2023 HTAV Sample Exam - Revolutions - RESPONSES Fonl5n

Guide to Responses
HTAV VCE HISTORY SAMPLE EXAM
REVOLUTIONS
2023
Units 3 & 4
First published 2023 by:
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2023 HTAV VCE History Sample Exam: Revolutions –

Guide to Responses
© HTAV 2023.
HTAV Sample Exams (including Sources Books) can be

printed and distributed to teachers and students at the
purchasing institution only.
Disclaimer: This is a sample only. The HTAV takes no

responsibility should the VCE end-of-year examination
paper that students sit differ in content, layout, design or
number of pages to this sample paper.
1 2023 HTAV VCE HISTORY SAMPLE EXAM: REVOLUTIONS | Guide to Responses
GUIDE TO RESPONSES
HISTORY: REVOLUTIONS
Please note that the responses below are suggestions only; a variety of responses are possible.
Some responses give more detail than is required in the exam. The extra detail is for the
benefit of teachers, who will need to assess a range of student responses
GENERAL ADVICE FOR STUDENTS

» Read and consider the terms of all questions carefully:
» If a question asks you to ‘use the sources’, then be sure to do so by using specific features
of a graphic or direct quotation(s) from written sources.
» If a question asks you to ‘use your own knowledge’, refer to specific evidence such as
dates, statistics, events, and key decisions/statements of people at the time. If a question
does not ask you to use your own knowledge, then you are not required to.
» If a question asks you to ‘use evidence to support your response’, cite evidence from
a range of primary and secondary sources, such as dates, statistics, events, and key
decisions/statements of people at the time, including historical interpretations. You
should do this in all essay responses as well, regardless of the question, as stated in the
Assessment Criteria.
» Address all elements of the question and return to the question sporadically throughout your
response.
» If completing this sample exam under timed conditions, give equal attention and time to all
parts of the exam.
© HTAV 2023. HTAV Sample Exams and Guide to Responses (including Sources Books) can be printed and distributed to
teachers and students at the purchasing institution only.
MARKING GUIDE
Mark guide for 1–3-mark questions (e.g., identify, describe)

1 mark per relevant discussion point, example or piece of evidence.
Mark guide for 4–6-mark questions (e.g., outline, explain, analyse)
If out of If out of If out of

Likely features of response
4 marks 5 marks 6 marks
High High High • Shows a high level of knowledge and skill

4 marks 5 marks 6 marks • Addresses all aspects of the question with sophisticated,
cohesive arguments
4 marks 5 marks
• Provides a range of precise and specific evidence to support
claims
• If use of specific source(s) is required, shows insight and ability
to contextualise/infer, selects highly relevant evidence and
integrates it skilfully in support of arguments
Medium Medium Medium • Shows a confident level of knowledge and skill

3 marks 3 marks 4 marks • Addresses most aspects of the question with sound arguments
• Provides evidence to support arguments; may generalise/make
3 marks
imprecise claims
• If use of specific source(s) is required, shows comprehension,
selects relevant evidence and uses this to support explanations
and description
Low Low Low • Shows a limited level of knowledge and skill

2 marks 2 marks 2 marks • Addresses some aspects of the question in a simple or
superficial way
• Limited use of evidence
• If use of specific source(s) is required, transcribes, paraphrases or
describes with partial/limited understanding or relevance
• Insufficient detail may be provided, perhaps only 2–3 sentences
1 mark 1 mark 1 mark • At least one relevant sentence is provided
Mark guide for 8–10-mark extended response (e.g., evaluate)
If out of If out of If out of

Likely features of response
Very High Very High Very High • Shows an excellent level of knowledge and skill
8 marks 9 marks 10 marks • Addresses all aspects of the question with sophisticated, nuanced
arguments
9 marks
• Shows breadth and depth of knowledge about a range of highly
relevant causes/consequences of revolution
• Provides a wide range of precise and specific evidence to support
claims
• Incorporates a range of highly relevant historical perspectives and/
or interpretations that are smoothly integrated using precise, direct
quotations
• If use of specific source(s) is required, shows insight and ability to
contextualise/infer, selects highly relevant evidence and integrates it
skilfully in support of arguments
High High High • Shows a high level of knowledge and skill

7 marks 8 marks 8 marks • Addresses all aspects of the question with thoughtful, cohesive
arguments
• Shows breadth or depth of knowledge about a range of relevant
causes/consequences of revolution
• Provides specific evidence to support claims
• Incorporates relevant historical perspectives/interpretations that are
illustrated using quotations and meaningfully support arguments
• If use of specific source(s) is required, selects highly relevant evidence
and uses this to meaningfully advance and support arguments
Medium Medium Medium • Shows a confident level of knowledge and skill

5 marks 6 marks 6 marks • Addresses the question with relevant, structured arguments
• Provides evidence to support arguments; may generalise/make
imprecise claims
• Shows awareness of historical perspectives and/or interpretations,
although these may be imprecise, limited or generalised
• If use of specific source(s) is required, shows comprehension, selects
relevant evidence and uses this to support explanations and
description
Low Low Low • Shows a limited level of knowledge and skill

3 marks 4 marks 4 marks • Addresses some aspects of the question in a simple or superficial way
• Limited use of evidence and of historical interpretations/perspectives
• If use of specific source(s) is required, transcribes, paraphrases or
2 marks 2 marks describes with partial/limited understanding or relevance
• Insufficient detail may be provided, perhaps one paragraph
1 mark 1 mark 1 mark • At least one relevant sentence is provided
Mark guide for 20-mark essay
The VCAA publishes History Assessment Criteria and Expected Qualities for Section B – Essay, which
teachers can use to assess Section B of the HTAV sample examination.
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
American Revolution – SECTION A
Section A
The American Revolution
Question 1 (25 marks)
Q a. Using Source 1, identify two concerns that colonists had about the introduction of the
Proclamation Act. (2 marks)
SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS
From Source 1
There are three concerns listed in the interpretation. Any two of these are
acceptable:
» Protests over the king appropriating ‘property without compensation’
demonstrate concerns that Britain would ignore colonial land claims.
» Colonists were also concerned that the Crown had not consulted ‘the people
who lived on the frontier’ when adopting the policy.
» Fears of a standing army arose when colonists realised that British troops
may be ‘garrisoned permanently’.
Q b. Using Source 2 and your own knowledge, outline the political consequences of British
management of the colonies from 1765–1770. (4 marks)
From Source 2
Source 2 describes colonial opposition to the resolutions passed by British
Parliament. Students could refer to any of the following:
» Political protests through spreading ‘inflammatory publications’: propaganda
circulated throughout the colonies after the introduction of unpopular
key legislation, such as the influx of pamphlets published in the wake of
the Stamp Act (1765), or the Massachusetts Circular Letter (February 1768),
published to protest the Townshend Duties (1767).
» ‘Resistance’ by ‘Demagogues of the People’: Leaders such as Patrick Henry
drafted the Virginia Resolves in response to the Stamp Act (1765). Samuel
Adams instigated the Boston chapter of the Sons of Liberty (1765), organising
protests and riots like the one that destroyed Lieutenant-Governor
Thomas Hutchinson’s house in August 1765. Adams also co-authored the
Massachusetts Circular Letter, which was circulated to all colonies in an
attempt to align colonial protests.
From own knowledge

» Colonists petitioned Parliament arguing that ‘no taxes should be imposed
on them, but with their own consent, given personally, or by their
representatives’ (3rd Resolve, Resolutions of the Stamp Act Congress,
October 1765). Hulton notes that colonial assemblies were petitioning British
Parliament with their grievances.
Q c. Analyse two ways that John Adams contributed to the development of a revolutionary
situation from 1765–1776. Use evidence to support your response. (6 marks)

From own knowledge
» John Adams was a radical leader of the Patriot movement.
» He was a prominent lawyer in Boston and an early supporter of independence.
» Adams rose to prominence leading widespread opposition to the Stamp Act of
1765, writing articles to the Boston Gazette that were later published in London.
A man of words rather than action, Adams defended colonial rights and liberties.
» Initially hopeful of remaining part of the British Empire, Adams’s views changed
after Parliament took over payment of the salaries of colonial governors from
the local legislatures.
» Adams served as a delegate to both the First (1774) and Second Continental
Congress (1775) where he contributed to drafting the Declaration and Resolves
of the First Continental Congress (1774), nominated George Washington as head
of the Continental Army (1775), and selected Jefferson to be on the committee to
draft the Declaration of Independence (1776).
» He also wrote ‘Thoughts on Government’ (1776), which served as a blueprint
for the drafting of new state constitutions throughout the colonies after
independence was declared.
SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

From 1765, John Adams established himself as a leader of the Patriot movement
and an early supporter of independence from Britain.
Firstly, he publicly questioned Parliament’s right to tax colonists. Challenging both

the Stamp Act (1765) and the Townshend Duties (1768), Adams used his success as
an attorney to lead widespread opposition to British tax revenue Acts, including
authoring several pamphlets such as ‘A Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal
Law’ (1765). However, his more significant contributions occurred when Adams was
selected as a delegate to the First (1774) and Second Continental Congress (1775). He
drafted the principal clause of the Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental
Congress (1774), asserting that colonists ‘never ceded to any sovereign power’ the
right to be taxed without their consent. He nominated George Washington as
commander-in-chief and served with Thomas Jefferson to draft the Declaration of
Independence (1776). Consequently, Adams’s political influence proved most significant.
Contending that Parliament lacked authority both to tax the colonies and legislate
for them, Adams’s constitutional arguments were key in convincing the Second
Continental Congress to support the break from Britain.
Q d. Using Source 3 and your own knowledge, explain how the lives of Loyalists changed
as a result of the revolution. (5 marks)

From Source 3
» The engraving shows the way in which Patriot groups used violence to pressure
and intimidate Loyalists (known as Tories) during the War of Independence.
Tarring and feathering, as depicted in Source 3, was used to abuse and shame
known Loyalists.
» In referring to the day of ‘judgement’ in the title, the engraver suggests that
the Tories are being held to account for their support of Britain during the war.
From own knowledge
» While those who remained loyal to Britain came from all parts of society,
Loyalists often held important positions in the British mercantilist system
and had high-level political or social standings.
» Loyalists may have numbered around 20% of white Americans.
» Nearly 20,000 Loyalists fought for the British during the war, and thousands
of others served in local Loyalist militias. Loyalist forces were often located
in frontier areas or in places where the British offered protection, such as
New Jersey or more southern colonies.
» Loyalists who joined the British forces often lost land and property valued at
millions of pounds, confiscated by revolutionary governments (e.g., New York’s
Forfeiture Act 1779).
» Article V of the Treaty of Paris (1783) attempted to protect the property
of Loyalists.
» After the war, as many as 80,000 Loyalists left America for Canada and
Great Britain.
» In the new society, Patriots assumed the positions left vacant by the exodus
of Loyalists.

