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Review Dossier: New Research on Aesthetics and Politics in Latin America. Guest Editor: Gavin Arnall
Neoliberalism in Crisis
Karen Benezra
Pages 461-467 | Received 24 Sep 2020, Accepted 28 Sep 2020, Published online: 06 Jan 2021
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 https://doi.org/10.1080/13569325.2020.1838458
Abstract
This review article examines two recent books, Verónica Gago’s La potencia
feminista o el deseo de cambiarlo todo (Buenos Aires, Tinta Limón, 2019) and Diego
Sztulwark’s La ofensiva sensible: Neoliberalismo, populismo y el reverso de lo
político (Buenos Aires, Caja Negra, 2019). Both works approach the crisis of
neoliberal governance in Argentina, and the new forms of collectivity that it has
produced, as a heuristic lens for understanding the dynamics of contemporary
political economy. In doing so, both authors also make important claims on their
own mode of inquiry, which, derived from their earlier work as members of the
Colectivo Situaciones, aims to decipher, rather than prescribe, forms of practical
knowledge operating in the political situations they study. The present essay
explores the way each book formulates the specificity of this knowledge and the
language of its transmission.
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13569325.2020.1838458 1/21
language of its transmission.
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 Keywords: neoliberalism militant research crisis conjuncture Néstor Kirchner

Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Diego Sztulwark Verónica Gago Colectivo Situaciones neo-extractivism
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populism social reproduction
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Diego Sztulwark’s La ofensiva sensible: Neoliberalismo, populismo y el reverso de lo

político (The Offensive of the Senses: Neoliberalism, Populism, and the Underside of
the Political, 2019) and Verónica Gago’s La potencia feminista o el deseo de
cambiarlo todo (Feminist Potential or the Desire to Change Everything, 2019)
interrogate the subject of neoliberalism from radically different perspectives.1 Both
books share an expansive understanding of neoliberalism, which they view not only
as a set of economic policies or a theory of the relationship between politics and the
administration of social life, but also, and more radically, as a historical pattern of
capitalist accumulation and as an apparatus for producing the most expedient
forms of life for that process. Both books consider this phenomenon within the
specific conjuncture of the election of Mauricio Macri in 2015, the first conservative
president to be elected since Hipólito Yrigoyen almost a century earlier, following
twelve years of the centre-left administrations of Néstor Kirchner and Cristina
Fernández de Kirchner. Rather than privilege Macri’s policies or their effects as
objects of criticism, Gago and Sztulwark view the present as a continuation and
intensification of the mechanisms of expropriation and social control practised
under the Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner governments, despite the latter’s
inclusive rhetoric and redistributive policies. By reconstructing and theorising the
Buenos Aires women’s strike of 2017, La potencia feminista poses an explicit and
implicit question about how to define what is specifically feminine about this power
or potential and the knowledge it produces about the present. La ofensiva sensible,
by contrast, makes an argument for the political power or potential of what its
author describes as the plebeian sensibility incubated in the aftermath of the 2001
financial crisis.
La potencia feminista presents a social ontology of feminised work and adopts the
women’s strike as a heuristic lens allowing us to see the implication among the
women s strike as a heuristic lens allowing
6/9/2021
us to see the implication among the
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authority, 
and the exacerbated precarity of an already uneven regime of salaried labour. In the
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author’s view, the strike bears witness to the ways in which contemporary capitalism
expropriates specifically feminine forms of knowledge and interrelation and, in so
doing, transforms the masculine, urban, industrial, and European face of the
working class. La potencia feminista also outlines the possible ways in which the
strike thinks the exploitation of feminine labour in the context of a socioeconomic
formation defined by the transposition of different modes of production.
Simultaneously, the book considers its own analysis, together with the practices and
discourses of the women’s strike, as “situated” forms of knowledge inextricable from
the empirical facts and bodily experiences that they contemplate.
Sztulwark’s inquiry into the historical subject of the present takes a somewhat more
circuitous path. Sztulwark argues that neoliberalism, whether in its social
democratic or technical fascist varieties, functions at once as an economic order and
as what the author terms a “severe pedagogy,” or ethics based on the celebration of
possessive individualism (Sztulwark 2019, 47). According to the author, the book’s
title aims to capture the “ambivalent expression” of the affective and ethical plane of
neoliberalism’s productive rationale and its potential subversion (180). Like La
potencia feminista, La ofensiva sensible contemplates the extent to which its own
analytical perspective is implicated in the psychic and political conditions of
neoliberalism, which it defines in terms of the normalisation of the political and
ethical “forms of life” that had emerged as a response to the financial crisis of 2001.
In the introduction to La ofensiva sensible, Sztulwark thus notes that “2001
possesses, above all, a cognitive value” (14). It is in this sense that the book calls for
“a politics of the symptom” that “adopts the perspective of the crisis” (48). In contrast
to Gago’s account of the women’s strike, however, Sztulwark diagnoses the present
as a moment in which “the revolution is not under way, though there are
revolutionary becomings” (48). One could argue that Sztulwark’s principal objective
in La ofensiva sensible is to assign a name and a series of predicates to a form of life
and potential political power ignored, misrecognised, or negated by other recent
accounts of Kirchernismo and theories of populism.
Rather than prescribe a better strategy for the Left, both Gago and Sztulwark inquire
into the conditions and methods of intellection necessary in order to appreciate the
into the conditions and methods of intellection
6/9/2021
necessary in order to appreciate the
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collective

