Tale D.N.

L - HISTORY & GEOGRAPHY H2 – BRITAIN AND THE EU

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H2 - BRITAIN AND EUROPE SINCE 1948

I/ A LONG AND ROCKY RELATIONSHIP SINCE 1945

Many Britons love visiting European countries and idolize (= idolâtrer, vénérer - ''aɪ dəlaɪ z'') elements of their
culture - not least the food! Indeed, more than 1.5 million Britons have moved there to live.
But the United Kingdom's relationship with the European Union (EU) - or, in political parlance, ''Europe''
- has long been one of the most divisive, emotive issues in British politics.
In 1946, in his speech of Zurich, Winston CHURCHILL anticipated ''a kind of United States of Europe''.
Since then, the relations of the United Kingdom with the European Union remain tense...

SO, WHY HAS THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION BEEN SUCH A PROBLEMATIC ISSUE FOR THE UK EVER SINCE?
Return over half a century of complicated relations between the island and the continent....

1. The weight of history

Maybe it is the long history of hostilities that clouds the British view of Europe with suspicion.
As an empire builder and major trading power it was inevitable that
The Battle of Waterloo (1815)
Britain would come into conflict with rivals competing for the same One of Britain's frequent run-ins with France

territories and trade routes.

And allegiances shifted (= changed). All of its main rivals - Germany in
the world wars, Russia in the Cold War, and France through most of
modern history - have also at times been important allies.

But for many historians the most enduring (= durable) influence on

Britain's self-image is World War Two.
And it may be that the popular perception of Britain in its ''Darkest Hour'', standing alone as the British Empire
against Nazi Germany in 1940-41, informs (= façonner) a modern view of the UK as its own best friend.
And that if anyone can be relied on (= reposer sur, avoir confiance en) to come to her aid, it is the United States.
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So, closely related to this perception of itself as a victor in the Second World War, the historical and political
narrative ties in with (= correspond à) the country's reluctance (= réticence) to ''join Europe'' eventually (=
finalement).

2. An insular mentality?
Britain, obviously (= bien sûr, évidemment), is an island nation. Is this
the key to its arm's-length (= à distance respectable) attitude to
Europe?
For centuries Britain lived in ''Splendid isolation'', protected by the
Royal Navy and the Empire. Now, of course, that period of isolation
has long gone, but perhaps it still retains (= conserver, retenir) some
of its impact upon the British people, who do not want ties (= liens)
with the Continent.
The sea separates Britain from Europe
and links it with the world beyond

But other members of the EU - Ireland, Malta, and Cyprus - are islands too, and they do not object so much to
handing (= passer, confier) powers to Brussels. Perhaps it is Britain's island mentality, combined with that ''imperial
hangover'' (= gueule de bois), that is at play - Britain is used to giving orders, not taking them.

3. 1948-1961: British reticence to European construction

War was meant to become 'not merely
unthinkable, but materially impossible'
The formation of the European Union had its origins
after 1945, in the desire to tie Europe's nations so
closely together that they could never again inflict
(= infliger) such damage on each other. Winston

CHURCHILL fully supported this idea, proposing for

Europe ''a structure under which it can dwell (=
demeurer, vivre) in peace, in safety and in freedom...

a kind of United States of Europe''.

The Hague Congress or the ''Congress of

Europe'', considered as the first federal moment of
the European history, was held in The Hague
(Netherlands) in May 1948.
The Congress brought together 750 representatives from across a broad (= large)
political spectrum, providing them with the opportunity to discuss ideas about the
development of European political cooperation. For example, a call was launched for a political, economic and
monetary Union of Europe. This landmark (= marquant) conference was to have a profound influence on the shape
of the European movement, which was created soon afterwards.
Important political figures such as Konrad ADENAUER (Germ.), Winston CHURCHILL (as chairman and moral
authority), Harold MACMILLAN (UK), François MITERRAND (Fr.) took part.
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But in 1948, W. CHURCHILL also explained that the UK stood at the intersection of ''three circles'': the first
circle was the Commonwealth (≈ the ancient British Empire): British economy policy interests were
prodominantly oriented towards it.
The second one was the transatlantic link, called ''. special relationship'' with the
USA
The last and the least one was Europe...
In May 1950, the French government came up with (= inventer, trouver) the ''SCHUMAN Plan'' which led to the
Treaty of Paris signed in 1951 where the ''Inner Six'' European countries established the ''European Coal and
Steel Community'' (ECSC).
Robert SCHUMAN stance was: ''Europe will not be built all at once, or as a whole: it will be built through concrete
achievements that first create solidarity''.
But for Britain, it was unacceptable to establish a supranational authority and the British government rejected
this organization. Then in 1953, Britain also dissmissed (= rejeter, décliner) the military project of the ''European
Defense Community'' (EDC).