Many Loyalists lost power and authority following the revolution. Source 3 depicts
the ‘judgement’ cast on those who maintained loyalty to Britain during and after the
War of Independence (1776–1783). Although Loyalists constituted only 20% of white
Americans, their support was essential for Britain, with nearly 20,000 fighting for British
forces. However, Loyalists suffered abuse by Patriots through tarring and feathering
and public humiliation, being hung from gallows (Source 3). They also lost land and
property valued at millions of pounds, seized through legislation such as New York’s
Forfeiture Act (1779), which redistributed confiscated property to the rising merchant
class after 1783. While the Treaty of Paris (1783) had Congress ‘earnestly recommend’
that states protect Loyalist property (Article V), this was ignored. Thus, the political
and social hierarchies in America changed significantly. After 1783, 80,000 Loyalists
emigrated to Canada and Britain, freeing up positions quickly filled by Patriots.
Q e. Evaluate how successful the revolutionary government was in responding to challenges in

consolidating its power during the 1787 Philadelphia Convention and the framing of the
Constitution. Use evidence from Source 4 and your own knowledge to support your response.
(8 marks)

From Source 4
» Source 4 refers to challenges at the Philadelphia Convention in the form
of northern versus southern interests, particularly on the issues of slavery
and representation.
» Source 4 highlights the ‘rival regional issues’ that constrained the creation
of the Constitution, highlighting the role that state-focused issues played
at the time.
From own knowledge

The challenges faced by the government at this time:
» Arguments over how representation in the legislature was to be
determined: These arguments occurred between states with larger
populations (e.g., Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania) that favoured
proportional representation, and smaller states (e.g., New Jersey, Georgia)
that feared being overpowered by the more populous states. To address
these concerns, Roger Sherman of Connecticut offered the Connecticut
Compromise (or ‘Great Compromise’) where each state gets an equal vote in
the Senate with proportional representation in the House of Representatives.
» State versus federal powers (stemming from a fear of tyranny and a wish
to protect state sovereignty): State sovereignty was a basic premise under
the Articles of Confederation (ratified 1781), and so many delegates were
reluctant to give up state authority to an unknown federal superstructure.
In the end, the Tenth Amendment recognises the sovereignty of the states
for powers ‘not delegated to the United States by the Constitution’ (Bill of
Rights, 1791).
» Arguments over the level of power to be invested in the executive: Many
delegates were fearful of a strong executive branch that may enable abuse of
power. Further, the Articles of Confederation had been designed deliberately
with no executive as a reaction to the tyranny of the British monarch.
However, Federalists argued that the power of the executive would be
checked by the other two branches, limiting the power of the president. The
office was also accountable to both the people, through elections, and the
Congress, through impeachment.
» Calls for the abolition of slavery in the new political and social framework:
Many delegates believed that slavery was an unfavourable part of American
society. Some were in favour of abolishing slavery completely in the new
Constitution, but this brought fierce opposition from southern delegates
whose states relied on slave labour for their prosperity. The Three-Fifths
Compromise enabled three-fifths (60%) of ‘all other persons’ (a euphemism
for slaves) to be counted when allocating congressional seats and presidential
electors to the states. In addition, the Constitution also included a ban on
Congress ending the slave trade for twenty years (the Sunset Clause).
» Improving commerce in the face of competing economic interests

of each state: Under the Articles of Confederation, with decentralised
power Congress only had power ‘expressly delegated’ to it by the states
and lacked the authority to regulate commerce. This rendered Congress
unable to protect or regulate trade and was a key reason behind the
initial recommendation for amending the Articles of Confederation. As a
result, the Constitution contains the Commerce Clause (Article 1, Section 8,
Clause 3), which gives Congress the power ‘to regulate commerce with
foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes’.
This addresses the problems of interstate trade barriers and the ability to
enter into credible trade agreements with foreign powers.

The perceived weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation saw state delegates
meet in Philadelphia in 1787. Despite fearing a strong national government, they
drafted a constitution by compromising over key issues like representation and
state versus federal powers.
Source 4 describes the ‘rival regional interests’ that drove state decision-making.
Rather than bond all states under a national structure, the Confederacy was
a ‘firm league of friendship’ (Article 3) that prioritised and protected state
sovereignty (Article 1) but produced interstate rivalries over economic advantage.
One challenge facing the revolutionary government concerned representation

between larger and smaller states. The Connecticut Compromise solved
this, granting an equal vote to every state in the Senate and proportional
representation in the House of Representatives. However, this created ‘a second,
even more dangerous fault line’ (Source 4) regarding slavery. With southern states
depending on slavery-based agriculture, Source 4 describes how delegates wanted
to thwart northern plans to ‘emancipate slaves’ and increase their number of
congressional representatives. Hence, the Constitution became ‘a compromise
between the slaveholding interests of the South and the moneyed interests of the
North’ (Howard Zinn).
Yielding to southern demands threatening the government’s power, the Three-

Fifths Compromise saw three-fifths of ‘all other persons’ (Article 1, Section 2)
count in allocating congressional seats and state presidential electors, increasing
southern seats by 11%. Further, the Sunset Clause prohibited Congress from
banning the slave trade until 1808, protecting the ‘property rights in humans’
(Source 4). While these clauses secured southern support, they enshrined slavery in
the Constitution and ‘rigidified it’ (Ray Raphael) within society.
Source 4 suggests that instead of producing a framework with majority interests,

delegates sought to ‘protect [their] state’. Therefore, compromises between large
and small states (and northern and southern interests) defined the framing of
the Constitution and enabled delegates to overcome state oppositions.
American Revolution – SECTION B
Section B
The American Revolution
Q ‘Although colonial attempts to protect their Natural Rights led to revolution, upholding
these same ideals proved to be a significant challenge for the leaders of the new regime.’
Discuss.

Students may affirm or challenge the first premise (colonial attempts to protect
their Natural Rights led to revolution).
Affirm
» Colonists regarded themselves as British subjects entitled to the same rights
and liberties as Englishmen. This formed the basis of political tension.
» It was only after salutary neglect ended in 1763 that many argued their
rights as Englishmen were being infringed:
» Sugar Act (1764): the Writs of Assistance were earnestly challenged
by James Otis Jr as being unconstitutional.
» Quartering Act (1765): enabled soldiers to be housed within towns,
and effectively imposed a standing army during times of peace.
» Stamp Act (1765): the Declaration of Rights of the Stamp Act Congress
(October 1765) claimed that ‘it is inseparably essential to … the
undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no taxes should be imposed
on them, but with their own consent’ (Clause 3d).
» Other petitions or documents with similar sentiments include the
1768 Massachusetts Circular Letter (Samuel Adams/James Otis Jr),
the 1774 Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress,
the 1775 Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up Arms
(Thomas Jefferson and John Dickinson), and the 1776 Declaration of
Independence, which claimed ‘certain unalienable Rights’ of ‘Life,
Liberty and Property’.
» Bernard Bailyn argues that the revolution was, above all, founded on
struggles over ideology and politics. He suggests that colonists believed
that revolutionary actions were necessary to protect their freedoms.
Challenge
» Social tensions in the colonies increased greatly due to British attempts
to maintain authority after 1763, and can also be viewed as contributing
significantly to the desire to break from Britain:
» Cut off from the profitable frontier lands to the West, many colonists
saw Britain as wanting to control the lucrative fur trade for their own
benefit, ignoring colonial interests and restricting westward expansion.
» The Boston Massacre (1770) was the result of the Quartering Act (1765)
and is symbolic of the general unrest. Propaganda such as Paul Revere’s
The Massacre Perpetrated on King Street was effectively used by
Patriot leaders to demonise the British in the eyes of many colonists,
highlighting the impact of the military occupation of Boston in 1768.
» Public demonstrations directed the anger of common people. Notably,
Sons of Liberty groups arose after the Stamp Act (1765). Stamp
collector Andrew Oliver was burned in effigy, and Lieutenant-Governor
Thomas Hutchinson had his house destroyed by a mob protesting the
introduction of the Stamp Act.
» According to Gordon S. Wood, the resort to troops to ‘quell disorder … was
the ultimate symptom of the ineffectiveness of the British government’s
authority, and many Britons knew it’.
» Howard Zinn suggests that colonists acted out of self-interest: ‘The American
leadership was less in need of English rule, the English more in need of the
colonists’ wealth. The elements were there for conflict.’
» Ray Raphael sees the Tea Act and the subsequent Boston Tea Party as a
unifying act bringing together colonists of all classes to view Britain and her
policies as the enemy.
Students may also affirm or challenge the second premise (upholding these same
ideals proved to be a significant challenge for the leaders of the new regime).
Affirm
» Having rallied against the perceived tyranny of the British Parliament,
colonists devised a Confederacy with a weak executive branch.
» Shays’ Rebellion (1786) demonstrated that common people continued to
violently protest when their rights were infringed/violated. This led some to
question the effectiveness of the Articles of Confederation in the postwar
period.
» When designing the government for the new republic, the leaders created
a strong federal government with checks and balances as protection from
tyranny. However, many opponents of the Constitution feared it gave the
government too much centralised power and that a Bill of Rights was needed
to protect people from the risk of oppression.
» Prominent Federalists (Alexander Hamilton, James Madison) wrote the
Federalist Papers in defence of the Constitution. Anti-Federalists (Patrick
Henry, Samuel Adams) opposed it. Many states including Massachusetts,
Virginia and New York ratified only with the condition that a Bill of Rights
be created to guarantee civil rights and liberties to the individual, such as
freedom of speech, press and religion (First Amendment).
» According to Bailyn, ‘[leaders] felt the necessity to build a power center in
the national government, but their inherited understanding of the dangers
to liberty—fragile in its nature and easily destroyed—warned them against
such an effort’. He believes that the Founding Fathers attempted to build
a national framework that would provide strong, central power but also
‘preserve the liberties of the people’.
» Joseph J. Ellis claims that the Bill of Rights has ‘a separate status as an
epilogue that accurately reflected the concerns of so many delegates at
the ratifying conventions’. He suggests the separate placement of the
Bill of Rights has given it ‘an iconic status of its own, as the legal version
of the liberal values first articulated in the Declaration of Independence,
and as the classic statement of rights beyond the reach of government,
the American version of the Magna Carta’.
Challenge
» Requests for a Bill of Rights was only one compromise that the Founding
Fathers had to make to achieve consensus about the framework for the
new nation. The leaders also faced other challenges:
» The issue of slavery in a new republic, which proclaimed that ‘all
men are equal’ (Declaration of Independence): This was resolved
by the Three-Fifths Compromise (Article 1, Section 2). Any person
who was not free would be counted as three-fifths of a free
individual, both to determine congressional representation, and for
taxation purposes.
» Economic problems including trade and rivalries between states:
with no national currency, no power of the executive to impose
taxes, and difficulty passing legislation owing to nine of thirteen
states required to approve any measure, the Confederation
Congress could neither resolve disputes (such as Shays’ Rebellion)
nor defend the country (important now that Britain’s protection
was gone).
» Widespread fear that a strong central government would
overshadow state powers, effectively negating state
sovereignty and enabling the same political overreach that the
colonists fought British Parliament over: Many Anti-Federalists
were state legislators and argued against ratification for this
reason. This was addressed through the Tenth Amendment in the
Bill of Rights, granting ‘all powers not delegated to the United
States, or prohibited to the States, to either the States or to the
people’.
» Ray Raphael argues that the revolution ‘rigified’ slavery, as the Three-
Fifths Compromise enshrined it in the Constitution.
» Howard Zinn sees the Constitution as ‘not simply the work of wise men
trying to establish a decent and orderly society, but the work of certain
groups trying to maintain their privileges, while giving just enough rights
and liberties to enough of the people to ensure popular support’.
» Charles Beard suggests that the Constitution was created to counter the
economic problems caused by the Articles of Confederation. He argues
that the ‘conservative interests of the country were weary of talk about
the “rights of the people” and bent upon establishing firm guarantees
for the rights of property’.