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work at
the local,  
grassroots level. Key to their approach is the notion, borrowed from Antonio
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Gramsci and Louis Althusser via José Aricó and René Zavaleta Mercado, of the crisis
or historical-political conjuncture as providing a privileged epistemological
perspective. Not coincidentally, Gago and Sztulwark were founding members of the
Colectivo Situaciones (Situations Collective), a group of intellectuals and activists that
grew out of a previous collective formed at the Social Sciences Faculty of the
University of Buenos Aires in the late 1990s. With the term “militant research,”
Colectivo Situaciones inscribed its approach in the tradition of Italian Workerist
journals such as the Cuaderni Rossi and their short-lived influence over the
Argentinean journal Pasado y Presente. In a 2003 text, Colectivo Situaciones defined
militant research as a kind of counter-methodology or willingness neither to know
nor to affect a given political situation, but rather to register the kinds of practical
knowledge that emerge from it (Colectivo Situaciones 2003, np; Sztulwark 2019,
111). Drawing upon their own earlier individual and collective work, both Gago and
Sztulwark claim to engage in a form of militant research (Sztulwark and Benasayag
2000, 26).2 In this sense, they understand their objects of study not primarily as the
practices of the strike or the ambivalent attitude of precarious workers towards the
interpellations of the state but rather the embodied “vision from the perspective of
the crisis” that each provides (Sztulwark 2019, 137).
Both books alternately reflect on and perform the difficulties and limitations of
capturing this experiential knowledge in writing. Though the effort is more
pronounced in La ofensiva sensible, both books also attempt to name and describe
the attributes of a collective way of life that has been overlooked or negated by
existing theoretical frameworks. Simultaneously, however, both books also code the
situation in a specific theoretical language, oftentimes borrowed from Félix
Guattari’s schizo-analysis and Antonio Negri’s recently compiled texts on Foucault.
Gago’s and Sztulwark’s propensity for a certain register of philosophy poses its own
methodological question about how to formalise or conceptualise the knowledge
produced by the symptom, to paraphrase Sztulwark, or embedded within the
experience of a given situation, as Gago suggests. The question of transmission also
bears on an even more profound problem regarding the legitimacy of such

knowledge, or, in other words, the institutional conditions under which the
knowledge, or, in other words, the institutional
6/9/2021
conditions under which the
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La potencia feminista presents a combination of participative ethnography,

