, etc. Scholarship covers tuition fees
and a small living stipend. Many of these students are enrolled in the morning
classes only because they have to work early in the morning before classes and
in the afternoon after classes.
8. There are cases in which gay communities in several places were attacked by
Islam Defender Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) and Islamic Nation Forum
(Forum Umat Islam, FUI) and others for initiating events campaigning the
rights of the same-sex intimacy. The police have demonstrated no, or at least
lenient, actions, or even defence, towards these Muslim groups. These events
have been covered by many national media. See for instance: http://www.
tempo.co/read/news/2010/09/28/057281022/Ratusan-Anggota-FPI-Akan-Serbu-
Goethe-Institut; http://us.dunia.vivanews.com/news/read/139029-mui__tolak_
konferensi_lesbian_gay_di_surabaya.
9. Canada, a country with the longest history of official multiculturalism, legalised
the same-sex marriage in 2005 through the issue of Bill C-38. But this legalisa-
tion does not go without opposition from particularly religious groups; see, for
example, Riedel (2009).
604 Raihani

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