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İSTANBUL AYDIN ÜNİVERSİTESİ

ELL 234
Renaissance literature

MUHAMMET METİN ÇAMELİ

2021-2022
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 Coradella Collegiate Bookshelf Editions.

Utopia.
Sir Thomas More.

Contents
Open

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lic doctrine. More was the author of several lengthy — and at times
About the author vicious — treatises attacking religious 'reformers' as diverse as William
Saint Thomas More (Febru- Tyndale, Christopher St. German, Martin Luther and indeed anyone
ary 7, 1478 - July 6, 1535) was else who happened to question any area of church doctrine whether it
briefly Lord Chancellor of En- be spiritual (as in the ability of the clergy to remit sin) or temporal, as in
gland under King Henry VIII the primacy of canon law over common law.
and had a European reputation
as a humanist author. His most His Chancellorship (1529-32) was distinguished by very little ex-
famous work is Utopia (circa cept his persistent pursuit of heretics and their works. The great para-
1516) in which he created an dox of More's life being that a man who is regarded today as a libertar-
imaginary island-kingdom in ian and freethinker was at the same time (as being arguably both) a
which some modern scholars have religious zealot.
seen an idealized opposite of
More's contemporary Europe
and in which other modern schol-
ars have seen a wicked satire of
the same Europe.
One of the features of More's works is that they often use a trope
of either an assumed authorial voice (as in the Dialogue of Comfort,
ostensibly a conversation between an uncle and nephew) or are highly
stylised or both. This, together with a lack of clear direction from More
as to his own views - for reasons which will become obvious - means
that it is possible to argue practically any view of any of his works.

More was born in London, England. He was attached to Henry's

court by 1520 and knighted in 1521. His career as a lawyer is cel-
ebrated despite the fact that no evidence of any case he undertook
survives. As a scholar he was initially a humanist in the most com-
monly accepted sense of the phrase. He was great friends with
Desiderius Erasmus who dedicated his In Praise of Folly to More --
Contents

the word "folly" is moria in Greek. Later relations between the two
became strained as More was committed to religious orthodoxy while
Erasmus sought to test what he saw as entrenched fallacies of Catho-
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Contents

Introduction.
Discourses of Raphael Hythloday, of the best state of a Commonwealth.
Click on a number in the chapter list to go
Of their towns, particularly of Amaurot. to the first page of that chapter.
Of their magistrates.
Of their trades, and manner of life. Note:
The best way to read this ebook is in Full
Of their traffic.
Screen mode: click View, Full Screen to set
Of the travelling of the Utopians. Adobe Acrobat to Full Screen View. This mode
Of their slaves, and of their marriages. allows you to use Page Down to go to the next
Of their military discipline. page, and affords the best reading view. Press
Of the religions of the Utopians. Escape to exit the Full Screen View.
Contents
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Sir Thomas More. Utopia. http://collegebookshelf.net
1

Utopia. Introduction.
Sir Thomas More, son of Sir John More, a justice of the
King’s Bench, was born in 1478, in Milk Street, in the city of
London. After his earlier education at St. Anthony’s School,
in Threadneedle Street, he was placed, as a boy, in the house-
hold of Cardinal John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury
and Lord Chancellor. It was not unusual for persons of wealth
or influence and sons of good families to be so established
together in a relation of patron and client. The youth wore
his patron’s livery, and added to his state. The patron used,
afterwards, his wealth or influence in helping his young cli-
NOTICE
ent forward in the world. Cardinal Morton had been in ear-
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lier days that Bishop of Ely whom Richard III. sent to the
Tower; was busy afterwards in hostility to Richard; and was a
chief adviser of Henry VII., who in 1486 made him Arch-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
2 3
bishop of Canterbury, and nine months afterwards Lord
Chancellor. Cardinal Morton—of talk at whose table there
are recollections in “Utopia”- -delighted in the quick wit of
young Thomas More. He once said, “Whoever shall live to
try it, shall see this child here waiting at table prove a notable
and rare man.”
At the age of about nineteen, Thomas More was sent to
Canterbury College, Oxford, by his patron, where he learnt
Greek of the first men who brought Greek studies from Italy
to England—William Grocyn and Thomas Linacre. Linacre,
a physician, who afterwards took orders, was also the founder
of the College of Physicians. In 1499, More left Oxford to
study law in London, at Lincoln’s Inn, and in the next year
Archbishop Morton died.
More’s earnest character caused him while studying law to
aim at the subduing of the flesh, by wearing a hair shirt, tak-
ing a log for a pillow, and whipping himself on Fridays. At
the age of twenty-one he entered Parliament, and soon after
he had been called to the bar he was made Under-Sheriff of
London. In 1503 he opposed in the House of Commons
Henry VII.’s proposal for a subsidy on account of the mar-
riage portion of his daughter Margaret; and he opposed with
so much energy that the House refused to grant it. One went
and told the king that a beardless boy had disappointed all
Contents
his expectations. During the last years, therefore, of Henry
VII. More was under the displeasure of the king, and had
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thoughts of leaving the country.
Henry VII. died in April, 1509, when More’s age was a
little over thirty. In the first years of the reign of Henry
VIII. he rose to large practice in the law courts, where it is
said he refused to plead in cases which he thought unjust,
and took no fees from widows, orphans, or the poor. He would
have preferred marrying the second daughter of John Colt, of
New Hall, in Essex, but chose her elder sister, that he might
not subject her to the discredit of being passed over.
In 1513 Thomas More, still Under-Sheriff of London, is
said to have written his “History of the Life and Death of
King Edward V., and of the Usurpation of Richard III.” The
book, which seems to contain the knowledge and opinions of
More’s patron, Morton, was not printed until 1557, when its
writer had been twenty-two years dead. It was then printed
from a MS. in More’s handwriting.
In the year 1515 Wolsey, Archbishop of York, was made
Cardinal by Leo X.; Henry VIII. made him Lord Chancel-
lor, and from that year until 1523 the King and the Cardinal
ruled England with absolute authority, and called no parlia-
ment. In May of the year 1515 Thomas More—not knighted
yet—was joined in a commission to the Low Countries with
Cuthbert Tunstal and others to confer with the ambassadors
of Charles V., then only Archduke of Austria, upon a renewal
of alliance. On that embassy More, aged about thirty- seven,
was absent from England for six months, and while at Antwerp

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
4 5
he established friendship with Peter Giles (Latinised
AEgidius), a scholarly and courteous young man, who was
secretary to the municipality of Antwerp.
Cuthbert Tunstal was a rising churchman, chancellor to
the Archbishop of Canterbury, who in that year (1515) was
made Archdeacon of Chester, and in May of the next year
(1516) Master of the Rolls. In 1516 he was sent again to the
Low Countries, and More then went with him to Brussels,
where they were in close companionship with Erasmus.
More’s “Utopia” was written in Latin, and is in two parts,
of which the second, describing the place ([Greek text]—or
Nusquama, as he called it sometimes in his letters—”No-
where”), was probably written towards the close of 1515; the
first part, introductory, early in 1516. The book was first
printed at Louvain, late in 1516, under the editorship of
Erasmus, Peter Giles, and other of More’s friends in Flanders.
It was then revised by More, and printed by Frobenius at
Basle in November, 1518. It was reprinted at Paris and Vienna,
but was not printed in England during More’s lifetime. Its
first publication in this country was in the English transla-
tion, made in Edward’s VI.’s reign (1551) by Ralph Robinson.
It was translated with more literary skill by Gilbert Burnet,
in 1684, soon after he had conducted the defence of his friend
Lord William Russell, attended his execution, vindicated his
Contents
memory, and been spitefully deprived by James II. of his lec-
tureship at St. Clement’s. Burnet was drawn to the transla-
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tion of “Utopia” by the same sense of unreason in high places
that caused More to write the book. Burnet’s is the transla-
tion given in this volume.
The name of the book has given an adjective to our lan-
guage—we call an impracticable scheme Utopian. Yet, under
the veil of a playful fiction, the talk is intensely earnest, and
abounds in practical suggestion. It is the work of a scholarly
and witty Englishman, who attacks in his own way the chief
political and social evils of his time. Beginning with fact,
More tells how he was sent into Flanders with Cuthbert
Tunstal, “whom the king’s majesty of late, to the great rejoic-
ing of all men, did prefer to the office of Master of the Rolls;”
how the commissioners of Charles met them at Bruges, and
presently returned to Brussels for instructions; and how More
then went to Antwerp, where he found a pleasure in the soci-
ety of Peter Giles which soothed his desire to see again his
wife and children, from whom he had been four months away.
Then fact slides into fiction with the finding of Raphael
Hythloday (whose name, made of two Greek words [Greek
text] and [Greek text], means “knowing in trifles”), a man
who had been with Amerigo Vespucci in the three last of the
voyages to the new world lately discovered, of which the ac-
count had been first printed in 1507, only nine years before
Utopia was written.
Designedly fantastic in suggestion of details, “Utopia” is
the work of a scholar who had read Plato’s “Republic,” and
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6 7

had his fancy quickened after reading Plutarch’s account of

Spartan life under Lycurgus. Beneath the veil of an ideal
communism, into which there has been worked some witty
extravagance, there lies a noble English argument. Some-
times More puts the case as of France when he means En-
gland. Sometimes there is ironical praise of the good faith of
Christian kings, saving the book from censure as a political
attack on the policy of Henry VIII. Erasmus wrote to a friend
in 1517 that he should send for More’s “Utopia,” if he had
not read it, and “wished to see the true source of all political Discourses of Raphael Hythloday, of the best state of a
evils.” And to More Erasmus wrote of his book, “A burgo- Commonwealth.
master of Antwerp is so pleased with it that he knows it all by
heart.” Henry VIII., the unconquered King of England, a prince
H. M. adorned with all the virtues that become a great monarch,
having some differences of no small consequence with Charles
the most serene Prince of Castile, sent me into Flanders, as
his ambassador, for treating and composing matters between
them. I was colleague and companion to that incomparable
man Cuthbert Tonstal, whom the King, with such universal
applause, lately made Master of the Rolls; but of whom I will
say nothing; not because I fear that the testimony of a friend
will be suspected, but rather because his learning and virtues
are too great for me to do them justice, and so well known,
that they need not my commendations, unless I would, ac-
Contents

cording to the proverb, “Show the sun with a lantern.” Those

that were appointed by the Prince to treat with us, met us at
Bruges, according to agreement; they were all worthy men.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
8 9
The Margrave of Bruges was their head, and the chief man
among them; but he that was esteemed the wisest, and that
spoke for the rest, was George Temse, the Provost of Casselsee:
both art and nature had concurred to make him eloquent: he
was very learned in the law; and, as he had a great capacity, so,
by a long practice in affairs, he was very dexterous at
unravelling them. After we had several times met, without
coming to an agreement, they went to Brussels for some days,
to know the Prince’s pleasure; and, since our business would
admit it, I went to Antwerp. While I was there, among many
that visited me, there was one that was more acceptable to me
than any other, Peter Giles, born at Antwerp, who is a man of
great honour, and of a good rank in his town, though less than
he deserves; for I do not know if there be anywhere to be
found a more learned and a better bred young man; for as he
is both a very worthy and a very knowing person, so he is so
civil to all men, so particularly kind to his friends, and so full
of candour and affection, that there is not, perhaps, above one
or two anywhere to be found, that is in all respects so perfect
a friend: he is extraordinarily modest, there is no artifice in
him, and yet no man has more of a prudent simplicity. His
conversation was so pleasant and so innocently cheerful, that
his company in a great measure lessened any longings to go
back to my country, and to my wife and children, which an
Contents
absence of four months had quickened very much. One day,
as I was returning home from mass at St. Mary’s, which is the
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chief church, and the most frequented of any in Antwerp, I
saw him, by accident, talking with a stranger, who seemed
past the flower of his age; his face was tanned, he had a long
beard, and his cloak was hanging carelessly about him, so that,
by his looks and habit, I concluded he was a seaman. As soon
as Peter saw me, he came and saluted me, and as I was return-
ing his civility, he took me aside, and pointing to him with
whom he had been discoursing, he said, “Do you see that
man? I was just thinking to bring him to you.” I answered,
“He should have been very welcome on your account.” “And
on his own too,” replied he, “if you knew the man, for there is
none alive that can give so copious an account of unknown
nations and countries as he can do, which I know you very
much desire.” “Then,” said I, “I did not guess amiss, for at
first sight I took him for a seaman.” “But you are much mis-
taken,” said he, “for he has not sailed as a seaman, but as a
traveller, or rather a philosopher. This Raphael, who from his
family carries the name of Hythloday, is not ignorant of the
Latin tongue, but is eminently learned in the Greek, having
applied himself more particularly to that than to the former,
because he had given himself much to philosophy, in which
he knew that the Romans have left us nothing that is valu-
able, except what is to be found in Seneca and Cicero. He is a
Portuguese by birth, and was so desirous of seeing the world,
that he divided his estate among his brothers, ran the same
hazard as Americus Vesputius, and bore a share in three of

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
10
his four voyages that are now published; only he did not re-
turn with him in his last, but obtained leave of him, almost
by force, that he might be one of those twenty-four who were
left at the farthest place at which they touched in their last
voyage to New Castile. The leaving him thus did not a little
gratify one that was more fond of travelling than of returning
home to be buried in his own country; for he used often to
say, that the way to heaven was the same from all places, and
he that had no grave had the heavens still over him. Yet this
disposition of mind had cost him dear, if God had not been
very gracious to him; for after he, with five Castalians, had
travelled over many countries, at last, by strange good for-
tune, he got to Ceylon, and from thence to Calicut, where he,
very happily, found some Portuguese ships; and, beyond all
men’s expectations, returned to his native country.” When
Peter had said this to me, I thanked him for his kindness in
intending to give me the acquaintance of a man whose con-
versation he knew would be so acceptable; and upon that
Raphael and I embraced each other. After those civilities
were past which are usual with strangers upon their first meet-
ing, we all went to my house, and entering into the garden,
sat down on a green bank and entertained one another in
discourse. He told us that when Vesputius had sailed away,
he, and his companions that stayed behind in New Castile,
Contents
by degrees insinuated themselves into the affections of the
people of the country, meeting often with them and treating
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11
them gently; and at last they not only lived among them with-
out danger, but conversed familiarly with them, and got so far
into the heart of a prince, whose name and country I have
forgot, that he both furnished them plentifully with all things
necessary, and also with the conveniences of travelling, both
boats when they went by water, and waggons when they
trained over land: he sent with them a very faithful guide,
who was to introduce and recommend them to such other
princes as they had a mind to see: and after many days’ jour-
ney, they came to towns, and cities, and to commonwealths,
that were both happily governed and well peopled. Under
the equator, and as far on both sides of it as the sun moves,
there lay vast deserts that were parched with the perpetual
heat of the sun; the soil was withered, all things looked dis-
mally, and all places were either quite uninhabited, or
abounded with wild beasts and serpents, and some few men,
that were neither less wild nor less cruel than the beasts them-
selves. But, as they went farther, a new scene opened, all things
grew milder, the air less burning, the soil more verdant, and
even the beasts were less wild: and, at last, there were nations,
towns, and cities, that had not only mutual commerce among
themselves and with their neighbours, but traded, both by
sea and land, to very remote countries. There they found the
conveniencies of seeing many countries on all hands, for no
ship went any voyage into which he and his companions were
not very welcome. The first vessels that they saw were flat-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
12
bottomed, their sails were made of reeds and wicker, woven
close together, only some were of leather; but, afterwards, they
found ships made with round keels and canvas sails, and in all
respects like our ships, and the seamen understood both as-
tronomy and navigation. He got wonderfully into their favour
by showing them the use of the needle, of which till then
they were utterly ignorant. They sailed before with great
caution, and only in summer time; but now they count all
seasons alike, trusting wholly to the loadstone, in which they
are, perhaps, more secure than safe; so that there is reason to
fear that this discovery, which was thought would prove so
much to their advantage, may, by their imprudence, become
an occasion of much mischief to them. But it were too long
to dwell on all that he told us he had observed in every place,
it would be too great a digression from our present purpose:
whatever is necessary to be told concerning those wise and
prudent institutions which he observed among civilised na-
tions, may perhaps be related by us on a more proper occa-
sion. We asked him many questions concerning all these
things, to which he answered very willingly; we made no in-
quiries after monsters, than which nothing is more common;
for everywhere one may hear of ravenous dogs and wolves,
and cruel men- eaters, but it is not so easy to find states that
are well and wisely governed.
Contents
As he told us of many things that were amiss in those
new- discovered countries, so he reckoned up not a few things,
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13
from which patterns might be taken for correcting the errors
of these nations among whom we live; of which an account
may be given, as I have already promised, at some other time;
for, at present, I intend only to relate those particulars that he
told us, of the manners and laws of the Utopians: but I will
begin with the occasion that led us to speak of that common-
wealth. After Raphael had discoursed with great judgment
on the many errors that were both among us and these na-
tions, had treated of the wise institutions both here and there,
and had spoken as distinctly of the customs and government
of every nation through which he had past, as if he had spent
his whole life in it, Peter, being struck with admiration, said,
“I wonder, Raphael, how it comes that you enter into no king’s
service, for I am sure there are none to whom you would not
be very acceptable; for your learning and knowledge, both of
men and things, is such, that you would not only entertain
them very pleasantly, but be of great use to them, by the
examples you could set before them, and the advices you could
give them; and by this means you would both serve your own
interest, and be of great use to all your friends.” “As for my
friends,” answered he, “I need not be much concerned, having
already done for them all that was incumbent on me; for when
I was not only in good health, but fresh and young, I distrib-
uted that among my kindred and friends which other people
do not part with till they are old and sick: when they then
unwillingly give that which they can enjoy no longer them-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
14
selves. I think my friends ought to rest contented with this,
and not to expect that for their sakes I should enslave myself
to any king whatsoever.” “Soft and fair!” said Peter; “I do not
mean that you should be a slave to any king, but only that
you should assist them and be useful to them.” “The change
of the word,” said he, “does not alter the matter.” “But term it
as you will,” replied Peter, “I do not see any other way in
which you can be so useful, both in private to your friends
and to the public, and by which you can make your own
condition happier.” “Happier?” answered Raphael, “is that to
be compassed in a way so abhorrent to my genius? Now I live
as I will, to which I believe, few courtiers can pretend; and
there are so many that court the favour of great men, that
there will be no great loss if they are not troubled either with
me or with others of my temper.” Upon this, said I, “I per-
ceive, Raphael, that you neither desire wealth nor greatness;
and, indeed, I value and admire such a man much more than
I do any of the great men in the world. Yet I think you
would do what would well become so generous and philo-
sophical a soul as yours is, if you would apply your time and
thoughts to public affairs, even though you may happen to
find it a little uneasy to yourself; and this you can never do
with so much advantage as by being taken into the council of
some great prince and putting him on noble and worthy ac-
Contents
tions, which I know you would do if you were in such a post;
for the springs both of good and evil flow from the prince
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15
over a whole nation, as from a lasting fountain. So much
learning as you have, even without practice in affairs, or so
great a practice as you have had, without any other learning,
would render you a very fit counsellor to any king whatso-
ever.” “You are doubly mistaken,” said he, “Mr. More, both in
your opinion of me and in the judgment you make of things:
for as I have not that capacity that you fancy I have, so if I
had it, the public would not be one jot the better when I had
sacrificed my quiet to it. For most princes apply themselves
more to affairs of war than to the useful arts of peace; and in
these I neither have any knowledge, nor do I much desire it;
they are generally more set on acquiring new kingdoms, right
or wrong, than on governing well those they possess: and,
among the ministers of princes, there are none that are not so
wise as to need no assistance, or at least, that do not think
themselves so wise that they imagine they need none; and if
they court any, it is only those for whom the prince has much
personal favour, whom by their fawning and flatteries they
endeavour to fix to their own interests; and, indeed, nature
has so made us, that we all love to be flattered and to please
ourselves with our own notions: the old crow loves his young,
and the ape her cubs. Now if in such a court, made up of
persons who envy all others and only admire themselves, a
person should but propose anything that he had either read
in history or observed in his travels, the rest would think that
the reputation of their wisdom would sink, and that their

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
16
interests would be much depressed if they could not run it
down: and, if all other things failed, then they would fly to
this, that such or such things pleased our ancestors, and it
were well for us if we could but match them. They would set
up their rest on such an answer, as a sufficient confutation of
all that could be said, as if it were a great misfortune that any
should be found wiser than his ancestors. But though they
willingly let go all the good things that were among those of
former ages, yet, if better things are proposed, they cover them-
selves obstinately with this excuse of reverence to past times.
I have met with these proud, morose, and absurd judgments
of things in many places, particularly once in England.” “Were
you ever there?” said I. “Yes, I was,” answered he, “and stayed
some months there, not long after the rebellion in the West
was suppressed, with a great slaughter of the poor people that
were engaged in it.
“I was then much obliged to that reverend prelate, John
Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, Cardinal, and Chancel-
lor of England; a man,” said he, “Peter (for Mr. More knows
well what he was), that was not less venerable for his wisdom
and virtues than for the high character he bore: he was of a
middle stature, not broken with age; his looks begot reverence
rather than fear; his conversation was easy, but serious and
grave; he sometimes took pleasure to try the force of those
Contents
that came as suitors to him upon business by speaking sharply,
though decently, to them, and by that he discovered their
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17
spirit and presence of mind; with which he was much de-
lighted when it did not grow up to impudence, as bearing a
great resemblance to his own temper, and he looked on such
persons as the fittest men for affairs. He spoke both grace-
fully and weightily; he was eminently skilled in the law, had a
vast understanding, and a prodigious memory; and those ex-
cellent talents with which nature had furnished him were
improved by study and experience. When I was in England
the King depended much on his counsels, and the Govern-
ment seemed to be chiefly supported by him; for from his
youth he had been all along practised in affairs; and, having
passed through many traverses of fortune, he had, with great
cost, acquired a vast stock of wisdom, which is not soon lost
when it is purchased so dear. One day, when I was dining
with him, there happened to be at table one of the English
lawyers, who took occasion to run out in a high commenda-
tion of the severe execution of justice upon thieves, ‘who,’ as
he said, ‘were then hanged so fast that there were sometimes
twenty on one gibbet!’ and, upon that, he said, ‘he could not
wonder enough how it came to pass that, since so few es-
caped, there were yet so many thieves left, who were still rob-
bing in all places.’ Upon this, I (who took the boldness to
speak freely before the Cardinal) said, ‘There was no reason
to wonder at the matter, since this way of punishing thieves
was neither just in itself nor good for the public; for, as the
severity was too great, so the remedy was not effectual; simple