Colonial protests over Natural Rights increased the political activities of people
from all colonial classes. Demands that the British government not violate the
‘unalienable Rights’ of the people (Declaration of Independence, 1776) led some
leaders to vigilantly defend the protection of individual liberties during the drafting
and ratification of the federal Constitution.
In protesting British tax revenue Acts and other legislation passed after 1763,
colonists claimed the same rights and liberties as Englishmen. In court, James Otis Jr
challenged the Writs of Assistance (Sugar Act, 1764) as being unconstitutional,
and many published declarations proclaiming that ‘it is inseparably essential
to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted rights of Englishmen, that no
taxes should be imposed on them, but with their own consent’ (Declaration of
Rights of the Stamp Act Congress, 1765). Many of the Acts created and passed by
British Parliament were perceived as ‘infringements of [colonists’] natural and
constitutional rights’ (Massachusetts Circular Letter, 1768). Natural Rights also
provided justification of their actions as colonists took up arms ‘in defence of the
freedom that is our birthright’ (Declaration of the Causes and Necessities of Taking
up Arms, 1775). As such, Bernard Bailyn argues that colonists believed revolutionary
actions were necessary to protect their freedoms and liberties from the tyrannical
British Parliament.
Suffering from the economic slump after the French and Indian War (1754–1763),
and with trade impacted by the Currency Act (1764) as well as ongoing boycotts
of British goods, many lower-class colonists expressed their frustrations through
increased participation in political protests. Mobs and rioters destroyed the property
of Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Hutchinson during the Stamp Act riots (1765) in
Boston. Then, during the Boston Tea Party (1773), they destroyed shipments of tea,
which was a symbol of the wealth and privilege of the upper class (Ray Raphael).
Alan Taylor credits the work of these Sons of Liberty groups in ‘promot[ing] a
more participatory political culture’ among colonists of all classes. Having learnt
the language of insurrection, many repeated these actions when defending their
property after the Patriot victory in the War of Independence (1783). Shays’ Rebellion
(1786) was the result of heavy state taxation during a period of economic depression.
It reveals how common people continued to define their Natural Rights in the post-
revolutionary society against the perceived tyrannical actions of state authorities
and east-coast moneylenders.
Calls to protect the rights of individuals from oppression continued to shape

the development of the government in the new society. When drafting the new
Constitution (1787), many Federalists such as Alexander Hamilton attempted to
build a strong central government that would also ‘preserve the liberties of the
people’ (Bailyn). However, many states like Massachusetts and New York demanded
that a Bill of Rights be included to protect the civil rights and liberties of the people.
Prominent Anti-Federalists like Patrick Henry went against the proposed federal
superstructure, fearing it would overshadow state powers, effectively negating
state sovereignty and enabling the same political overreach that the British had
enacted. As such, the Bill of Rights (1791) saw ten amendments that identified the
rights of citizens in relation to their government. Among other rights, it protected
freedom of speech (First Amendment), the right to bear arms (Second Amendment),
the protection of private property (Fifth Amendment), and stipulated that
any powers not listed in the Constitution belong to the states or to the people
(Tenth Amendment). It was a compromise that ensured the rights of individuals
were protected and enshrined in law.
While a significant challenge to the ratification of the Constitution, the insistence

that Natural Rights were protected proved to be only one of many compromises
that leaders were forced to make. Approved in 1791, the Bill of Rights made the
protected rights of individuals explicit, but, more importantly, it ensured the
acceptance of the federal framework of government, changing the political
structure for the new nation.
THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
French Revolution – SECTION A
Section A
The French Revolution
Q a. Identify two features of Source 5 that show the discontent of the urban workers of Grenoble
with the old regime. (2 marks)
From Source 5
» The townspeople in the upper-left corner are throwing roof tiles
at the soldiers in the street below.
» The townspeople in the lower right of the painting are bearing
weapons such as swords and muskets.
» The same townspeople are charging at the soldiers in the street.
Q b. Using Source 6 and your own knowledge, outline the consequences of the harvest crisis
and food shortage in France prior to the revolution. (4 marks)
From Source 6
» Bread was already an expensive daily cost for urban workers: ‘even in
normal times urban workers spent about half their wages on large, heavy
loaves of bread.’
» Tensions grew between urban workers, who needed ‘cheap and plentiful
bread’, and peasants, who were ‘threatened by local merchants seeking
to export their grain to lucrative urban markets’.
» There had already been many years (‘twenty-two of the years between
1765 and 1789’) of ‘food riots’ in the towns, ‘where women in particular
sought to impose taxation populaire to hold prices at customary levels’,
as well as in the countryside, ‘where peasants banded together to prevent
scarce supplies being sent away to market’.
From own knowledge

Rising food costs, caused by the harvest crisis and food shortages, had
profound consequences for the French people, particularly the poorer peasants
and urban workers:
» The rising food costs after the disastrous hailstorm of July 1788 meant
there was little left over to pay rent and buy other necessities such as
clothing. Urban workers were spending up to 90% of their wages on bread
by the summer of 1789. This contributed to high unemployment in France.
» Workers were extremely sensitive to perceived threats to their economic
situation. Notably, a misheard comment from wallpaper manufacturer
Revéillon in April 1789 led to riots in Paris that were quelled only by
military force.
» The urban workers of Paris feared that the king would use troops (around
20,000 were stationed in the Paris-Versailles area by July 1789) to arrest the
deputies of the National Assembly and crush the disturbances in Paris. This
contributed to the storming of the Bastille. The crowd believed that the
king was deliberately keeping bread prices high so the national debt could
be paid off.
» High prices also contributed to unrest in the countryside. Peasants
struggled to pay for their food and their taxes to the Crown, Church
and lords.
» Frustration at the economic situation, and the feudal system of privileges
and obligations generally, contributed to the uprising known as the
Great Fear.
» The nationwide peasant uprising convinced the noble deputies of the
Estates-General to voluntarily relinquish their feudal privileges on the
Night of Patriotic Delirium (4–5 August 1789).
Q c. Analyse two ways that the urban worker movement contributed to the outbreak of revolution
by July 1789. Use evidence to support your response. (6 marks)
From own knowledge

» On 7 June 1788, the urban workers of Grenoble resisted the royal troops sent
to arrest the Parlement of Paris judges.
» They were motivated by rising food prices and a refusal to give in to
what was perceived as royal despotism.
» Their resistance forced the soldiers to retreat and demonstrated that
violence could be used to challenge Louis XVI’s will and absolutist
authority.
» The urban workers of Paris were similarly motivated by high food prices.
They also feared that Louis would use force to crush the revolution and
keep bread prices high to pay off the national debt.
» Defecting soldiers from the French Guards helped several hundred urban
workers of Paris to capture the Bastille prison on 14 July 1789.
» This act of defiance demonstrated to Louis that he had lost effective
control of his armed forces.
» Louis was forced to relinquish legislative authority to the National
Assembly the next day.

Urban workers in many cities across France played a crucial role in bringing
about the end of King Louis XVI as an absolutist monarch. Firstly, driven by rising
food prices and resentment for overbearing royal edicts against the judges of
the Parlement, on 7 June 1788 the citizens of Grenoble hurled roof tiles at royal
troops in the streets. This act demonstrated to Louis that he could not coerce
the Parlement of Paris into agreement with his tax reforms, and that he risked
serious urban riots if he persisted. Further, the urban workers’ preparedness to
resort to violence was more directly evident during the storming of the Bastille on
14 July 1789. Approximately 600 Parisian workers, aided by defecting soldiers from
the French Guards regiment, forced the surrender of the fortress. Louis realised
that he no longer had control over his armed forces, compelling him to concede
to the demands of the National Assembly the next day. Hence, the Parisian crowd
contributed to the outbreak of revolution by saving the National Assembly and
ensuring the end of absolutist government.
Q d. Using Source 7 and your own knowledge, explain how the French government dealt with the
threat of Federalist revolt. (5 marks)
From Source 7
» The French government established ‘representatives on mission’.
» They were permitted to ‘interpret their role much as they wished’.
» Revolutionary armies ‘mushroomed’ and may have contained
‘40,000 men at their height’.
» Their role was to ‘intimidate and punish, arrest and repress’ enemies
of the revolution.
» ‘Half a million people may have been imprisoned as suspects’, and
‘up to 10,000 may have died in custody’.
From own knowledge

» The Federalist revolts were a series of uprisings by major towns in
France in response to the war and to the arrest of Girondin politicians.
» Occurring in many of France’s largest and most productive towns,
such as Nantes, Bordeaux and Lyons, these revolts threatened to
undermine the war effort against foreign powers.
» The federal government needed to deal quickly and ruthlessly with
these centres of rebellion so that the war effort could proceed
without interruption.
» Representatives-on-mission, established by the government in
March 1793, were sent to each department to oversee the war effort
and to ensure obedience.
» Revolutionary armies were established by the government after the
journée of 5 September 1793. Composed of sans-culottes, their role
was to ensure the flow of grain to Paris, round up deserters and arrest
any perceived enemies of the revolution.
» In August 1793, representative Collot d’Herbois was sent to suppress
the rebellion in Lyon.
» From October 1793, troops from the Revolutionary Army began to
guillotine around twenty-six people every day in Lyon.
» The most gruesome executions were the mitraillades—mass shootings
where suspected rebels were killed by cannon fire.
» Other centres of Federalist revolt such as Bordeaux, Marseilles and
Toulon suffered similar atrocities.

The French government crushed Federalist revolts by ruthlessly employing the
mechanisms of Terror. As noted in Source 7, ‘representatives on mission’ were sent
by the government to overcome dissent in centres of resistance to the war effort.
Representatives could ‘interpret their role much as they wished’ (Source 7), as
could the Revolutionary armies, created by the government after the journée of
5 September 1793. In August 1793, representative Collot d’Herbois was sent to force
the submission of Lyon. By October 1793, troops from a Revolutionary army began
to ‘intimidate and punish, arrest and repress’ (Source 7) enemies of the revolution,
executing by guillotine some twenty-six people every day. The worst example was
the mitraillades where dozens of rebels were lined up and fired upon by cannons.
The French government dealt with rebellions in cities like Nantes and Marseilles in
a similar manner to consolidate its authority and defend the revolution.
Q e. Evaluate how successful the revolutionary government was in responding to a range of

economic challenges from 1792–1795. Use evidence from Source 8 and your own knowledge
to support your response. (8 marks)
From Source 8
» Bookseller Nicolas Ruault informed his brother in a letter that the
‘650,000’ residents of Paris had been ‘hungry now for a long time’.
» There were ‘long queues’ at the ‘bakers’ doors’.
» People had to wait ‘five or six hours’ for ‘half a pound of biscuit’ or
‘half a pound of bad bread’.
» According to Ruault, the shortages were caused by shipments of grain
on the way to Paris being ‘stolen by citizens even hungrier no doubt
than ourselves’.
From own knowledge

» Revolutionary France faced a series of economic challenges
from 1792–1795:
» The war exacerbated the fragile state of the French economy.
» Several factors contributed to France’s disastrous economic
situation:
» The war against several powerful foreign states meant the
government had to pay for the raising and equipping of
extremely large armies.
» The Royal Navy blockaded French ports after the expansion
of the War of the First Coalition in February 1793.
» Federalist revolts in as many as sixty departments of France
meant vital supplies such as grain were not reaching Paris.
» Government responses were not successful in alleviating the
economic problems:
» To pay for the war supplies, the government started to print
more assignats, which contributed to rapid inflation. By
February 1793 the value of the assignat had fallen by 50% of
its original value, then to 20% by the middle of that year. This
made it incredibly difficult for urban workers, who were on a
fixed wage, to afford basic necessities such as bread.
» Revolutionary armies were established in September 1793 to
force peasants to hand over grain for delivery to the capital.
Grain convoys were often attacked by peasants who were
desperate for food and resented receiving worthless paper
money for their produce.
» The government passed the Law of the General Maximum
on 29 September 1793. While this was popular with the
sans-culottes, as it put a cap on grain prices, it angered
farmers and merchants who could no longer make a profit.
» The General Maximum violated the principles of the Declaration

of the Rights of Man and Citizen (DORMAC), specifically
Article XVII, which deemed the right to property both sacred and
inviolable.
» After the Thermidorian Reaction of 27–28 July 1794, the
government abolished the General Maximum in December 1794.
This, combined with the incredibly harsh winter of 1794–1795, led
to severe food shortages and rapid inflation.
» The value of the assignat fell even further to 8% in April, then to
4% in May.
» The price of meat increased by 300% and butter by 100%.
» According to Peter McPhee, by April 1795 food prices were
750% higher than they had been in 1790.
» These prices contributed to the journées of Germinal (April 1795)
and Prairial (May 1795).
» The government was able to successfully resist these protests, but
nothing was done about the dire economic situation in France.