conjunctural analysis, and theorical reflection. Its eight chapters move between the
analysis of gender violence and the exploitation of feminine and feminised labour,
and the anecdotal and theoretical account of the organisational forms and
problems raised by the strike. The chapters perform the cognitive radiation of the
strike outwards from its immediate demands and practices towards the
contemplation and transformation of other immediate political concerns, for
example, regarding gender violence or abortion; earlier theories of the general
strike; the dynamics of neo-extractivism in the former colonial world; Marxist
debates about the subordination of feminine labour under capital; the assembly as
an organisational form; the territorial or localised nature of the internationalism of
grassroots women’s movements throughout Latin America and Spain in recent
years; and the ideological, economic, and military counter-offensive against gender
emancipation conducted by the Catholic Church and its real and ideological
influence over the state. The chapters also advance recursively. Whether through
the illustration of the assembly culture of the women’s strike in Buenos Aires,
feminist debates over social reproduction, or Rosa Luxemburg’s theory of the
reproduction of capital, Gago’s text returns to two fundamental questions: what is
new about the women’s strike and how does it help to illuminate the dynamics of
capitalist accumulation before and beyond the wage?
Take, for example, the following lines:
In this way, we are not only interested in the extension of an analytic of

labor attempting to cast the tasks of care, affect, and social reproduction
as labor, but rather in how the perspective that they produce might help
to reclassify the very notion of work more generally (…). Concretely, the
gratuitous, unrecognized, subordinate, intermittent and, at the same
time, permanent dimension of reproductive work functions
contemporarily in order to allow us to see the precarity of work as a
transversal process. The intensive exploitation of affective infrastructures
and, simultaneously, the extension of the working day within the home
6/9/2021
and, simultaneously, the extension of the working day within the home
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in the
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subjective resource demanded by the work child-rearing similarly reveal
the basic requirements of work in the service industry. (202)
In this passage, in particular, Gago aims to create a certain genealogy of the general
strike and its theorisation. She cites the general strike of black slaves in DuBois’s
Black Reconstruction (1935), the rural strikes the Spanish and Chilean peons
massacred in the events of the “Patagonia Rebelde” in the early 1920s, and the 1907
rent strikes of tenants in Buenos Aires’s tenements or conventillos. In doing so,
Gago also attempts to inscribe the equally disparate organisations and claims of the
2017 – and 2018 – women’s strike throughout the Spanish-speaking world within
this lineage.
The passage also speaks to the book’s much larger ambition. La potencia feminista
is not content to position itself within a certain canon of Third World or postcolonial
Marxism. Rather, it presents the women’s strike as the weakest link in and analytical
key to reframing long-standing debates in Marxist theory and Marxist feminism, in
particular, about the exploitation of feminine labour and the subordination of non-
capitalist forms of property, work, and socialisation under capital. Gago displaces
the issue of whether reproductive labour is directly productive for capital or,
inversely, if the Fordist political economy of Western Europe effectively socialised
labour beyond the walls of the factory, drawing our attention instead to the ways
that capital incorporates earlier modes of production and informal networks of
economic support (Gago 2019, 95).
La potencia feminista stops short of exploring on a problematic level what might be

specifically feminine about the mode of being and knowing purportedly incarnated
in the organization of feminised labour or in the practical-conceptual production of
the strike. Gago articulates the social and political registers of the women’s strike
through recourse to a certain neo-Spinozist notion of the body as both the object of
the expropriation of wealth and the genesis of a desiring force or conatus capable of
resisting this same operation. The author’s militant investigation insists on the
relevance of accumulation to the ontology of politics, and yet, as it concerns the
women’s strike, it does so by obviating or taking for granted a descriptive
women s strike, it does so by obviatingFullorarticle:
6/9/2021
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power in the
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As a whole, La potencia feminista does not so much provide a theory of mass

politics in the era of expansive extractivism as it does perform the kind of analytical
disposition in support of the symptom called for by Sztulwark. La potencia feminista
thus offers neither an empirical account of the women’s strike nor a theory of its
political forms or of the political economy of feminised labour per se. Rather, the
movement of the book’s prose among these three approaches suggests that it
wishes to underscore the fact of the strike’s situated, territorialised, and visceral
thinking as such. One could thus argue that La potencia feminista is as much a
theoretical account of the events of March 2017 as it is a demonstration of how to
“do theory” in a way informed by these same events.
In contrast to La potencia feminista, La ofensiva sensible predicates the necessity of