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
18
theft not being so great a crime that it ought to cost a man his
life; no punishment, how severe soever, being able to restrain
those from robbing who can find out no other way of liveli-
hood. In this,’ said I, ‘not only you in England, but a great
part of the world, imitate some ill masters, that are readier to
chastise their scholars than to teach them. There are dreadful
punishments enacted against thieves, but it were much better
to make such good provisions by which every man might be
put in a method how to live, and so be preserved from the
fatal necessity of stealing and of dying for it.’ ‘There has
been care enough taken for that,’ said he; ‘there are many
handicrafts, and there is husbandry, by which they may make
a shift to live, unless they have a greater mind to follow ill
courses.’ ‘That will not serve your turn,’ said I, ‘for many lose
their limbs in civil or foreign wars, as lately in the Cornish
rebellion, and some time ago in your wars with France, who,
being thus mutilated in the service of their king and country,
can no more follow their old trades, and are too old to learn
new ones; but since wars are only accidental things, and have
intervals, let us consider those things that fall out every day.
There is a great number of noblemen among you that are
themselves as idle as drones, that subsist on other men’s labour,
on the labour of their tenants, whom, to raise their revenues,
they pare to the quick. This, indeed, is the only instance of
Contents
their frugality, for in all other things they are prodigal, even
to the beggaring of themselves; but, besides this, they carry
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about with them a great number of idle fellows, who never
learned any art by which they may gain their living; and these,
as soon as either their lord dies, or they themselves fall sick,
are turned out of doors; for your lords are readier to feed idle
people than to take care of the sick; and often the heir is not
able to keep together so great a family as his predecessor did.
Now, when the stomachs of those that are thus turned out of
doors grow keen, they rob no less keenly; and what else can
they do? For when, by wandering about, they have worn out
both their health and their clothes, and are tattered, and look
ghastly, men of quality will not entertain them, and poor men
dare not do it, knowing that one who has been bred up in
idleness and pleasure, and who was used to walk about with
his sword and buckler, despising all the neighbourhood with
an insolent scorn as far below him, is not fit for the spade and
mattock; nor will he serve a poor man for so small a hire and
in so low a diet as he can afford to give him.’ To this he
answered, ‘This sort of men ought to be particularly cher-
ished, for in them consists the force of the armies for which
we have occasion; since their birth inspires them with a no-
bler sense of honour than is to be found among tradesmen or
ploughmen.’ ‘You may as well say,’ replied I, ‘that you must
cherish thieves on the account of wars, for you will never want
the one as long as you have the other; and as robbers prove
sometimes gallant soldiers, so soldiers often prove brave rob-
bers, so near an alliance there is between those two sorts of

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
20
life. But this bad custom, so common among you, of keeping
many servants, is not peculiar to this nation. In France there
is yet a more pestiferous sort of people, for the whole country
is full of soldiers, still kept up in time of peace (if such a state
of a nation can be called a peace); and these are kept in pay
upon the same account that you plead for those idle retainers
about noblemen: this being a maxim of those pretended states-
men, that it is necessary for the public safety to have a good
body of veteran soldiers ever in readiness. They think raw
men are not to be depended on, and they sometimes seek
occasions for making war, that they may train up their sol-
diers in the art of cutting throats, or, as Sallust observed, “for
keeping their hands in use, that they may not grow dull by
too long an intermission.” But France has learned to its cost
how dangerous it is to feed such beasts. The fate of the Ro-
mans, Carthaginians, and Syrians, and many other nations
and cities, which were both overturned and quite ruined by
those standing armies, should make others wiser; and the folly
of this maxim of the French appears plainly even from this,
that their trained soldiers often find your raw men prove too
hard for them, of which I will not say much, lest you may
think I flatter the English. Every day’s experience shows that
the mechanics in the towns or the clowns in the country are
not afraid of fighting with those idle gentlemen, if they are
Contents
not disabled by some misfortune in their body or dispirited
by extreme want; so that you need not fear that those well-
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shaped and strong men (for it is only such that noblemen
love to keep about them till they spoil them), who now grow
feeble with ease and are softened with their effeminate man-
ner of life, would be less fit for action if they were well bred
and well employed. And it seems very unreasonable that, for
the prospect of a war, which you need never have but when
you please, you should maintain so many idle men, as will
always disturb you in time of peace, which is ever to be more
considered than war. But I do not think that this necessity of
stealing arises only from hence; there is another cause of it,
more peculiar to England.’ ‘What is that?’ said the Cardinal:
‘The increase of pasture,’ said I, ‘by which your sheep, which
are naturally mild, and easily kept in order, may be said now
to devour men and unpeople, not only villages, but towns; for
wherever it is found that the sheep of any soil yield a softer
and richer wool than ordinary, there the nobility and gentry,
and even those holy men, the dobots! not contented with the
old rents which their farms yielded, nor thinking it enough
that they, living at their ease, do no good to the public, resolve
to do it hurt instead of good. They stop the course of agricul-
ture, destroying houses and towns, reserving only the churches,
and enclose grounds that they may lodge their sheep in them.
As if forests and parks had swallowed up too little of the land,
those worthy countrymen turn the best inhabited places into
solitudes; for when an insatiable wretch, who is a plague to
his country, resolves to enclose many thousand acres of ground,

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
22
the owners, as well as tenants, are turned out of their posses-
sions by trick or by main force, or, being wearied out by ill
usage, they are forced to sell them; by which means those
miserable people, both men and women, married and unmar-
ried, old and young, with their poor but numerous families
(since country business requires many hands), are all forced
to change their seats, not knowing whither to go; and they
must sell, almost for nothing, their household stuff, which
could not bring them much money, even though they might
stay for a buyer. When that little money is at an end (for it
will be soon spent), what is left for them to do but either to
steal, and so to be hanged (God knows how justly!), or to go
about and beg? and if they do this they are put in prison as
idle vagabonds, while they would willingly work but can find
none that will hire them; for there is no more occasion for
country labour, to which they have been bred, when there is
no arable ground left. One shepherd can look after a flock,
which will stock an extent of ground that would require many
hands if it were to be ploughed and reaped. This, likewise, in
many places raises the price of corn. The price of wool is also
so risen that the poor people, who were wont to make cloth,
are no more able to buy it; and this, likewise, makes many of
them idle: for since the increase of pasture God has punished
the avarice of the owners by a rot among the sheep, which has
Contents
destroyed vast numbers of them—to us it might have seemed
more just had it fell on the owners themselves. But, suppose
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the sheep should increase ever so much, their price is not likely
to fall; since, though they cannot be called a monopoly, be-
cause they are not engrossed by one person, yet they are in so
few hands, and these are so rich, that, as they are not pressed
to sell them sooner than they have a mind to it, so they never
do it till they have raised the price as high as possible. And
on the same account it is that the other kinds of cattle are so
dear, because many villages being pulled down, and all coun-
try labour being much neglected, there are none who make it
their business to breed them. The rich do not breed cattle as
they do sheep, but buy them lean and at low prices; and, after
they have fattened them on their grounds, sell them again at
high rates. And I do not think that all the inconveniences
this will produce are yet observed; for, as they sell the cattle
dear, so, if they are consumed faster than the breeding coun-
tries from which they are brought can afford them, then the
stock must decrease, and this must needs end in great scar-
city; and by these means, this your island, which seemed as to
this particular the happiest in the world, will suffer much by
the cursed avarice of a few persons: besides this, the rising of
corn makes all people lessen their families as much as they
can; and what can those who are dismissed by them do but
either beg or rob? And to this last a man of a great mind is
much sooner drawn than to the former. Luxury likewise
breaks in apace upon you to set forward your poverty and
misery; there is an excessive vanity in apparel, and great cost

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
24
in diet, and that not only in noblemen’s families, but even
among tradesmen, among the farmers themselves, and among
all ranks of persons. You have also many infamous houses,
and, besides those that are known, the taverns and ale- houses
are no better; add to these dice, cards, tables, football, tennis,
and quoits, in which money runs fast away; and those that are
initiated into them must, in the conclusion, betake them-
selves to robbing for a supply. Banish these plagues, and give
orders that those who have dispeopled so much soil may ei-
ther rebuild the villages they have pulled down or let out
their grounds to such as will do it; restrain those engrossings
of the rich, that are as bad almost as monopolies; leave fewer
occasions to idleness; let agriculture be set up again, and the
manufacture of the wool be regulated, that so there may be
work found for those companies of idle people whom want
forces to be thieves, or who now, being idle vagabonds or use-
less servants, will certainly grow thieves at last. If you do not
find a remedy to these evils it is a vain thing to boast of your
severity in punishing theft, which, though it may have the
appearance of justice, yet in itself is neither just nor conve-
nient; for if you suffer your people to be ill-educated, and
their manners to be corrupted from their infancy, and then
punish them for those crimes to which their first education
disposed them, what else is to be concluded from this but
Contents
that you first make thieves and then punish them?’
“While I was talking thus, the Counsellor, who was present,
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had prepared an answer, and had resolved to resume all I had
said, according to the formality of a debate, in which things
are generally repeated more faithfully than they are answered,
as if the chief trial to be made were of men’s memories. ‘You
have talked prettily, for a stranger,’ said he, ‘having heard of
many things among us which you have not been able to con-
sider well; but I will make the whole matter plain to you, and
will first repeat in order all that you have said; then I will
show how much your ignorance of our affairs has misled you;
and will, in the last place, answer all your arguments. And,
that I may begin where I promised, there were four things—
’ ‘Hold your peace!’ said the Cardinal; ‘this will take up too
much time; therefore we will, at present, ease you of the trouble
of answering, and reserve it to our next meeting, which shall
be to-morrow, if Raphael’s affairs and yours can admit of it.
But, Raphael,’ said he to me, ‘I would gladly know upon what
reason it is that you think theft ought not to be punished by
death: would you give way to it? or do you propose any other
punishment that will be more useful to the public? for, since
death does not restrain theft, if men thought their lives would
be safe, what fear or force could restrain ill men? On the
contrary, they would look on the mitigation of the punish-
ment as an invitation to commit more crimes.’ I answered, ‘It
seems to me a very unjust thing to take away a man’s life for a
little money, for nothing in the world can be of equal value
with a man’s life: and if it be said, “that it is not for the

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
26
money that one suffers, but for his breaking the law,” I must
say, extreme justice is an extreme injury: for we ought not to
approve of those terrible laws that make the smallest offences
capital, nor of that opinion of the Stoics that makes all crimes
equal; as if there were no difference to be made between the
killing a man and the taking his purse, between which, if we
examine things impartially, there is no likeness nor propor-
tion. God has commanded us not to kill, and shall we kill so
easily for a little money? But if one shall say, that by that law
we are only forbid to kill any except when the laws of the
land allow of it, upon the same grounds, laws may be made,
in some cases, to allow of adultery and perjury: for God
having taken from us the right of disposing either of our own
or of other people’s lives, if it is pretended that the mutual
consent of men in making laws can authorise man-slaughter
in cases in which God has given us no example, that it frees
people from the obligation of the divine law, and so makes
murder a lawful action, what is this, but to give a preference
to human laws before the divine? and, if this is once admit-
ted, by the same rule men may, in all other things, put what
restrictions they please upon the laws of God. If, by the
Mosaical law, though it was rough and severe, as being a yoke
laid on an obstinate and servile nation, men were only fined,
and not put to death for theft, we cannot imagine, that in this
Contents
new law of mercy, in which God treats us with the tenderness
of a father, He has given us a greater licence to cruelty than
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He did to the Jews. Upon these reasons it is, that I think
putting thieves to death is not lawful; and it is plain and
obvious that it is absurd and of ill consequence to the com-
monwealth that a thief and a murderer should be equally
punished; for if a robber sees that his danger is the same if he
is convicted of theft as if he were guilty of murder, this will
naturally incite him to kill the person whom otherwise he
would only have robbed; since, if the punishment is the same,
there is more security, and less danger of discovery, when he
that can best make it is put out of the way; so that terrifying
thieves too much provokes them to cruelty.
“But as to the question, ‘What more convenient way of
punishment can be found?’ I think it much easier to find out
that than to invent anything that is worse; why should we
doubt but the way that was so long in use among the old
Romans, who understood so well the arts of government, was
very proper for their punishment? They condemned such as
they found guilty of great crimes to work their whole lives in
quarries, or to dig in mines with chains about them. But the
method that I liked best was that which I observed in my
travels in Persia, among the Polylerits, who are a considerable
and well-governed people: they pay a yearly tribute to the
King of Persia, but in all other respects they are a free nation,
and governed by their own laws: they lie far from the sea, and
are environed with hills; and, being contented with the pro-
ductions of their own country, which is very fruitful, they

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
28
have little commerce with any other nation; and as they, ac-
cording to the genius of their country, have no inclination to
enlarge their borders, so their mountains and the pension they
pay to the Persian, secure them from all invasions. Thus they
have no wars among them; they live rather conveniently than
with splendour, and may be rather called a happy nation than
either eminent or famous; for I do not think that they are
known, so much as by name, to any but their next neighbours.
Those that are found guilty of theft among them are bound
to make restitution to the owner, and not, as it is in other
places, to the prince, for they reckon that the prince has no
more right to the stolen goods than the thief; but if that
which was stolen is no more in being, then the goods of the
thieves are estimated, and restitution being made out of them,
the remainder is given to their wives and children; and they
themselves are condemned to serve in the public works, but
are neither imprisoned nor chained, unless there happens to
be some extraordinary circumstance in their crimes. They go
about loose and free, working for the public: if they are idle
or backward to work they are whipped, but if they work hard
they are well used and treated without any mark of reproach;
only the lists of them are called always at night, and then they
are shut up. They suffer no other uneasiness but this of con-
stant labour; for, as they work for the public, so they are well
Contents
entertained out of the public stock, which is done differently
in different places: in some places whatever is bestowed on
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them is raised by a charitable contribution; and, though this
way may seem uncertain, yet so merciful are the inclinations
of that people, that they are plentifully supplied by it; but in
other places public revenues are set aside for them, or there is
a constant tax or poll-money raised for their maintenance. In
some places they are set to no public work, but every private
man that has occasion to hire workmen goes to the market-
places and hires them of the public, a little lower than he
would do a freeman. If they go lazily about their task he may
quicken them with the whip. By this means there is always
some piece of work or other to be done by them; and, besides
their livelihood, they earn somewhat still to the public. They
all wear a peculiar habit, of one certain colour, and their hair
is cropped a little above their ears, and a piece of one of their
ears is cut off. Their friends are allowed to give them either
meat, drink, or clothes, so they are of their proper colour; but
it is death, both to the giver and taker, if they give them money;
nor is it less penal for any freeman to take money from them
upon any account whatsoever: and it is also death for any of
these slaves (so they are called) to handle arms. Those of
every division of the country are distinguished by a peculiar
mark, which it is capital for them to lay aside, to go out of
their bounds, or to talk with a slave of another jurisdiction,
and the very attempt of an escape is no less penal than an
escape itself. It is death for any other slave to be accessory to
it; and if a freeman engages in it he is condemned to slavery.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
30
Those that discover it are rewarded—if freemen, in money;
and if slaves, with liberty, together with a pardon for being
accessory to it; that so they might find their account rather in
repenting of their engaging in such a design than in persist-
ing in it.
“These are their laws and rules in relation to robbery, and
it is obvious that they are as advantageous as they are mild
and gentle; since vice is not only destroyed and men pre-
served, but they are treated in such a manner as to make them
see the necessity of being honest and of employing the rest of
their lives in repairing the injuries they had formerly done to
society. Nor is there any hazard of their falling back to their
old customs; and so little do travellers apprehend mischief
from them that they generally make use of them for guides
from one jurisdiction to another; for there is nothing left them
by which they can rob or be the better for it, since, as they are
disarmed, so the very having of money is a sufficient convic-
tion: and as they are certainly punished if discovered, so they
cannot hope to escape; for their habit being in all the parts of
it different from what is commonly worn, they cannot fly
away, unless they would go naked, and even then their cropped
ear would betray them. The only danger to be feared from
them is their conspiring against the government; but those of
one division and neighbourhood can do nothing to any pur-
Contents
pose unless a general conspiracy were laid amongst all the
slaves of the several jurisdictions, which cannot be done, since
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they cannot meet or talk together; nor will any venture on a
design where the concealment would be so dangerous and the
discovery so profitable. None are quite hopeless of recovering
their freedom, since by their obedience and patience, and by
giving good grounds to believe that they will change their
manner of life for the future, they may expect at last to ob-
tain their liberty, and some are every year restored to it upon
the good character that is given of them. When I had related
all this, I added that I did not see why such a method might
not be followed with more advantage than could ever be ex-
pected from that severe justice which the Counsellor magni-
fied so much. To this he answered, ‘That it could never take
place in England without endangering the whole nation.’ As
he said this he shook his head, made some grimaces, and held
his peace, while all the company seemed of his opinion, ex-
cept the Cardinal, who said, ‘That it was not easy to form a
judgment of its success, since it was a method that never yet
had been tried; but if,’ said he, ‘when sentence of death were
passed upon a thief, the prince would reprieve him for a while,
and make the experiment upon him, denying him the privi-
lege of a sanctuary; and then, if it had a good effect upon
him, it might take place; and, if it did not succeed, the worst
would be to execute the sentence on the condemned persons
at last; and I do not see,’ added he, ‘why it would be either
unjust, inconvenient, or at all dangerous to admit of such a
delay; in my opinion the vagabonds ought to be treated in

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
32
the same manner, against whom, though we have made many
laws, yet we have not been able to gain our end.’ When the
Cardinal had done, they all commended the motion, though
they had despised it when it came from me, but more par-
ticularly commended what related to the vagabonds, because
it was his own observation
“I do not know whether it be worth while to tell what
followed, for it was very ridiculous; but I shall venture at it,
for as it is not foreign to this matter, so some good use may be
made of it. There was a Jester standing by, that counterfeited
the fool so naturally that he seemed to be really one; the jests
which he offered were so cold and dull that we laughed more
at him than at them, yet sometimes he said, as it were by
chance, things that were not unpleasant, so as to justify the
old proverb, ‘That he who throws the dice often, will some-
times have a lucky hit.’ When one of the company had said
that I had taken care of the thieves, and the Cardinal had
taken care of the vagabonds, so that there remained nothing
but that some public provision might be made for the poor
whom sickness or old age had disabled from labour, ‘Leave
that to me,’ said the Fool, ‘and I shall take care of them, for
there is no sort of people whose sight I abhor more, having
been so often vexed with them and with their sad complaints;
but as dolefully soever as they have told their tale, they could
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never prevail so far as to draw one penny from me; for either
I had no mind to give them anything, or, when I had a mind
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33
to do it, I had nothing to give them; and they now know me
so well that they will not lose their labour, but let me pass
without giving me any trouble, because they hope for noth-
ing—no more, in faith, than if I were a priest; but I would
have a law made for sending all these beggars to monasteries,
the men to the Benedictines, to be made lay-brothers, and
the women to be nuns.’ The Cardinal smiled, and approved
of it in jest, but the rest liked it in earnest. There was a divine
present, who, though he was a grave morose man, yet he was
so pleased with this reflection that was made on the priests
and the monks that he began to play with the Fool, and said
to him, ‘This will not deliver you from all beggars, except you
take care of us Friars.’ ‘That is done already,’ answered the
Fool, ‘for the Cardinal has provided for you by what he pro-
posed for restraining vagabonds and setting them to work, for
I know no vagabonds like you.’ This was well entertained by
the whole company, who, looking at the Cardinal, perceived
that he was not ill-pleased at it; only the Friar himself was
vexed, as may be easily imagined, and fell into such a passion
that he could not forbear railing at the Fool, and calling him
knave, slanderer, backbiter, and son of perdition, and then
cited some dreadful threatenings out of the Scriptures against
him. Now the Jester thought he was in his element, and laid
about him freely. ‘Good Friar,’ said he, ‘be not angry, for it is
written, “In patience possess your soul.”’ The Friar answered
(for I shall give you his own words), ‘I am not angry, you

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
34
hangman; at least, I do not sin in it, for the Psalmist says, “Be
ye angry and sin not.”’ Upon this the Cardinal admonished
him gently, and wished him to govern his passions. ‘No, my
lord,’ said he, ‘I speak not but from a good zeal, which I ought
to have, for holy men have had a good zeal, as it is said, “The
zeal of thy house hath eaten me up;” and we sing in our church
that those who mocked Elisha as he went up to the house of
God felt the effects of his zeal, which that mocker, that rogue,
that scoundrel, will perhaps feel.’ ‘You do this, perhaps, with
a good intention,’ said the Cardinal, ‘but, in my opinion, it
were wiser in you, and perhaps better for you, not to engage
in so ridiculous a contest with a Fool.’ ‘No, my lord,’ an-
swered he, ‘that were not wisely done, for Solomon, the wisest
of men, said, “Answer a Fool according to his folly,” which I
now do, and show him the ditch into which he will fall, if he
is not aware of it; for if the many mockers of Elisha, who was
but one bald man, felt the effect of his zeal, what will become
of the mocker of so many Friars, among whom there are so
many bald men? We have, likewise, a bull, by which all that
jeer us are excommunicated.’ When the Cardinal saw that
there was no end of this matter he made a sign to the Fool to
withdraw, turned the discourse another way, and soon after
rose from the table, and, dismissing us, went to hear causes.
“Thus, Mr. More, I have run out into a tedious story, of
Contents
the length of which I had been ashamed, if (as you earnestly
begged it of me) I had not observed you to hearken to it as if
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you had no mind to lose any part of it. I might have con-
tracted it, but I resolved to give it you at large, that you might
observe how those that despised what I had proposed, no
sooner perceived that the Cardinal did not dislike it but pres-
ently approved of it, fawned so on him and flattered him to
such a degree, that they in good earnest applauded those things
that he only liked in jest; and from hence you may gather
how little courtiers would value either me or my counsels.”
To this I answered, “You have done me a great kindness in
this relation; for as everything has been related by you both
wisely and pleasantly, so you have made me imagine that I
was in my own country and grown young again, by recalling
that good Cardinal to my thoughts, in whose family I was
bred from my childhood; and though you are, upon other
accounts, very dear to me, yet you are the dearer because you
honour his memory so much; but, after all this, I cannot
change my opinion, for I still think that if you could over-
come that aversion which you have to the courts of princes,
you might, by the advice which it is in your power to give, do
a great deal of good to mankind, and this is the chief design
that every good man ought to propose to himself in living;
for your friend Plato thinks that nations will be happy when
either philosophers become kings or kings become philoso-
phers. It is no wonder if we are so far from that happiness
while philosophers will not think it their duty to assist kings
with their counsels.” “They are not so base-minded,” said he,