The French government was unsuccessful in its attempts to deal with a series
of economic challenges from 1792–1795. To pay for the war, the government
printed more assignats, but this caused their value to drop rapidly. By
February 1793, the assignat was worth only 50% of its original value. This
was particularly tough on the sans-culottes, most of whom were on a
fixed wage. In response, they frequently attacked stores in Paris and paid a
price they thought was fair for goods. The war also meant that grain was
diverted from the cities to the soldiers at the front lines. To increase the
flow of bread to the cities, in September 1793 the government authorised
the creation of Revolutionary armies. These were composed mainly of sans-
culottes who scoured the countryside looking for stores of hoarded grain.
However, their brutality slowly turned the peasantry against the revolution.
To further combat price controls, the government issued the Law of the
General Maximum on 29 September 1793. This put a maximum price on a
range of goods and, according to the leader of the Enragés, Jacque Roux,
put ‘foodstuffs within reach of the sans-culottes’. While popular with
the sans-culottes who demanded it, the law was unpopular with farmers
and merchants who could not make a profit. Finally, in the wake of the
Thermidorian Reaction (27–28 July 1794), the French government abolished
the Maximum in December 1794. Along with an unusually harsh winter, this
contributed to even higher inflation. In turn, the citizens of Paris were left
‘hungry for a long time’ and were forced to wait ‘five or six hours’ (Source 8)
to receive a small amount of food. The journées of Germinal (April 1795) and
Prairial (May 1795) were crushed by federal troops, but the French government
proved unable to solve the economic challenges it faced. As William Doyle
argues, the revolution ‘was an economic disaster for France’.
French Revolution – SECTION B
Section B
The French Revolution
Q
‘The bourgeoisie made the most important contribution to the outbreak of the French Revolution,
and they were the only social group to genuinely benefit from it.’
Discuss.

The bourgeoisie played a crucial role in bringing about the French Revolution.
Whether they made the ‘most important contribution’ is debatable. Students
might like to indicate this in their response, but they should focus primarily on
the role of the bourgeoisie, which was significant.
» Initially, the bourgeoisie played little role in the French Revolution.
The nobility was the first social group to challenge the royal prerogatives
of the king and forced him to grant an Estates-General to solve France’s
looming bankruptcy crisis.
» The bourgeoisie started to take a more active role in challenging absolutism
when Louis announced on 8 August 1788 that the Estates-General would
be held. Later, on 25 September 1788, the Parlement of Paris declared that
the Estates-General would run as it had in 1614—with voting by order and
in separate chambers. This meant that the two privileged estates, which
represented only a fraction of the French population, could easily outvote
the Third Estate deputies.
» Louis’s announcement on 27 December 1788 that the number of Third Estate
deputies would be doubled to 600 meant little because the voting procedure
remained unchanged.
» Bourgeois outrage at being shut out of the political system was reflected in
a number of pamphlets such as What Is the Third Estate? by the Abbé Sieyès,
and the cahiers of doléances. Demands were made for a fairer and more equal
society, as well as a truly representative legislative body with a constitution
that guaranteed the strict separation of state powers.
» When the Estates-General began in May 1789, the Third Estate deputies,
who were almost exclusively bourgeois, felt alienated by the process and
immediately rebelled by refusing to verify their credentials by order.
» This halted the Estates-General, and the bourgeois deputies took the initiative
to invite the privileged orders to join them as the representatives of the nation.
» They declared themselves the National Assembly on 17 June 1789 and three
days later confirmed their determination to legislate on behalf of the citizens
of France when they swore the Tennis Court Oath. Louis eventually gave in to
their demands on 27 June 1789.
» The Third Estate deputies demanded that Louis withdraw his soldiers from the
Paris-Versailles area, as they represented a threat to the National Assembly, but
Louis only agreed to this when the Bastille prison was captured by the urban
workers of Paris on 14 July 1789. The Parisian workers saved the bourgeois
deputies from a potential royalist counter-revolution.
The bourgeoisie undoubtedly benefitted from the revolution by 1795 and

had more to show for themselves compared to other social groups, such as
the peasantry, ex-nobility and the sans-culottes. While some bourgeoisie
suffered economically during the war or were executed under the legislation
of the Terror, it is accurate to say that the bourgeoisie emerged better
positioned than the other social groups in France.
» The bourgeois were the chief beneficiaries of the early phase of the
revolution (1789–1792):
» The DORMAC (26 August 1789) enshrined the right to property that
was both sacred and inviolable.
» They were the chief beneficiaries of the biens nationaux
(2 November 1789), as they had the cash or capital to afford to
purchase the large tracts of land at auction.
» Under the Assembly’s decision in October 1789 to divide the citizenry
into ‘active’ and ‘passive’ categories, the bourgeoisie fell into the
category of active citizenship, which permitted them to vote in
elections and run for office in local departments.
» They could also register for service in the National Guard, which was
employed by Bailly and Lafayette to repress the radical demands of
the sans-culottes at the Champ de Mars massacre on 17 July 1791.
» The Le Chapelier Law (14 June 1791) favoured bourgeois employers
by making collective bargaining, strikes and picketing of workplaces
illegal; an onerous fine of 500 livres was the penalty.
» The Constitution of September 1791 enshrined the rights to property
and limited male suffrage, which underlined the dominant position of
the French bourgeoisie.
» The war with Austria and Prussia from 20 April 1792 saw the bourgeoisie
temporarily lose some of their status to the rising demands of the
sans-culottes:
» The National Guard was opened to the sans-culottes on 25 July 1792,
shifting the balance of power in the capital considerably.
» The sans-culottes used force to overthrow the king on 10 August 1792;
a republic of universal male suffrage was announced by September.
» In 1793, the sans-culottes achieved more of their economic and
political demands at the expense of the bourgeoisie:
» The Jacobins and Cordeliers replaced the Girondins as the
dominant political clubs in the National Convention after the
journée of May–June 1793.
» The Jacobin Constitution (June 1793) enshrined several political
and economic demands of the sans-culottes such as universal
male suffrage and the right to welfare, employment and
insurrection.
» After the journée of September 1793, the sans-culottes forced the
Convention to pass the General Maximum, which put a price cap
on everyday goods; their enemies were dealt with under the Law
of Suspects. The Revolutionary armies scoured the countryside
searching for grain and suspected traitors.
» The bourgeoisie of France suffered a disproportionate amount

during the Terror: 25% of all victims were classified as bourgeois.
» The war and blockade by the Royal Navy also devastated
many industries such as silk production and Atlantic trade,
which were traditionally areas that allowed the bourgeoisie
to prosper financially.
» After the Thermidorian Reaction (27–28 July 1794) and the fall of Robespierre,
the bourgeoisie reasserted their dominance of government in France:
» The General Maximum was abolished in December 1794.
» The journées of Germinal (April 1795) and Prairial (May 1795) were
crushed by the government. The threat posed by the sans-culottes to
the bourgeois government of France had been effectively dealt with.
» The Constitution of the Year III (22 August 1795) saw a return to
the more moderate phase of the French Revolution with property
qualifications being reinstated as a requirement for participation in
voting and politics.
» The abolition of the General Maximum in December 1794 meant that
producers and merchants could once again trade their goods for a profit
at the expense of urban consumers like the sans-culottes.
» By the end of 1795, the bourgeoisie were once more in a dominant position
politically, socially and economically. They were the true, and perhaps sole,
beneficiaries of the French Revolution.

The French bourgeoisie undoubtedly played a key role in fomenting and carrying
out revolution in 1789. While they were not the only social group that demanded
change, they were crucial in forcing King Louis XVI to relinquish absolutist authority
over France. As the revolutionary government attempted to consolidate its
authority in the years that followed, the bourgeoisie benefitted greatly from new
legislation and, despite temporary setbacks, emerged as the chief beneficiaries of
the revolution.
The bourgeoisie played a key role in dismantling the absolutist authority of

King Louis XVI, but they would not have been successful without the intervention
of the Parisian urban workers. The bourgeoisie first became a potent revolutionary
force when Louis announced that the Estates-General would be held as it had in
1614, where the two privileged orders could outvote the Third Estate. In his pamphlet
What Is the Third Estate? (January 1789), the Abbé Sieyès declared that the Third
was ‘everything’ and deserved a greater say in political decisions. The bourgeois
deputies of the Third Estate disrupted the procedure of the Estates-General
(May–June 1789) by refusing to deliberate and vote by order and, thus, challenged
the king’s legislative authority by declaring themselves the National Assembly
on 17 June 1789. This was reiterated in the Tennis Court Oath when, according to
George Rudé, the deputies agreed to ‘not disperse until the constitution had been
established’. Louis was forced to concede to their demands on 27 June. However, the
bourgeois deputies were saved from the king’s troops by the intervention of the
Parisian urban workers, who stormed the Bastille (14 July 1789) and demonstrated
that the king did not have effective control of his army. Thus, while the bourgeoisie
played a key role in the revolution, they relied on the actions of the urban workers to
secure their gains.
Having secured legislative authority, the National Assembly began to pass

legislation that chiefly benefited the bourgeoisie. The right to own property was
made sacred and inviolable under Article XVII of the Declaration of the Rights of
Man and Citizen (DORMAC: 26 August 1789), and the bourgeoisie were wealthy
enough to purchase large blocks of Church lands sold under the biens nationaux
(November 1789). Under the Constitution of September 1791, the bourgeoisie were
guaranteed the right to vote and participate in politics, as they paid the requisite
amount of tax. The Le Chapelier Law (14 June 1791) benefitted employers, as it
made collective bargaining, strikes and picketing illegal. The work of the National
Constituent Assembly was ‘vast in its scope and energy’ (Peter McPhee) and
generally favoured the bourgeoisie.
However, the war (1792–1795) temporarily shifted the balance of power in Paris
towards the sans-culottes. The opening of the National Guard, previously a
bourgeois institution, to passive citizens in July 1792 meant that the sans-culottes
gained control of armed force in Paris. They wielded this to implement their political
and economic demands such as a republic, universal male suffrage, strict price
controls and death to all traitors and suspects. The sans-culottes also used their
dominance of the National Guard to overthrow the Girondins in May–June 1793
and replace them with the Jacobins, who were much more sympathetic to their
demands. The bourgeoisie also suffered disproportionally under the Terror, with
about 25% of the victims being bourgeois, according to Colin Jones.
With victory against internal and external enemies, and the suppression of the
Jacobins after the Thermidorian Reaction in July 1794, the bourgeois deputies
of the National Convention set about reinstituting the principles and ideas of
the initial moderate phase of the revolution. The Law of the General Maximum
(29 September 1793) was abolished in December 1794. This returned the right to
producers and merchants to lift their prices to make a profit, and, thus, restored the
‘sacred and inviolable’ right to property espoused in Article XVII of the DORMAC.
The sans-culottes’ uprisings in April and May 1795 were defeated by government
troops, which meant that the urban workers of Paris could no longer implement
their radical agenda. The Constitution of Year III (22 August 1795) reinstated
property qualifications in determining who could vote. As conservative deputy
Boissy d’Anglas noted, ‘we should be governed by the best amongst us. … You
will only find such men … who … [own] property.’ Politically and economically, the
bourgeoisie returned to the dominant position in French society.
Overall, the bourgeoisie played a vital, but by no means singular, role in causing
the French Revolution. Their challenge to the king’s authority was only successful
due to the armed riots in the capital. Nevertheless, in the long term, the bourgeoisie
were the chief beneficiaries of the French Revolution. As McPhee notes, for the
bourgeoisie ‘the Revolution was their triumph’.
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
Russian Revolution – SECTION A
Section A
The Russian Revolution
Q a. Identify two features of Source 9 that criticise the autocracy. (2 marks)
From Source 9
» Nicholas and Alexandra are seated like children on the lap of the
peasant mystic Grigory Rasputin, implying that he has true power
over the court.
» Nicholas is portrayed in a childlike manner with his eyes closed,
suggesting his ignorance to the problems facing Russia.
» Alexandra is portrayed wearing a crown, implying that she—not
Nicholas—holds true autocratic power.
» Alexandra is portrayed staring lovingly at Rasputin, implying that
she was having an affair with him, undermining the sacred image
of the monarchy.
Q b. Using Source 10 and your own knowledge, outline the consequences of the Fundamental Laws.
(4 marks)
From Source 10
» The Fundamental Laws established a limited, consultative democracy:
‘the autocrat now consulted with an elected parliament.’
» The Fundamental Laws reasserted the tsar’s autocratic powers
(‘Russia was still an autocracy’), and ‘ministers remained responsible
solely to the autocrat’.
» The Fundamental Laws triggered protests from the First and Second
Dumas, which became ‘insubordinate’.
From own knowledge