From 1955 to 1957, during the negotiations for the creation of the ''European Economic Community'' (EEC),
the UK failed to impose its own vision of a simple intergovernmental structure with only economic priorities, and
the Harold MACMILLAN's Conservative government declined an invitation to join the six founding nations in
signing the Treaty of Rome in 1957.
One of the architects of the ECSC, Frenchman Jean MONNET, said: ''I never understood why the British did not
join. I came to the conclusion that it must have been because it was the price of victory (in 1945) - the illusion
that you could maintain what you had, without change.''

4. 1961-1979: the UK joins the European construction

After the ''Suez crisis'' in Egypt in 1956, as the USA seemed no longer a ''special partner'' for Britain, a main
obstacle to the UK's EEC membership disappeared...
Besides (= de plus, à côté de ça) , in 1960 the MACMILLAN government initiated a policy of decolonization. British
economic growth (= croissance) could not result from privileged trade with the Commonwealth anymore... With
its own economy stuck in a rut (= enlisée, embourbée) Britain saw France and Germany posting (= affichant) a
strong post-war recovery and forming a powerful alliance, and changed its mind and applied (= postuler,
candidater) three time to the EEC.

In 1959, Britain ratified the ''Stockholm Convention'' establishing the EFTA (European Free Trade
Association). But, the EFTA was just a small common market...

De Gaulle said Britain was

Other European countries' attitudes have also influenced UK-EU relations in the 1960s.
mostly 'insular and maritime' In 1961, MACMILLAN formally applied for EEC membership.
Unfortunately the French government vetoed (= mettre un veto, bloquer) the British
entrance.

Later on, during the Harold WILSON's premiership (1964-1970), French President
Charles DE GAULLE vetoed a second time in 1967, preventing the UK from joining the EEC.
French President Charles DE GAULLE accused Britain of a "deep-seated (= profond, ancré) hostility" towards
European construction, and of being more interested in its links with America...
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Britain may have had selfish (= égoïste) reasons for wanting to sign up, but then seeking (= rechercher) mutual
benefits is part of the motivation for the European project.
Indeed, Europe has not just been a place of conflict for Britain over the centuries. It was also a place of
diplomatic agreement, trade, cooperation and - through most of the second half of the 20th Century and the 21st
- peace and stability and growth.
Finally, . Britain joined the EEC on january st, 1973
1
After General DE GAULLE had left office (1969), his successor,
President Georges POMPIDOU, was less vehemently opposed to British entry, but took a cautious attitude
nonetheless.
Prior to the UK's entry, he ensured that a number of policies that the UK might have found hard to accept
(such as the ''Common Agricultural Policy'', the ''Common Fisheries Policy'' and the ''Common Budget'') were
implemented (= mis en oeuvre)
Conservative Prime Minister Edward HEATH (1970-1974) signed the Treaty of Accession in 1972 and the UK joined
Denmark and Ireland in . becoming a member on 1 January
1973

When membership was put to a referendum in 1975 during H. WILSON's second

term, it had the support of Britain's three main political parties and all its national
newspapers.
The referendum on continued membership in 1975 (the first in British
history)
had a resounding result - with more than 67% voting in
favour
Edward HEATH promised an economic. boom,
but it never materialised...

. But this period showed strong internal political party divisions in the Edward HEATH's Conservative
UK
party was divided on the topic of
European integration, though he himself was considered pro-EU.
The Labour Party had similar divisions on British membership and despite a clear victory for remaining in the EC, the
''Leave'' camps in both main parties remained.