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
36
“but that they would willingly do it; many of them have al-
ready done it by their books, if those that are in power would
but hearken to their good advice. But Plato judged right, that
except kings themselves became philosophers, they who from
their childhood are corrupted with false notions would never
fall in entirely with the counsels of philosophers, and this he
himself found to be true in the person of Dionysius.
“Do not you think that if I were about any king, propos-
ing good laws to him, and endeavouring to root out all the
cursed seeds of evil that I found in him, I should either be
turned out of his court, or, at least, be laughed at for my
pains? For instance, what could I signify if I were about the
King of France, and were called into his cabinet council, where
several wise men, in his hearing, were proposing many expe-
dients; as, by what arts and practices Milan may be kept, and
Naples, that has so often slipped out of their hands, recov-
ered; how the Venetians, and after them the rest of Italy, may
be subdued; and then how Flanders, Brabant, and all Bur-
gundy, and some other kingdoms which he has swallowed
already in his designs, may be added to his empire? One
proposes a league with the Venetians, to be kept as long as he
finds his account in it, and that he ought to communicate
counsels with them, and give them some share of the spoil till
his success makes him need or fear them less, and then it will
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be easily taken out of their hands; another proposes the hir-
ing the Germans and the securing the Switzers by pensions;
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another proposes the gaining the Emperor by money, which
is omnipotent with him; another proposes a peace with the
King of Arragon, and, in order to cement it, the yielding up
the King of Navarre’s pretensions; another thinks that the
Prince of Castile is to be wrought on by the hope of an alli-
ance, and that some of his courtiers are to be gained to the
French faction by pensions. The hardest point of all is, what
to do with England; a treaty of peace is to be set on foot, and,
if their alliance is not to be depended on, yet it is to be made
as firm as possible, and they are to be called friends, but sus-
pected as enemies: therefore the Scots are to be kept in readi-
ness to be let loose upon England on every occasion; and some
banished nobleman is to be supported underhand (for by the
League it cannot be done avowedly) who has a pretension to
the crown, by which means that suspected prince may be kept
in awe. Now when things are in so great a fermentation, and
so many gallant men are joining counsels how to carry on the
war, if so mean a man as I should stand up and wish them to
change all their counsels—to let Italy alone and stay at home,
since the kingdom of France was indeed greater than could be
well governed by one man; that therefore he ought not to
think of adding others to it; and if, after this, I should pro-
pose to them the resolutions of the Achorians, a people that
lie on the south-east of Utopia, who long ago engaged in war
in order to add to the dominions of their prince another king-
dom, to which he had some pretensions by an ancient alli-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
38
ance: this they conquered, but found that the trouble of
keeping it was equal to that by which it was gained; that the
conquered people were always either in rebellion or exposed
to foreign invasions, while they were obliged to be incessantly
at war, either for or against them, and consequently could
never disband their army; that in the meantime they were
oppressed with taxes, their money went out of the kingdom,
their blood was spilt for the glory of their king without pro-
curing the least advantage to the people, who received not the
smallest benefit from it even in time of peace; and that, their
manners being corrupted by a long war, robbery and murders
everywhere abounded, and their laws fell into contempt; while
their king, distracted with the care of two kingdoms, was the
less able to apply his mind to the interest of either. When
they saw this, and that there would be no end to these evils,
they by joint counsels made an humble address to their king,
desiring him to choose which of the two kingdoms he had the
greatest mind to keep, since he could not hold both; for they
were too great a people to be governed by a divided king,
since no man would willingly have a groom that should be in
common between him and another. Upon which the good
prince was forced to quit his new kingdom to one of his friends
(who was not long after dethroned), and to be contented with
his old one. To this I would add that after all those warlike
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attempts, the vast confusions, and the consumption both of
treasure and of people that must follow them, perhaps upon
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some misfortune they might be forced to throw up all at last;
therefore it seemed much more eligible that the king should
improve his ancient kingdom all he could, and make it flour-
ish as much as possible; that he should love his people, and be
beloved of them; that he should live among them, govern them
gently and let other kingdoms alone, since that which had
fallen to his share was big enough, if not too big, for him:-
pray, how do you think would such a speech as this be heard?”
“I confess,” said I, “I think not very well.”
“But what,” said he, “if I should sort with another kind of
ministers, whose chief contrivances and consultations were by
what art the prince’s treasures might be increased? where one
proposes raising the value of specie when the king’s debts are
large, and lowering it when his revenues were to come in, that
so he might both pay much with a little, and in a little receive
a great deal. Another proposes a pretence of a war, that money
might be raised in order to carry it on, and that a peace be
concluded as soon as that was done; and this with such ap-
pearances of religion as might work on the people, and make
them impute it to the piety of their prince, and to his tender-
ness for the lives of his subjects. A third offers some old
musty laws that have been antiquated by a long disuse (and
which, as they had been forgotten by all the subjects, so they
had also been broken by them), and proposes the levying the
penalties of these laws, that, as it would bring in a vast trea-
sure, so there might be a very good pretence for it, since it

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
40
would look like the executing a law and the doing of justice.
A fourth proposes the prohibiting of many things under se-
vere penalties, especially such as were against the interest of
the people, and then the dispensing with these prohibitions,
upon great compositions, to those who might find their ad-
vantage in breaking them. This would serve two ends, both
of them acceptable to many; for as those whose avarice led
them to transgress would be severely fined, so the selling li-
cences dear would look as if a prince were tender of his people,
and would not easily, or at low rates, dispense with anything
that might be against the public good. Another proposes that
the judges must be made sure, that they may declare always
in favour of the prerogative; that they must be often sent for
to court, that the king may hear them argue those points in
which he is concerned; since, how unjust soever any of his
pretensions may be, yet still some one or other of them, either
out of contradiction to others, or the pride of singularity, or
to make their court, would find out some pretence or other to
give the king a fair colour to carry the point. For if the judges
but differ in opinion, the clearest thing in the world is made
by that means disputable, and truth being once brought in
question, the king may then take advantage to expound the
law for his own profit; while the judges that stand out will be
brought over, either through fear or modesty; and they being
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thus gained, all of them may be sent to the Bench to give
sentence boldly as the king would have it; for fair pretences
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will never be wanting when sentence is to be given in the
prince’s favour. It will either be said that equity lies of his
side, or some words in the law will be found sounding that
way, or some forced sense will be put on them; and, when all
other things fail, the king’s undoubted prerogative will be
pretended, as that which is above all law, and to which a reli-
gious judge ought to have a special regard. Thus all consent
to that maxim of Crassus, that a prince cannot have treasure
enough, since he must maintain his armies out of it; that a
king, even though he would, can do nothing unjustly; that all
property is in him, not excepting the very persons of his sub-
jects; and that no man has any other property but that which
the king, out of his goodness, thinks fit to leave him. And
they think it is the prince’s interest that there be as little of
this left as may be, as if it were his advantage that his people
should have neither riches nor liberty, since these things make
them less easy and willing to submit to a cruel and unjust
government. Whereas necessity and poverty blunts them,
makes them patient, beats them down, and breaks that height
of spirit that might otherwise dispose them to rebel. Now
what if, after all these propositions were made, I should rise
up and assert that such counsels were both unbecoming a
king and mischievous to him; and that not only his honour,
but his safety, consisted more in his people’s wealth than in
his own; if I should show that they choose a king for their
own sake, and not for his; that, by his care and endeavours,

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
42
they may be both easy and safe; and that, therefore, a prince
ought to take more care of his people’s happiness than of his
own, as a shepherd is to take more care of his flock than of
himself? It is also certain that they are much mistaken that
think the poverty of a nation is a mean of the public safety.
Who quarrel more than beggars? who does more earnestly
long for a change than he that is uneasy in his present cir-
cumstances? and who run to create confusions with so des-
perate a boldness as those who, having nothing to lose, hope
to gain by them? If a king should fall under such contempt
or envy that he could not keep his subjects in their duty but
by oppression and ill usage, and by rendering them poor and
miserable, it were certainly better for him to quit his king-
dom than to retain it by such methods as make him, while he
keeps the name of authority, lose the majesty due to it. Nor is
it so becoming the dignity of a king to reign over beggars as
over rich and happy subjects. And therefore Fabricius, a man
of a noble and exalted temper, said ‘he would rather govern
rich men than be rich himself; since for one man to abound
in wealth and pleasure when all about him are mourning and
groaning, is to be a gaoler and not a king.’ He is an unskilful
physician that cannot cure one disease without casting his
patient into another. So he that can find no other way for
correcting the errors of his people but by taking from them
Contents
the conveniences of life, shows that he knows not what it is to
govern a free nation. He himself ought rather to shake off his
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sloth, or to lay down his pride, for the contempt or hatred
that his people have for him takes its rise from the vices in
himself. Let him live upon what belongs to him without
wronging others, and accommodate his expense to his rev-
enue. Let him punish crimes, and, by his wise conduct, let
him endeavour to prevent them, rather than be severe when
he has suffered them to be too common. Let him not rashly
revive laws that are abrogated by disuse, especially if they have
been long forgotten and never wanted. And let him never
take any penalty for the breach of them to which a judge
would not give way in a private man, but would look on him
as a crafty and unjust person for pretending to it. To these
things I would add that law among the Macarians—a people
that live not far from Utopia—by which their king, on the
day on which he began to reign, is tied by an oath, confirmed
by solemn sacrifices, never to have at once above a thousand
pounds of gold in his treasures, or so much silver as is equal to
that in value. This law, they tell us, was made by an excellent
king who had more regard to the riches of his country than to
his own wealth, and therefore provided against the heaping
up of so much treasure as might impoverish the people. He
thought that moderate sum might be sufficient for any acci-
dent, if either the king had occasion for it against the rebels,
or the kingdom against the invasion of an enemy; but that it
was not enough to encourage a prince to invade other men’s
rights—a circumstance that was the chief cause of his making

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
44
that law. He also thought that it was a good provision for
that free circulation of money so necessary for the course of
commerce and exchange. And when a king must distribute
all those extraordinary accessions that increase treasure be-
yond the due pitch, it makes him less disposed to oppress his
subjects. Such a king as this will be the terror of ill men, and
will be beloved by all the good.
“If, I say, I should talk of these or such-like things to men
that had taken their bias another way, how deaf would they
be to all I could say!” “No doubt, very deaf,” answered I; “and
no wonder, for one is never to offer propositions or advice that
we are certain will not be entertained. Discourses so much
out of the road could not avail anything, nor have any effect
on men whose minds were prepossessed with different senti-
ments. This philosophical way of speculation is not unpleas-
ant among friends in a free conversation; but there is no room
for it in the courts of princes, where great affairs are carried
on by authority.” “That is what I was saying,” replied he,
“that there is no room for philosophy in the courts of princes.”
“Yes, there is,” said I, “but not for this speculative philosophy,
that makes everything to be alike fitting at all times; but there
is another philosophy that is more pliable, that knows its proper
scene, accommodates itself to it, and teaches a man with pro-
priety and decency to act that part which has fallen to his
Contents
share. If when one of Plautus’ comedies is upon the stage,
and a company of servants are acting their parts, you should
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come out in the garb of a philosopher, and repeat, out of
Octavia, a discourse of Seneca’s to Nero, would it not be bet-
ter for you to say nothing than by mixing things of such
different natures to make an impertinent tragi-comedy? for
you spoil and corrupt the play that is in hand when you mix
with it things of an opposite nature, even though they are
much better. Therefore go through with the play that is act-
ing the best you can, and do not confound it because another
that is pleasanter comes into your thoughts. It is even so in a
commonwealth and in the councils of princes; if ill opinions
cannot be quite rooted out, and you cannot cure some re-
ceived vice according to your wishes, you must not, therefore,
abandon the commonwealth, for the same reasons as you should
not forsake the ship in a storm because you cannot command
the winds. You are not obliged to assault people with dis-
courses that are out of their road, when you see that their
received notions must prevent your making an impression upon
them: you ought rather to cast about and to manage things
with all the dexterity in your power, so that, if you are not
able to make them go well, they may be as little ill as possible;
for, except all men were good, everything cannot be right, and
that is a blessing that I do not at present hope to see.” “Ac-
cording to your argument,” answered he, “all that I could be
able to do would be to preserve myself from being mad while
I endeavoured to cure the madness of others; for, if I speak
with, I must repeat what I have said to you; and as for lying,

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
46
whether a philosopher can do it or not I cannot tell: I am
sure I cannot do it. But though these discourses may be un-
easy and ungrateful to them, I do not see why they should
seem foolish or extravagant; indeed, if I should either propose
such things as Plato has contrived in his ‘Commonwealth,’ or
as the Utopians practise in theirs, though they might seem
better, as certainly they are, yet they are so different from our
establishment, which is founded on property (there being no
such thing among them), that I could not expect that it would
have any effect on them. But such discourses as mine, which
only call past evils to mind and give warning of what may
follow, leave nothing in them that is so absurd that they may
not be used at any time, for they can only be unpleasant to
those who are resolved to run headlong the contrary way; and
if we must let alone everything as absurd or extravagant—
which, by reason of the wicked lives of many, may seem un-
couth—we must, even among Christians, give over pressing
the greatest part of those things that Christ hath taught us,
though He has commanded us not to conceal them, but to
proclaim on the housetops that which He taught in secret.
The greatest parts of His precepts are more opposite to the
lives of the men of this age than any part of my discourse has
been, but the preachers seem to have learned that craft to
which you advise me: for they, observing that the world would
Contents
not willingly suit their lives to the rules that Christ has given,
have fitted His doctrine, as if it had been a leaden rule, to
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their lives, that so, some way or other, they might agree with
one another. But I see no other effect of this compliance
except it be that men become more secure in their wickedness
by it; and this is all the success that I can have in a court, for
I must always differ from the rest, and then I shall signify
nothing; or, if I agree with them, I shall then only help for-
ward their madness. I do not comprehend what you mean by
your ‘casting about,’ or by ‘the bending and handling things
so dexterously that, if they go not well, they may go as little
ill as may be;’ for in courts they will not bear with a man’s
holding his peace or conniving at what others do: a man
must barefacedly approve of the worst counsels and consent
to the blackest designs, so that he would pass for a spy, or,
possibly, for a traitor, that did but coldly approve of such
wicked practices; and therefore when a man is engaged in
such a society, he will be so far from being able to mend
matters by his ‘casting about,’ as you call it, that he will find
no occasions of doing any good—the ill company will sooner
corrupt him than be the better for him; or if, notwithstand-
ing all their ill company, he still remains steady and innocent,
yet their follies and knavery will be imputed to him; and, by
mixing counsels with them, he must bear his share of all the
blame that belongs wholly to others.
“It was no ill simile by which Plato set forth the unrea-
sonableness of a philosopher’s meddling with government. ‘If
a man,’ says he, ‘were to see a great company run out every

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
48
day into the rain and take delight in being wet—if he knew
that it would be to no purpose for him to go and persuade
them to return to their houses in order to avoid the storm,
and that all that could be expected by his going to speak to
them would be that he himself should be as wet as they, it
would be best for him to keep within doors, and, since he had
not influence enough to correct other people’s folly, to take
care to preserve himself.’
“Though, to speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely
own that as long as there is any property, and while money is
the standard of all other things, I cannot think that a nation
can be governed either justly or happily: not justly, because
the best things will fall to the share of the worst men; nor
happily, because all things will be divided among a few (and
even these are not in all respects happy), the rest being left to
be absolutely miserable. Therefore, when I reflect on the
wise and good constitution of the Utopians, among whom all
things are so well governed and with so few laws, where virtue
hath its due reward, and yet there is such an equality that
every man lives in plenty— when I compare with them so
many other nations that are still making new laws, and yet
can never bring their constitution to a right regulation; where,
notwithstanding every one has his property, yet all the laws
that they can invent have not the power either to obtain or
Contents
preserve it, or even to enable men certainly to distinguish
what is their own from what is another’s, of which the many
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lawsuits that every day break out, and are eternally depend-
ing, give too plain a demonstration—when, I say, I balance all
these things in my thoughts, I grow more favourable to Plato,
and do not wonder that he resolved not to make any laws for
such as would not submit to a community of all things; for so
wise a man could not but foresee that the setting all upon a
level was the only way to make a nation happy; which cannot
be obtained so long as there is property, for when every man
draws to himself all that he can compass, by one title or an-
other, it must needs follow that, how plentiful soever a nation
may be, yet a few dividing the wealth of it among themselves,
the rest must fall into indigence. So that there will be two
sorts of people among them, who deserve that their fortunes
should be interchanged—the former useless, but wicked and
ravenous; and the latter, who by their constant industry serve
the public more than themselves, sincere and modest men—
from whence I am persuaded that till property is taken away,
there can be no equitable or just distribution of things, nor
can the world be happily governed; for as long as that is main-
tained, the greatest and the far best part of mankind, will be
still oppressed with a load of cares and anxieties. I confess,
without taking it quite away, those pressures that lie on a
great part of mankind may be made lighter, but they can never
be quite removed; for if laws were made to determine at how
great an extent in soil, and at how much money, every man
must stop—to limit the prince, that he might not grow too

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
50
great; and to restrain the people, that they might not become
too insolent—and that none might factiously aspire to public
employments, which ought neither to be sold nor made bur-
densome by a great expense, since otherwise those that serve
in them would be tempted to reimburse themselves by cheats
and violence, and it would become necessary to find out rich
men for undergoing those employments, which ought rather
to be trusted to the wise. These laws, I say, might have such
effect as good diet and care might have on a sick man whose
recovery is desperate; they might allay and mitigate the dis-
ease, but it could never be quite healed, nor the body politic
be brought again to a good habit as long as property remains;
and it will fall out, as in a complication of diseases, that by
applying a remedy to one sore you will provoke another, and
that which removes the one ill symptom produces others, while
the strengthening one part of the body weakens the rest.”
“On the contrary,” answered I, “it seems to me that men can-
not live conveniently where all things are common. How can
there be any plenty where every man will excuse himself from
labour? for as the hope of gain doth not excite him, so the
confidence that he has in other men’s industry may make him
slothful. If people come to be pinched with want, and yet
cannot dispose of anything as their own, what can follow upon
this but perpetual sedition and bloodshed, especially when
Contents
the reverence and authority due to magistrates falls to the
ground? for I cannot imagine how that can be kept up among
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51
those that are in all things equal to one another.” “I do not
wonder,” said he, “that it appears so to you, since you have no
notion, or at least no right one, of such a constitution; but if
you had been in Utopia with me, and had seen their laws and
rules, as I did, for the space of five years, in which I lived
among them, and during which time I was so delighted with
them that indeed I should never have left them if it had not
been to make the discovery of that new world to the Europe-
ans, you would then confess that you had never seen a people
so well constituted as they.” “You will not easily persuade
me,” said Peter, “that any nation in that new world is better
governed than those among us; for as our understandings are
not worse than theirs, so our government (if I mistake not)
being more ancient, a long practice has helped us to find out
many conveniences of life, and some happy chances have dis-
covered other things to us which no man’s understanding could
ever have invented.” “As for the antiquity either of their gov-
ernment or of ours,” said he, “you cannot pass a true judg-
ment of it unless you had read their histories; for, if they are
to be believed, they had towns among them before these parts
were so much as inhabited; and as for those discoveries that
have been either hit on by chance or made by ingenious men,
these might have happened there as well as here. I do not
deny but we are more ingenious than they are, but they ex-
ceed us much in industry and application. They knew little
concerning us before our arrival among them. They call us all

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
52
by a general name of ‘The nations that lie beyond the equi-
noctial line;’ for their chronicle mentions a shipwreck that
was made on their coast twelve hundred years ago, and that
some Romans and Egyptians that were in the ship, getting
safe ashore, spent the rest of their days amongst them; and
such was their ingenuity that from this single opportunity
they drew the advantage of learning from those unlooked-for
guests, and acquired all the useful arts that were then among
the Romans, and which were known to these shipwrecked
men; and by the hints that they gave them they themselves
found out even some of those arts which they could not fully
explain, so happily did they improve that accident of having
some of our people cast upon their shore. But if such an
accident has at any time brought any from thence into Eu-
rope, we have been so far from improving it that we do not so
much as remember it, as, in aftertimes perhaps, it will be for-
got by our people that I was ever there; for though they, from
one such accident, made themselves masters of all the good
inventions that were among us, yet I believe it would be long
before we should learn or put in practice any of the good
institutions that are among them. And this is the true cause
of their being better governed and living happier than we,
though we come not short of them in point of understanding
or outward advantages.” Upon this I said to him, “I earnestly
Contents
beg you would describe that island very particularly to us; be
not too short, but set out in order all things relating to their
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53
soil, their rivers, their towns, their people, their manners, con-
stitution, laws, and, in a word, all that you imagine we desire
to know; and you may well imagine that we desire to know
everything concerning them of which we are hitherto igno-
rant.” “I will do it very willingly,” said he, “for I have digested
the whole matter carefully, but it will take up some time.”
“Let us go, then,” said I, “first and dine, and then we shall
have leisure enough.” He consented; we went in and dined,
and after dinner came back and sat down in the same place. I
ordered my servants to take care that none might come and
interrupt us, and both Peter and I desired Raphael to be as
good as his word. When he saw that we were very intent
upon it he paused a little to recollect himself, and began in
this manner:-
“The island of Utopia is in the middle two hundred miles
broad, and holds almost at the same breadth over a great part
of it, but it grows narrower towards both ends. Its figure is
not unlike a crescent. Between its horns the sea comes in
eleven miles broad, and spreads itself into a great bay, which
is environed with land to the compass of about five hundred
miles, and is well secured from winds. In this bay there is no
great current; the whole coast is, as it were, one continued
harbour, which gives all that live in the island great conve-
nience for mutual commerce. But the entry into the bay,
occasioned by rocks on the one hand and shallows on the
other, is very dangerous. In the middle of it there is one

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
54
single rock which appears above water, and may, therefore,
easily be avoided; and on the top of it there is a tower, in
which a garrison is kept; the other rocks lie under water, and
are very dangerous. The channel is known only to the na-
tives; so that if any stranger should enter into the bay without
one of their pilots he would run great danger of shipwreck.
For even they themselves could not pass it safe if some marks
that are on the coast did not direct their way; and if these
should be but a little shifted, any fleet that might come against
them, how great soever it were, would be certainly lost. On
the other side of the island there are likewise many harbours;
and the coast is so fortified, both by nature and art, that a
small number of men can hinder the descent of a great army.
But they report (and there remains good marks of it to make
it credible) that this was no island at first, but a part of the
continent. Utopus, that conquered it (whose name it still
carries, for Abraxa was its first name), brought the rude and
uncivilised inhabitants into such a good government, and to
that measure of politeness, that they now far excel all the rest
of mankind. Having soon subdued them, he designed to sepa-
rate them from the continent, and to bring the sea quite round
them. To accomplish this he ordered a deep channel to be
dug, fifteen miles long; and that the natives might not think
he treated them like slaves, he not only forced the inhabit-
Contents
ants, but also his own soldiers, to labour in carrying it on. As
he set a vast number of men to work, he, beyond all men’s
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expectations, brought it to a speedy conclusion. And his
neighbours, who at first laughed at the folly of the undertak-
ing, no sooner saw it brought to perfection than they were
struck with admiration and terror.
“There are fifty-four cities in the island, all large and well
built, the manners, customs, and laws of which are the same,
and they are all contrived as near in the same manner as the
ground on which they stand will allow. The nearest lie at
least twenty-four miles’ distance from one another, and the
most remote are not so far distant but that a man can go on
foot in one day from it to that which lies next it. Every city
sends three of their wisest senators once a year to Amaurot, to
consult about their common concerns; for that is the chief
town of the island, being situated near the centre of it, so that
it is the most convenient place for their assemblies. The ju-
risdiction of every city extends at least twenty miles, and,
where the towns lie wider, they have much more ground. No
town desires to enlarge its bounds, for the people consider
themselves rather as tenants than landlords. They have built,
over all the country, farmhouses for husbandmen, which are
well contrived, and furnished with all things necessary for
country labour. Inhabitants are sent, by turns, from the cities
to dwell in them; no country family has fewer than forty men
and women in it, besides two slaves. There is a master and a
mistress set over every family, and over thirty families there is
a magistrate. Every year twenty of this family come back to