» The Fundamental Laws created anger over the tsar’s failure to fulfil his
vague promises of liberal democratic reforms in the October Manifesto.
Over time, this turned into disillusionment and increased hostility
towards the regime from liberals who would later push for the tsar’s
abdication in World War I.
» In protest against the Fundamental Laws, liberals and socialists in the
First and Second Dumas refused to pass laws or approve spending
until the tsarist regime agreed to certain demands. These included
giving the Duma the right to appoint government ministers and
oversee government spending, amnesty for political prisoners from
the 1905 Revolution, and land reform.
» After the dismissal of the First Duma, the Kadet party issued the Vyborg
Manifesto, calling on Russians to engage in civil disobedience such as
refusing to pay taxes. Many Kadet leaders were arrested.
» The Fundamental Laws reserved key powers for the tsar, such as Article
87 allowing the tsar to issue emergency decrees when the Duma was not
in session, and Article 105 allowing him to dismiss the Duma at any time.
SAMPLE RESPONSE
Firstly, the Fundamental Laws (23 April 1906) clarified that ‘Russia was
still an autocracy’, undermining the promise of democratic reform given in
the October Manifesto. Secondly, this triggered protests from the First and
Second Dumas, which became ‘insubordinate’ and refused to pass laws or
approve spending until the tsar agreed to give the Duma the power to appoint
ministers and implement further reforms. In the long term, the consequence
was growing disillusionment with the tsarist regime, which proved its
unwillingness to reform, leading delegates of the Fourth Duma to form the
Provisional Government and demand the tsar’s abdication in February 1917.
Q c. Analyse two ways that World War I contributed to the development of the revolution by
October 1917. Use evidence to support your response. (6 marks)

World War I directly caused both the tsar’s abdication in the February Revolution
and the Bolshevik seizure of power in the events of October 1917. The strongest
responses will link to both developments.
From the sources

» There is no requirement to use sources to support this response, but students
may choose to draw on Source 9 and Source 10 if they wish.
» Source 9 can be used to illustrate the scandals that emerged in the court during
World War I. When Nicholas assumed personal command of the army in 1915,
this created the perception that the tsarina and Rasputin were the true rulers
of Russia. This alienated elite groups who had previously supported the regime.
» Source 10 can be used to illustrate how liberal dissatisfaction with the
Fundamental Laws resurfaced during World War I. In 1915, eight political
parties comprising three-quarters of the Duma formed the Progressive
Bloc, demanding a ‘government of public confidence’ that answered to the
Duma, rather than being ‘responsible solely to the autocrat’ (Source 10).
This led to Duma leaders forming the Provisional Government during the
February Revolution.
From own knowledge

» Poor leadership led to repeated, humiliating defeats that caused war
weariness and a loss of faith in the regime:
» The tsar decided to divide Russian forces and invade both Germany
and Austria-Hungary in the opening weeks of the war. This,
combined with a lack of cooperation between General Samsonov and
General Rennenkampf, led to the destruction of the entire First and
Second Armies (totalling 400,000 men) by a force of German reservists
just half their size in the first two weeks of the war.
» Failure to stockpile sufficient equipment or coordinate effectively with
war industries led to massive supply shortfalls (e.g., one in three soldiers
mobilised in December 1914 was sent to the front without a rifle).
» In the first twelve months of the war, Russia lost four million men
(killed, wounded or captured) as well as control of Poland.
» As an autocrat, Nicholas was held personally responsible for these
problems. This helped turn public opinion against him, leading to
demands for his abdication in the protests of the February Revolution.
» World War I increased economic problems:
» Mass conscription caused labour shortages in agriculture (14.6 million men
conscripted in 1914–1918), causing a decline in food production.
» The rail network proved unable to meet the needs of both the army and
the industrial cities. By winter 1916–1917, Petrograd and Moscow were
receiving just one-third of their food and fuel requirements, and by
February 1917, the Ministry of the Interior reported that the city had just
four days’ reserve of food.
» By 1917, the cost of bread had risen 400% compared to prewar levels.
This led to the introduction of bread rationing in February 1917,
which caused panic and bread riots, precipitating the protests of
the February Revolution.
» After the tsar’s overthrow, Lenin exploited poverty and hunger
by promising that a Bolshevik-led Soviet government would
immediately provide peace and improvements to bread supply.
This gave the Bolsheviks the support needed to seize power in
October 1917.
» Demands for peace helped catalyse opposition to the ruling regime:
» The high losses caused by the war (over two million dead by 1917)
transformed the International Women’s Day march in Petrograd
on 23 February 1917 into an anti-war protest, with demonstrators
chanting ‘down with the war!’ and ‘peace!’ This inspired subsequent
protests that grew into a general strike, paralysing the capital until
the tsar abdicated on 2 March 1917.
» After the February Revolution, the Bolsheviks were the only party
that demanded immediate, unconditional peace. Conversely, the
Kadets pushed to fight on until victory, and the moderate socialist
Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs) endorsed fighting
to ‘defend the revolution’ until a peace ‘without annexations or
indemnities’ could be negotiated.
» This shifted support to the Bolsheviks, with the party gaining a
majority in the Petrograd and Moscow soviets in September 1917.
In October, this democratic support was used to form the Military
Revolutionary Committee and seize control of the Petrograd
garrison; a coup d’état was then carried out to overthrow the
Provisional Government.
SAMPLE RESPONSE
Firstly, both the tsarist and provisional governments were blamed for repeated,
humiliating defeats in World War I. Four million men were killed, wounded or
captured in the first twelve months of the war, and war weariness was a major
cause of both the Petrograd general strike and the mutiny of the Petrograd
garrison in February 1917 that precipitated the abdication of Tsar Nicholas
II. When the Provisional Government launched the June Offensive in 1917 and
Russian forces suffered a further 400,000 casualties, this increased support for
the Bolsheviks with their promise of immediate peace negotiations, helping them
seize power in October 1917.
Secondly, involvement in the war aggravated economic problems. Mass

conscription caused labour shortages in agriculture, and the overstressed
railway network proved unable to supply both the army and the industrial cities.
By February 1917, bread prices had risen to 400% of prewar levels, causing the
outbreak of bread riots that precipitated the February Revolution. After the
tsar’s overthrow, the Bolshevik promise of ‘bread!’ to the urban poor helped win
them sufficient support to overthrow the Provisional Government in October 1917.
Q d. Using Source 11 and your own knowledge, explain how the lives of nobles and the
bourgeoisie changed as a result of the revolution. (5 marks)
From Source 11
» Nobles and the bourgeoisie became known as ‘the former people’.
» Their lives become ‘an arduous daily struggle’.
» Members of the nobility and bourgeoisie were conscripted ‘for
non-combatant tasks’ by the Red Army, and for ‘jobs such as
clearing the rubbish or snow from the streets’ by city soviets.
» They were ‘forced to sell their last precious possessions just
to feed themselves’ or were ‘reduced to petty street vendors’,
earning money through selling pies, clothes, cakes or matches.
From own knowledge

» The Decree on Land (26 October 1917) ordered the expropriation
of the gentry’s land without compensation, destroying a major
source of wealth for the nobility.
» The Decree on the Abolition of Estates and Civil Ranks
(10 November 1917) ended legal distinctions and privileges
based on social class.
» Bourgeois factory owners and managers were subjected to mob
violence as democratic workers’ committees seized control in
late 1917 and early 1918—a process that was legitimised by the
Decree on Workers’ Control (14 November 1917).
» The Decree on the Nationalisation of Banks (14 December
1917) brought all banks under government control. Subsequent
measures confiscated savings above 10,000 roubles, destroying
a major source of wealth for the bourgeoisie.
» From January 1918, Lenin used the slogan ‘Loot the looters!’ to
encourage local soviets to expropriate the wealth of the nobility
and bourgeoisie.
» During the Civil War and Red Terror, the nobility and bourgeoisie
were interpreted as the source of all counter-revolutionary
attacks on the Soviet government. The Cheka frequently engaged
in hostage-taking of bourgeois individuals or the families of
noble officers conscripted into the Red Army. Cheka leader Martin
Latsis declared, ‘we are exterminating the bourgeoisie as a class.
… This is the essence of the Red Terror.’
» From 1917–1921, two million White émigrés fled Russia. These were
mostly members of the bourgeoisie and nobility victimised by
the revolution.
SAMPLE RESPONSE
The nobility and bourgeoisie were effectively destroyed as social classes
by the revolution. Sovnarkom passed a series of laws to expropriate their
wealth, such as the Decree on Land (26 October 1917), handing gentry
land to the peasants, and the Decree on the Nationalisation of Banks
(14 December 1917), which saw local soviets confiscate the bourgeoisie’s
wealth. A class-based ration system was soon introduced under the
slogan ‘He who does not work, neither shall he eat’ (Source 11). The
bourgeois ration was ‘just enough bread so as not to forget the smell
of it’ (Zinoviev), and many were conscripted for tasks such as ‘digging
trenches’ and ‘clearing the rubbish [and] snow’. Consequently, nobles
and the bourgeoisie faced ‘an arduous daily struggle’ to survive. By 1921,
the nobility and bourgeoisie were reduced to either ‘petty street vendors’,
or they joined the two million White émigrés who fled Russia.
Q e. Evaluate the effectiveness of War Communism in consolidating Sovnarkom’s power

between 1918 and 1921. Use evidence from Source 12 and your own knowledge to support
your response. (8 marks)

The question asks for an evaluation (judgement) of effectiveness in
consolidating power (establishing authority and overcoming resistance).
The best responses will stay focused on forming a judgement of how
War Communism either helped Sovnarkom overcome opposition
or how it created new sources of opposition and new challenges.
From Source 12
» The source explores the War Communism policy of grain requisitioning,
which was intended to resolve the problems of urban food shortages
and feeding the Red Army. Both were vital to consolidating power:
the Bolshevik promise of bread was one of the main ways they gained
support from workers, and supplying Red Army soldiers was essential to
overcoming the counter-revolutionary White armies.
» The source indicates that War Communism instead created new challenges
for Sovnarkom, as the ‘Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks … incite[d]
the peasantry by saying to them, “They are robbing you!”’ through the
policy of grain requisitioning.
» Lenin also indicates that the policy of War Communism faced challenges
due to cultural attitudes. ‘Ignorance and the habit of working individually’
led to the peasantry being ‘dissatisfied with not being allowed freedom to
trade in grain’.
From own knowledge

» War Communism allowed Sovnarkom to guarantee supplies of food to the
Red Army. The Decree on Food Procurement (13 May 1918) outlawed private
trade in grain and led to armed food battalions being used to seize grain
surpluses from peasants. Consequently, Sovnarkom could mobilise an army
of five million by 1920, easily overcoming all counter-revolutionary forces.
» War Communism allowed Sovnarkom to prioritise wartime production, as
all factories were nationalised, and the limited fuel supplies were directed
to vital industries. The Imperial Armoury in Tula and the Putilov Steelworks
in Petrograd were able to mass-produce ammunition and weapons, arming
the Red Army with more machine guns and artillery than their counterparts
in the Imperial Russian Army before the revolution.
» However, overzealous food battalions often seized not only surplus grain,
but also grain reserves and seed grain, leaving peasants to starve. When
drought caused crop failure in the Volga region in 1920, the result was a
famine that killed five million.
» Further, peasants resisted grain requisitioning by raising militias and
murdering 15,000 requisitioning agents between 1918 and 1920. In 1921,
fifty major peasant rebellions broke out. The largest, the Tambov Uprising,
involved a guerrilla army of as many as 50,000 peasant rebels and took
twelve months for the Red Army to suppress.
» War Communism saw the abolition of the money economy, the

suspension of many workers’ rights, and forced workers to accept
military discipline and ration coupons in exchange for their labour.
This proved extremely unpopular with workers once the Civil War
ended in 1920, as they resented their loss of freedom and poor rations.
Three-quarters of factories in Russia were hit by strikes in 1920,
and there was a general strike in Petrograd in February 1921. Most
strikes were motivated by demands for better rations, but some also
protested the loss of freedom.
» Discontent with War Communism fuelled dangerous signs of
discontent, such as the Kronstadt Revolt (March 1921) and the
emergence of Alexandra Kollontai’s Workers’ Opposition faction
within the Bolshevik Party in the lead-up to the Tenth Party Congress.