its inquiry on the failure or missed opportunity for sustaining the novel forms of
social and political organisation developed in response to the 2001 economic crisis.
Sztulwark borrows from Foucault’s late seminars the idea that neoliberalism
extends and combines the modern state’s biopolitical function, or power over life,
with the exercise of state power over the soul. Key for Sztulwark is the extent to
which neoliberal governance articulates the command of capital through the
financialisation of politics, or the intertwined economic and ideological mechanisms
of self-entrepreneurship, instrumental calculation, and the mediatisation of politics.
Sztulwark explains the recent turn to neofascist electoral politics as the product, in
Argentina, in particular, of two models of neoliberalism combined and embodied in
Macri’s presidential campaign: that of the consumer-citizen initiated with the return
to democracy in 1983, and of the rhetoric of a desired return to normalcy following
the 2001 crisis.
Sztulwark analyses the Kirchners’ political and economic policies, for example,
incentivising internal consumption, generating revenue for the state based on the
extraction and exporting of commodities, extending private consumer credit,
broadening social programmes, and reclaiming the militancy of the 1970s, at once
as a reaction to the contingency of the 2008 grain and cattle breeders’ strike, which
represents a continuation of the consumer-citizen model of political subjectivity
represents a continuation of the consumer
6/9/2021
citizen model of political subjectivity
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produced in response to the 2001 crisis. Sztulwark thus explores what he refers to
as the “the dialectic of inclusion and exclusion” practised by the Kirchner and
Fernández de Kirchner governments and assumed by contemporary theorists of
populism and of the Pink Wave of the early 2000s. Whether through the
interpellation of individuals as bearers of rights and consumer credit or the
“precarious mediation” of social organisations by the state, Sztulwark asks whether
we might not seize upon moments of increased popular consumption of the kind
fomented by the Kirchner and Fernández de Kirchner policies of political and
economic inclusion in order to identify potentially new dynamics of collectivity, to
extend productive structures, and to invent new modes of consumption and even
happiness (Sztulwark 2019, 101). In doing so, however, Sztulwark does not propose
a uchronic vision of the past. Rather, his view of Kirchnerismo aims to underline the
shortcomings of other recent critical approaches to the popular subject responsible
for Macri’s 2015 election. In this sense, Sztulwark does not propose an alternative
analysis to recent accounts of Kirchernismo, such as Javier Trímboli’s, or theories of
populism like Damián Selci’s, both of which he cites. Rather, he attempts to trace an
alternative framework or point of view that might allow us to capture the
vicissitudes of the people in a single frame and as a possible source of productive
resistance to the same economic and ideological structures that constitute them.
La ofensiva sensible attempts to name and describe the collective subject of popular
sovereignty under the conditions of politicised finance specific to neoliberal
governance. Sztulwark proposes “the plebeian” (lo plebeyo) as a way of naming a
political ethos born of neoliberal governance and its successive crises. He presents
plebeianism alternately as a line of flight from the present sociopolitical order that
cannot yet be named and as a concrete and highly localised ethos, as testified by the
other vernacular terms with which other authors have tried to name the same
subject. Sztulwark cites a 1980 class by Deleuze as the inspiration for his choice of
“plebeian.” With the resignification of the word “plebeian” Sztulwark creates the
possibility of registering a sensibility that has been ignored or negated by political
theorists and observers. As he explains in the book’s concluding pages, the

“sensible” refers to the micropolitical plane of both popular sovereignty and the
sensible refers to the micropolitical plane
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of both popular sovereignty and the
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political
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ofensiva sensible and aptly describes its analytical operation. According to
Sztulwark, Martínez Estrada’s “methodical bitterness,” a phrase proposed by critic
Christian Ferrer, consists of thinking the present without assigning it any value or
making any evolutive or utopian wager on the future, even at the risk of “remaining
without the desire to believe” (Sztulwark 2019, 29). As if summarising the aims of La
ofensiva sensible, its author writes, “The affects that bitterness is willing to traverse
seek neither nirvana nor happiness, but rather an orientation towards that which
Spinoza called ‘adequate ideas’, by which he refers to those ideas that express the
greatest causality and thus liberate the greatest potential to exist.” He then adds,
“Adequate ideas also possess the added value of removing from circulation other
ideas that no longer work” (30). Sztulwark’s calls for a politics of the symptom belie
the optimistic rationalism of Spinoza’s theory of knowledge. Or, perhaps better said,
for Sztulwark, attending to the singularities of the symptom serves as only the first
step in grasping an ontology of politics that might, in turn, allow us to view in a new
light the specificity of the conjuncture. Much as one finds in La potencia feminista,
La ofensiva sensible does not distil the popular knowledge or desire embedded
within the apparent ambivalence and spontaneity of this plebeian ethos, but rather
undertakes the preparatory work of attributing to it a plausible relation to the
conditions of neoliberal governance in Argentina.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Additional information
Notes on contributors
Karen Benezra
Karen Benezra works on twentieth-century visual art and critical social
and psychoanalytic
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and Design in Latin America (University of California Press 2020), and