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
56
the town after they have stayed two years in the country, and
in their room there are other twenty sent from the town, that
they may learn country work from those that have been al-
ready one year in the country, as they must teach those that
come to them the next from the town. By this means such as
dwell in those country farms are never ignorant of agricul-
ture, and so commit no errors which might otherwise be fatal
and bring them under a scarcity of corn. But though there is
every year such a shifting of the husbandmen to prevent any
man being forced against his will to follow that hard course
of life too long, yet many among them take such pleasure in it
that they desire leave to continue in it many years. These
husbandmen till the ground, breed cattle, hew wood, and con-
vey it to the towns either by land or water, as is most conve-
nient. They breed an infinite multitude of chickens in a very
curious manner; for the hens do not sit and hatch them, but
a vast number of eggs are laid in a gentle and equal heat in
order to be hatched, and they are no sooner out of the shell,
and able to stir about, but they seem to consider those that
feed them as their mothers, and follow them as other chick-
ens do the hen that hatched them. They breed very few horses,
but those they have are full of mettle, and are kept only for
exercising their youth in the art of sitting and riding them;
for they do not put them to any work, either of ploughing or
Contents
carriage, in which they employ oxen. For though their horses
are stronger, yet they find oxen can hold out longer; and as
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they are not subject to so many diseases, so they are kept
upon a less charge and with less trouble. And even when they
are so worn out that they are no more fit for labour, they are
good meat at last. They sow no corn but that which is to be
their bread; for they drink either wine, cider or perry, and
often water, sometimes boiled with honey or liquorice, with
which they abound; and though they know exactly how much
corn will serve every town and all that tract of country which
belongs to it, yet they sow much more and breed more cattle
than are necessary for their consumption, and they give that
overplus of which they make no use to their neighbours.
When they want anything in the country which it does not
produce, they fetch that from the town, without carrying
anything in exchange for it. And the magistrates of the town
take care to see it given them; for they meet generally in the
town once a month, upon a festival day. When the time of
harvest comes, the magistrates in the country send to those in
the towns and let them know how many hands they will need
for reaping the harvest; and the number they call for being
sent to them, they commonly despatch it all in one day.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
58
Of their towns, particularly of Amaurot.
“He that knows one of their towns knows them all—they
are so like one another, except where the situation makes some
difference. I shall therefore describe one of them, and none is
so proper as Amaurot; for as none is more eminent (all the
rest yielding in precedence to this, because it is the seat of
their supreme council), so there was none of them better known
to me, I having lived five years all together in it.
“It lies upon the side of a hill, or, rather, a rising ground.
Its figure is almost square, for from the one side of it, which
shoots up almost to the top of the hill, it runs down, in a
descent for two miles, to the river Anider; but it is a little
broader the other way that runs along by the bank of that
river. The Anider rises about eighty miles above Amaurot, in
Contents
a small spring at first. But other brooks falling into it, of
which two are more considerable than the rest, as it runs by
Amaurot it is grown half a mile broad; but, it still grows
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59
larger and larger, till, after sixty miles’ course below it, it is lost
in the ocean. Between the town and the sea, and for some
miles above the town, it ebbs and flows every six hours with a
strong current. The tide comes up about thirty miles so full
that there is nothing but salt water in the river, the fresh wa-
ter being driven back with its force; and above that, for some
miles, the water is brackish; but a little higher, as it runs by
the town, it is quite fresh; and when the tide ebbs, it contin-
ues fresh all along to the sea. There is a bridge cast over the
river, not of timber, but of fair stone, consisting of many stately
arches; it lies at that part of the town which is farthest from
the sea, so that the ships, without any hindrance, lie all along
the side of the town. There is, likewise, another river that
runs by it, which, though it is not great, yet it runs pleasantly,
for it rises out of the same hill on which the town stands, and
so runs down through it and falls into the Anider. The in-
habitants have fortified the fountain-head of this river, which
springs a little without the towns; that so, if they should hap-
pen to be besieged, the enemy might not be able to stop or
divert the course of the water, nor poison it; from thence it is
carried, in earthen pipes, to the lower streets. And for those
places of the town to which the water of that small river can-
not be conveyed, they have great cisterns for receiving the
rain-water, which supplies the want of the other. The town is
compassed with a high and thick wall, in which there are many
towers and forts; there is also a broad and deep dry ditch, set

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
60
thick with thorns, cast round three sides of the town, and the
river is instead of a ditch on the fourth side. The streets are
very convenient for all carriage, and are well sheltered from
the winds. Their buildings are good, and are so uniform that
a whole side of a street looks like one house. The streets are
twenty feet broad; there lie gardens behind all their houses.
These are large, but enclosed with buildings, that on all hands
face the streets, so that every house has both a door to the
street and a back door to the garden. Their doors have all two
leaves, which, as they are easily opened, so they shut of their
own accord; and, there being no property among them, every
man may freely enter into any house whatsoever. At every ten
years’ end they shift their houses by lots. They cultivate their
gardens with great care, so that they have both vines, fruits,
herbs, and flowers in them; and all is so well ordered and so
finely kept that I never saw gardens anywhere that were both
so fruitful and so beautiful as theirs. And this humour of
ordering their gardens so well is not only kept up by the plea-
sure they find in it, but also by an emulation between the
inhabitants of the several streets, who vie with each other.
And there is, indeed, nothing belonging to the whole town
that is both more useful and more pleasant. So that he who
founded the town seems to have taken care of nothing more
than of their gardens; for they say the whole scheme of the
Contents
town was designed at first by Utopus, but he left all that
belonged to the ornament and improvement of it to be added
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by those that should come after him, that being too much for
one man to bring to perfection. Their records, that contain
the history of their town and State, are preserved with an
exact care, and run backwards seventeen hundred and sixty
years. From these it appears that their houses were at first low
and mean, like cottages, made of any sort of timber, and were
built with mud walls and thatched with straw. But now their
houses are three storeys high, the fronts of them are faced
either with stone, plastering, or brick, and between the fac-
ings of their walls they throw in their rubbish. Their roofs
are flat, and on them they lay a sort of plaster, which costs
very little, and yet is so tempered that it is not apt to take fire,
and yet resists the weather more than lead. They have great
quantities of glass among them, with which they glaze their
windows; they use also in their windows a thin linen cloth,
that is so oiled or gummed that it both keeps out the wind
and gives free admission to the light.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
62
Of their magistrates.
“Thirty families choose every year a magistrate, who was
anciently called the Syphogrant, but is now called the Philarch;
and over every ten Syphogrants, with the families subject to
them, there is another magistrate, who was anciently called
the Tranibore, but of late the Archphilarch. All the
Syphogrants, who are in number two hundred, choose the
Prince out of a list of four who are named by the people of
the four divisions of the city; but they take an oath, before
they proceed to an election, that they will choose him whom
they think most fit for the office: they give him their voices
secretly, so that it is not known for whom every one gives his
suffrage. The Prince is for life, unless he is removed upon
suspicion of some design to enslave the people. The Tranibors
Contents
are new chosen every year, but yet they are, for the most part,
continued; all their other magistrates are only annual. The
Tranibors meet every third day, and oftener if necessary, and
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consult with the Prince either concerning the affairs of the
State in general, or such private differences as may arise some-
times among the people, though that falls out but seldom.
There are always two Syphogrants called into the council
chamber, and these are changed every day. It is a fundamen-
tal rule of their government, that no conclusion can be made
in anything that relates to the public till it has been first
debated three several days in their council. It is death for any
to meet and consult concerning the State, unless it be either
in their ordinary council, or in the assembly of the whole
body of the people.
“These things have been so provided among them that the
Prince and the Tranibors may not conspire together to change
the government and enslave the people; and therefore when
anything of great importance is set on foot, it is sent to the
Syphogrants, who, after they have communicated it to the
families that belong to their divisions, and have considered it
among themselves, make report to the senate; and, upon great
occasions, the matter is referred to the council of the whole
island. One rule observed in their council is, never to debate
a thing on the same day in which it is first proposed; for that
is always referred to the next meeting, that so men may not
rashly and in the heat of discourse engage themselves too soon,
which might bias them so much that, instead of consulting
the good of the public, they might rather study to support
their first opinions, and by a perverse and preposterous sort
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of shame hazard their country rather than endanger their own

reputation, or venture the being suspected to have wanted
foresight in the expedients that they at first proposed; and
therefore, to prevent this, they take care that they may rather
be deliberate than sudden in their motions.

Of their trades, and manner of life.

“Agriculture is that which is so universally understood

among them that no person, either man or woman, is igno-
rant of it; they are instructed in it from their childhood, partly
by what they learn at school, and partly by practice, they
being led out often into the fields about the town, where they
not only see others at work but are likewise exercised in it
themselves. Besides agriculture, which is so common to them
all, every man has some peculiar trade to which he applies
himself; such as the manufacture of wool or flax, masonry,
smith’s work, or carpenter’s work; for there is no sort of trade
that is in great esteem among them. Throughout the island
they wear the same sort of clothes, without any other distinc-
tion except what is necessary to distinguish the two sexes and
Contents

the married and unmarried. The fashion never alters, and as

it is neither disagreeable nor uneasy, so it is suited to the cli-
mate, and calculated both for their summers and winters.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
66
Every family makes their own clothes; but all among them,
women as well as men, learn one or other of the trades for-
merly mentioned. Women, for the most part, deal in wool
and flax, which suit best with their weakness, leaving the ruder
trades to the men. The same trade generally passes down
from father to son, inclinations often following descent: but
if any man’s genius lies another way he is, by adoption, trans-
lated into a family that deals in the trade to which he is in-
clined; and when that is to be done, care is taken, not only by
his father, but by the magistrate, that he may be put to a
discreet and good man: and if, after a person has learned one
trade, he desires to acquire another, that is also allowed, and is
managed in the same manner as the former. When he has
learned both, he follows that which he likes best, unless the
public has more occasion for the other.
The chief, and almost the only, business of the Syphogrants
is to take care that no man may live idle, but that every one
may follow his trade diligently; yet they do not wear them-
selves out with perpetual toil from morning to night, as if
they were beasts of burden, which as it is indeed a heavy sla-
very, so it is everywhere the common course of life amongst
all mechanics except the Utopians: but they, dividing the
day and night into twenty-four hours, appoint six of these
for work, three of which are before dinner and three after;
Contents
they then sup, and at eight o’clock, counting from noon, go to
bed and sleep eight hours: the rest of their time, besides that
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taken up in work, eating, and sleeping, is left to every man’s
discretion; yet they are not to abuse that interval to luxury
and idleness, but must employ it in some proper exercise,
according to their various inclinations, which is, for the most
part, reading. It is ordinary to have public lectures every
morning before daybreak, at which none are obliged to ap-
pear but those who are marked out for literature; yet a great
many, both men and women, of all ranks, go to hear lectures
of one sort or other, according to their inclinations: but if
others that are not made for contemplation, choose rather to
employ themselves at that time in their trades, as many of
them do, they are not hindered, but are rather commended,
as men that take care to serve their country. After supper
they spend an hour in some diversion, in summer in their
gardens, and in winter in the halls where they eat, where they
entertain each other either with music or discourse. They do
not so much as know dice, or any such foolish and mischie-
vous games. They have, however, two sorts of games not un-
like our chess; the one is between several numbers, in which
one number, as it were, consumes another; the other resembles
a battle between the virtues and the vices, in which the en-
mity in the vices among themselves, and their agreement
against virtue, is not unpleasantly represented; together with
the special opposition between the particular virtues and vices;
as also the methods by which vice either openly assaults or
secretly undermines virtue; and virtue, on the other hand,

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
68
resists it. But the time appointed for labour is to be narrowly
examined, otherwise you may imagine that since there are
only six hours appointed for work, they may fall under a scar-
city of necessary provisions: but it is so far from being true
that this time is not sufficient for supplying them with plenty
of all things, either necessary or convenient, that it is rather
too much; and this you will easily apprehend if you consider
how great a part of all other nations is quite idle. First, women
generally do little, who are the half of mankind; and if some
few women are diligent, their husbands are idle: then con-
sider the great company of idle priests, and of those that are
called religious men; add to these all rich men, chiefly those
that have estates in land, who are called noblemen and gentle-
men, together with their families, made up of idle persons,
that are kept more for show than use; add to these all those
strong and lusty beggars that go about pretending some dis-
ease in excuse for their begging; and upon the whole account
you will find that the number of those by whose labours
mankind is supplied is much less than you perhaps imagined:
then consider how few of those that work are employed in
labours that are of real service, for we, who measure all things
by money, give rise to many trades that are both vain and
superfluous, and serve only to support riot and luxury: for if
those who work were employed only in such things as the
Contents
conveniences of life require, there would be such an abun-
dance of them that the prices of them would so sink that
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69
tradesmen could not be maintained by their gains; if all those
who labour about useless things were set to more profitable
employments, and if all they that languish out their lives in
sloth and idleness (every one of whom consumes as much as
any two of the men that are at work) were forced to labour,
you may easily imagine that a small proportion of time would
serve for doing all that is either necessary, profitable, or pleas-
ant to mankind, especially while pleasure is kept within its
due bounds: this appears very plainly in Utopia; for there, in
a great city, and in all the territory that lies round it, you can
scarce find five hundred, either men or women, by their age
and strength capable of labour, that are not engaged in it.
Even the Syphogrants, though excused by the law, yet do not
excuse themselves, but work, that by their examples they may
excite the industry of the rest of the people; the like exemp-
tion is allowed to those who, being recommended to the people
by the priests, are, by the secret suffrages of the Syphogrants,
privileged from labour, that they may apply themselves wholly
to study; and if any of these fall short of those hopes that
they seemed at first to give, they are obliged to return to work;
and sometimes a mechanic that so employs his leisure hours
as to make a considerable advancement in learning is eased
from being a tradesman and ranked among their learned men.
Out of these they choose their ambassadors, their priests, their
Tranibors, and the Prince himself, anciently called their
Barzenes, but is called of late their Ademus.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
70
“And thus from the great numbers among them that are
neither suffered to be idle nor to be employed in any fruitless
labour, you may easily make the estimate how much may be
done in those few hours in which they are obliged to labour.
But, besides all that has been already said, it is to be consid-
ered that the needful arts among them are managed with less
labour than anywhere else. The building or the repairing of
houses among us employ many hands, because often a thrift-
less heir suffers a house that his father built to fall into decay,
so that his successor must, at a great cost, repair that which he
might have kept up with a small charge; it frequently hap-
pens that the same house which one person built at a vast
expense is neglected by another, who thinks he has a more
delicate sense of the beauties of architecture, and he, suffer-
ing it to fall to ruin, builds another at no less charge. But
among the Utopians all things are so regulated that men very
seldom build upon a new piece of ground, and are not only
very quick in repairing their houses, but show their foresight
in preventing their decay, so that their buildings are preserved
very long with but very little labour, and thus the builders, to
whom that care belongs, are often without employment, ex-
cept the hewing of timber and the squaring of stones, that
the materials may be in readiness for raising a building very
suddenly when there is any occasion for it. As to their clothes,
Contents
observe how little work is spent in them; while they are at
labour they are clothed with leather and skins, cut carelessly
about them, which will last seven years, and when they ap-
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pear in public they put on an upper garment which hides the
other; and these are all of one colour, and that is the natural
colour of the wool. As they need less woollen cloth than is
used anywhere else, so that which they make use of is much
less costly; they use linen cloth more, but that is prepared
with less labour, and they value cloth only by the whiteness of
the linen or the cleanness of the wool, without much regard
to the fineness of the thread. While in other places four or
five upper garments of woollen cloth of different colours, and
as many vests of silk, will scarce serve one man, and while
those that are nicer think ten too few, every man there is con-
tent with one, which very often serves him two years; nor is
there anything that can tempt a man to desire more, for if he
had them he would neither be the, warmer nor would he make
one jot the better appearance for it. And thus, since they are
all employed in some useful labour, and since they content
themselves with fewer things, it falls out that there is a great
abundance of all things among them; so that it frequently
happens that, for want of other work, vast numbers are sent
out to mend the highways; but when no public undertaking
is to be performed, the hours of working are lessened. The
magistrates never engage the people in unnecessary labour,
since the chief end of the constitution is to regulate labour by
the necessities of the public, and to allow the people as much
time as is necessary for the improvement of their minds, in
which they think the happiness of life consists.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
72
Of their traffic.
“But it is now time to explain to you the mutual inter-
course of this people, their commerce, and the rules by which
all things are distributed among them.
“As their cities are composed of families, so their families
are made up of those that are nearly related to one another.
Their women, when they grow up, are married out, but all
the males, both children and grandchildren, live still in the
same house, in great obedience to their common parent, un-
less age has weakened his understanding, and in that case he
that is next to him in age comes in his room; but lest any city
should become either too great, or by any accident be
dispeopled, provision is made that none of their cities may
contain above six thousand families, besides those of the coun-
Contents
try around it. No family may have less than ten and more
than sixteen persons in it, but there can be no determined
number for the children under age; this rule is easily ob-
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served by removing some of the children of a more fruitful
couple to any other family that does not abound so much in
them. By the same rule they supply cities that do not in-
crease so fast from others that breed faster; and if there is any
increase over the whole island, then they draw out a number
of their citizens out of the several towns and send them over
to the neighbouring continent, where, if they find that the
inhabitants have more soil than they can well cultivate, they
fix a colony, taking the inhabitants into their society if they
are willing to live with them; and where they do that of their
own accord, they quickly enter into their method of life and
conform to their rules, and this proves a happiness to both
nations; for, according to their constitution, such care is taken
of the soil that it becomes fruitful enough for both, though it
might be otherwise too narrow and barren for any one of
them. But if the natives refuse to conform themselves to their
laws they drive them out of those bounds which they mark
out for themselves, and use force if they resist, for they ac-
count it a very just cause of war for a nation to hinder others
from possessing a part of that soil of which they make no use,
but which is suffered to lie idle and uncultivated, since every
man has, by the law of nature, a right to such a waste portion
of the earth as is necessary for his subsistence. If an accident
has so lessened the number of the inhabitants of any of their
towns that it cannot be made up from the other towns of the
island without diminishing them too much (which is said to

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
74
have fallen out but twice since they were first a people, when
great numbers were carried off by the plague), the loss is then
supplied by recalling as many as are wanted from their colo-
nies, for they will abandon these rather than suffer the towns
in the island to sink too low.
“But to return to their manner of living in society: the
oldest man of every family, as has been already said, is its
governor; wives serve their husbands, and children their par-
ents, and always the younger serves the elder. Every city is
divided into four equal parts, and in the middle of each there
is a market-place. What is brought thither, and manufac-
tured by the several families, is carried from thence to houses
appointed for that purpose, in which all things of a sort are
laid by themselves; and thither every father goes, and takes
whatsoever he or his family stand in need of, without either
paying for it or leaving anything in exchange. There is no
reason for giving a denial to any person, since there is such
plenty of everything among them; and there is no danger of a
man’s asking for more than he needs; they have no induce-
ments to do this, since they are sure they shall always be sup-
plied: it is the fear of want that makes any of the whole race
of animals either greedy or ravenous; but, besides fear, there is
in man a pride that makes him fancy it a particular glory to
excel others in pomp and excess; but by the laws of the Uto-
Contents
pians, there is no room for this. Near these markets there are
others for all sorts of provisions, where there are not only herbs,
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fruits, and bread, but also fish, fowl, and cattle. There are
also, without their towns, places appointed near some run-
ning water for killing their beasts and for washing away their
filth, which is done by their slaves; for they suffer none of
their citizens to kill their cattle, because they think that pity
and good-nature, which are among the best of those affec-
tions that are born with us, are much impaired by the butch-
ering of animals; nor do they suffer anything that is foul or
unclean to be brought within their towns, lest the air should
be infected by ill-smells, which might prejudice their health.
In every street there are great halls, that lie at an equal dis-
tance from each other, distinguished by particular names. The
Syphogrants dwell in those that are set over thirty families,
fifteen lying on one side of it, and as many on the other. In
these halls they all meet and have their repasts; the stewards
of every one of them come to the market-place at an appointed
hour, and according to the number of those that belong to
the hall they carry home provisions. But they take more care
of their sick than of any others; these are lodged and provided
for in public hospitals. They have belonging to every town
four hospitals, that are built without their walls, and are so
large that they may pass for little towns; by this means, if
they had ever such a number of sick persons, they could lodge
them conveniently, and at such a distance that such of them
as are sick of infectious diseases may be kept so far from the
rest that there can be no danger of contagion. The hospitals

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
76
are furnished and stored with all things that are convenient
for the ease and recovery of the sick; and those that are put in
them are looked after with such tender and watchful care,
and are so constantly attended by their skilful physicians, that
as none is sent to them against their will, so there is scarce one
in a whole town that, if he should fall ill, would not choose
rather to go thither than lie sick at home.
“After the steward of the hospitals has taken for the sick
whatsoever the physician prescribes, then the best things that
are left in the market are distributed equally among the halls
in proportion to their numbers; only, in the first place, they
serve the Prince, the Chief Priest, the Tranibors, the Ambas-
sadors, and strangers, if there are any, which, indeed, falls out
but seldom, and for whom there are houses, well furnished,
particularly appointed for their reception when they come
among them. At the hours of dinner and supper the whole
Syphogranty being called together by sound of trumpet, they
meet and eat together, except only such as are in the hospitals
or lie sick at home. Yet, after the halls are served, no man is
hindered to carry provisions home from the marketplace, for
they know that none does that but for some good reason; for
though any that will may eat at home, yet none does it will-
ingly, since it is both ridiculous and foolish for any to give
themselves the trouble to make ready an ill dinner at home
Contents
when there is a much more plentiful one made ready for him
so near hand. All the uneasy and sordid services about these
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halls are performed by their slaves; but the dressing and cook-
ing their meat, and the ordering their tables, belong only to
the women, all those of every family taking it by turns. They
sit at three or more tables, according to their number; the
men sit towards the wall, and the women sit on the other side,
that if any of them should be taken suddenly ill, which is no
uncommon case amongst women with child, she may, with-
out disturbing the rest, rise and go to the nurses’ room (who
are there with the sucking children), where there is always
clean water at hand and cradles, in which they may lay the
young children if there is occasion for it, and a fire, that they
may shift and dress them before it. Every child is nursed by
its own mother if death or sickness does not intervene; and in
that case the Syphogrants’ wives find out a nurse quickly, which
is no hard matter, for any one that can do it offers herself
cheerfully; for as they are much inclined to that piece of mercy,
so the child whom they nurse considers the nurse as its mother.
All the children under five years old sit among the nurses; the
rest of the younger sort of both sexes, till they are fit for
marriage, either serve those that sit at table, or, if they are not
strong enough for that, stand by them in great silence and eat
what is given them; nor have they any other formality of din-
ing. In the middle of the first table, which stands across the
upper end of the hall, sit the Syphogrant and his wife, for
that is the chief and most conspicuous place; next to him sit
two of the most ancient, for there go always four to a mess. If
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there is a temple within the Syphogranty, the Priest and his the one, and are to sleep after the other, during which they
wife sit with the Syphogrant above all the rest; next them think the stomach carries on the concoction more vigorously.
there is a mixture of old and young, who are so placed that as They never sup without music, and there is always fruit served
the young are set near others, so they are mixed with the more up after meat; while they are at table some burn perfumes
ancient; which, they say, was appointed on this account: that and sprinkle about fragrant ointments and sweet waters—in
the gravity of the old people, and the reverence that is due to short, they want nothing that may cheer up their spirits; they
them, might restrain the younger from all indecent words give themselves a large allowance that way, and indulge them-
and gestures. Dishes are not served up to the whole table at selves in all such pleasures as are attended with no inconve-
first, but the best are first set before the old, whose seats are nience. Thus do those that are in the towns live together; but
distinguished from the young, and, after them, all the rest are in the country, where they live at a great distance, every one
served alike. The old men distribute to the younger any cu- eats at home, and no family wants any necessary sort of pro-
rious meats that happen to be set before them, if there is not vision, for it is from them that provisions are sent unto those
such an abundance of them that the whole company may be that live in the towns.
served alike.
“Thus old men are honoured with a particular respect, yet
all the rest fare as well as they. Both dinner and supper are
begun with some lecture of morality that is read to them; but
it is so short that it is not tedious nor uneasy to them to hear
it. From hence the old men take occasion to entertain those
about them with some useful and pleasant enlargements; but
they do not engross the whole discourse so to themselves dur-
ing their meals that the younger may not put in for a share;
on the contrary, they engage them to talk, that so they may, in
that free way of conversation, find out the force of every one’s
Contents