On a larger scale, the referendum vote did not end the debate on EC membership. Indeed, after 1973 there was
no immediate economic fillip (= stimulus, coup de fouet) in the UK - in fact strikes and power cuts (= coupure
d'électricité) continued, and rising oil prices caused double-digit (= à deux chiffres) inflation...

Was Europe partially responsible for that?

5. Since 1979: Britain shapes Europe regardeless of the common interest

Margaret Thatcher campaigned for EEC
membership in 1975 During the 1970s and 1980s, the Labour Party was the
more ''Eurosceptic'' of the two major parties, and the
Conservatives the more ''Europhile''.
The Margaret THATCHER period (1979-1990) was a turning point.
As leader of the ''Tories'' and Prime Minister, THATCHER's election in May 1979
brought a change of style to Britain's relationship with the EEC. Even if she formely (= auparavant, précédemment)
campained for EEC membership in 1975, she wanted to shape Europe from her British point of view.
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In 1984, Margaret THATCHER corrected what she saw as an ''injustice'', negotiating a permanent
rebate
(= remise, une réduction de prix) for Britain on its EC contributions to the European budget,

because it received much less in agricultural subsidies (= subventions) than some other countries, notably France.
Her famous quotation - ''I want my money back'' - is reminding of this Britain's granted (= garanti) abatement.
However, in 1986 she also actively supported the Single Market, and signed the ''Single European the first
Act'',
major revision to the treaty of Rome.

Meanwhile, during this period there were powerful political oppositions. The most concerted opposition came from
the left of the Labour, lead by Mr. Michael FOOT at the time.
Mr. FOOT's 1983 Labour manifesto (= programme) pledged (= plaider) for a withdrawal (=
retrait) from the EEC - by then more commonly called the ''European Community'' (EC)

after the pro-Europe wing of the party had split off (= se séparer) to form the SDP (=
Michael FOOT (left) and his left-
Social Democratic Party) wing Labour wanted Britain out

Therefore, Europe has been a toxic issue in British politics, not just because it caused division
between parties, but also persistant divisions within the parties.
Some might argue that the fundamental conflict in post-war British politics is not so much between left and right
as between those who believe that Britain's future lies with Europe and those who believe it does not...

6. 1980's: rising antipathy between the UK and EU

The 1980's saw agrowing divide (= division) between Britain and Brussels, where the
French socialist Jacques DELORS had taken charge at the European Commission and
was leading towards a more federal Europe and a single currency (= monnaie).
J. DELORS met fierce, but ultimately
futile, resistance from Britain

But Mrs THATCHER was uncompromising. Her 1988 speech in Bruges (Belgium), in
which she rejected ''a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels'',
has become a seminal (= fondateur, influent) text for Eurosceptics.
Her nickname was since then the ''Iron Lady''.
Margaret Thatcher's 1988
Bruges speech
But, with many Europhiles in her ''tory'' (= Conservative) cabinet, her stance (= sa position)
fuelled the Conservatives' internal warfare (= lutte), and helped lead eventually (= au bout du compte) to her
downfall (= ruine, chute).

7. The evolution of British European policies in the 1990s...

Mrs THATCHER had been unable to stop Europe's march towards political union,
and was gone by the time the Maastricht Treaty was signed by her successor
John MAJOR (1990-1997) in 1992. This involved huge transfers of power to
the new European Union.
PM John MAJOR (right) looked happy enough
agreeing the Maastricht Treaty
Since the 1990s, Britain hasn't taken part in certain major policy areas of the
EU, such as the ''Schengen agreement'' about internal borders or the Monetary Union. Britain also secured
''opt-outs'' (= clause de retrait) from the single currency and the social regulations.
These opt-out clauses symbolize British preference for an intergovernmental and only economic involvement. But
to the treaty's critics - including many Tories (= members of the Conservative party) - it undermined (= saper,
miner) the British tradition of the inviolable sovereignty of Parliament.
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Between 1997 and 2007, Tony BLAIR, the new 10 Downing Street's tenant (= locataire), tried to build brigdes
between UK and EU.
He followed a landslide (= écrasante) election victory in 1997 by quickly patching
things up (= recoller les morceaux) with Europe.
He signed Britain up to the 'Social Chapter', delivering some of the social protections
long coveted (= convoitées) on the left, and setting his sights on (= jeter son dévolu)
the

euro. A pro-European Tony BLAIR was well received in Europe - until the Ira

But Britain's economy was doing well, support for euro entry was not widespread (= diffuser, répandre), and
Chancellor Gordon BROWN (2007-2010) put the plans on hold (= en attente)
8. 2007-2016: burning bridges?

