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Module 9
Behavior and Belief
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
The chapter notes that philosophers, theologians, and educators have long speculated about
the connection between thought and action, character and conduct, and private word and
public deed. These questions can provide a good introduction to the literature on attitudes,
as well as an introduction to much additional theory and research in social psychology.
Roger Brown (1986) suggested that “Much of the content of social psychology concerns
the factors that intervene between general principles of morality and moral action.” What
comes between principle and practice is an issue that can stimulate a lively class
discussion. To start the discussion, instructors can present some additional research
findings that point to people’s hypocrisy. Read each of the cases below, and ask students
why they think discrepancy exists between what people say and do.
Surveys of Americans’ values find “honesty” rising to the top. Yet, when their respondents
were guaranteed anonymity, Patterson and Kim (1991) found that 91 percent admitted to
lying regularly.
By a margin of 3 to 1, Americans agreed that “people should volunteer some of their time
to help other people.” When asked about their volunteer activity in the previous month,
little more than a third reported any activity at all and, of those, an even smaller percentage
indicated that they had spent more than an hour per week volunteering (Clary et al., 1994).
Elliot Aronson (1997) used principles from the cognitive dissonance theory to encourage
sexually active teenagers toward the practice of using condoms more often. Most teens are
aware of the benefits of condoms, yet only a minor percentage make use of them regularly.
“Most of us engage in hypocritical behavior all the time because we can blind ourselves to
it,” argued Aronson. “But if someone comes along and forces you to look at it, you can no
longer shrug it off.”
In his study, Aronson engaged 72 sexually active college students to help him design an
AIDS-prevention program to be used in high schools. Students were asked to create
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
videotapes explaining the risks of AIDS and the advantages of using condoms. The
volunteers were told that they were going to be role models; and preparing their
presentations helped remind them of the grim facts that they had frequently heard before.
Later, some of the students were asked to brainstorm as to why people do not use condoms
when they should. They were motivated to talk about the instances when they failed to
follow their own rules. “In effect, what our research does is to rub people’s noses in their
own hypocrisy, and that’s painful to confront,” said Aronson.
The results were remarkable. Immediately after the experiment, an increased number of
volunteers in the “induced-hypocrisy” group bought condoms than did those who were
merely involved in creating the videos or who were only asked to brainstorm. Even more
shocking were the differences three months post the experiment. Aronson found that 92
percent of volunteers in the hypocrisy group began using condoms without fail. In contrast,
only 55 percent of those who had only been a part of creating the video and just about 70
percent of those who had only brainstormed reported doing so. “Because of self-reporting
we can’t be sure of those numbers,” Aronson said, “but we can be sure of the relative
difference.”
The following popular theories can extend the chapter’s discussion of the conditions under
which attitudes predict behavior. Fishbein and Ajzen’s (1975) theory of reasoned action
states that there are two major predictors of voluntary behavior: (1) attitudes toward the
behavior and (2) subjective norms (beliefs about whether significant others approve or
disapprove of the behavior). These two factors combine to influence behavioral intentions
(the subjective probabilities of how a person intends to behave), which in turn determine
behavior. An important point is that attitudes may or may not guide behavior on a given
occasion depending on whether or not the subjective norm favors or does not favor the
behavior and whether it is the attitude or norm that is more important to the individual. The
author further specifies three boundary conditions that can affect the magnitude of the
relationship between intentions and behavior.
a. The degree to which the measure of intention and behavior correspond in their levels
of specificity
b. The stability of intentions between time of measurement and performance of the
behavior
c. The degree to which carrying out the intention is under the personal control of the
actor
Fishbein and Ajzen’s summative model seems to predict behavior fairly well, including
behaviors such as consumers’ buying patterns, alcohol abuse, women’s choices to be
homemakers or to seek outside employment, and the level of educational attainment.