spirit and observe his temper. They despatch their dinners

quickly, but sit long at supper, because they go to work after

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
80
Of the travelling of the Utopians.
If any man has a mind to visit his friends that live in some
other town, or desires to travel and see the rest of the country,
he obtains leave very easily from the Syphogrant and Tranibors,
when there is no particular occasion for him at home. Such as
travel carry with them a passport from the Prince, which both
certifies the licence that is granted for travelling, and limits
the time of their return. They are furnished with a waggon
and a slave, who drives the oxen and looks after them; but,
unless there are women in the company, the waggon is sent
back at the end of the journey as a needless encumbrance.
While they are on the road they carry no provisions with
them, yet they want for nothing, but are everywhere treated
as if they were at home. If they stay in any place longer than
Contents
a night, every one follows his proper occupation, and is very
well used by those of his own trade; but if any man goes out
of the city to which he belongs without leave, and is found
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rambling without a passport, he is severely treated, he is pun-
ished as a fugitive, and sent home disgracefully; and, if he
falls again into the like fault, is condemned to slavery. If any
man has a mind to travel only over the precinct of his own
city, he may freely do it, with his father’s permission and his
wife’s consent; but when he comes into any of the country
houses, if he expects to be entertained by them, he must labour
with them and conform to their rules; and if he does this, he
may freely go over the whole precinct, being then as useful to
the city to which he belongs as if he were still within it. Thus
you see that there are no idle persons among them, nor pre-
tences of excusing any from labour. There are no taverns, no
alehouses, nor stews among them, nor any other occasions of
corrupting each other, of getting into corners, or forming them-
selves into parties; all men live in full view, so that all are
obliged both to perform their ordinary task and to employ
themselves well in their spare hours; and it is certain that a
people thus ordered must live in great abundance of all things,
and these being equally distributed among them, no man can
want or be obliged to beg.
“In their great council at Amaurot, to which there are three
sent from every town once a year, they examine what towns
abound in provisions and what are under any scarcity, that so
the one may be furnished from the other; and this is done
freely, without any sort of exchange; for, according to their
plenty or scarcity, they supply or are supplied from one an-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
82
other, so that indeed the whole island is, as it were, one family.
When they have thus taken care of their whole country, and
laid up stores for two years (which they do to prevent the ill
consequences of an unfavourable season), they order an ex-
portation of the overplus, both of corn, honey, wool, flax, wood,
wax, tallow, leather, and cattle, which they send out, com-
monly in great quantities, to other nations. They order a
seventh part of all these goods to be freely given to the poor of
the countries to which they send them, and sell the rest at
moderate rates; and by this exchange they not only bring back
those few things that they need at home (for, indeed, they
scarce need anything but iron), but likewise a great deal of
gold and silver; and by their driving this trade so long, it is
not to be imagined how vast a treasure they have got among
them, so that now they do not much care whether they sell
off their merchandise for money in hand or upon trust. A
great part of their treasure is now in bonds; but in all their
contracts no private man stands bound, but the writing runs
in the name of the town; and the towns that owe them money
raise it from those private hands that owe it to them, lay it up
in their public chamber, or enjoy the profit of it till the Uto-
pians call for it; and they choose rather to let the greatest part
of it lie in their hands, who make advantage by it, than to call
for it themselves; but if they see that any of their other
Contents
neighbours stand more in need of it, then they call it in and
lend it to them. Whenever they are engaged in war, which is
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the only occasion in which their treasure can be usefully em-
ployed, they make use of it themselves; in great extremities or
sudden accidents they employ it in hiring foreign troops,
whom they more willingly expose to danger than their own
people; they give them great pay, knowing well that this will
work even on their enemies; that it will engage them either to
betray their own side, or, at least, to desert it; and that it is the
best means of raising mutual jealousies among them. For this
end they have an incredible treasure; but they do not keep it
as a treasure, but in such a manner as I am almost afraid to
tell, lest you think it so extravagant as to be hardly credible.
This I have the more reason to apprehend because, if I had
not seen it myself, I could not have been easily persuaded to
have believed it upon any man’s report.
“It is certain that all things appear incredible to us in pro-
portion as they differ from known customs; but one who can
judge aright will not wonder to find that, since their consti-
tution differs so much from ours, their value of gold and sil-
ver should be measured by a very different standard; for since
they have no use for money among themselves, but keep it as
a provision against events which seldom happen, and between
which there are generally long intervening intervals, they value
it no farther than it deserves—that is, in proportion to its use.
So that it is plain they must prefer iron either to gold or silver,
for men can no more live without iron than without fire or
water; but Nature has marked out no use for the other metals

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
84
so essential as not easily to be dispensed with. The folly of
men has enhanced the value of gold and silver because of their
scarcity; whereas, on the contrary, it is their opinion that Na-
ture, as an indulgent parent, has freely given us all the best
things in great abundance, such as water and earth, but has
laid up and hid from us the things that are vain and useless.
“If these metals were laid up in any tower in the kingdom
it would raise a jealousy of the Prince and Senate, and give
birth to that foolish mistrust into which the people are apt to
fall—a jealousy of their intending to sacrifice the interest of
the public to their own private advantage. If they should
work it into vessels, or any sort of plate, they fear that the
people might grow too fond of it, and so be unwilling to let
the plate be run down, if a war made it necessary, to employ it
in paying their soldiers. To prevent all these inconveniences
they have fallen upon an expedient which, as it agrees with
their other policy, so is it very different from ours, and will
scarce gain belief among us who value gold so much, and lay
it up so carefully. They eat and drink out of vessels of earth or
glass, which make an agreeable appearance, though formed of
brittle materials; while they make their chamber-pots and
close- stools of gold and silver, and that not only in their
public halls but in their private houses. Of the same metals
they likewise make chains and fetters for their slaves, to some
Contents
of which, as a badge of infamy, they hang an earring of gold,
and make others wear a chain or a coronet of the same metal;
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and thus they take care by all possible means to render gold
and silver of no esteem; and from hence it is that while other
nations part with their gold and silver as unwillingly as if one
tore out their bowels, those of Utopia would look on their
giving in all they possess of those metals (when there were
any use for them) but as the parting with a trifle, or as we
would esteem the loss of a penny! They find pearls on their
coasts, and diamonds and carbuncles on their rocks; they do
not look after them, but, if they find them by chance, they
polish them, and with them they adorn their children, who
are delighted with them, and glory in them during their child-
hood; but when they grow to years, and see that none but
children use such baubles, they of their own accord, without
being bid by their parents, lay them aside, and would be as
much ashamed to use them afterwards as children among us,
when they come to years, are of their puppets and other toys.
“I never saw a clearer instance of the opposite impressions
that different customs make on people than I observed in the
ambassadors of the Anemolians, who came to Amaurot when
I was there. As they came to treat of affairs of great conse-
quence, the deputies from several towns met together to wait
for their coming. The ambassadors of the nations that lie
near Utopia, knowing their customs, and that fine clothes are
in no esteem among them, that silk is despised, and gold is a
badge of infamy, used to come very modestly clothed; but
the Anemolians, lying more remote, and having had little com-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
86
merce with them, understanding that they were coarsely
clothed, and all in the same manner, took it for granted that
they had none of those fine things among them of which
they made no use; and they, being a vainglorious rather than
a wise people, resolved to set themselves out with so much
pomp that they should look like gods, and strike the eyes of
the poor Utopians with their splendour. Thus three ambas-
sadors made their entry with a hundred attendants, all clad in
garments of different colours, and the greater part in silk; the
ambassadors themselves, who were of the nobility of their
country, were in cloth-of-gold, and adorned with massy chains,
earrings and rings of gold; their caps were covered with brace-
lets set full of pearls and other gems—in a word, they were set
out with all those things that among the Utopians were either
the badges of slavery, the marks of infamy, or the playthings
of children. It was not unpleasant to see, on the one side, how
they looked big, when they compared their rich habits with
the plain clothes of the Utopians, who were come out in great
numbers to see them make their entry; and, on the other, to
observe how much they were mistaken in the impression which
they hoped this pomp would have made on them. It ap-
peared so ridiculous a show to all that had never stirred out of
their country, and had not seen the customs of other nations,
that though they paid some reverence to those that were the
Contents
most meanly clad, as if they had been the ambassadors, yet
when they saw the ambassadors themselves so full of gold and
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chains, they looked upon them as slaves, and forbore to treat
them with reverence. You might have seen the children who
were grown big enough to despise their playthings, and who
had thrown away their jewels, call to their mothers, push them
gently, and cry out, ‘See that great fool, that wears pearls and
gems as if he were yet a child!’ while their mothers very inno-
cently replied, ‘Hold your peace! this, I believe, is one of the
ambassadors’ fools.’ Others censured the fashion of their
chains, and observed, ‘That they were of no use, for they were
too slight to bind their slaves, who could easily break them;
and, besides, hung so loose about them that they thought it
easy to throw their away, and so get from them.” But after
the ambassadors had stayed a day among them, and saw so
vast a quantity of gold in their houses (which was as much
despised by them as it was esteemed in other nations), and
beheld more gold and silver in the chains and fetters of one
slave than all their ornaments amounted to, their plumes fell,
and they were ashamed of all that glory for which they had
formed valued themselves, and accordingly laid it aside—a
resolution that they immediately took when, on their engag-
ing in some free discourse with the Utopians, they discovered
their sense of such things and their other customs. The Uto-
pians wonder how any man should be so much taken with
the glaring doubtful lustre of a jewel or a stone, that can look
up to a star or to the sun himself; or how any should value
himself because his cloth is made of a finer thread; for, how

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
88
fine soever that thread may be, it was once no better than the
fleece of a sheep, and that sheep, was a sheep still, for all its
wearing it. They wonder much to hear that gold, which in
itself is so useless a thing, should be everywhere so much es-
teemed that even man, for whom it was made, and by whom
it has its value, should yet be thought of less value than this
metal; that a man of lead, who has no more sense than a log of
wood, and is as bad as he is foolish, should have many wise
and good men to serve him, only because he has a great heap
of that metal; and that if it should happen that by some acci-
dent or trick of law (which, sometimes produces as great
changes as chance itself ) all this wealth should pass from the
master to the meanest varlet of his whole family, he himself
would very soon become one of his servants, as if he were a
thing that belonged to his wealth, and so were bound to fol-
low its fortune! But they much more admire and detest the
folly of those who, when they see a rich man, though they
neither owe him anything, nor are in any sort dependent on
his bounty, yet, merely because he is rich, give him little less
than divine honours, even though they know him to be so
covetous and base-minded that, notwithstanding all his wealth,
he will not part with one farthing of it to them as long as he
lives!
“These and such like notions have that people imbibed,
Contents
partly from their education, being bred in a country whose
customs and laws are opposite to all such foolish maxims, and
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89
partly from their learning and studies—for though there are
but few in any town that are so wholly excused from labour
as to give themselves entirely up to their studies (these being
only such persons as discover from their childhood an ex-
traordinary capacity and disposition for letters), yet their chil-
dren and a great part of the nation, both men and women, are
taught to spend those hours in which they are not obliged to
work in reading; and this they do through the whole progress
of life. They have all their learning in their own tongue, which
is both a copious and pleasant language, and in which a man
can fully express his mind; it runs over a great tract of many
countries, but it is not equally pure in all places. They had
never so much as heard of the names of any of those philoso-
phers that are so famous in these parts of the world, before we
went among them; and yet they had made the same discover-
ies as the Greeks, both in music, logic, arithmetic, and geom-
etry. But as they are almost in everything equal to the an-
cient philosophers, so they far exceed our modern logicians
for they have never yet fallen upon the barbarous niceties that
our youth are forced to learn in those trifling logical schools
that are among us. They are so far from minding chimeras
and fantastical images made in the mind that none of them
could comprehend what we meant when we talked to them of
a man in the abstract as common to all men in particular (so
that though we spoke of him as a thing that we could point at
with our fingers, yet none of them could perceive him) and

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
90
yet distinct from every one, as if he were some monstrous
Colossus or giant; yet, for all this ignorance of these empty
notions, they knew astronomy, and were perfectly acquainted
with the motions of the heavenly bodies; and have many in-
struments, well contrived and divided, by which they very
accurately compute the course and positions of the sun, moon,
and stars. But for the cheat of divining by the stars, by their
oppositions or conjunctions, it has not so much as entered
into their thoughts. They have a particular sagacity, founded
upon much observation, in judging of the weather, by which
they know when they may look for rain, wind, or other alter-
ations in the air; but as to the philosophy of these things, the
cause of the saltness of the sea, of its ebbing and flowing, and
of the original and nature both of the heavens and the earth,
they dispute of them partly as our ancient philosophers have
done, and partly upon some new hypothesis, in which, as they
differ from them, so they do not in all things agree among
themselves.
“As to moral philosophy, they have the same disputes among
them as we have here. They examine what are properly good,
both for the body and the mind; and whether any outward
thing can be called truly GOOD, or if that term belong only
to the endowments of the soul. They inquire, likewise, into
the nature of virtue and pleasure. But their chief dispute is
Contents
concerning the happiness of a man, and wherein it consists—
whether in some one thing or in a great many. They seem,
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indeed, more inclinable to that opinion that places, if not the
whole, yet the chief part, of a man’s happiness in pleasure;
and, what may seem more strange, they make use of argu-
ments even from religion, notwithstanding its severity and
roughness, for the support of that opinion so indulgent to
pleasure; for they never dispute concerning happiness with-
out fetching some arguments from the principles of religion
as well as from natural reason, since without the former they
reckon that all our inquiries after happiness must be but con-
jectural and defective.
“These are their religious principles:- That the soul of man
is immortal, and that God of His goodness has designed that
it should be happy; and that He has, therefore, appointed
rewards for good and virtuous actions, and punishments for
vice, to be distributed after this life. Though these principles
of religion are conveyed down among them by tradition, they
think that even reason itself determines a man to believe and
acknowledge them; and freely confess that if these were taken
away, no man would be so insensible as not to seek after plea-
sure by all possible means, lawful or unlawful, using only this
caution—that a lesser pleasure might not stand in the way of
a greater, and that no pleasure ought to be pursued that should
draw a great deal of pain after it; for they think it the mad-
dest thing in the world to pursue virtue, that is a sour and
difficult thing, and not only to renounce the pleasures of life,
but willingly to undergo much pain and trouble, if a man has

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no prospect of a reward. And what reward can there be for
one that has passed his whole life, not only without pleasure,
but in pain, if there is nothing to be expected after death?
Yet they do not place happiness in all sorts of pleasures, but
only in those that in themselves are good and honest. There
is a party among them who place happiness in bare virtue;
others think that our natures are conducted by virtue to hap-
piness, as that which is the chief good of man. They define
virtue thus—that it is a living according to Nature, and think
that we are made by God for that end; they believe that a
man then follows the dictates of Nature when he pursues or
avoids things according to the direction of reason. They say
that the first dictate of reason is the kindling in us a love and
reverence for the Divine Majesty, to whom we owe both all
that we have and, all that we can ever hope for. In the next
place, reason directs us to keep our minds as free from passion
and as cheerful as we can, and that we should consider our-
selves as bound by the ties of good-nature and humanity to
use our utmost endeavours to help forward the happiness of
all other persons; for there never was any man such a morose
and severe pursuer of virtue, such an enemy to pleasure, that
though he set hard rules for men to undergo, much pain,
many watchings, and other rigors, yet did not at the same
time advise them to do all they could in order to relieve and
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ease the miserable, and who did not represent gentleness and
good-nature as amiable dispositions. And from thence they
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infer that if a man ought to advance the welfare and comfort
of the rest of mankind (there being no virtue more proper
and peculiar to our nature than to ease the miseries of others,
to free from trouble and anxiety, in furnishing them with the
comforts of life, in which pleasure consists) Nature much more
vigorously leads them to do all this for himself. A life of
pleasure is either a real evil, and in that case we ought not to
assist others in their pursuit of it, but, on the contrary, to
keep them from it all we can, as from that which is most
hurtful and deadly; or if it is a good thing, so that we not only
may but ought to help others to it, why, then, ought not a
man to begin with himself? since no man can be more bound
to look after the good of another than after his own; for Na-
ture cannot direct us to be good and kind to others, and yet at
the same time to be unmerciful and cruel to ourselves. Thus
as they define virtue to be living according to Nature, so they
imagine that Nature prompts all people on to seek after plea-
sure as the end of all they do. They also observe that in order
to our supporting the pleasures of life, Nature inclines us to
enter into society; for there is no man so much raised above
the rest of mankind as to be the only favourite of Nature,
who, on the contrary, seems to have placed on a level all those
that belong to the same species. Upon this they infer that no
man ought to seek his own conveniences so eagerly as to preju-
dice others; and therefore they think that not only all agree-
ments between private persons ought to be observed, but like-

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wise that all those laws ought to be kept which either a good
prince has published in due form, or to which a people that is
neither oppressed with tyranny nor circumvented by fraud
has consented, for distributing those conveniences of life which
afford us all our pleasures.
“They think it is an evidence of true wisdom for a man to
pursue his own advantage as far as the laws allow it, they
account it piety to prefer the public good to one’s private
concerns, but they think it unjust for a man to seek for plea-
sure by snatching another man’s pleasures from him; and, on
the contrary, they think it a sign of a gentle and good soul for
a man to dispense with his own advantage for the good of
others, and that by this means a good man finds as much
pleasure one way as he parts with another; for as he may ex-
pect the like from others when he may come to need it, so, if
that should fail him, yet the sense of a good action, and the
reflections that he makes on the love and gratitude of those
whom he has so obliged, gives the mind more pleasure than
the body could have found in that from which it had re-
strained itself. They are also persuaded that God will make
up the loss of those small pleasures with a vast and endless
joy, of which religion easily convinces a good soul.
“Thus, upon an inquiry into the whole matter, they reckon
that all our actions, and even all our virtues, terminate in plea-
Contents
sure, as in our chief end and greatest happiness; and they call
every motion or state, either of body or mind, in which Na-
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ture teaches us to delight, a pleasure. Thus they cautiously
limit pleasure only to those appetites to which Nature leads
us; for they say that Nature leads us only to those delights to
which reason, as well as sense, carries us, and by which we
neither injure any other person nor lose the possession of greater
pleasures, and of such as draw no troubles after them. But
they look upon those delights which men by a foolish, though
common, mistake call pleasure, as if they could change as eas-
ily the nature of things as the use of words, as things that
greatly obstruct their real happiness, instead of advancing it,
because they so entirely possess the minds of those that are
once captivated by them with a false notion of pleasure that
there is no room left for pleasures of a truer or purer kind.
“There are many things that in themselves have nothing
that is truly delightful; on the contrary, they have a good deal
of bitterness in them; and yet, from our perverse appetites
after forbidden objects, are not only ranked among the plea-
sures, but are made even the greatest designs, of life. Among
those who pursue these sophisticated pleasures they reckon
such as I mentioned before, who think themselves really the
better for having fine clothes; in which they think they are
doubly mistaken, both in the opinion they have of their clothes,
and in that they have of themselves. For if you consider the
use of clothes, why should a fine thread be thought better
than a coarse one? And yet these men, as if they had some
real advantages beyond others, and did not owe them wholly

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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to their mistakes, look big, seem to fancy themselves to be
more valuable, and imagine that a respect is due to them for
the sake of a rich garment, to which they would not have
pretended if they had been more meanly clothed, and even
resent it as an affront if that respect is not paid them. It is
also a great folly to be taken with outward marks of respect,
which signify nothing; for what true or real pleasure can one
man find in another’s standing bare or making legs to him?
Will the bending another man’s knees give ease to yours? and
will the head’s being bare cure the madness of yours? And
yet it is wonderful to see how this false notion of pleasure
bewitches many who delight themselves with the fancy of
their nobility, and are pleased with this conceit—that they
are descended from ancestors who have been held for some
successions rich, and who have had great possessions; for this
is all that makes nobility at present. Yet they do not think
themselves a whit the less noble, though their immediate par-
ents have left none of this wealth to them, or though they
themselves have squandered it away. The Utopians have no
better opinion of those who are much taken with gems and
precious stones, and who account it a degree of happiness
next to a divine one if they can purchase one that is very
extraordinary, especially if it be of that sort of stones that is
then in greatest request, for the same sort is not at all times
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universally of the same value, nor will men buy it unless it be
dismounted and taken out of the gold. The jeweller is then
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made to give good security, and required solemnly to swear
that the stone is true, that, by such an exact caution, a false
one might not be bought instead of a true; though, if you
were to examine it, your eye could find no difference between
the counterfeit and that which is true; so that they are all one
to you, as much as if you were blind. Or can it be thought
that they who heap up a useless mass of wealth, not for any
use that it is to bring them, but merely to please themselves
with the contemplation of it, enjoy any true pleasure in it?
The delight they find is only a false shadow of joy. Those are
no better whose error is somewhat different from the former,
and who hide it out of their fear of losing it; for what other
name can fit the hiding it in the earth, or, rather, the restoring
it to it again, it being thus cut off from being useful either to
its owner or to the rest of mankind? And yet the owner,
having hid it carefully, is glad, because he thinks he is now
sure of it. If it should be stole, the owner, though he might
live perhaps ten years after the theft, of which he knew noth-
ing, would find no difference between his having or losing it,
for both ways it was equally useless to him.
“Among those foolish pursuers of pleasure they reckon all
that delight in hunting, in fowling, or gaming, of whose mad-
ness they have only heard, for they have no such things among
them. But they have asked us, ‘What sort of pleasure is it
that men can find in throwing the dice?’ (for if there were any
pleasure in it, they think the doing it so often should give one