The euro crisis (2010) has undermined (= miner, saper) any prospect of Britain adopting the single currency, and
has perhaps fuelled the Euroscepticism that now apparently runs strongly through parts of the Conservative
Party and the public at large.

In the European elections of 2009, UK Independence Party' (UKIP) ' and its
leader
Nigel FARAGE who asks for a referendum on the membership to the EU, arrived
second with 16 % of the voices (votes).
This very anti-European movement beated the Labor party itself.

,David CAMERON (2010-2016) the new Conservative Prime Minister, seemed to make Mrs THATCHER's
European positions alive again.
He adopted a firmer attitude towards his partners, giving the UK an image of reluctancy (= réticence) again. He
refused to compromise about the British rebate (= rabais), and claimed his opposition to any form of
'federalism' in the European institutions.

In December 2011, as EU leaders tried to tackle (= s'attaquer à, aborder) their problems

through a treaty setting new budget rules, David CAMERON demanded exemptions
and then vetoed the pact.

In december 2012, he made several public statements which made many European CAMERON became the first British PM to block a
new European treaty

leaders worry about the : sustainability (= durabilité) of the British'All futures for Britain are
imaginable' and 'I could membership imagine life outside the EU' were
the most striking ones.

In the decades between 1975 and 2015, the calls for a renewed referendum had remained strong, not least in the
press, but were never acted on (= agir sur, en réponse) as the political leaders were able to resist the pressure in their
ranks.
But facing pressure from Eurosceptic groups and intending to hold together a party long divided on this issue,
CAMERON's pro-EU government went further: in 2014, he annouced that, should his party win the 2015
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legislatives, he would organise an 'in-out referendum', asking the Britons whether the UK should remain (=
rester, se maintenir) in the EU or not.

In May 2015, the Conservatives actually (= en fait, réellement) won these elections, and D. CAMERON promised the
'in-out referendum' would be organised on June 23, 2016. CAMERON, who seemed confident that the decision
would be to 'remain', believed he needed to resolve the matter in the interests of party management.
Britain's most poisonous political issue was back centre stage...

Yet a new difficulty appeared: the Scottish National Party, a pro-European independantist movement, won an
enormous number of seats (= sièges de députés). Therefore there was now a possibility for an unprecedented
situation to occur (= se produire): that the UK could get out of the EU while Scotland ask to stay in... it could mean
the end of the UK as a whole!

To be continued...
II/ 23 JUNE, 2016: WHAT 'BREXIT' LOOKS LIKE
th

1. The 2016 'in-out' referendum

Britain has debated the pros and cons* (= les 'pour' et les 'contre') of a club of European nations almost since the idea
was brought up, after World War II. It finally joined in 1973 — and held a referendum on whether to leave less
than three years later. Then, 67 percent of voters supported staying in the European Union But that was hardly the
end of the argument...

In 2013, Prime Minister David CAMERON promised a new national referendum on 'Brexit', a portmanteau of the
words 'Britain' and 'exit'. Brexit caught on (= prendre, devenir à la mode) as shorthand (= abréviation) for the proposal
that Britain leave the European Union and change its relationship to the bloc on trade, security and migration.
The options were 'remain' or 'leave', and Mr. CAMERON was convinced that 'remain' would win easily.
That turned out to be a serious miscalculation...