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
Finally, two lines of research further contributed to the understanding of how intentions get
activated. Orbell and her colleagues (1997) reported that implementation intentions, in
which individuals identify precisely when and where the behavior is to be performed, make
enactment more likely. They assessed attitude, subjective norm, perceived behavioral
control, and intentions before requiring participants to make implementation intentions
concerning when and where they would perform breast self-examination during the next
month. They found that goal intentions, when supplemented by implementation intentions,
were more likely to be carried out. Their evidence suggested that implementation
intentions are effective because they provide a mechanism that facilitates the retrieval of
intentions in memory.
Kendzierski and Whitaker (1997) reported that the self plays a critical role in linking
intentions with behavior. Female undergraduates who had a self-schema that included
“successful dieter,” “disciplined at eating,” or “careful about what I eat” were significantly
more likely to act on dieting intentions than were those undergraduates who did not.
5. Attitude Functions
Herek’s (1987) research reflects the development of improved procedures for assessing and
operationalizing attitude functions. In his first study, Herek had college students write short
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
essays beginning with one of two statements: “I have generally positive (or negative)
attitudes toward lesbians and male homosexuals because . . .” Content analyses produced
evidence for three primary functions that resembled Katz’s instrumental, ego-defensive,
and value expressive goals. Herek next designed the Attitude Functions Inventory (AFI) as
a less time-consuming, more objective measure of attitude functions. Likert-type items
were constructed to represent the major functional themes in his subjects’ essays. Four
versions of the AFI were then administered to a new sample of students to assess the
functional bases of attitudes toward homosexuals and toward each of three stigmatizing
illnesses (AIDS, cancer, and mental illness). Factor analyses suggested the existence of
four functions like those earlier identified by Katz. Herek argued that the AFI could be
readily reworded to assess the motivational basis for almost any attitude.
Neil Lutsky suggests watching the film Seeing Red as a good source of case material for
the study of attitudes. It presents the political biographies of those who composed the
American Communist Party from the 1930s through the 1950s. Fighting for such causes as
unionization, unemployment, Social Security benefits, and the eight-hour work day, these
individuals committed themselves to what they believed was best for America. The
interviews of former Communist Party members provide striking examples of the
dynamics of attitude formation and change, attitude and action relationships, and cognitive
dissonance.
There is social psychological evidence that action and attitudes generate one another in an
endless chain—like the chicken and the egg—which parallels the interplay between
people’s rituals and their identity. Those who associate ritual with hocus pocus are
unaware of the extent to which the natural rituals of individuals’ personal histories have
shaped who they are. Many of the things people did without question in childhood have
long since become an enduring part of their identities. People’s lives are saturated with
rituals—not just those carried out at football games, weddings, and worship services.
People’s daily rituals are harder for them to recognize than the rituals of societies they call
“primitive.” This is why some sociologists have written books on the rituals going on right
under their noses—the way people eat, meet, and greet. As Tevye exclaims in Fiddler on
the Roof, “Because of our traditions every one of us knows who he is.” Judaic religious
traditions insist that individuals know reality, not only by intellectual contemplation but
also through their acts of commitment. Pascal argued the same point. In his pensées
(thoughts), he states his famous wager: “We must wager either that God is or that God
isn’t; reason cannot prove which is true.” Considering the potential gains and losses of
both, wagers should motivate any sensible person to bet that God does exist— or so Pascal
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
thought. He recognized though, that his calculating analysis probably wouldn’t enable
many people to really believe. What then? This was Pascal’s advice:
“You would like to attain faith, and do not know the way; you would like to cure yourself
of unbelief, and ask the remedy for it. Learn of those who have been bound like you, and
who now stake all their possessions. These are people who know the way which you would
follow, and who are cured of an ill of which you would be cured. Follow the way by which
they began; by acting as if they believed, taking the holy water, having masses said, etc.
Even this will naturally make you believe. . . .”
Such convergence of thinking from different disciplines can be used to reinforce the
concept of “levels of explanation.” When people discover psychology, sociology, and
theology expressing the same idea, each in its own words, they should not feel tension (as
if one perspective competes with the others), rather they should feel a sense of intellectual
exhilaration at having uncovered a powerful idea.