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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a surfeit of it); ‘and what pleasure can one find in hearing the
barking and howling of dogs, which seem rather odious than
pleasant sounds?’ Nor can they comprehend the pleasure of
seeing dogs run after a hare, more than of seeing one dog run
after another; for if the seeing them run is that which gives
the pleasure, you have the same entertainment to the eye on
both these occasions, since that is the same in both cases. But
if the pleasure lies in seeing the hare killed and torn by the
dogs, this ought rather to stir pity, that a weak, harmless, and
fearful hare should be devoured by strong, fierce, and cruel
dogs. Therefore all this business of hunting is, among the
Utopians, turned over to their butchers, and those, as has been
already said, are all slaves, and they look on hunting as one of
the basest parts of a butcher’s work, for they account it both
more profitable and more decent to kill those beasts that are
more necessary and useful to mankind, whereas the killing
and tearing of so small and miserable an animal can only at-
tract the huntsman with a false show of pleasure, from which
he can reap but small advantage. They look on the desire of
the bloodshed, even of beasts, as a mark of a mind that is
already corrupted with cruelty, or that at least, by too fre-
quent returns of so brutal a pleasure, must degenerate into it.
“Thus though the rabble of mankind look upon these,
and on innumerable other things of the same nature, as plea-
Contents
sures, the Utopians, on the contrary, observing that there is
nothing in them truly pleasant, conclude that they are not to
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be reckoned among pleasures; for though these things may
create some tickling in the senses (which seems to be a true
notion of pleasure), yet they imagine that this does not arise
from the thing itself, but from a depraved custom, which may
so vitiate a man’s taste that bitter things may pass for sweet, as
women with child think pitch or tallow taste sweeter than
honey; but as a man’s sense, when corrupted either by a dis-
ease or some ill habit., does not change the nature of other
things, so neither can it change the nature of pleasure.
“They reckon up several sorts of pleasures, which they call
true ones; some belong to the body, and others to the mind.
The pleasures of the mind lie in knowledge, and in that de-
light which the contemplation of truth carries with it; to which
they add the joyful reflections on a well-spent life, and the
assured hopes of a future happiness. They divide the plea-
sures of the body into two sorts—the one is that which gives
our senses some real delight, and is performed either by re-
cruiting Nature and supplying those parts which feed the
internal heat of life by eating and drinking, or when Nature is
eased of any surcharge that oppresses it, when we are relieved
from sudden pain, or that which arises from satisfying the
appetite which Nature has wisely given to lead us to the propa-
gation of the species. There is another kind of pleasure that
arises neither from our receiving what the body requires, nor
its being relieved when overcharged, and yet, by a secret un-
seen virtue, affects the senses, raises the passions, and strikes

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the mind with generous impressions—this is, the pleasure that
arises from music. Another kind of bodily pleasure is that
which results from an undisturbed and vigorous constitution
of body, when life and active spirits seem to actuate every
part. This lively health, when entirely free from all mixture
of pain, of itself gives an inward pleasure, independent of all
external objects of delight; and though this pleasure does not
so powerfully affect us, nor act so strongly on the senses as
some of the others, yet it may be esteemed as the greatest of
all pleasures; and almost all the Utopians reckon it the foun-
dation and basis of all the other joys of life, since this alone
makes the state of life easy and desirable, and when this is
wanting, a man is really capable of no other pleasure. They
look upon freedom from pain, if it does not rise from perfect
health, to be a state of stupidity rather than of pleasure. This
subject has been very narrowly canvassed among them, and it
has been debated whether a firm and entire health could be
called a pleasure or not. Some have thought that there was no
pleasure but what was ‘excited’ by some sensible motion in
the body. But this opinion has been long ago excluded from
among them; so that now they almost universally agree that
health is the greatest of all bodily pleasures; and that as there
is a pain in sickness which is as opposite in its nature to plea-
sure as sickness itself is to health, so they hold that health is
Contents
accompanied with pleasure. And if any should say that sick-
ness is not really pain, but that it only carries pain along with
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it, they look upon that as a fetch of subtlety that does not
much alter the matter. It is all one, in their opinion, whether
it be said that health is in itself a pleasure, or that it begets a
pleasure, as fire gives heat, so it be granted that all those whose
health is entire have a true pleasure in the enjoyment of it.
And they reason thus:- ‘What is the pleasure of eating, but
that a man’s health, which had been weakened, does, with the
assistance of food, drive away hunger, and so recruiting itself,
recovers its former vigour? And being thus refreshed it finds
a pleasure in that conflict; and if the conflict is pleasure, the
victory must yet breed a greater pleasure, except we fancy
that it becomes stupid as soon as it has obtained that which it
pursued, and so neither knows nor rejoices in its own welfare.’
If it is said that health cannot be felt, they absolutely deny it;
for what man is in health, that does not perceive it when he is
awake? Is there any man that is so dull and stupid as not to
acknowledge that he feels a delight in health? And what is
delight but another name for pleasure?
“But, of all pleasures, they esteem those to be most valu-
able that lie in the mind, the chief of which arise out of true
virtue and the witness of a good conscience. They account
health the chief pleasure that belongs to the body; for they
think that the pleasure of eating and drinking, and all the
other delights of sense, are only so far desirable as they give or
maintain health; but they are not pleasant in themselves oth-
erwise than as they resist those impressions that our natural

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infirmities are still making upon us. For as a wise man desires
rather to avoid diseases than to take physic, and to be freed
from pain rather than to find ease by remedies, so it is more
desirable not to need this sort of pleasure than to be obliged
to indulge it. If any man imagines that there is a real happi-
ness in these enjoyments, he must then confess that he would
be the happiest of all men if he were to lead his life in per-
petual hunger, thirst, and itching, and, by consequence, in
perpetual eating, drinking, and scratching himself; which any
one may easily see would be not only a base, but a miserable,
state of a life. These are, indeed, the lowest of pleasures, and
the least pure, for we can never relish them but when they are
mixed with the contrary pains. The pain of hunger must give
us the pleasure of eating, and here the pain out-balances the
pleasure. And as the pain is more vehement, so it lasts much
longer; for as it begins before the pleasure, so it does not cease
but with the pleasure that extinguishes it, and both expire
together. They think, therefore, none of those pleasures are to
be valued any further than as they are necessary; yet they
rejoice in them, and with due gratitude acknowledge the ten-
derness of the great Author of Nature, who has planted in us
appetites, by which those things that are necessary for our
preservation are likewise made pleasant to us. For how miser-
able a thing would life be if those daily diseases of hunger
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and thirst were to be carried off by such bitter drugs as we
must use for those diseases that return seldomer upon us!
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And thus these pleasant, as well as proper, gifts of Nature
maintain the strength and the sprightliness of our bodies.
“They also entertain themselves with the other delights
let in at their eyes, their ears, and their nostrils as the pleasant
relishes and seasoning of life, which Nature seems to have
marked out peculiarly for man, since no other sort of animals
contemplates the figure and beauty of the universe, nor is
delighted with smells any further than as they distinguish
meats by them; nor do they apprehend the concords or dis-
cords of sound. Yet, in all pleasures whatsoever, they take care
that a lesser joy does not hinder a greater, and that pleasure
may never breed pain, which they think always follows dis-
honest pleasures. But they think it madness for a man to
wear out the beauty of his face or the force of his natural
strength, to corrupt the sprightliness of his body by sloth and
laziness, or to waste it by fasting; that it is madness to weaken
the strength of his constitution and reject the other delights
of life, unless by renouncing his own satisfaction he can ei-
ther serve the public or promote the happiness of others, for
which he expects a greater recompense from God. So that
they look on such a course of life as the mark of a mind that is
both cruel to itself and ungrateful to the Author of Nature,
as if we would not be beholden to Him for His favours, and
therefore rejects all His blessings; as one who should afflict
himself for the empty shadow of virtue, or for no better end
than to render himself capable of bearing those misfortunes

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which possibly will never happen.
“This is their notion of virtue and of pleasure: they think
that no man’s reason can carry him to a truer idea of them
unless some discovery from heaven should inspire him with
sublimer notions. I have not now the leisure to examine
whether they think right or wrong in this matter; nor do I
judge it necessary, for I have only undertaken to give you an
account of their constitution, but not to defend all their prin-
ciples. I am sure that whatever may be said of their notions,
there is not in the whole world either a better people or a
happier government. Their bodies are vigorous and lively;
and though they are but of a middle stature, and have neither
the fruitfullest soil nor the purest air in the world; yet they
fortify themselves so well, by their temperate course of life,
against the unhealthiness of their air, and by their industry
they so cultivate their soil, that there is nowhere to be seen a
greater increase, both of corn and cattle, nor are there any-
where healthier men and freer from diseases; for one may there
see reduced to practice not only all the art that the husband-
man employs in manuring and improving an ill soil, but whole
woods plucked up by the roots, and in other places new ones
planted, where there were none before. Their principal mo-
tive for this is the convenience of carriage, that their timber
may be either near their towns or growing on the banks of the
Contents
sea, or of some rivers, so as to be floated to them; for it is a
harder work to carry wood at any distance over land than
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corn. The people are industrious, apt to learn, as well as cheerful
and pleasant, and none can endure more labour when it is
necessary; but, except in that case, they love their ease. They
are unwearied pursuers of knowledge; for when we had given
them some hints of the learning and discipline of the Greeks,
concerning whom we only instructed them (for we know that
there was nothing among the Romans, except their historians
and their poets, that they would value much), it was strange
to see how eagerly they were set on learning that language:
we began to read a little of it to them, rather in compliance
with their importunity than out of any hopes of their reaping
from it any great advantage: but, after a very short trial, we
found they made such progress, that we saw our labour was
like to be more successful than we could have expected: they
learned to write their characters and to pronounce their lan-
guage so exactly, had so quick an apprehension, they remem-
bered it so faithfully, and became so ready and correct in the
use of it, that it would have looked like a miracle if the greater
part of those whom we taught had not been men both of
extraordinary capacity and of a fit age for instruction: they
were, for the greatest part, chosen from among their learned
men by their chief council, though some studied it of their
own accord. In three years’ time they became masters of the
whole language, so that they read the best of the Greek au-
thors very exactly. I am, indeed, apt to think that they learned
that language the more easily from its having some relation to

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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their own. I believe that they were a colony of the Greeks; for
though their language comes nearer the Persian, yet they re-
tain many names, both for their towns and magistrates, that
are of Greek derivation. I happened to carry a great many
books with me, instead of merchandise, when I sailed my
fourth voyage; for I was so far from thinking of soon coming
back, that I rather thought never to have returned at all, and I
gave them all my books, among which were many of Plato’s
and some of Aristotle’s works: I had also Theophrastus on
Plants, which, to my great regret, was imperfect; for having
laid it carelessly by, while we were at sea, a monkey had seized
upon it, and in many places torn out the leaves. They have no
books of grammar but Lascares, for I did not carry Theodorus
with me; nor have they any dictionaries but Hesichius and
Dioscerides. They esteem Plutarch highly, and were much
taken with Lucian’s wit and with his pleasant way of writing.
As for the poets, they have Aristophanes, Homer, Euripides,
and Sophocles of Aldus’s edition; and for historians,
Thucydides, Herodotus, and Herodian. One of my compan-
ions, Thricius Apinatus, happened to carry with him some of
Hippocrates’s works and Galen’s Microtechne, which they hold
in great estimation; for though there is no nation in the world
that needs physic so little as they do, yet there is not any that
honours it so much; they reckon the knowledge of it one of
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the pleasantest and most profitable parts of philosophy, by
which, as they search into the secrets of nature, so they not
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only find this study highly agreeable, but think that such
inquiries are very acceptable to the Author of nature; and
imagine, that as He, like the inventors of curious engines
amongst mankind, has exposed this great machine of the uni-
verse to the view of the only creatures capable of contemplat-
ing it, so an exact and curious observer, who admires His work-
manship, is much more acceptable to Him than one of the
herd, who, like a beast incapable of reason, looks on this glo-
rious scene with the eyes of a dull and unconcerned spectator.
“The minds of the Utopians, when fenced with a love for
learning, are very ingenious in discovering all such arts as are
necessary to carry it to perfection. Two things they owe to us,
the manufacture of paper and the art of printing; yet they are
not so entirely indebted to us for these discoveries but that a
great part of the invention was their own. We showed them
some books printed by Aldus, we explained to them the way
of making paper and the mystery of printing; but, as we had
never practised these arts, we described them in a crude and
superficial manner. They seized the hints we gave them; and
though at first they could not arrive at perfection, yet by
making many essays they at last found out and corrected all
their errors and conquered every difficulty. Before this they
only wrote on parchment, on reeds, or on the barks of trees;
but now they have established the manufactures of paper and
set up printing presses, so that, if they had but a good num-
ber of Greek authors, they would be quickly supplied with
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108 109

many copies of them: at present, though they have no more

than those I have mentioned, yet, by several impressions, they
have multiplied them into many thousands. If any man was
to go among them that had some extraordinary talent, or that
by much travelling had observed the customs of many na-
tions (which made us to be so well received), he would receive
a hearty welcome, for they are very desirous to know the state
of the whole world. Very few go among them on the account
of traffic; for what can a man carry to them but iron, or gold,
or silver? which merchants desire rather to export than im- Of their slaves, and of their marriages.
port to a strange country: and as for their exportation, they
think it better to manage that themselves than to leave it to “They do not make slaves of prisoners of war, except those
foreigners, for by this means, as they understand the state of that are taken in battle, nor of the sons of their slaves, nor of
the neighbouring countries better, so they keep up the art of those of other nations: the slaves among them are only such
navigation which cannot be maintained but by much prac- as are condemned to that state of life for the commission of
tice. some crime, or, which is more common, such as their mer-
chants find condemned to die in those parts to which they
trade, whom they sometimes redeem at low rates, and in other
places have them for nothing. They are kept at perpetual
labour, and are always chained, but with this difference, that
their own natives are treated much worse than others: they
are considered as more profligate than the rest, and since they
could not be restrained by the advantages of so excellent an
education, are judged worthy of harder usage. Another sort
Contents

of slaves are the poor of the neighbouring countries, who of-

fer of their own accord to come and serve them: they treat
these better, and use them in all other respects as well as their

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110
own countrymen, except their imposing more labour upon
them, which is no hard task to those that have been accus-
tomed to it; and if any of these have a mind to go back to
their own country, which, indeed, falls out but seldom, as
they do not force them to stay, so they do not send them away
empty-handed.
“I have already told you with what care they look after
their sick, so that nothing is left undone that can contribute
either to their case or health; and for those who are taken with
fixed and incurable diseases, they use all possible ways to cher-
ish them and to make their lives as comfortable as possible.
They visit them often and take great pains to make their time
pass off easily; but when any is taken with a torturing and
lingering pain, so that there is no hope either of recovery or
ease, the priests and magistrates come and exhort them, that,
since they are now unable to go on with the business of life,
are become a burden to themselves and to all about them, and
they have really out-lived themselves, they should no longer
nourish such a rooted distemper, but choose rather to die since
they cannot live but in much misery; being assured that if
they thus deliver themselves from torture, or are willing that
others should do it, they shall be happy after death: since, by
their acting thus, they lose none of the pleasures, but only the
troubles of life, they think they behave not only reasonably
Contents
but in a manner consistent with religion and piety; because
they follow the advice given them by their priests, who are
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the expounders of the will of God. Such as are wrought on
by these persuasions either starve themselves of their own ac-
cord, or take opium, and by that means die without pain.
But no man is forced on this way of ending his life; and if
they cannot be persuaded to it, this does not induce them to
fail in their attendance and care of them: but as they believe
that a voluntary death, when it is chosen upon such an au-
thority, is very honourable, so if any man takes away his own
life without the approbation of the priests and the senate,
they give him none of the honours of a decent funeral, but
throw his body into a ditch.
“Their women are not married before eighteen nor their
men before two-and-twenty, and if any of them run into for-
bidden embraces before marriage they are severely punished,
and the privilege of marriage is denied them unless they can
obtain a special warrant from the Prince. Such disorders cast
a great reproach upon the master and mistress of the family
in which they happen, for it is supposed that they have failed
in their duty. The reason of punishing this so severely is,
because they think that if they were not strictly restrained
from all vagrant appetites, very few would engage in a state in
which they venture the quiet of their whole lives, by being
confined to one person, and are obliged to endure all the in-
conveniences with which it is accompanied. In choosing their
wives they use a method that would appear to us very absurd
and ridiculous, but it is constantly observed among them,

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and is accounted perfectly consistent with wisdom. Before
marriage some grave matron presents the bride, naked, whether
she is a virgin or a widow, to the bridegroom, and after that
some grave man presents the bridegroom, naked, to the bride.
We, indeed, both laughed at this, and condemned it as very
indecent. But they, on the other hand, wondered at the folly
of the men of all other nations, who, if they are but to buy a
horse of a small value, are so cautious that they will see every
part of him, and take off both his saddle and all his other
tackle, that there may be no secret ulcer hid under any of
them, and that yet in the choice of a wife, on which depends
the happiness or unhappiness of the rest of his life, a man
should venture upon trust, and only see about a handsbreadth
of the face, all the rest of the body being covered, under which
may lie hid what may be contagious as well as loathsome. All
men are not so wise as to choose a woman only for her good
qualities, and even wise men consider the body as that which
adds not a little to the mind, and it is certain there may be
some such deformity covered with clothes as may totally alien-
ate a man from his wife, when it is too late to part with her; if
such a thing is discovered after marriage a man has no remedy
but patience; they, therefore, think it is reasonable that there
should be good provision made against such mischievous
frauds.
Contents
“There was so much the more reason for them to make a
regulation in this matter, because they are the only people of
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those parts that neither allow of polygamy nor of divorces,
except in the case of adultery or insufferable perverseness, for
in these cases the Senate dissolves the marriage and grants the
injured person leave to marry again; but the guilty are made
infamous and are never allowed the privilege of a second mar-
riage. None are suffered to put away their wives against their
wills, from any great calamity that may have fallen on their
persons, for they look on it as the height of cruelty and treach-
ery to abandon either of the married persons when they need
most the tender care of their consort, and that chiefly in the
case of old age, which, as it carries many diseases along with it,
so it is a disease of itself. But it frequently falls out that when
a married couple do not well agree, they, by mutual consent,
separate, and find out other persons with whom they hope
they may live more happily; yet this is not done without ob-
taining leave of the Senate, which never admits of a divorce
but upon a strict inquiry made, both by the senators and
their wives, into the grounds upon which it is desired, and
even when they are satisfied concerning the reasons of it they
go on but slowly, for they imagine that too great easiness in
granting leave for new marriages would very much shake the
kindness of married people. They punish severely those that
defile the marriage bed; if both parties are married they are
divorced, and the injured persons may marry one another, or
whom they please, but the adulterer and the adulteress are
condemned to slavery, yet if either of the injured persons can-

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not shake off the love of the married person they may live
with them still in that state, but they must follow them to
that labour to which the slaves are condemned, and some-
times the repentance of the condemned, together with the
unshaken kindness of the innocent and injured person, has
prevailed so far with the Prince that he has taken off the sen-
tence; but those that relapse after they are once pardoned are
punished with death.
“Their law does not determine the punishment for other
crimes, but that is left to the Senate, to temper it according to
the circumstances of the fact. Husbands have power to cor-
rect their wives and parents to chastise their children, unless
the fault is so great that a public punishment is thought nec-
essary for striking terror into others. For the most part sla-
very is the punishment even of the greatest crimes, for as that
is no less terrible to the criminals themselves than death, so
they think the preserving them in a state of servitude is more
for the interest of the commonwealth than killing them, since,
as their labour is a greater benefit to the public than their
death could be, so the sight of their misery is a more lasting
terror to other men than that which would be given by their
death. If their slaves rebel, and will not bear their yoke and
submit to the labour that is enjoined them, they are treated as
wild beasts that cannot be kept in order, neither by a prison
Contents
nor by their chains, and are at last put to death. But those
who bear their punishment patiently, and are so much wrought
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115
on by that pressure that lies so hard on them, that it appears
they are really more troubled for the crimes they have com-
mitted than for the miseries they suffer, are not out of hope,
but that, at last, either the Prince will, by his prerogative, or
the people, by their intercession, restore them again to their
liberty, or, at least, very much mitigate their slavery. He that
tempts a married woman to adultery is no less severely pun-
ished than he that commits it, for they believe that a deliber-
ate design to commit a crime is equal to the fact itself, since
its not taking effect does not make the person that miscarried
in his attempt at all the less guilty.
“They take great pleasure in fools, and as it is thought a
base and unbecoming thing to use them ill, so they do not
think it amiss for people to divert themselves with their folly;
and, in their opinion, this is a great advantage to the fools
themselves; for if men were so sullen and severe as not at all to
please themselves with their ridiculous behaviour and foolish
sayings, which is all that they can do to recommend them-
selves to others, it could not be expected that they would be
so well provided for nor so tenderly used as they must other-
wise be. If any man should reproach another for his being
misshaped or imperfect in any part of his body, it would not
at all be thought a reflection on the person so treated, but it
would be accounted scandalous in him that had upbraided
another with what he could not help. It is thought a sign of
a sluggish and sordid mind not to preserve carefully one’s

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natural beauty; but it is likewise infamous among them to
use paint. They all see that no beauty recommends a wife so
much to her husband as the probity of her life and her obedi-
ence; for as some few are caught and held only by beauty, so
all are attracted by the other excellences which charm all the
world.
“As they fright men from committing crimes by punish-
ments, so they invite them to the love of virtue by public
honours; therefore they erect statues to the memories of such
worthy men as have deserved well of their country, and set
these in their market-places, both to perpetuate the remem-
brance of their actions and to be an incitement to their pos-
terity to follow their example.
“If any man aspires to any office he is sure never to com-
pass it. They all live easily together, for none of the magis-
trates are either insolent or cruel to the people; they affect
rather to be called fathers, and, by being really so, they well
deserve the name; and the people pay them all the marks of
honour the more freely because none are exacted from them.
The Prince himself has no distinction, either of garments or
of a crown; but is only distinguished by a sheaf of corn car-
ried before him; as the High Priest is also known by his being
preceded by a person carrying a wax light.
“They have but few laws, and such is their constitution
Contents
that they need not many. They very much condemn other
nations whose laws, together with the commentaries on them,
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swell up to so many volumes; for they think it an unreason-
able thing to oblige men to obey a body of laws that are both
of such a bulk, and so dark as not to be read and understood
by every one of the subjects.
“They have no lawyers among them, for they consider them
as a sort of people whose profession it is to disguise matters
and to wrest the laws, and, therefore, they think it is much
better that every man should plead his own cause, and trust it
to the judge, as in other places the client trusts it to a counsel-
lor; by this means they both cut off many delays and find out
truth more certainly; for after the parties have laid open the
merits of the cause, without those artifices which lawyers are
apt to suggest, the judge examines the whole matter, and sup-
ports the simplicity of such well-meaning persons, whom oth-
erwise crafty men would be sure to run down; and thus they
avoid those evils which appear very remarkably among all those
nations that labour under a vast load of laws. Every one of
them is skilled in their law; for, as it is a very short study, so
the plainest meaning of which words are capable is always the
sense of their laws; and they argue thus: all laws are promul-
gated for this end, that every man may know his duty; and,
therefore, the plainest and most obvious sense of the words is
that which ought to be put upon them, since a more refined
exposition cannot be easily comprehended, and would only
serve to make the laws become useless to the greater part of
mankind, and especially to those who need most the direc-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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tion of them; for it is all one not to make a law at all or to
couch it in such terms that, without a quick apprehension
and much study, a man cannot find out the true meaning of
it, since the generality of mankind are both so dull, and so
much employed in their several trades, that they have neither
the leisure nor the capacity requisite for such an inquiry.
“Some of their neighbours, who are masters of their own
liberties (having long ago, by the assistance of the Utopians,
shaken off the yoke of tyranny, and being much taken with
those virtues which they observe among them), have come to
desire that they would send magistrates to govern them, some
changing them every year, and others every five years; at the
end of their government they bring them back to Utopia,
with great expressions of honour and esteem, and carry away
others to govern in their stead. In this they seem to have
fallen upon a very good expedient for their own happiness
and safety; for since the good or ill condition of a nation
depends so much upon their magistrates, they could not have
made a better choice than by pitching on men whom no ad-
vantages can bias; for wealth is of no use to them, since they
must so soon go back to their own country, and they, being
strangers among them, are not engaged in any of their heats
or animosities; and it is certain that when public judicatories
are swayed, either by avarice or partial affections, there must
Contents
follow a dissolution of justice, the chief sinew of society.
“The Utopians call those nations that come and ask mag-
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istrates from them Neighbours; but those to whom they have
been of more particular service, Friends; and as all other na-
tions are perpetually either making leagues or breaking them,
they never enter into an alliance with any state. They think
leagues are useless things, and believe that if the common ties
of humanity do not knit men together, the faith of promises
will have no great effect; and they are the more confirmed in
this by what they see among the nations round about them,
who are no strict observers of leagues and treaties. We know
how religiously they are observed in Europe, more particu-
larly where the Christian doctrine is received, among whom
they are sacred and inviolable! which is partly owing to the
justice and goodness of the princes themselves, and partly to
the reverence they pay to the popes, who, as they are the most
religious observers of their own promises, so they exhort all
other princes to perform theirs, and, when fainter methods
do not prevail, they compel them to it by the severity of the
pastoral censure, and think that it would be the most inde-
cent thing possible if men who are particularly distinguished
by the title of ‘The Faithful’ should not religiously keep the
faith of their treaties. But in that new-found world, which is
not more distant from us in situation than the people are in
their manners and course of life, there is no trusting to leagues,
even though they were made with all the pomp of the most
sacred ceremonies; on the contrary, they are on this account
the sooner broken, some slight pretence being found in the

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words of the treaties, which are purposely couched in such
ambiguous terms that they can never be so strictly bound but
they will always find some loophole to escape at, and thus
they break both their leagues and their faith; and this is done
with such impudence, that those very men who value them-
selves on having suggested these expedients to their princes
would, with a haughty scorn, declaim against such craft; or, to
speak plainer, such fraud and deceit, if they found private
men make use of it in their bargains, and would readily say
that they deserved to be hanged.
“By this means it is that all sort of justice passes in the
world for a low-spirited and vulgar virtue, far below the dig-
nity of royal greatness—or at least there are set up two sorts
of justice; the one is mean and creeps on the ground, and,
therefore, becomes none but the lower part of mankind, and
so must be kept in severely by many restraints, that it may
not break out beyond the bounds that are set to it; the other
is the peculiar virtue of princes, which, as it is more majestic
than that which becomes the rabble, so takes a freer compass,
and thus lawful and unlawful are only measured by pleasure
and interest. These practices of the princes that lie about
Utopia, who make so little account of their faith, seem to be
the reasons that determine them to engage in no confederacy.
Perhaps they would change their mind if they lived among
Contents
us; but yet, though treaties were more religiously observed,
they would still dislike the custom of making them, since the
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world has taken up a false maxim upon it, as if there were no
tie of nature uniting one nation to another, only separated
perhaps by a mountain or a river, and that all were born in a
state of hostility, and so might lawfully do all that mischief to
their neighbours against which there is no provision made by
treaties; and that when treaties are made they do not cut off
the enmity or restrain the licence of preying upon each other,
if, by the unskilfulness of wording them, there are not effec-
tual provisoes made against them; they, on the other hand,
judge that no man is to be esteemed our enemy that has never
injured us, and that the partnership of human nature is in-
stead of a league; and that kindness and good nature unite
men more effectually and with greater strength than any agree-
ments whatsoever, since thereby the engagements of men’s
hearts become stronger than the bond and obligation of words.