As voters in Britain went to the polls (= scrutins, votes) on June 23, 2016, a refugee crisis had made migration a
subject of political rage across Europe.
The sovereignty narrative (= discours, récit) was also strongly present in the 'leave' campaign during the 2016 'in-out'
referendum.
Unlike in earlier periods, the economic argument for EU membership was used strongly, and indeed almost
exclusively, by the 'remain' camp, though not to great effect.
After an acrimonious (= âpre, mordante) campaign, in which the 'leave' side was criticized as pushing misleading and
contradictory messages and later accused of breaking election rules, the 2016 referendum saw a clear split between
the 'leave' and 'remain' camps in both politics and the media and, as we know, resulted in a starkly (= extrêmement)
different result to that in the 1975 referendum. Withdrawal from the European Union emerged with the support of
52 percent of voters.

2. The United Kingdom history became a ''tale of two countries''

The map (below) shows that you could almost rip (= déchirer) the nation in half:
Scotland and Northern Ireland, as well as London and other major cities in England had 'remain' majorities.
'leave' won the majority of votes in Wales and England.
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http://www.bbc.com/news/politics/eu_referendum/results
3. The withdrawal process
Withdrawal from the EU is governed by 'Article 50' of the Treaty of Lisbon (2007) at the insistence of the UK. The
article states that any member state can withdraw 'in accordance with its own constitutional requirements' by
notifying the European Council (= a collegiate body of heads of state or government of the EU member states) of its
intention to do so.
This notification triggers (= déclencher) a two-year negotiation period, in which the EU must 'negotiate and conclude
an agreement with [the leaving] State, setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal, taking account of the
framework (= cadre, structure) for its future relationship with the [European] Union'.
If no agreement is reached within the two years, the membership ends without an agreement, unless an extension
is unanimously agreed among all EU states, including the withdrawing state. On the EU side, the agreement needs
to be ratified by qualified majority in the European Council and by the European Parliament.

4. Theresa MAY becomes PM (13th July 2016)

When D. CAMERON resigned following the 2016 referendum the new prime minister,
Theresa MAY, who was against Britain leaving the EU said that she will respect the will of
the people and that 'Brexit means Brexit'.
Her speech revealed her desire for what has become known as a 'hard Brexit', setting out
(= exposer) the Government’s 12-point 'Plan for Britain' and her negotiating red lines,

ruling out (= exclure, écarter) membership of the EU’s customs union in the process.
She triggered 'Article 50' of the Lisbon Treaty on march 2017 as the British ambassador to the EU delivered the
invocation letter to European Council President Donald TUSK. The EU had adopted its own negotiating directives and
appointed Michel BARNIER (France) as Chief Negotiator.
It formally kick-started a two-year countdown (= compte-à-rebours) to the UK exiting the EU bloc
and made 29 March 2019 the expected date that UK would leave EU.
A newspaper's front page featured an image showing a jigsaw puzzle of the EU, with the UK
pieces missing and replaced with the headline, 'Today Britain steps into the unknown'.

5. T. MAY's bows out (= tire sa révérence, se retire)

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After failing three times to get her withdrawal agreement through Parliament, Theresa MAY set a resignation (=
démission) date of 7 June 2019. Speaking at a Downing Street podium, MAY said it had been 'the honour of my life'

to serve as PM. The visibly moved leader added she would leave 'with no ill will, but with enormous and enduring
gratitude to have had the opportunity to serve the country I love'.

6. The JOHNSON area

On 24 July 2019, Boris JOHNSON entered Downing Street after winning the Conservative party leadership election
with 66% of the vote, a comfortable victory. In a remarkably prescient acceptance speech, JOHNSON said that even
some of his own supporters may 'wonder quite what they have done'. He repeated his campaign commitments to
'deliver Brexit', unite the country and defeat Jeremy CORBYN, the Labour Party leader).

7. Departure day (31 January 2020)

Having won the majority he so desired in December, JOHNSON passes his withdrawal agreement, paving the way
for the UK to leave the EU on 31 January 2020. All new Conservative MPs pledge (= promettre, s'engager) support for
JOHNSON’s deal, meaning that his 80-strong majority has no problem passing the agreement.
Thousands of people convened (= converger) in Parliament Square to commemorate the UK leaving the EU at 11pm.
An 11-month transition phase begins, running to 31 December 2020. Most arrangements remain the same until that
date, but both London and Brussels face a race against time to finalise a deal on their future relationship.
But later in March, planned talks are scrapped (= fichu, à jeter) due to the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic.