War Communism was moderately effective, as it assisted Sovnarkom in
mobilising and supplying the Red Army, but it also created new challenges
including famine, economic collapse and rebellions.
War Communism guaranteed food for the Red Army. The Decree on Food
Procurement (13 May 1918) outlawed private trade in grain and led to armed
food battalions being used to seize grain surpluses from peasants. This
helped raise grain from peasants who were reluctant to sell. Consequently,
Sovnarkom could mobilise an army of five million by 1920, easily overcoming
the counter-revolutionary White armies.
Further, the Decree on Nationalisation of Industry and the creation of

the Supreme Council for the Economy allowed Sovnarkom to prioritise
wartime production, directing limited supplies of fuel and raw materials.
The Imperial Armoury in Tula and the Putilov Steelworks in Petrograd were
able to mass-produce ammunition and weapons, arming the Red Army
units with more machine guns and artillery than their counterparts in the
Imperial Russian Army before the revolution.
However, as Lenin acknowledges in Source 12, War Communism actively

created new opposition to Sovnarkom, as ‘the rural population [was]
dissatisfied with not being allowed freedom to trade in grain’. While Lenin
blamed this on ‘agents of capitalism’ and ‘deep-rooted’ peasant habits
of individual work, in reality, this was due to food battalions seizing not
only surplus grain, but also grain reserves and seed grain, leaving peasants
to starve. When drought caused crop failure in the Volga region in 1920,
the result was a famine that killed five million. Peasants resisted grain
requisitioning by raising militias and murdering 15,000 requisitioning
agents between 1918 and 1920. In 1921, fifty major peasant rebellions broke
out. The largest, the Tambov Uprising, involved a guerrilla army of 50,000
peasant rebels and took twelve months for the Red Army to suppress. The
combination of famine and peasant rebellions forced Lenin to abandon War
Communism in 1921, indicating its failure to effectively consolidate power.
Russian Revolution – SECTION B
Section B
The Russian Revolution
Q
‘Between 1905 and 1927, the Bolsheviks showed that they were the only political party that
understood and successfully responded to the demands of the Russian people.’
Discuss.

» It would help to break down and analyse each of the assumptions in the
prompt separately, rather than simply agreeing or disagreeing with the entire
prompt:
» What exactly did different groups of Russian people demand? It would
help to distinguish between key groups like workers, peasants, the
bourgeoisie and nobility.
» Did the Bolsheviks actually understand what different groups of
Russians wanted?
» How did the Bolsheviks respond to the demands of different groups of
Russians? Did these responses change over the period 1905–1927?
» How can we tell if these responses were successful? Did the
effectiveness of these responses change over the period 1905–1927?
» The prompt explicitly draws on key knowledge from both Area of Study 1
(1905–26 October 1917: a period in which the Bolsheviks sought the overthrow
of the government) and Area of Study 2 (26 October 1917–1927: a period in
which the Bolsheviks were the ruling party in Russia). Strong essays must
draw on evidence relating to both periods.
» There is some evidence that can be used to support the view in the prompt:
» The Bolsheviks saw themselves as the ‘vanguard party’ that would lead
the proletariat to create a ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ and replace
the evils of capitalism with a socialist society.
» After the February Revolution of 1917, the Bolsheviks alone opposed
continued involvement in World War I and demanded immediate action
to resolve the grievances of workers and peasants. This was largely due
to Lenin’s April Theses, which denounced World War I as an ‘imperialist
war’ fought for the benefit of the bourgeoisie and aimed to turn the
workers and peasants of different nations against one another. The
April Theses also predicted that the emergence of workers’ soviets could
be used as the basis of a new form of direct, democratic government.
» After seizing power in October 1917, the Bolsheviks implemented many
new decrees that sought to address the grievances and demands of
workers, peasants, women and ethnic minorities (e.g., Decree on Land,
Decree on the Hours of Labor, Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples
of Russia, Decree on Divorce). These decrees were broadly popular and
helped secure the legitimacy of the Bolshevik-led Sovnarkom.
» However, the view in the prompt can also be challenged in a number of ways:
» Most obviously, the Bolsheviks only intended to improve the welfare
of workers and, to a lesser extent, peasants. They sought to create a
‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ that would destroy the bourgeoisie and
nobility as social classes.
» Election results in the Dumas and Constituent Assembly suggest that
the Bolsheviks did not necessarily understand the grievances of most
Russians. They were consistently outvoted by the SRs—notably in the
November 1917 Constituent Assembly elections, where the SRs won 47%
of the vote compared to the Bolsheviks’ 24%.
» The Bolsheviks’ radical desire for a socialist revolution meant that
they rejected moderate reforms that would have been welcomed by
workers and peasants. As such, they boycotted elections for the First
and Second Dumas. They also opposed ‘economism’ favoured by the
Mensheviks, such as negotiating with employers for reduced work hours
and securing improved conditions and wages; these would reduce the
radicalism of the working class and delay a socialist revolution.
» Some key Bolshevik reforms were adapted from other parties. For
example, the Decree on Land (26 October 1917) was adapted from the
resolutions of an SR party conference. The Bolsheviks’ long-term goal
was to collectivise agriculture, not to reinforce private land ownership
through dividing land among peasants.
» Key Bolshevik reforms were unpopular and unsuccessful, most notably
those of War Communism. While the Bolsheviks cannot be blamed
for the economic problems they inherited upon seizing power, they
actively worsened the economy by removing the incentive for workers
or peasants to be productive through rationing, grain requisitioning and
the militarisation of the economy.

The Bolsheviks fundamentally misunderstood the demands of Russian people
throughout the revolution. In 1917, they successfully exploited the discontent of
workers and peasants, but the promises they made were only to enable their seizure
of power so they could pursue their utopian vision of building communism. Over
the period 1905–1927, the Bolsheviks were consistently guided by the elitist ideas
of Vladimir Lenin, who sought to create a ‘vanguard party’ to lead the ignorant
masses towards communism. Further, he sought only to create a ‘dictatorship of
the proletariat’ and was willing to sacrifice the interests of all other social groups.
The Bolsheviks failed to understand the demands of ordinary Russians before

1917. One key reason for the split between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks in 1903
was Lenin’s rejection of ‘economism’. This was the practice of negotiating with the
bourgeoisie to improve the proletariat’s conditions. Lenin argued that a socialist
revolution was only possible if the suffering of the proletariat intensified their class
consciousness, and that minor pay rises or reductions in hours would harm them in
the long run. The Bolsheviks boycotted the elections to the First and Second Dumas,
as they perceived them as ‘bourgeois’, and forfeited any chance to help shape reforms
that would benefit workers and peasants. By the February Revolution of 1917, the
Bolsheviks had only 20,000 members and were a fringe group, clearly indicating their
failure due to misunderstanding what the Russian people wanted.
The Bolsheviks showed more understanding of the demands of Russian workers

and peasants after the outbreak of World War I, especially following the
February Revolution. Whereas other socialist parties supported the liberal Provisional
Government in continuing involvement in the war, Lenin denounced it as an ‘imperialist
war’ in the April Theses and demanded immediate peace. He also demanded a Soviet
government and promised immediate solutions to popular grievances through the
slogan ‘Peace, bread, land!’ Consequently, the Bolsheviks won majorities in elections to
the Moscow and Petrograd soviets in September 1917 and gained the support needed
to overthrow the Provisional Government in October 1917. The Bolshevik-led Sovnarkom
issued a range of popular decrees, such as the Decree on Land (26 October 1917),
which redistributed gentry land to the peasants, and the Decree on Workers’ Control
(14 November 1917), which instituted democratic workers’ control of the factories.
Journalist John Reed credited the Bolsheviks’ success in 1917 to being the only party able
to accomplish the ‘vast and simple desires’ of the masses.
However, the Bolsheviks’ efforts to create a communist society through the policies
of War Communism demonstrate that they neither understood nor were able to
effectively respond to popular demands. For example, the Decree on Food Procurement
(13 May 1918) ordered the requisitioning of all ‘surplus’ grain to feed the Red Army
and urban population, but this discouraged peasants from producing more grain
and further aggravated food shortages, causing the deaths of five million in the
1921 famine. Similarly, the ration system introduced by the Bolsheviks in 1918 proved
corrupt and ineffective. Those connected to the Bolsheviks could easily receive multiple
ration cards, while ordinary workers were forced to resort to the ‘bag trade’ to barter
with peasants using goods stolen from their workplaces to get enough food to survive.
The Bolsheviks’ failure to understand and respond to worker grievances is evident in
the graffitied slogan reported by the Cheka in Petrograd in 1918: ‘Down with Lenin
and horsemeat! Give us the tsar and pork!’ By 1920, 75% of factories were affected by
strikes demanding better rations, and by 1921, a general strike occurred in Petrograd.
Simultaneously, fifty major peasant rebellions broke out. Richard Pipes argues that
this poor economic management was not the product of economic circumstance, but
because of the Bolsheviks’ utopian desire to end money and introduce a communist
economy. As Lenin himself argued, ‘those who believe that socialism can be built at
a time of peace and tranquillity are profoundly mistaken: it will everywhere be built
at a time of disruption, at a time of famine.’ In turn, the Bolsheviks demonstrated
themselves as unsympathetic to the needs of peasants and workers, which were
oriented around social justice and their economic livelihoods, rather than the abstract
goal of building communism.
Before 1917, they were ineffective at advocating for the relatively moderate goals of
workers and peasants for improved rights and land reform. They tactically exploited
the grievances of workers and peasants to seize power in 1917, but largely failed to
realise their promises of peace, bread, land, workers’ control of the factories, and Soviet
democracy. After 1917, the Bolsheviks sacrificed the demands of workers and peasants to
the larger project of building socialism, despite being at their expense. Fundamentally,
the Bolsheviks did not understand the demands of Russians and failed to meet them.
THE CHINESE REVOLUTION
Chinese Revolution – SECTION A
Section A
The Chinese Revolution
Q a. Identify two features of Source 13 that show the importance of Mao Zedong as a leader.
(2 marks)
From Source 13
» Mao Zedong is the focal point of the image, standing tall in front of a
group of officers.
» Mao stands in front of a Communist flag, representing his leadership
of the Red Army on the Long March.
» Several of the soldiers are looking at Mao with admiration and respect.
» The painting depicts the Red Army triumphantly escaping Guomindang
(GMD) pursuit over the Great Snowy Mountains. This reflects Mao’s
focus on guerrilla tactics and mobility, which led to him being placed in
overall leadership of the Long March at the Zunyi Conference.
Q b. Using Source 14 and your own knowledge, outline the consequences of the Japanese
occupation of Manchuria. (4 marks)
From Source 14
» China was swept by a wave of ‘popular anger’ including anti-Japanese
boycotts, riots, and protests demanding war with Japan.
» The GMD lost popular support for its decision not to resist
(e.g., ‘anti-Japanese students attacked [GMD] headquarters’ in Nanjing).
» Jiang Jieshi ‘decided not to resist’ the occupation, as ‘Chinese troops
were no match for the enemy’.
From own knowledge