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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Of their military discipline.
They detest war as a very brutal thing, and which, to the
reproach of human nature, is more practised by men than by
any sort of beasts. They, in opposition to the sentiments of
almost all other nations, think that there is nothing more in-
glorious than that glory that is gained by war; and therefore,
though they accustom themselves daily to military exercises
and the discipline of war, in which not only their men, but
their women likewise, are trained up, that, in cases of neces-
sity, they may not be quite useless, yet they do not rashly
engage in war, unless it be either to defend themselves or their
friends from any unjust aggressors, or, out of good nature or
in compassion, assist an oppressed nation in shaking off the
yoke of tyranny. They, indeed, help their friends not only in
Contents
defensive but also in offensive wars; but they never do that
unless they had been consulted before the breach was made,
and, being satisfied with the grounds on which they went,
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they had found that all demands of reparation were rejected,
so that a war was unavoidable. This they think to be not only
just when one neighbour makes an inroad on another by public
order, and carries away the spoils, but when the merchants of
one country are oppressed in another, either under pretence
of some unjust laws, or by the perverse wresting of good ones.
This they count a juster cause of war than the other, because
those injuries are done under some colour of laws. This was
the only ground of that war in which they engaged with the
Nephelogetes against the Aleopolitanes, a little before our
time; for the merchants of the former having, as they thought,
met with great injustice among the latter, which (whether it
was in itself right or wrong) drew on a terrible war, in which
many of their neighbours were engaged; and their keenness
in carrying it on being supported by their strength in main-
taining it, it not only shook some very flourishing states and
very much afflicted others, but, after a series of much mis-
chief ended in the entire conquest and slavery of the
Aleopolitanes, who, though before the war they were in all
respects much superior to the Nephelogetes, were yet sub-
dued; but, though the Utopians had assisted them in the war,
yet they pretended to no share of the spoil
“But, though they so vigorously assist their friends in ob-
taining reparation for the injuries they have received in affairs
of this nature, yet, if any such frauds were committed against
themselves, provided no violence was done to their persons,

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they would only, on their being refused satisfaction, forbear
trading with such a people. This is not because they consider
their neighbours more than their own citizens; but, since their
neighbours trade every one upon his own stock, fraud is a
more sensible injury to them than it is to the Utopians, among
whom the public, in such a case, only suffers, as they expect
no thing in return for the merchandise they export but that
in which they so much abound, and is of little use to them,
the loss does not much affect them. They think, therefore, it
would be too severe to revenge a loss attended with so little
inconvenience, either to their lives or their subsistence, with
the death of many persons; but if any of their people are
either killed or wounded wrongfully, whether it be done by
public authority, or only by private men, as soon as they hear
of it they send ambassadors, and demand that the guilty per-
sons may be delivered up to them, and if that is denied, they
declare war; but if it be complied with, the offenders are con-
demned either to death or slavery.
“They would be both troubled and ashamed of a bloody
victory over their enemies; and think it would be as foolish a
purchase as to buy the most valuable goods at too high a rate.
And in no victory do they glory so much as in that which is
gained by dexterity and good conduct without bloodshed.
In such cases they appoint public triumphs, and erect tro-
Contents
phies to the honour of those who have succeeded; for then do
they reckon that a man acts suitably to his nature, when he
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125
conquers his enemy in such a way as that no other creature
but a man could be capable of, and that is by the strength of
his understanding. Bears, lions, boars, wolves, and dogs, and
all other animals, employ their bodily force one against an-
other, in which, as many of them are superior to men, both in
strength and fierceness, so they are all subdued by his reason
and understanding.
“The only design of the Utopians in war is to obtain that
by force which, if it had been granted them in time, would
have prevented the war; or, if that cannot be done, to take so
severe a revenge on those that have injured them that they
may be terrified from doing the like for the time to come. By
these ends they measure all their designs, and manage them
so, that it is visible that the appetite of fame or vainglory does
not work so much on there as a just care of their own security.
“As soon as they declare war, they take care to have a great
many schedules, that are sealed with their common seal, af-
fixed in the most conspicuous places of their enemies’ coun-
try. This is carried secretly, and done in many places all at
once. In these they promise great rewards to such as shall kill
the prince, and lesser in proportion to such as shall kill any
other persons who are those on whom, next to the prince him-
self, they cast the chief balance of the war. And they double
the sum to him that, instead of killing the person so marked
out, shall take him alive, and put him in their hands. They
offer not only indemnity, but rewards, to such of the persons

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themselves that are so marked, if they will act against their
countrymen. By this means those that are named in their
schedules become not only distrustful of their fellow- citi-
zens, but are jealous of one another, and are much distracted
by fear and danger; for it has often fallen out that many of
them, and even the prince himself, have been betrayed, by
those in whom they have trusted most; for the rewards that
the Utopians offer are so immeasurably great, that there is no
sort of crime to which men cannot be drawn by them. They
consider the risk that those run who undertake such services,
and offer a recompense proportioned to the danger—not only
a vast deal of gold, but great revenues in lands, that lie among
other nations that are their friends, where they may go and
enjoy them very securely; and they observe the promises they
make of their kind most religiously. They very much approve
of this way of corrupting their enemies, though it appears to
others to be base and cruel; but they look on it as a wise
course, to make an end of what would be otherwise a long
war, without so much as hazarding one battle to decide it.
They think it likewise an act of mercy and love to mankind to
prevent the great slaughter of those that must otherwise be
killed in the progress of the war, both on their own side and
on that of their enemies, by the death of a few that are most
guilty; and that in so doing they are kind even to their en-
Contents
emies, and pity them no less than their own people, as know-
ing that the greater part of them do not engage in the war of
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their own accord, but are driven into it by the passions of
their prince.
“If this method does not succeed with them, then they
sow seeds of contention among their enemies, and animate
the prince’s brother, or some of the nobility, to aspire to the
crown. If they cannot disunite them by domestic broils, then
they engage their neighbours against them, and make them
set on foot some old pretensions, which are never wanting to
princes when they have occasion for them. These they plenti-
fully supply with money, though but very sparingly with any
auxiliary troops; for they are so tender of their own people
that they would not willingly exchange one of them, even
with the prince of their enemies’ country.
“But as they keep their gold and silver only for such an
occasion, so, when that offers itself, they easily part with it;
since it would be no convenience to them, though they should
reserve nothing of it to themselves. For besides the wealth
that they have among them at home, they have a vast treasure
abroad; many nations round about them being deep in their
debt: so that they hire soldiers from all places for carrying on
their wars; but chiefly from the Zapolets, who live five hun-
dred miles east of Utopia. They are a rude, wild, and fierce
nation, who delight in the woods and rocks, among which
they were born and bred up. They are hardened both against
heat, cold, and labour, and know nothing of the delicacies of
life. They do not apply themselves to agriculture, nor do they

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care either for their houses or their clothes: cattle is all that
they look after; and for the greatest part they live either by
hunting or upon rapine; and are made, as it were, only for
war. They watch all opportunities of engaging in it, and very
readily embrace such as are offered them. Great numbers of
them will frequently go out, and offer themselves for a very
low pay, to serve any that will employ them: they know none
of the arts of life, but those that lead to the taking it away;
they serve those that hire them, both with much courage and
great fidelity; but will not engage to serve for any determined
time, and agree upon such terms, that the next day they may
go over to the enemies of those whom they serve if they offer
them a greater encouragement; and will, perhaps, return to
them the day after that upon a higher advance of their pay.
There are few wars in which they make not a considerable
part of the armies of both sides: so it often falls out that they
who are related, and were hired in the same country, and so
have lived long and familiarly together, forgetting both their
relations and former friendship, kill one another upon no other
consideration than that of being hired to it for a little money
by princes of different interests; and such a regard have they
for money that they are easily wrought on by the difference
of one penny a day to change sides. So entirely does their
avarice influence them; and yet this money, which they value
Contents
so highly, is of little use to them; for what they purchase thus
with their blood they quickly waste on luxury, which among
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them is but of a poor and miserable form.
“This nation serves the Utopians against all people what-
soever, for they pay higher than any other. The Utopians
hold this for a maxim, that as they seek out the best sort of
men for their own use at home, so they make use of this worst
sort of men for the consumption of war; and therefore they
hire them with the offers of vast rewards to expose themselves
to all sorts of hazards, out of which the greater part never
returns to claim their promises; yet they make them good
most religiously to such as escape. This animates them to
adventure again, whenever there is occasion for it; for the Uto-
pians are not at all troubled how many of these happen to be
killed, and reckon it a service done to mankind if they could
be a means to deliver the world from such a lewd and vicious
sort of people, that seem to have run together, as to the drain
of human nature. Next to these, they are served in their wars
with those upon whose account they undertake them, and
with the auxiliary troops of their other friends, to whom they
join a few of their own people, and send some man of emi-
nent and approved virtue to command in chief. There are
two sent with him, who, during his command, are but private
men, but the first is to succeed him if he should happen to be
either killed or taken; and, in case of the like misfortune to
him, the third comes in his place; and thus they provide against
all events, that such accidents as may befall their generals may
not endanger their armies. When they draw out troops of

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their own people, they take such out of every city as freely
offer themselves, for none are forced to go against their wills,
since they think that if any man is pressed that wants cour-
age, he will not only act faintly, but by his cowardice dis-
hearten others. But if an invasion is made on their country,
they make use of such men, if they have good bodies, though
they are not brave; and either put them aboard their ships, or
place them on the walls of their towns, that being so posted,
they may find no opportunity of flying away; and thus either
shame, the heat of action, or the impossibility of flying, bears
down their cowardice; they often make a virtue of necessity,
and behave themselves well, because nothing else is left them.
But as they force no man to go into any foreign war against
his will, so they do not hinder those women who are willing
to go along with their husbands; on the contrary, they en-
courage and praise them, and they stand often next their hus-
bands in the front of the army. They also place together
those who are related, parents, and children, kindred, and those
that are mutually allied, near one another; that those whom
nature has inspired with the greatest zeal for assisting one
another may be the nearest and readiest to do it; and it is
matter of great reproach if husband or wife survive one an-
other, or if a child survives his parent, and therefore when
they come to be engaged in action, they continue to fight to
Contents
the last man, if their enemies stand before them: and as they
use all prudent methods to avoid the endangering their own
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131
men, and if it is possible let all the action and danger fall
upon the troops that they hire, so if it becomes necessary for
themselves to engage, they then charge with as much courage
as they avoided it before with prudence: nor is it a fierce
charge at first, but it increases by degrees; and as they con-
tinue in action, they grow more obstinate, and press harder
upon the enemy, insomuch that they will much sooner die
than give ground; for the certainty that their children will be
well looked after when they are dead frees them from all that
anxiety concerning them which often masters men of great
courage; and thus they are animated by a noble and invin-
cible resolution. Their skill in military affairs increases their
courage: and the wise sentiments which, according to the
laws of their country, are instilled into them in their educa-
tion, give additional vigour to their minds: for as they do not
undervalue life so as prodigally to throw it away, they are not
so indecently fond of it as to preserve it by base and unbe-
coming methods. In the greatest heat of action the bravest of
their youth, who have devoted themselves to that service, single
out the general of their enemies, set on him either openly or
by ambuscade; pursue him everywhere, and when spent and
wearied out, are relieved by others, who never give over the
pursuit, either attacking him with close weapons when they
can get near him, or with those which wound at a distance,
when others get in between them. So that, unless he secures
himself by flight, they seldom fail at last to kill or to take him

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
132
prisoner. When they have obtained a victory, they kill as few
as possible, and are much more bent on taking many prison-
ers than on killing those that fly before them. Nor do they
ever let their men so loose in the pursuit of their enemies as
not to retain an entire body still in order; so that if they have
been forced to engage the last of their battalions before they
could gain the day, they will rather let their enemies all escape
than pursue them when their own army is in disorder; re-
membering well what has often fallen out to themselves, that
when the main body of their army has been quite defeated
and broken, when their enemies, imagining the victory ob-
tained, have let themselves loose into an irregular pursuit, a
few of them that lay for a reserve, waiting a fit opportunity,
have fallen on them in their chase, and when straggling in
disorder, and apprehensive of no danger, but counting the
day their own, have turned the whole action, and, wresting
out of their hands a victory that seemed certain and undoubted,
while the vanquished have suddenly become victorious.
“It is hard to tell whether they are more dexterous in lay-
ing or avoiding ambushes. They sometimes seem to fly when
it is far from their thoughts; and when they intend to give
ground, they do it so that it is very hard to find out their
design. If they see they are ill posted, or are like to be over-
powered by numbers, they then either march off in the night
Contents
with great silence, or by some stratagem delude their enemies.
If they retire in the day-time, they do it in such order that it
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is no less dangerous to fall upon them in a retreat than in a
march. They fortify their camps with a deep and large trench;
and throw up the earth that is dug out of it for a wall; nor do
they employ only their slaves in this, but the whole army
works at it, except those that are then upon the guard; so that
when so many hands are at work, a great line and a strong
fortification is finished in so short a time that it is scarce
credible. Their armour is very strong for defence, and yet is
not so heavy as to make them uneasy in their marches; they
can even swim with it. All that are trained up to war practise
swimming. Both horse and foot make great use of arrows, and
are very expert. They have no swords, but fight with a pole-
axe that is both sharp and heavy, by which they thrust or
strike down an enemy. They are very good at finding out
warlike machines, and disguise them so well that the enemy
does not perceive them till he feels the use of them; so that he
cannot prepare such a defence as would render them useless;
the chief consideration had in the making them is that they
may be easily carried and managed.
“If they agree to a truce, they observe it so religiously that
no provocations will make them break it. They never lay their
enemies’ country waste nor burn their corn, and even in their
marches they take all possible care that neither horse nor foot
may tread it down, for they do not know but that they may
have use for it themselves. They hurt no man whom they
find disarmed, unless he is a spy. When a town is surren-
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134 135

dered to them, they take it into their protection; and when seat of the war; for they do not willingly suffer any war to
they carry a place by storm they never plunder it, but put break in upon their island; and if that should happen, they
those only to the sword that oppose the rendering of it up, would only defend themselves by their own people; but would
and make the rest of the garrison slaves, but for the other not call for auxiliary troops to their assistance.
inhabitants, they do them no hurt; and if any of them had
advised a surrender, they give them good rewards out of the
estates of those that they condemn, and distribute the rest
among their auxiliary troops, but they themselves take no
share of the spoil.
“When a war is ended, they do not oblige their friends to
reimburse their expenses; but they obtain them of the con-
quered, either in money, which they keep for the next occa-
sion, or in lands, out of which a constant revenue is to be paid
them; by many increases the revenue which they draw out
from several countries on such occasions is now risen to above
700,000 ducats a year. They send some of their own people
to receive these revenues, who have orders to live magnifi-
cently and like princes, by which means they consume much
of it upon the place; and either bring over the rest to Utopia
or lend it to that nation in which it lies. This they most
commonly do, unless some great occasion, which falls out but
very seldom, should oblige them to call for it all. It is out of
these lands that they assign rewards to such as they encourage
to adventure on desperate attempts. If any prince that en-
Contents

gages in war with them is making preparations for invading

their country, they prevent him, and make his country the

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
136
Of the religions of the Utopians.
“There are several sorts of religions, not only in different
parts of the island, but even in every town; some worshipping
the sun, others the moon or one of the planets. Some worship
such men as have been eminent in former times for virtue or
glory, not only as ordinary deities, but as the supreme god.
Yet the greater and wiser sort of them worship none of these,
but adore one eternal, invisible, infinite, and incomprehen-
sible Deity; as a Being that is far above all our apprehensions,
that is spread over the whole universe, not by His bulk, but
by His power and virtue; Him they call the Father of All,
and acknowledge that the beginnings, the increase, the progress,
the vicissitudes, and the end of all things come only from
Him; nor do they offer divine honours to any but to Him
Contents
alone. And, indeed, though they differ concerning other
things, yet all agree in this: that they think there is one Su-
preme Being that made and governs the world, whom they
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137
call, in the language of their country, Mithras. They differ in
this: that one thinks the god whom he worships is this Su-
preme Being, and another thinks that his idol is that god; but
they all agree in one principle, that whoever is this Supreme
Being, He is also that great essence to whose glory and maj-
esty all honours are ascribed by the consent of all nations.
“By degrees they fall off from the various superstitions
that are among them, and grow up to that one religion that is
the best and most in request; and there is no doubt to be
made, but that all the others had vanished long ago, if some
of those who advised them to lay aside their superstitions had
not met with some unhappy accidents, which, being consid-
ered as inflicted by heaven, made them afraid that the god
whose worship had like to have been abandoned had inter-
posed and revenged themselves on those who despised their
authority.
“After they had heard from us an account of the doctrine,
the course of life, and the miracles of Christ, and of the won-
derful constancy of so many martyrs, whose blood, so will-
ingly offered up by them, was the chief occasion of spreading
their religion over a vast number of nations, it is not to be
imagined how inclined they were to receive it. I shall not
determine whether this proceeded from any secret inspira-
tion of God, or whether it was because it seemed so favourable
to that community of goods, which is an opinion so particu-
lar as well as so dear to them; since they perceived that Christ

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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and His followers lived by that rule, and that it was still kept
up in some communities among the sincerest sort of Chris-
tians. From whichsoever of these motives it might be, true it
is, that many of them came over to our religion, and were
initiated into it by baptism. But as two of our number were
dead, so none of the four that survived were in priests’ orders,
we, therefore, could only baptise them, so that, to our great
regret, they could not partake of the other sacraments, that
can only be administered by priests, but they are instructed
concerning them and long most vehemently for them. They
have had great disputes among themselves, whether one cho-
sen by them to be a priest would not be thereby qualified to
do all the things that belong to that character, even though he
had no authority derived from the Pope, and they seemed to
be resolved to choose some for that employment, but they
had not done it when I left them.
“Those among them that have not received our religion do
not fright any from it, and use none ill that goes over to it, so
that all the while I was there one man was only punished on
this occasion. He being newly baptised did, notwithstanding
all that we could say to the contrary, dispute publicly con-
cerning the Christian religion, with more zeal than discre-
tion, and with so much heat, that he not only preferred our
worship to theirs, but condemned all their rites as profane,
Contents
and cried out against all that adhered to them as impious and
sacrilegious persons, that were to be damned to everlasting
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139
burnings. Upon his having frequently preached in this man-
ner he was seized, and after trial he was condemned to ban-
ishment, not for having disparaged their religion, but for his
inflaming the people to sedition; for this is one of their most
ancient laws, that no man ought to be punished for his reli-
gion. At the first constitution of their government, Utopus
having understood that before his coming among them the
old inhabitants had been engaged in great quarrels concern-
ing religion, by which they were so divided among them-
selves, that he found it an easy thing to conquer them, since,
instead of uniting their forces against him, every different
party in religion fought by themselves. After he had sub-
dued them he made a law that every man might be of what
religion he pleased, and might endeavour to draw others to it
by the force of argument and by amicable and modest ways,
but without bitterness against those of other opinions; but
that he ought to use no other force but that of persuasion,
and was neither to mix with it reproaches nor violence; and
such as did otherwise were to be condemned to banishment
or slavery.
“This law was made by Utopus, not only for preserving
the public peace, which he saw suffered much by daily con-
tentions and irreconcilable heats, but because he thought the
interest of religion itself required it. He judged it not fit to
determine anything rashly; and seemed to doubt whether those
different forms of religion might not all come from God, who

