Economic Man, the Fourth relative in the sense of supporting what

was seen as less corrupt and more people-

oriented of the two electoral fronts. Like

Estate and CPI(M) in Kerala most of the rank and file of the party, they
subscribed to neither group. They included
both middle class and lower class. There
were academics, artists, and writers as well
The factional conflict within the Kerala CPI(M) cannot be dismissed taking a similar neutral stance. Eventually,
as an inner-party affair of no concern to others. Now when the party is however, swayed by media propaganda
in power, it has crucial implications for governance and it directly and individualist aspirations, most of these
affects the people. It is also necessary to recognise that several aspects sections were drawn into the gambit of one
or the other of the two CPI(M)s.
of the conflict that are specific to Kerala’s economy and society
and are influential in turning democratic dissent into a factional
Major Entrepreneur
war are the rapid spread of consumerism and a high media density.
In the consumerist high fever plaguing
K T RAMMOHAN Kerala’s economy and society that need Kerala, ideologies and commitment, even
to be considered in understanding these. of the lowest classes, rapidly melt into air.

J
ust less than a decade back I had the
occasion to write in these columns a
commentary on the beginnings of an
inner-party conflict in Kerala CPI(M) titled
‘Kerala CPI(M): All That Is Solid Melts
into Air’. It had noted how the monolithic
organisation of the party was cracking up.
Behind this, it identified the emergence of
two rival groups distinguished by differing
developmentalist perspectives. The Centre
of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) group led
by the trade union elites argued for the
development of productive forces even at
the cost of environment and for centralised
planning while the rival VS group (after
V S Achuthanandan, the present chief
minister), then backed by the student
and youth organisations and the people’s
science movement, favoured eco-friendly
development practices and decentralised
planning. There were also conflicts of a
less ideological nature but these were
cloaked in ideology.
Factional War
That was 1998. Today the party is back
in power. Through the past eight years the
inner-party conflict has assumed the pro-
portions of a full-fledged factional war.
What is more, there has been a substantial
shift in the themes of contention and
composition of factions. There is hardly
any semblance of an ideological divide
now, making one wonder whether there is
any continuity at all with the earlier fac-
tional dynamics. The current warring fac-
tions simply represent two private interest
groups. Their origins and rise are often
explained away as yet another instance of
erosion of ideology, prompting to seek an
“other” within the party rather than outside.
There are, however, aspects specific to
Further, it may not do well to pretend that
the factional conflict is an inner-party affair
of no concern to others. With the party in
power, the conflict has crucial implica-
tions for governance and directly affects
the people.
Towards the end of the 1990s, the CITU
group was completely wiped out and the
opposing VS group emerged as “the party”.
At least partly, this was an outcome of careful
manipulation by the VS group that engi-
neered party elections by expunging rivals
and shuffling party committees, filling these
with their own men. Very soon, however,
the group broke into two with the faction
led by Pinarayi Vijayan (the present state
secretary) consolidating power and most
members of the original VS group rallying
behind him, which is now seen as the party.
The sheet anchors of the original VS group
have now practically ceased to be. The
political presence of the student and youth
fronts is a cipher. The people’s science move-
ment is in a shambles having been dis-
credited because of its bungling on the
external funds issue. The VS group, however,
claims a following outside the bounds of the
party. This owes to what its loyalists project
as popular appeal for the sincerity and com-
mitment of the proletarian leader and their
rivals allege as springing from manipula-
tion of media by the power-hungry leader.
Face the fact. Now there are two CPI(M)s
in Kerala. Till recently, there was a third one
too as represented by the vast majority of
the party rank and file. To begin with the
latter were unaware of the factionalism,
and later even when they came to realise
it, chose not to take sides. They still believed
that they were members of a party intensely
committed to social change. Also, there
were people who were not party members
but voted for the party. The vote was
The party is rich and powerful; it is the
best patron around. Incentives galore.
Besides jobs, transfers and promotions in
the government when in power, the party,
as a major entrepreneur by itself, can offer
employment even when it does not hold
power. For the casual agricultural worker,
it could be relatively steady labour in the
beedi cooperative, for his educated, unem-
ployed daughter, the job of a clerk in the
village cooperative bank or a nurse in the
super-speciality hospital in the city run by
the party. With the party operating modern
manufacturing enterprises, including engi-
neering and rubber production units and
IT park, and directly involving in entertain-
ment industry like television channel and
amusement park, there are high-end jobs too
for those who are technically and manageri-
ally skilled. For the artist, there is possibility
of membership in the state academy of fine
arts; for the filmmaker, an official position
in the film development corporation or an
assignment for the public relations depart-
ment; for the writer, awards, honours and
fellowships; and for the economist, a posi-
tion in the state planning board. As triggered
by the need to widen support, each faction
vies with the other in selling dreams and
distributing favours. It does not matter
which faction one belongs to. But neces-
sarily one has to be factional. Activists of
student and youth fronts too are prudently
planning their careers by identifying with
one or the other of the two factions.
Media’s Role
An important agent and beneficiary of
the factional war is the media, especially
powerful in the high-literate state. It could
even be said that the media is the major
vehicle of the factional war. In 1990s, the