» After the Mukden Incident, Chinese forces withdrew from Manchuria,
abandoning it to Japanese control.
» In 1932, Japan established the puppet state of ‘Manchukuo’ led by
former Qing emperor Puyi.
» In 1933, Jiang Jieshi’s government signed the Tanggu Truce,
acknowledging Japanese sovereignty over Manchuria.
» The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared war on Japan and described
the Long March as the ‘march north to fight the Japanese’. These were
purely symbolic gestures but were a useful source of patriotic, nationalist
propaganda in establishing the CCP as an alternative to the GMD.
» Failure to resist Japan cost Jiang significant popular support, especially
given his ongoing anti-Communist campaigns. Protestors in Beijing in
1936 denounced these with the slogan ‘Chinese must not fight Chinese’
at a time when the nation was threatened by Japanese imperialism.
» Failure to resist Japan cost Jiang support from Zhang Xueliang, the
warlord of Manchuria, who kidnapped him and held him hostage during
the 1936 Xian Incident. Zhang only released Jiang after he agreed to end
his war against the CCP and instead prepare for war with Japan.
SAMPLE RESPONSE
The Japanese occupation of Manchuria caused ‘a wave of nationalist anger’
(Source 14). Newspapers and protestors demanded war with Japan under
slogans like ‘Hurry up and kill the enemy’ and ‘Death before surrender’.
However, Jiang Jieshi chose to sign the Tanggu Truce in 1933, acknowledging
Japanese sovereignty over Manchuria. He followed a strategy of ‘first internal
pacification, then external resistance’ and chose to focus on crushing the
Chinese Communist Party before resisting Japan. This caused the Guomindang
to lose popular support and culminated in the Xian Incident (December 1936),
where warlord Zhang Xueliang took Jiang hostage and demanded he end his
war with the Communist Party and prepare to liberate Manchuria.
Q c. Analyse two ways that the Second Sino-Japanese War contributed to the development of the
revolution by 1949. Use evidence to support your response. (6 marks)
From the sources

» There is no requirement to use sources to support this response. None of
the sources are directly relevant to the Second Sino-Japanese War. However,
students may choose to draw on Source 13 and Source 14 if they wish.
» Source 13 could be used to discuss how the achievements of Mao Zedong
and the Red Army during the Long March influenced the Communists’ later
actions during the Second Sino-Japanese War.
» Source 14 could be used to discuss how Jiang Jieshi accurately predicted in
1931 that despite ‘nationalist anger’ against Japan and popular demands
for war, ‘Chinese troops were no match for the enemy’, and this shaped the
difficulties his government faced during the 1937–1945 war.
From own knowledge

» The war eroded support for the GMD, which led to their defeat by 1949:
» After suffering 250,000 casualties in the Battle of Shanghai, Jiang
Jieshi realised that Chinese forces could not match the Japanese.
» Therefore, he adopted a strategy of ‘trading space for time’ and
staged a fighting retreat into China’s interior. For most of the war,
about 50% of the civilian population lived under Japanese occupation.
» The GMD adopted brutal scorched-earth tactics to delay the Japanese
invaders, such as the destruction of flood control dykes on the
Yellow River in 1937 that led to 500,000–800,000 civilian deaths.
» Desperation for food caused the GMD armies to engage in
unrestrained grain requisitioning, even when a famine killed three
million in Henan province during 1942.
» Peasants were brutally conscripted into the army: 20% died and
40% deserted before completing their training.
» Consequently, by 1945, the GMD had lost a considerable degree
of popular support, and its armies were comprised largely of
demoralised, poorly trained conscripts. This led to a series of mass
surrenders by GMD forces during the Chinese Civil War and their
eventual defeat in 1949.
» The war offered the CCP opportunities to rebuild and expand, which
provided them with the resources needed to defeat the GMD by 1949:
» Whereas the GMD adopted the strategy of ‘trading space for time’
and retreated into China’s interior, the CCP deployed Red Army
units to wage a guerrilla resistance campaign in Japanese-occupied
territory. While this accounted for only 5% of all Japanese casualties
during the war, this provided visible evidence of resistance to
the invaders.
» Whereas the GMD relied on press-ganging peasant conscripts,

the CCP relied on volunteer soldiers. The result was that the
Red Army tended to have higher morale and better discipline
(e.g., the Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for
Attention), and, thus, the CCP won the respect of the peasantry.
» Consequently, the CCP expanded from just 20,000 members and
soldiers in 1936 to 800,000 Red Army soldiers, 1.2 million party
members and two million peasant militia members by 1945. This
provided the CCP with a large enough army to defeat the GMD
in the Chinese Civil War of 1946–1949.

Firstly, the Guomindang (GMD) lost popular support due to its brutal
methods during the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945). Jiang Jieshi
adopted scorched-earth tactics to delay the Japanese invaders, such as
deliberately destroying flood control dykes on the Yellow River, resulting
in over 500,000 deaths. Further, he approved of his warlord generals
recruiting through brutal press-ganging tactics, with peasant conscripts
being kidnapped and beaten. According to journalist Jack Belden, 20% died
and 40% deserted before even completing training. By the Chinese Civil
War (1946–1949), the GMD armies were demoralised and lacked popular
support, leading to their defeat.
Secondly, as Maurice Meisner argues, ‘the Japanese invasion radically

transformed the balance of military and political forces’. The GMD lost their
urban support base, as cities were progressively occupied by the Japanese,
whereas the CCP was given the opportunity to expand in rural areas the
Japanese could not effectively control. By 1945, the Red Army had grown
to 800,000 and was firmly entrenched in the northern Chinese countryside,
giving it a sufficient support base to contest for control of China in the
Chinese Civil War.
Q d. Using Source 15 and your own knowledge, explain how the lives of women changed
as a result of the revolution. (5 marks)
From Source 15
» Women were encouraged to join the workforce, as ‘women’s labor was particularly
needed’, and the CCP portrayed this as providing ‘liberation through labor’.
» Women moved into traditionally male roles: ‘they drove water buffalo teams and
tractors for plowing’ on farms and ‘moved in droves into management’ in factories.
» The ‘double burden’ became ‘intolerably difficult’, as women were expected to both
work and maintain the household.
» Feminists like Ding Ling were punished with ‘re-education among the masses’ when
they spoke out against the CCP’s failure to liberate women.
From own knowledge

» The New Marriage Law (1950) outlawed arranged/child marriage and concubinage,
provided for no-fault divorce, and held that husbands and wives shared property
in marriage.
» The 1954 Constitution guaranteed women equal rights.
» The All-China Women’s Federation was established to educate women about their
rights. As a result, one million women divorced in the 1950s.
» During the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961), a range of communal services (creches,
kitchens, laundries, etc.) were established to try and emancipate women from
domestic labour and mobilise them into the economy. However, most of these were
inefficient, and many closed to save money after the Great Leap Forward ended.
» Mao Zedong ignored the advice of feminists, health experts and economists to
make birth control and contraception freely available, as he believed that large
population growth would enable rapid economic growth. As a result, family
planning was unavailable to women, with many being trapped in poverty and
unable to seek education or professional advancement.

Women gained greater legal rights due to the Chinese Revolution. The New Marriage Law
of 1950 guaranteed women equal legal status to men, provided for no-fault divorce so
women could escape abusive arranged marriages, and banned child marriage. However,
while there were significant legal changes, patriarchal attitudes remained unchanged,
meaning that China’s women had effectively ‘risen to the status of second-class citizens’
(Craig Dietrich). Only a single woman was appointed to the Politburo—Jiang Qing, the
wife of Mao Zedong—and the Chinese Communist Party leadership showed little interest
in improving women’s rights. Women were still ‘forced to silently struggle with household
chores’ (Source 15) despite the expectation of being ‘iron women’ who matched men
in tasks like driving ‘buffalo teams and tractors for plowing’ or moving into factory
management. As Source 15 illustrates, feminists who criticised the regime’s limited
improvements to women’s rights and opportunities were punished through ‘re-education’.
Q e. Evaluate how successful the Chinese Communist Party was in the implementation of a new
political system after seizing power in 1949. Use evidence from Source 16 and your own
knowledge to support your response. (8 marks)

The question asks for an evaluation (judgement) of success in implementing
a new political system. The best responses will stay focused on forming a
judgement of how the new political system was implemented and what its
benefits/limitations were.
From Source 16
» In Source 16, Mao acknowledges that ‘many people are dissatisfied with us’,
which suggests the CCP recognised it was not totally successful. However,
the speech is from June 1950, just nine months after the establishment
of the People’s Republic of China, and it outlines a clear plan for securing
popular support.
» According to Mao, the immediate goals of the CCP were:
» to ‘overthrow … the landlord class’; this was achieved through
the fanshen (land reform) campaign of 1950–1952.
» to ‘liberate Taiwan and Tibet’; Tibet was ‘liberated’ in 1950, but
Taiwan remained under the control of the GMD.
» to ‘fight imperialism to the end’; this was achieved through
intervention in the Korean War to assert Chinese sovereignty
against American imperialism.
» to ‘convert those among the people who are dissatisfied with us
into our supporters’. This was achieved through a range of social and
economic reforms.
» Mao also identifies several methods that the CCP planned to use to
implement the new system, such as running ‘training courses of various
kinds … for the intellectuals’ to ‘educate and remould them’. This alludes to
the launch of the Thought Reform campaign, which was highly successful.
From own knowledge

» The 1949 Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference was established
as a pre-parliament with the participation of eight ‘democratic parties’,
providing greater legitimacy to the CCP’s rule. This included several Chinese
liberals and GMD members, such as Sun Yat-sen’s widow, Soong Qingling.
» The CCP established grassroots organisations to help embed their authority
in society and conduct mass campaigns. These included peasant associations
(first created to oversee fanshen, or land reform), danwei (‘work units’ that
provided social welfare to urban workers through taxes on businesses),
neighbourhood committees, and so on. These allowed the CCP to closely
monitor the political activity of the masses, while also utilising the ‘mass
line’ principle of developing policy on the basis of ideas taken ‘from the
masses, to the masses’. Grassroots organisations helped ensure a high level
of support for the CCP and made it easy to detect and silence dissent.
» Mass campaigns were used to mobilise the masses to attack dissenters

and thereby secure the new political system. Key campaigns:
» Fanshen (land reform) aimed to eliminate the influence of landlords
and the traditional rural elite and secure the support of peasants.
» Thought Reform aimed to silence liberal ideas among intellectuals
and foster a sense of nationalism, patriotism and support
for socialism.
» The Three Antis (sanfan) aimed to combat corruption within
the CCP, particularly among the four million GMD cadres and
bureaucrats recruited during the Chinese Civil War.
» The Five Antis (wufan) coerced the bourgeoisie into handing over
control of 63% of China’s business to the government, enabling the
imposition of central economic planning in the First Five-Year Plan.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was highly successful in implementing a
new political system. They established a single-party dictatorship that met
Mao’s goal of ensuring the majority of ‘workers [and] peasants … will support
us and the … bourgeoisie and intellectuals will not oppose us’.
The CCP maintained a veneer of democracy by inviting eight independent

parties to participate in the 1949 Chinese People’s Political Consultative
Conference to write the new constitution and establish a new political system.
Non-Communist politicians, like Soong Qingling (widow of GMD founder Sun
Yat-sen) participated, successfully giving the new regime a degree of legitimacy.
As Mao notes in Source 16, the CCP sought to ‘isolate and attack our immediate
enemies’, and this was achieved through establishing grassroots organisations
that mobilised workers and peasants in a series of mass campaigns. During the
fanshen campaign of 1950–1952, cadres established peasant associations in
each village and mobilised the peasants to conduct ‘speak bitterness’ meetings
denouncing landlords. This allowed the CCP to easily implement the 1950
Agrarian Reform Law, which saw 47% of China’s farmland redistributed from
landlords to poor peasants. According to Maurice Meisner, the new political
system both empowered the peasants and provided them with economic and
social justice, thus, securing a high level of legitimacy. By 1950, Communist
Party organisations were embedded at every level of society and had won
popular approval from most of the poor.
Further, the CCP was able to silence dissent through the Thought Reform
campaign of 1951, in which intellectuals were required to attend indoctrination
classes to ‘educate and remould them’, and the Five Antis campaign of 1952,
which coerced the Chinese bourgeoisie into cooperating. Both campaigns relied
on the fear of being socially ostracised or sent to ‘re-education through labour’
and successfully secured the cooperation of important elite groups for the new
political system.
Chinese Revolution – SECTION B
Section B
The Chinese Revolution
Q
‘The methods used by the Chinese Communist Party to mobilise the masses to rise up against the
Guomindang (Kuomintang) proved highly effective in transforming China after 1949.’
Discuss.