has
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Reprintsfinished editing
Accumulation
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America, a collection of scholarly essays addressing debates about the
historical logic of capitalism in social theory and contemporary culture.
Karen has been an editor of the journal ARTMargins (MIT Press) since
2012.
Notes
1 An English translation of La potencia feminista has been published under the title
Feminist International: How to Change Everything. 2020. Translated by Liz Mason-
Deese. London: Verso.
2 In Política y situación: de la ofensiva al contrapoder (Politics and Situation: From

Offense to Counterpower, 2000), Sztulwark and his co-author, philosopher and
psychoanalyst Miguel Benasayag, expound on the subjective figures of a slightly
early moment of the neoliberalism’s crisis of legitimacy. Just as one finds in
Sztulwark’s latest book, the link between militancy and knowledge passes through
the ability of the researcher to apprehend the present in the absence of judgements
of value or evolutive schemes (26).
References
1. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. 1994. What is Philosophy? Translated by Hugh
Tomlison and Graham Burchell. New York: Columbia University Press.
[Google Scholar]
2. Gago, Verónica. 2019. La potencia feminista o el deseo de cambiarlo todo. Buenos

Aires: Tinta Limón and Traficantes de Sueños. [Google Scholar]
6/9/2021
Aires: Tinta Limón and Traficantes de Sueños. [Google Scholar]
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3. Situaciones, Colectivo. 2003. “Sobre el militante investigador, para Canadá

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(20/09/03).” Lobo suelto (blog). http://lobosuelto.com/sobre-el-militante-investiga
dor-para-canada-20-09-03-colectivo-situaciones/. [Google Scholar]
4. Sztulwark, Diego. 2019. La ofensiva sensible: Neoliberalismo, populismo y el

reverso de lo político. Buenos Aires: Caja Negra Editora. [Google Scholar]
5. Sztulwark, Diego, and Benasayag Miguel. 2000. Política y situación: de la ofensiva

al contrapoder. Buenos Aires: Ediciones De la Mano. [Google Scholar]


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Volume Issue 3

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Crisis

Neoliberalism 
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Full Article - Neoliberalism in Crisis

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6/9/2021 Full article: Neoliberalism in Crisis

 Keywords: neoliberalism militant research crisis conjuncture Néstor Kirchner

 Previous article View issue table of contents Next article 

Diego Sztulwark’s La ofensiva sensible: Neoliberalismo, populismo y el reverso de lo

bears on an even more profound problem regarding the legitimacy of such

beyond the university discourse of the social sciences.

La potencia feminista presents a combination of participative ethnography,

Take, for example, the following lines:

In this way, we are not only interested in the extension of an analytic of

service industry; the overlapping of tasks and availability as a primary

La potencia feminista stops short of exploring on a problematic level what might be

expanded sense that the author intends.

As a whole, La potencia feminista does not so much provide a theory of mass

In contrast to La potencia feminista, La ofensiva sensible predicates the necessity of

theorists and observers. As he explains in the book’s concluding pages, the

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

and Design in Latin America (University of California Press 2020), and

2 In Política y situación: de la ofensiva al contrapoder (Politics and Situation: From

2. Gago, Verónica. 2019. La potencia feminista o el deseo de cambiarlo todo. Buenos

3. Situaciones, Colectivo. 2003. “Sobre el militante investigador, para Canadá

4. Sztulwark, Diego. 2019. La ofensiva sensible: Neoliberalismo, populismo y el

5. Sztulwark, Diego, and Benasayag Miguel. 2000. Política y situación: de la ofensiva

Transnational Legacies of Revolt: Approaching Decolonial Struggles in the Americas 

Sounding the Americas: The Politics and Aesthetics of Racialised Acoustics 

Katerina Gonzalez Seligmann

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