Economic and Political Weekly August 26, 2006 3649

VS group had successfully deployed it to
portray the CITU group as a socially irres-
ponsible and corrupt lot. The propaganda
proved highly persuasive at a time when
CITU was fast losing ground among the
workers due to its inability to protect jobs
in the context of globalisation and getting
discredited among the middle class because
of poor service delivery in public utilities
and hesitancy to resist high-level corruption
in state enterprises. It ultimately saw to the
death of the group. Subsequently, as the
VS group itself broke into two, there was
more meat for the media. In an attempt to
outwit each other, both the groups flooded
the media with news of party delibera-
tions, slander and rumour. The job of the
journalist was made easy. S/he did not
have to investigate; just keep the cell phone
switched on, and there was at least one
story to file everyday. Journalists, even of
right wing newspapers, identified with one
or the other faction becoming the apple of
its eye. Their careers flourished.
A section of the media portrayed
V S Achuthanandan as Stalinist, anti-
developmentalist and an enemy of
3650
minority communities. He was juxtaposed
against the Pinarayi faction, which was
projected as liberal and forward-looking.
For the other section of the media, VS
was the great protector of human rights
and environment and a champion of the
working class. At once, the Pinarayi fac-
tion was posed as being corrupt and a
comprador. Whichever way, for the news-
paper-addicted Keralite, each day broke
with an exciting feast. With all the 13
Malayalam satellite television channels
and local cable networks joining in, the
feast was turned into a round-the-clock
affair. Prompted by market signals and
own economic and political agenda, sec-
tions of the media performed amazing
somersaults too – turning whom they once
described as satans into angels and vice
versa. Admittedly, there was a very small
section of the media that pursued a policy
of equidistance allowing the readers/
viewers to form own opinion, but such
isolated instances do not typify. At least
for some of the seemingly neutral media,
it was merely a matter of caution given
that it was not clear then as to who would
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Economic and Political Weekly
be the vanquisher and who would be the
vanquished.
Sadly, the CPI(M) offices in Kerala are
now reborn as gossip dens with specula-
tion rife as to who is with whom and
anxieties rising as to whether s/he would
betray the group. Power is the key; cross-
ing floor is no crime. There is news of
possible new coalitions and factions. Party
offices have also been turned into spaces
where conspiracies are hatched, plots and
counter-plots woven. Yet, if the party has
not formally split, it is not merely because
of the continuous arbitration of big
brother politburo. The economic levia-
than that the party has grown into, a split
would be disadvantageous to both the
interest groups. Especially so at this
moment when the party is in government
with all its attendant possibilities of accu-
mulation of power and pelf. Yet, nothing
is ruled out in corporate communism – split,
merger, takeover or else. All that depends
on the bulls and bears of the political stock
market. Comrade economicus! EPW
Email: rammohan@cds.ac.in
August 26, 2006