» It would help to break down and analyse each of the assumptions in the
prompt separately, rather than simply agreeing or disagreeing with the
entire prompt:
» What exactly were the methods used by the CCP to mobilise the
masses against the GMD?
» Were these methods still used after the GMD was defeated in 1949,
or were different methods used?
» Were these methods effective in transforming China? What
benefits did they have? Did they have any negative or unintended
consequences? Were they effective in some ways, but not in others?
Why?
» The prompt explicitly draws on key knowledge from both Area of Study
1 (methods used by the CCP to fight the GMD) and Area of Study 2
(methods used by the CCP to transform China after 1949). Strong essays
must draw on evidence relating to both periods.
» There is substantial evidence that can be used to support the view in
the prompt:
» Mao’s theory of peasant revolution was at the heart of the CCP’s
mass mobilisation techniques before 1949. The CCP essentially
promised to lift peasants out of poverty through land reform and
other practical reforms, winning the support of millions to overthrow
the GMD. The support of peasants was then exploited after 1949
(and after the fanshen [land reform] campaign of 1950–1952) to
implement a dramatic restructuring of the economy, first through the
collectivisation drive of the First Five-Year Plan that ended private
land ownership, and second through the utopian drive to abolish
private family life and work practices in the people’s communes
of the Great Leap Forward. These reforms occurred swiftly and
decisively, largely because of the trust the CCP had gained from a
positive established relationship with the peasantry, and through
the skills the CCP gained in recruiting skilled peasant cadres.
» The doctrine of the mass line developed at the Yan’an Soviet in 1942
remained central to most CCP policy from 1949–1976. The mass line
held that the CCP should take ideas ‘from the masses, to the masses’
and use mass political participation and consultation to shape public
policy. The popular government of the Yan’an Soviet helped secure
mass support from the northern Chinese peasantry, expanding CCP
membership to 1.2 million and the Yan’an Soviet’s reach to 100 million
peasants by 1945. The same basic methods were used to establish
grassroots organisations and conduct mass campaigns after 1949,
such as the creation of peasant associations in 1950–1952 to oversee
fanshen (land reform), and the subsequent use of these associations
to oversee collectivisation during the First Five-Year Plan. People’s
communes were also established during the Great Leap Forward.
» At the Yan’an Soviet, Mao Zedong developed the theory of
New Democracy, which held that the CCP would lead a ‘people’s
democratic dictatorship’ that would peacefully unite peasants,
workers, petty bourgeoisie and patriotic capitalists in the project
of reasserting Chinese sovereignty and transitioning to socialism.
This theory guided the creation of the People’s Republic of China.
The rights of the bourgeoisie were initially maintained, but they
were pressured into handing over their property to the government
in the Five Antis campaign. Similarly, the Thought Reform campaign
used indoctrination and fear to ensure that intellectuals would not
question the CCP, but that their skills would be preserved to help
build the economy in the First Five-Year Plan.
» The view in the prompt can also be challenged in several ways:
» It is possible to argue that the main methods used to mobilise the
masses against the GMD were of limited usefulness after 1949 and
were gradually abandoned:
» The Great Leap Forward of 1958–1961 was partly inspired by
romantic ideas from the Yan’an Soviet of 1936–1947. People’s
communes were built around the same ideas of egalitarianism,
local innovation and mass mobilisation. However, the ill-informed
campaigns of the Great Leap Forward caused huge disruptions to
grain production, with harvests falling 30% from 1958–1960 and a
famine killing thirty million.
» It is possible to argue that the mass mobilisation techniques
developed before 1949 had harmful consequences after 1949:
» The Rectification campaign of 1942–1944 was intended to silence
dissent and more firmly unite the CCP under the ideology of
Mao Zedong Thought, therefore, strengthening the movement
in its struggle against the GMD. The campaign relied on study
sessions intended to indoctrinate participants in the ‘correct’
interpretation of Mao Zedong Thought. It also punished
dissenters with ‘struggle sessions’, which involved writing and
reciting ‘self-criticisms’ and being sent to perform ‘re-education
through labour’. The same basic methods were used in the Anti-
Rightist campaign of 1957 with disastrous results: the campaign
silenced economists and planners who recognised the problems
of the Great Leap Forward but were too afraid to speak out and
prevent the Three Bad Years famine that killed thirty million.
» The Cultural Revolution of 1966–1976 drew on the Yan’an-
era doctrine of the mass line and the methods of the Yan’an
Rectification campaign, aiming to mobilise millions of youths as
Red Guards to attack ‘capitalist roaders’ in the CCP. The campaign
threw China into anarchy and caused widespread violence.

Under Mao Zedong, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) developed a series of
highly successful mass mobilisation techniques that secured peasant support
and enabled their overthrow of the Guomindang in 1949. The CCP won the
support of peasants through land reform, which established the framework
for other successful reforms like collectivisation. The CCP also successfully
mobilised the masses to attack dissenters and rivals, helping them seize and
consolidate power. However, these methods were not always effective and had
disastrous results.
The CCP’s promise of progressive reforms won the support of Chinese peasants,
enabling both its victory over the GMD and its consolidation of power.
Mao argued that a socialist revolution could be achieved based on peasant
support. He established the Jiangxi Soviet (1931–1934), which served as a ‘social
laboratory’ (Delia Davin) to test methods of mobilising peasants, including
redistributing land from landlords to poor peasants, implementing education
campaigns and improving women’s rights. The success of this model, later
copied at the Yan’an Soviet (1936–1947), increased CCP membership from
10,000 in 1927 to five million by 1949. This helped the CCP defeat the GMD
in the Chinese Civil War (1946–1949) and consolidate its control over China.
The 1950 Agrarian Reform Law launched a national campaign of fanshen
(turning over) of land and wealth, achieved through recruiting promising
peasant cadres to administer local peasant associations. This created the
framework needed to implement further reforms, such as the collectivisation
of agriculture in 1955–1956 and the establishment of people’s communes in
1958. Consequently, the CCP had greater economic control and could export
grain to fund modernisation projects, many of which indirectly benefited
peasants. Notably, by 1976, over 200 million Chinese students were enrolled in
free, compulsory education due to the enhanced power of the state to extract
wealth and establish primary schools in each commune. Thus, the methods of
peasant revolution enabled effective, transformative change after 1949.
The doctrine of the mass line also helped garner support to overthrow
the GMD before 1949 and transform China. In 1942, Mao argued that ‘in
all the practical work of our Party, all correct leadership is necessarily
“from the masses, to the masses”’, requiring the CCP to consult with the
public and inform the design and implementation of mass campaigns.
This gave the CCP greater popular support in their contest for power with
the GMD, as it provided ‘a sort of democracy suited to Chinese tradition’
(John King Fairbank). After 1949, the CCP utilised mass campaigns to silence
dissent and unify the masses behind broad goals. For example, the Three Antis
campaign (1951) encouraged Chinese workers to denounce business owners
for corrupt purposes—a movement that both empowered and was directed
by workers, and served the government’s goals; in turn, 63% of businesses had
been nationalised. Therefore, the mass line helped garner enough support to
overthrow the GMD and consolidate the new regime’s power after 1949.
However, mass mobilisation techniques developed to fight the GMD

also undermined efforts to positively transform China. For example, the
1942–1944 Rectification campaign at Yan’an was vital in making the
CCP a united movement capable of defeating the GMD, but when Mao
adapted its methods in later campaigns, this had destructive results.
During Rectification, cadres were required to attend study sessions, and
any dissenters were punished through struggle sessions where they were
forced to write and recite self-criticisms to their peers or face ‘re-education
through labour’. These methods gave the CCP far greater unity than the
highly corrupt and divided GMD in the Chinese Civil War. That said, creating
unquestioning obedience proved detrimental to China’s transformation.
For example, after criticisms of the CCP surfaced in the Hundred Flowers
campaign (1957), the Anti-Rightist campaign was launched, using the same
methods as Rectification to restore the CCP’s authority. Some 400,000
intellectuals were sent to ‘re-education through labour’, while the remainder
learnt to remain silent—despite the obvious policy errors that led to thirty
million preventable famine deaths during the Great Leap Forward. Similarly,
when Mao grew fearful that China was ‘following the capitalist road’
after Liu Shaoqi implemented moderate economic reforms in the 1960s, he
launched the Cultural Revolution. Red Guards were exhorted to denounce
and struggled against ‘capitalist roaders’ in the CCP. This caused anarchy
and widespread violence, as 70% of CCP cadres were purged between
1966 and 1969 and hundreds of thousands died in struggle sessions.
Consequently, mass mobilisation proved highly destructive.
While there is clear continuity in the CCP’s mass mobilisation methods used
before and after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in
1949, their suitability and effectiveness varied. In general, mass mobilisation
was highly effective in consolidating power and silencing dissent but proved
destructive when used in pursuit of Mao Zedong’s unrealistic and utopian
ideas in the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution.

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Guide to Responses

HTAV VCE HISTORY SAMPLE EXAM

History Teachers’ Association of Victoria

Phone 03 9417 3422

2023 HTAV VCE History Sample Exam: Revolutions –

HTAV Sample Exams (including Sources Books) can be

Disclaimer: This is a sample only. The HTAV takes no

GENERAL ADVICE FOR STUDENTS

Mark guide for 1–3-mark questions (e.g., identify, describe)

Mark guide for 4–6-mark questions (e.g., outline, explain, analyse)

If out of If out of If out of

High High High • Shows a high level of knowledge and skill

Medium Medium Medium • Shows a confident level of knowledge and skill

Low Low Low • Shows a limited level of knowledge and skill

1 mark 1 mark 1 mark • At least one relevant sentence is provided

Mark guide for 8–10-mark extended response (e.g., evaluate)

If out of If out of If out of

High High High • Shows a high level of knowledge and skill

Medium Medium Medium • Shows a confident level of knowledge and skill

Low Low Low • Shows a limited level of knowledge and skill

1 mark 1 mark 1 mark • At least one relevant sentence is provided

Mark guide for 20-mark essay

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

From own knowledge

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

Firstly, he publicly questioned Parliament’s right to tax colonists. Challenging both

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

Q e. Evaluate how successful the revolutionary government was in responding to challenges in

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

From own knowledge

» Improving commerce in the face of competing economic interests

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

One challenge facing the revolutionary government concerned representation

Yielding to southern demands threatening the government’s power, the Three-

Source 4 suggests that instead of producing a framework with majority interests,

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

Calls to protect the rights of individuals from oppression continued to shape

While a significant challenge to the ratification of the Constitution, the insistence

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

From own knowledge

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

From own knowledge

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

From own knowledge

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

Q e. Evaluate how successful the revolutionary government was in responding to a range of

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

From own knowledge

» The General Maximum violated the principles of the Declaration

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE

SUGGESTED DISCUSSION POINTS

The bourgeoisie undoubtedly benefitted from the revolution by 1795 and

» The bourgeoisie of France suffered a disproportionate amount

SAMPLE STUDENT RESPONSE