8. So what changes on 1 January 2021?

Britain broke from the European Union’s regulatory (= réglementaire) orbit on Jan. 1 2021, casting off (= larguer les
amarres) nearly half a century inside the bloc and embarking on what analysts described as the biggest overnight

change in modern commercial relations.

Far from closing the book on Britain’s tumultuous relationship with the rest of Europe, the split, known as 'Brexit',
has opened a new chapter — one that could reshape not only the country’s economy, foreign policy and politics, but
even its borders.
Prime Minister Boris JOHNSON now speaks of creating a more agile 'Global Britain', with stronger ties with the
United States and other democracies like Australia, India and South Korea.
But while that plan is barely getting started, risks from the new dispensation (= dispense) have already become
evident, in forms as large as a naval confrontation in the English Channel with French fishermen.
Besides, arrangements for the sensitive territory of Northern Ireland have fueled rioting and diplomatic tensions,
both of which may yet flare up (= reprendre, reflamber) more fiercely.

The deal contains new rules for how the UK and EU will live, work and trade together.
While the UK was in the EU, companies could buy and sell goods across EU borders without paying taxes and there
were no limits on the amount of things which could be traded.
Under the terms of the deal, freedom to work and live between the UK and the EU also comes to an end, and in
2021, UK nationals will need a visa if they want to stay in the EU more than 90 days in a 180-day period.

Northern Ireland will continue to follow many of the EU's rules in order to avoid a hardening of its border with the
Republic of Ireland. This will mean however that new checks (= contrôles) will be introduced on goods entering
Northern Ireland from the rest of the UK.
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Now that it's no longer in the EU, the UK is free to set its own trade policy and can negotiate deals with other
countries. Talks are being held with the US, Australia and New Zealand - countries that currently don't have free
trade deals with the EU.

* Will there be disruption at the borders?

There may not be new taxes to pay at the border, but there will be new paperwork (= formalités, paperasse), and the
potential for it to cause delays is a serious concern.
So if businesses are not prepared, or do not fill in the new paperwork correctly, it could cause delays and backlogs
(= retard, accumulation) at ports like Dover.

The UK government has known about this for years, and has made plans to divert trade to other ports around
the country and has built lorry parks (= parking pour camions) in Kent, to avoid gridlock (= bouchons) on the roads.
It's difficult to predict what the scale of any disruption might be, but government minister Michael GOVE has said
that UK businesses should prepare for some 'bumpy moments'.
* Is this finally the end of having to hear about 'Brexit'?
Sadly, no. Decisions are still to be made on data sharing and on financial services,
and the agreement on fishing only lasts five years.
Also while the UK and EU have agreed to some identical rules now, they don't have
to be identical in the future, and if one side takes exception to the changes, they can
trigger a dispute, which could ultimately lead to tariffs (= taxes douanières) being imposed on some goods in the
future.
Expect the threat of disputes to be a new constant in UK-EU relations...

* The fishing industry remains a sore point (= point

douloureux)
Britain’s fishing fleet is a small fraction of the size it reached in the middle of the last century - a decline for which
Brexit proponents (= partisans) have long blamed E.U. rules on sharing access to fisheries.
The British government cast its split from the European Union as a chance to revive an industry that was also a
storied (= chargée d'histoire) way of life.
In the trade deal negotiations, both sides had to compromise: E.U. boats will keep more fishing rights in British
waters than Britain had demanded, but over a shorter period than Brussels had called for. Tensions are already
reemerging...
British fishing companies have long sold much of their catch in E.U. countries. Some seafood exporters say that they
could be driven out of business by the added post-Brexit bureaucracy.
On the European side, French fishing boats briefly mounted a protest blockade in May over new fishing rules set by
the semiautonomous island of Jersey. Britain sent two Royal Navy ships in response.

Brexit’s supporters say their aim is a ‘Global Britain.’