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
140
might inspire man in a different manner, and be pleased with
this variety; he therefore thought it indecent and foolish for
any man to threaten and terrify another to make him believe
what did not appear to him to be true. And supposing that
only one religion was really true, and the rest false, he imag-
ined that the native force of truth would at last break forth
and shine bright, if supported only by the strength of argu-
ment, and attended to with a gentle and unprejudiced mind;
while, on the other hand, if such debates were carried on with
violence and tumults, as the most wicked are always the most
obstinate, so the best and most holy religion might be choked
with superstition, as corn is with briars and thorns; he there-
fore left men wholly to their liberty, that they might be free
to believe as they should see cause; only he made a solemn
and severe law against such as should so far degenerate from
the dignity of human nature, as to think that our souls died
with our bodies, or that the world was governed by chance,
without a wise overruling Providence: for they all formerly
believed that there was a state of rewards and punishments to
the good and bad after this life; and they now look on those
that think otherwise as scarce fit to be counted men, since
they degrade so noble a being as the soul, and reckon it no
better than a beast’s: thus they are far from looking on such
men as fit for human society, or to be citizens of a well-or-
Contents
dered commonwealth; since a man of such principles must
needs, as oft as he dares do it, despise all their laws and cus-
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141
toms: for there is no doubt to be made, that a man who is
afraid of nothing but the law, and apprehends nothing after
death, will not scruple to break through all the laws of his
country, either by fraud or force, when by this means he may
satisfy his appetites. They never raise any that hold these
maxims, either to honours or offices, nor employ them in any
public trust, but despise them, as men of base and sordid
minds. Yet they do not punish them, because they lay this
down as a maxim, that a man cannot make himself believe
anything he pleases; nor do they drive any to dissemble their
thoughts by threatenings, so that men are not tempted to lie
or disguise their opinions; which being a sort of fraud, is ab-
horred by the Utopians: they take care indeed to prevent their
disputing in defence of these opinions, especially before the
common people: but they suffer, and even encourage them
to dispute concerning them in private with their priest, and
other grave men, being confident that they will be cured of
those mad opinions by having reason laid before them. There
are many among them that run far to the other extreme, though
it is neither thought an ill nor unreasonable opinion, and there-
fore is not at all discouraged. They think that the souls of
beasts are immortal, though far inferior to the dignity of the
human soul, and not capable of so great a happiness. They are
almost all of them very firmly persuaded that good men will
be infinitely happy in another state: so that though they are
compassionate to all that are sick, yet they lament no man’s

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death, except they see him loath to part with life; for they
look on this as a very ill presage, as if the soul, conscious to
itself of guilt, and quite hopeless, was afraid to leave the body,
from some secret hints of approaching misery. They think
that such a man’s appearance before God cannot be accept-
able to Him, who being called on, does not go out cheerfully,
but is backward and unwilling, and is as it were dragged to it.
They are struck with horror when they see any die in this
manner, and carry them out in silence and with sorrow, and
praying God that He would be merciful to the errors of the
departed soul, they lay the body in the ground: but when
any die cheerfully, and full of hope, they do not mourn for
them, but sing hymns when they carry out their bodies, and
commending their souls very earnestly to God: their whole
behaviour is then rather grave than sad, they burn the body,
and set up a pillar where the pile was made, with an inscrip-
tion to the honour of the deceased. When they come from
the funeral, they discourse of his good life, and worthy ac-
tions, but speak of nothing oftener and with more pleasure
than of his serenity at the hour of death. They think such
respect paid to the memory of good men is both the greatest
incitement to engage others to follow their example, and the
most acceptable worship that can be offered them; for they
believe that though by the imperfection of human sight they
Contents
are invisible to us, yet they are present among us, and hear
those discourses that pass concerning themselves. They be-
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lieve it inconsistent with the happiness of departed souls not
to be at liberty to be where they will: and do not imagine
them capable of the ingratitude of not desiring to see those
friends with whom they lived on earth in the strictest bonds
of love and kindness: besides, they are persuaded that good
men, after death, have these affections; and all other good
dispositions increased rather than diminished, and therefore
conclude that they are still among the living, and observe all
they say or do. From hence they engage in all their affairs
with the greater confidence of success, as trusting to their
protection; while this opinion of the presence of their ances-
tors is a restraint that prevents their engaging in ill designs.
“They despise and laugh at auguries, and the other vain
and superstitious ways of divination, so much observed among
other nations; but have great reverence for such miracles as
cannot flow from any of the powers of nature, and look on
them as effects and indications of the presence of the Su-
preme Being, of which they say many instances have occurred
among them; and that sometimes their public prayers, which
upon great and dangerous occasions they have solemnly put
up to God, with assured confidence of being heard, have been
answered in a miraculous manner.
“They think the contemplating God in His works, and
the adoring Him for them, is a very acceptable piece of wor-
ship to Him.
“There are many among them that upon a motive of reli-

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144
gion neglect learning, and apply themselves to no sort of study;
nor do they allow themselves any leisure time, but are per-
petually employed, believing that by the good things that a
man does he secures to himself that happiness that comes
after death. Some of these visit the sick; others mend high-
ways, cleanse ditches, repair bridges, or dig turf, gravel, or
stone. Others fell and cleave timber, and bring wood, corn,
and other necessaries, on carts, into their towns; nor do these
only serve the public, but they serve even private men, more
than the slaves themselves do: for if there is anywhere a rough,
hard, and sordid piece of work to be done, from which many
are frightened by the labour and loathsomeness of it, if not
the despair of accomplishing it, they cheerfully, and of their
own accord, take that to their share; and by that means, as
they ease others very much, so they afflict themselves, and
spend their whole life in hard labour: and yet they do not
value themselves upon this, nor lessen other people’s credit to
raise their own; but by their stooping to such servile employ-
ments they are so far from being despised, that they are so
much the more esteemed by the whole nation.
“Of these there are two sorts: some live unmarried and
chaste, and abstain from eating any sort of flesh; and thus
weaning themselves from all the pleasures of the present life,
which they account hurtful, they pursue, even by the hardest
Contents
and painfullest methods possible, that blessedness which they
hope for hereafter; and the nearer they approach to it, they
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are the more cheerful and earnest in their endeavours after it.
Another sort of them is less willing to put themselves to much
toil, and therefore prefer a married state to a single one; and
as they do not deny themselves the pleasure of it, so they
think the begetting of children is a debt which they owe to
human nature, and to their country; nor do they avoid any
pleasure that does not hinder labour; and therefore eat flesh
so much the more willingly, as they find that by this means
they are the more able to work: the Utopians look upon these
as the wiser sect, but they esteem the others as the most holy.
They would indeed laugh at any man who, from the prin-
ciples of reason, would prefer an unmarried state to a married,
or a life of labour to an easy life: but they reverence and
admire such as do it from the motives of religion. There is
nothing in which they are more cautious than in giving their
opinion positively concerning any sort of religion. The men
that lead those severe lives are called in the language of their
country Brutheskas, which answers to those we call Religious
Orders.
“Their priests are men of eminent piety, and therefore they
are but few, for there are only thirteen in every town, one for
every temple; but when they go to war, seven of these go out
with their forces, and seven others are chosen to supply their
room in their absence; but these enter again upon their em-
ployments when they return; and those who served in their
absence, attend upon the high priest, till vacancies fall by

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
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death; for there is one set over the rest. They are chosen by
the people as the other magistrates are, by suffrages given in
secret, for preventing of factions: and when they are chosen,
they are consecrated by the college of priests. The care of all
sacred things, the worship of God, and an inspection into the
manners of the people, are committed to them. It is a re-
proach to a man to be sent for by any of them, or for them to
speak to him in secret, for that always gives some suspicion:
all that is incumbent on them is only to exhort and admonish
the people; for the power of correcting and punishing ill men
belongs wholly to the Prince, and to the other magistrates:
the severest thing that the priest does is the excluding those
that are desperately wicked from joining in their worship:
there is not any sort of punishment more dreaded by them
than this, for as it loads them with infamy, so it fills them
with secret horrors, such is their reverence to their religion;
nor will their bodies be long exempted from their share of
trouble; for if they do not very quickly satisfy the priests of
the truth of their repentance, they are seized on by the Sen-
ate, and punished for their impiety. The education of youth
belongs to the priests, yet they do not take so much care of
instructing them in letters, as in forming their minds and
manners aright; they use all possible methods to infuse, very
early, into the tender and flexible minds of children, such
Contents
opinions as are both good in themselves and will be useful to
their country, for when deep impressions of these things are
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made at that age, they follow men through the whole course
of their lives, and conduce much to preserve the peace of the
government, which suffers by nothing more than by vices that
rise out of ill opinions. The wives of their priests are the most
extraordinary women of the whole country; sometimes the
women themselves are made priests, though that falls out but
seldom, nor are any but ancient widows chosen into that or-
der.
“None of the magistrates have greater honour paid them
than is paid the priests; and if they should happen to commit
any crime, they would not be questioned for it; their punish-
ment is left to God, and to their own consciences; for they do
not think it lawful to lay hands on any man, how wicked
soever he is, that has been in a peculiar manner dedicated to
God; nor do they find any great inconvenience in this, both
because they have so few priests, and because these are chosen
with much caution, so that it must be a very unusual thing to
find one who, merely out of regard to his virtue, and for his
being esteemed a singularly good man, was raised up to so
great a dignity, degenerate into corruption and vice; and if
such a thing should fall out, for man is a changeable creature,
yet, there being few priests, and these having no authority
but what rises out of the respect that is paid them, nothing of
great consequence to the public can proceed from the indem-
nity that the priests enjoy.
“They have, indeed, very few of them, lest greater num-

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bers sharing in the same honour might make the dignity of
that order, which they esteem so highly, to sink in its reputa-
tion; they also think it difficult to find out many of such an
exalted pitch of goodness as to be equal to that dignity, which
demands the exercise of more than ordinary virtues. Nor are
the priests in greater veneration among them than they are
among their neighbouring nations, as you may imagine by
that which I think gives occasion for it.
“When the Utopians engage in battle, the priests who ac-
company them to the war, apparelled in their sacred vest-
ments, kneel down during the action (in a place not far from
the field), and, lifting up their hands to heaven, pray, first for
peace, and then for victory to their own side, and particularly
that it may be gained without the effusion of much blood on
either side; and when the victory turns to their side, they run
in among their own men to restrain their fury; and if any of
their enemies see them or call to them, they are preserved by
that means; and such as can come so near them as to touch
their garments have not only their lives, but their fortunes
secured to them; it is upon this account that all the nations
round about consider them so much, and treat them with
such reverence, that they have been often no less able to pre-
serve their own people from the fury of their enemies than to
save their enemies from their rage; for it has sometimes fallen
Contents
out, that when their armies have been in disorder and forced
to fly, so that their enemies were running upon the slaughter
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and spoil, the priests by interposing have separated them from
one another, and stopped the effusion of more blood; so that,
by their mediation, a peace has been concluded on very rea-
sonable terms; nor is there any nation about them so fierce,
cruel, or barbarous, as not to look upon their persons as sacred
and inviolable.
“The first and the last day of the month, and of the year,
is a festival; they measure their months by the course of the
moon, and their years by the course of the sun: the first days
are called in their language the Cynemernes, and the last the
Trapemernes, which answers in our language, to the festival
that begins or ends the season.
“They have magnificent temples, that are not only nobly
built, but extremely spacious, which is the more necessary as
they have so few of them; they are a little dark within, which
proceeds not from any error in the architecture, but is done
with design; for their priests think that too much light dissi-
pates the thoughts, and that a more moderate degree of it
both recollects the mind and raises devotion. Though there
are many different forms of religion among them, yet all these,
how various soever, agree in the main point, which is the wor-
shipping the Divine Essence; and, therefore, there is nothing
to be seen or heard in their temples in which the several per-
suasions among them may not agree; for every sect performs
those rites that are peculiar to it in their private houses, nor is
there anything in the public worship that contradicts the par-

Sir Thomas More. Utopia.
150
ticular ways of those different sects. There are no images for
God in their temples, so that every one may represent Him to
his thoughts according to the way of his religion; nor do they
call this one God by any other name but that of Mithras,
which is the common name by which they all express the
Divine Essence, whatsoever otherwise they think it to be; nor
are there any prayers among them but such as every one of
them may use without prejudice to his own opinion.
“They meet in their temples on the evening of the festival
that concludes a season, and not having yet broke their fast,
they thank God for their good success during that year or
month which is then at an end; and the next day, being that
which begins the new season, they meet early in their temples,
to pray for the happy progress of all their affairs during that
period upon which they then enter. In the festival which
concludes the period, before they go to the temple, both wives
and children fall on their knees before their husbands or par-
ents and confess everything in which they have either erred or
failed in their duty, and beg pardon for it. Thus all little
discontents in families are removed, that they may offer up
their devotions with a pure and serene mind; for they hold it
a great impiety to enter upon them with disturbed thoughts,
or with a consciousness of their bearing hatred or anger in
their hearts to any person whatsoever; and think that they
Contents
should become liable to severe punishments if they presumed
to offer sacrifices without cleansing their hearts, and reconcil-
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ing all their differences. In the temples the two sexes are
separated, the men go to the right hand, and the women to
the left; and the males and females all place themselves before
the head and master or mistress of the family to which they
belong, so that those who have the government of them at
home may see their deportment in public. And they inter-
mingle them so, that the younger and the older may be set by
one another; for if the younger sort were all set together, they
would, perhaps, trifle away that time too much in which they
ought to beget in themselves that religious dread of the Su-
preme Being which is the greatest and almost the only incite-
ment to virtue.
“They offer up no living creature in sacrifice, nor do they
think it suitable to the Divine Being, from whose bounty it is
that these creatures have derived their lives, to take pleasure in
their deaths, or the offering up their blood. They burn in-
cense and other sweet odours, and have a great number of wax
lights during their worship, not out of any imagination that
such oblations can add anything to the divine nature (which
even prayers cannot do), but as it is a harmless and pure way
of worshipping God; so they think those sweet savours and
lights, together with some other ceremonies, by a secret and
unaccountable virtue, elevate men’s souls, and inflame them
with greater energy and cheerfulness during the divine wor-
ship.
“All the people appear in the temples in white garments;

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but the priest’s vestments are parti-coloured, and both the
work and colours are wonderful. They are made of no rich
materials, for they are neither embroidered nor set with pre-
cious stones; but are composed of the plumes of several birds,
laid together with so much art, and so neatly, that the true
value of them is far beyond the costliest materials. They say,
that in the ordering and placing those plumes some dark
mysteries are represented, which pass down among their priests
in a secret tradition concerning them; and that they are as
hieroglyphics, putting them in mind of the blessing that they
have received from God, and of their duties, both to Him and
to their neighbours. As soon as the priest appears in those
ornaments, they all fall prostrate on the ground, with so much
reverence and so deep a silence, that such as look on cannot
but be struck with it, as if it were the effect of the appearance
of a deity. After they have been for some time in this posture,
they all stand up, upon a sign given by the priest, and sing
hymns to the honour of God, some musical instruments play-
ing all the while. These are quite of another form than those
used among us; but, as many of them are much sweeter than
ours, so others are made use of by us. Yet in one thing they
very much exceed us: all their music, both vocal and instru-
mental, is adapted to imitate and express the passions, and is
so happily suited to every occasion, that, whether the subject
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of the hymn be cheerful, or formed to soothe or trouble the
mind, or to express grief or remorse, the music takes the im-
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153
pression of whatever is represented, affects and kindles the
passions, and works the sentiments deep into the hearts of the
hearers. When this is done, both priests and people offer up
very solemn prayers to God in a set form of words; and these
are so composed, that whatsoever is pronounced by the whole
assembly may be likewise applied by every man in particular
to his own condition. In these they acknowledge God to be
the author and governor of the world, and the fountain of all
the good they receive, and therefore offer up to him their
thanksgiving; and, in particular, bless him for His goodness
in ordering it so, that they are born under the happiest gov-
ernment in the world, and are of a religion which they hope is
the truest of all others; but, if they are mistaken, and if there
is either a better government, or a religion more acceptable to
God, they implore His goodness to let them know it, vowing
that they resolve to follow him whithersoever he leads them;
but if their government is the best, and their religion the
truest, then they pray that He may fortify them in it, and
bring all the world both to the same rules of life, and to the
same opinions concerning Himself, unless, according to the
unsearchableness of His mind, He is pleased with a variety of
religions. Then they pray that God may give them an easy
passage at last to Himself, not presuming to set limits to Him,
how early or late it should be; but, if it may be wished for
without derogating from His supreme authority, they desire
to be quickly delivered, and to be taken to Himself, though

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by the most terrible kind of death, rather than to be detained
long from seeing Him by the most prosperous course of life.
When this prayer is ended, they all fall down again upon the
ground; and, after a little while, they rise up, go home to
dinner, and spend the rest of the day in diversion or military
exercises.
“Thus have I described to you, as particularly as I could,
the Constitution of that commonwealth, which I do not only
think the best in the world, but indeed the only common-
wealth that truly deserves that name. In all other places it is
visible that, while people talk of a commonwealth, every man
only seeks his own wealth; but there, where no man has any
property, all men zealously pursue the good of the public,
and, indeed, it is no wonder to see men act so differently, for
in other commonwealths every man knows that, unless he
provides for himself, how flourishing soever the commonwealth
may be, he must die of hunger, so that he sees the necessity of
preferring his own concerns to the public; but in Utopia, where
every man has a right to everything, they all know that if care
is taken to keep the public stores full no private man can want
anything; for among them there is no unequal distribution,
so that no man is poor, none in necessity, and though no man
has anything, yet they are all rich; for what can make a man so
rich as to lead a serene and cheerful life, free from anxieties;
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neither apprehending want himself, nor vexed with the end-
less complaints of his wife? He is not afraid of the misery of
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155
his children, nor is he contriving how to raise a portion for his
daughters; but is secure in this, that both he and his wife, his
children and grand- children, to as many generations as he
can fancy, will all live both plentifully and happily; since,
among them, there is no less care taken of those who were
once engaged in labour, but grow afterwards unable to follow
it, than there is, elsewhere, of these that continue still em-
ployed. I would gladly hear any man compare the justice
that is among them with that of all other nations; among
whom, may I perish, if I see anything that looks either like
justice or equity; for what justice is there in this: that a noble-
man, a goldsmith, a banker, or any other man, that either does
nothing at all, or, at best, is employed in things that are of no
use to the public, should live in great luxury and splendour
upon what is so ill acquired, and a mean man, a carter, a smith,
or a ploughman, that works harder even than the beasts them-
selves, and is employed in labours so necessary, that no com-
monwealth could hold out a year without them, can only earn
so poor a livelihood and must lead so miserable a life, that the
condition of the beasts is much better than theirs? For as the
beasts do not work so constantly, so they feed almost as well,
and with more pleasure, and have no anxiety about what is to
come, whilst these men are depressed by a barren and fruit-
less employment, and tormented with the apprehensions of
want in their old age; since that which they get by their daily
labour does but maintain them at present, and is consumed

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as fast as it comes in, there is no overplus left to lay up for old
age.
“Is not that government both unjust and ungrateful, that
is so prodigal of its favours to those that are called gentlemen,
or goldsmiths, or such others who are idle, or live either by
flattery or by contriving the arts of vain pleasure, and, on the
other hand, takes no care of those of a meaner sort, such as
ploughmen, colliers, and smiths, without whom it could not
subsist? But after the public has reaped all the advantage of
their service, and they come to be oppressed with age, sick-
ness, and want, all their labours and the good they have done
is forgotten, and all the recompense given them is that they
are left to die in great misery. The richer sort are often en-
deavouring to bring the hire of labourers lower, not only by
their fraudulent practices, but by the laws which they pro-
cure to be made to that effect, so that though it is a thing
most unjust in itself to give such small rewards to those who
deserve so well of the public, yet they have given those hard-
ships the name and colour of justice, by procuring laws to be
made for regulating them.
“Therefore I must say that, as I hope for mercy, I can have
no other notion of all the other governments that I see or
know, than that they are a conspiracy of the rich, who, on
pretence of managing the public, only pursue their private
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ends, and devise all the ways and arts they can find out; first,
that they may, without danger, preserve all that they have so
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157
ill-acquired, and then, that they may engage the poor to toil
and labour for them at as low rates as possible, and oppress
them as much as they please; and if they can but prevail to
get these contrivances established by the show of public au-
thority, which is considered as the representative of the whole
people, then they are accounted laws; yet these wicked men,
after they have, by a most insatiable covetousness, divided
that among themselves with which all the rest might have
been well supplied, are far from that happiness that is en-
joyed among the Utopians; for the use as well as the desire of
money being extinguished, much anxiety and great occasions
of mischief is cut off with it, and who does not see that the
frauds, thefts, robberies, quarrels, tumults, contentions, sedi-
tions, murders, treacheries, and witchcrafts, which are, indeed,
rather punished than restrained by the seventies of law, would
all fall off, if money were not any more valued by the world?
Men’s fears, solicitudes, cares, labours, and watchings would
all perish in the same moment with the value of money; even
poverty itself, for the relief of which money seems most nec-
essary, would fall. But, in order to the apprehending this
aright, take one instance:-
“Consider any year, that has been so unfruitful that many
thousands have died of hunger; and yet if, at the end of that
year, a survey was made of the granaries of all the rich men
that have hoarded up the corn, it would be found that there
was enough among them to have prevented all that consump-

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tion of men that perished in misery; and that, if it had been
distributed among them, none would have felt the terrible
effects of that scarcity: so easy a thing would it be to supply
all the necessities of life, if that blessed thing called money,
which is pretended to be invented for procuring them was
not really the only thing that obstructed their being pro-
cured!
“I do not doubt but rich men are sensible of this, and that
they well know how much a greater happiness it is to want
nothing necessary, than to abound in many superfluities; and
to be rescued out of so much misery, than to abound with so
much wealth: and I cannot think but the sense of every man’s
interest, added to the authority of Christ’s commands, who,
as He was infinitely wise, knew what was best, and was not
less good in discovering it to us, would have drawn all the
world over to the laws of the Utopians, if pride, that plague of
human nature, that source of so much misery, did not hinder
it; for this vice does not measure happiness so much by its
own conveniences, as by the miseries of others; and would not
be satisfied with being thought a goddess, if none were left
that were miserable, over whom she might insult. Pride thinks
its own happiness shines the brighter, by comparing it with
the misfortunes of other persons; that by displaying its own
wealth they may feel their poverty the more sensibly. This is
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that infernal serpent that creeps into the breasts of mortals,
and possesses them too much to be easily drawn out; and,
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159
therefore, I am glad that the Utopians have fallen upon this
form of government, in which I wish that all the world could
be so wise as to imitate them; for they have, indeed, laid down
such a scheme and foundation of policy, that as men live hap-
pily under it, so it is like to be of great continuance; for they
having rooted out of the minds of their people all the seeds,
both of ambition and faction, there is no danger of any com-
motions at home; which alone has been the ruin of many
states that seemed otherwise to be well secured; but as long as
they live in peace at home, and are governed by such good
laws, the envy of all their neighbouring princes, who have
often, though in vain, attempted their ruin, will never be able
to put their state into any commotion or disorder.”
When Raphael had thus made an end of speaking, though
many things occurred to me, both concerning the manners
and laws of that people, that seemed very absurd, as well in
their way of making war, as in their notions of religion and
divine matters—together with several other particulars, but
chiefly what seemed the foundation of all the rest, their living
in common, without the use of money, by which all nobility,
magnificence, splendour, and majesty, which, according to the
common opinion, are the true ornaments of a nation, would
be quite taken away—yet since I perceived that Raphael was
weary, and was not sure whether he could easily bear contra-
diction, remembering that he had taken notice of some, who
seemed to think they were bound in honour to support the
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credit of their own wisdom, by finding out something to cen-

sure in all other men’s inventions, besides their own, I only
commended their Constitution, and the account he had given
of it in general; and so, taking him by the hand, carried him
to supper, and told him I would find out some other time for
examining this subject more particularly, and for discoursing
more copiously upon it. And, indeed, I shall be glad to em-
brace an opportunity of doing it. In the meanwhile, though
it must be confessed that he is both a very learned man and a
person who has obtained a great knowledge of the world, I
cannot perfectly agree to everything he has related. However,
there are many things in the commonwealth of Utopia that I
rather wish, than hope, to see followed in our governments.
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