Opponents of Brexit tend to think of it as an attempt to reclaim an imagined Britain
of the past, one with fewer European migrants and more patriotic singing. But Mr.
JOHNSON, like many prominent proponents, often presents it as a way of
embracing change.
Outside the E.U. single market, with its shared regulations, Britain can set rules to
encourage innovation, although the deal permits either side to seek redress for regulatory changes that
might create an unfair advantage.
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Outside the E.U. customs union, with its common tariffs, Britain can seek its own trade deals with countries like
India and the United States. It signed a major trade deal with Australia in June 2021.

Some Brexit supporters also argue that ending free migration for E.U. citizens will allow more flexibility for others -
a case that resoned in British Asian communities during the referendum campaign. When China imposed a security
law on Hong Kong last year, Mr. JOHNSON offered British residency rights to three million people in the city,
though without helping them leave.

Brexit supporters often cite Britain's rapid Covid-19 vaccination program as an example of what they hoped for. It
was shaped by a biotechnology venture capitalist, though most of her work was done while the country still
operated under E.U. rules, during the 11 months between its formal departure in January 2020 and the finalizing
of new trade terms.
Most benefits of a 'Global Britain' so far remain at best theoretical. The Office for Budget Responsibility has said it
expects little effect from new trade deals, and Mr. JOHNSON’s attempt to show diplomatic dynamism at a Group of
7 summit in Cornwall, England, in June was marred (= gâché, marqué) by arguments over Northern Ireland.

In Northern Ireland, Brexit is waking old demons

Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, has the country’s only land border with the European Union –
the politically sensitive 310-mile frontier with Ireland.
Thousands died in decades of sectarian strife there before a peace process in the 1990s, and the ''Good Friday
Agreement'' signed between British Unionists and Irish Independantists in 1998.
Both sides in the Brexit talks made it a priority to avoid reimposing border checks. They strucks a deal that the
region would keep following many European rules, so trucks could cross the Irish border freely, with new
paperwork for goods moving between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom.

The changes have prompted British companies to limit distribution there. Britain has unilaterally delayed some
checks, triggering legal action from Brussels, and says it may suspend more, arguing that the arrangements are not
sustainable. E.U. leaders say Britain must respect what it agreed to.
The situation has contributed to a rise in sectarian tension, with outbreaks of rioting among communities that favor
remaining part of the United Kingdom. Further violence is feared.
Mr. JOHNSON had a tense exchange on the subject with President Emmanuel MACRON of France at the Group of 7
summit, and 'a candid discussion' in private with U.S. President Joe BIDEN.

Could Scotland make its own split?

Along with Northern Ireland, Scotland rejected Brexit in the 2016 referendum, with a vote of more than 60 percent
to remain in the European Union. That stark (= rude) divergence of opinion has shaken the far older union between
England and Scotland.
Scots voted against independence from Britain in a 2014 referendum, but the pro-independence Scottish National
Party (SNP) has dominated the Scottish Parliament for more than a decade. It has promised to legislate for a rerun,
with Brexit as its justification. A reversal would cost Britain 8 percent of its population, a third of its landmass and
significant international prestige.

For a new referendum to be legal, however, it would almost certainly need the agreement of London, and Mr.
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JOHNSON has repeatedly said no.
Scottish elections in May 2021 left the SNP one seat short of a majority, but it has support from smaller
proindependence parties. If neither side backs down, the result could be a court battle, or even a constitutional
crisis.

What’s next?
For bankers, traders, truckers, architects and millions of migrants, the 'Brexit' trade agreement was only the
beginning of a high-stakes and unpredictable experiment.
Britain has been short of customs agents to deal with the tens of millions of declarations now needed, industry
experts said. It has delayed some of its own new border checks until 2022.
In the four years after Britain’s referendum, the number of Europeans migrating to the country for work plunged,
and British companies sent employees to Paris and Frankfurt to set up toeholds on the continent. The number of
jobs that will be relocated, or created in different places, is still becoming clear.
So is the future of some E.U. citizens in Britain. More than more two million have been granted 'settled status',
the right to stay indefinitely. But applications closed at the end of June, and the
process has made few provisions for those unable to complete it online, much less
for those who don’t realize they need permission to stay somewhere they have
lived for decades.

THE END?

TO SUM UP – THE 'BREXIT' TIMELINE

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