Philip Zimbardo released a 50-minute video of his now classic prison study. It includes
original archival footage, flashbacks, post-experiment interviews with the prisoners and the
guards, and current follow-ups with the research participants. The video documents the
surprise arrests by City Police and graphically shows the pathology that developed and
forced the two-week study to be terminated early. This video provides an excellent
accompaniment to Myers’s treatment of the power of roles to shape self-identity. It is
available online at http://www.prisonexp.org/.
The most famous post-Korean war case of “brainwashing” is probably that of Patricia
Hearst. Why did her attitudes change while under the influence of the Symbionese
Liberation Army (SLA)? Here is a sample discussion starter:
February 3, 1974: Patricia Hearst, except for the wealth and power of her family, was a
typical 19-year-old student at the University of California at Berkeley, when she was
kidnapped by some young revolutionaries who called themselves the Symbionese
Liberation Army (SLA). On April 3rd, just two months after her kidnapping, Patricia
renounced her former life, her parents, and her fiancé, and she announced that she had
joined the SLA. “Try to understand the changes I’ve gone through,” she said. Much to
everyone’s surprise, Hearst (now “Tania”) apparently meant business. Twelve days later,
her part in a bank robbery was videotaped and shown on national television. A month after
that, bullets from her automatic rifle enabled two of her captors, William and Emily Harris,
to escape after robbing a Los Angeles sporting goods store. The next day, all the SLA
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
members were killed in a shootout— except the Harris’ and Patty Hearst. Still, she did not
turn herself in, but instead she managed, with the Harris’, to elude an FBI search for 20
months. When finally captured on September 18, 1975, Tania, the “urban guerilla,”
defiantly offered her clenched fist in a radical salute for all the world to see.
Obviously, both high- and low-level accounts of behavior are accurate. However, higher-
level explanations have more obvious implications for one’s self-concept. Moreover, those
who identify their actions at higher levels seem to show more stable, consistent behavior
over time. At the same time this may mean they have more difficulty changing maladaptive
behavior patterns. For example, alcoholics who think of their drinking as “helping me relax
in social situations” may find breaking the habit more difficult than those who identify
drinking as “quenching my thirst.”
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
actions. Wegner and Vallacher found that criminals tend to use low-level explanations of
behavior. They are not “being dishonest” or “committing the crime of burglary.” Rather
they are “locating the money,” “opening the safe,” or “climbing the fence.” In this way,
they need not confront the higher meaning of their act and it therefore has few, if any,
negative implications for their self-concept.
Cialdini, R. B. (1993). Influence: Science and practice (3rd ed.). New York:
HarperCollins.
This book includes a captivating introduction to social psychological research
on persuasion and its applications to everyday life. It includes a chapter on the
consistency motive and how commitments to act can shape attitudes.
Eagly, A. H., & Chaiken, S. (1993). The psychology of attitudes. Fort Worth: Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich.
This book is advanced, but is an excellent resource for those instructors who
wish to beef-up their own understanding of the research on attitude formation
and change. It is also a relevant source for the modules on persuasion.
Festinger, L., Rieken, H., & Schacter, S. (1956). When prophecy fails. Minneapolis:
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written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
Petty, R. E., & Krosnick, J. A. (1995). Attitude strength: Antecedents and consequences.
Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
This is a scholarly book in which experts examine both the roots and fruits of
persistent, influential attitudes.
Petty, R. E., Wegener, D. T., & Fabrigar, L. R. (1997). Attitudes and attitude change. In
J. T. Spence, J. M. Darley, & D. J. Foss (Eds.), Annual review of psychology (Vol.
48, pp. 609–647), Palo Alto, CA: Annual Review, Inc.
This book includes an overview of theory and research from 1992–1995. It
covers work on attitude structure, attitude change, and the consequences of
holding certain attitudes.
Tesser, A., & Shaffer, D. (1990). Attitudes and attitude change. In M. Rosenzweig & L.
Porter (Eds.), Annual review of psychology (Vol. 41, pp. 479–523). Palo Alto, CA:
Annual Reviews, Inc.
This article reviews recent research on attitude structure and functions. It
includes a discussion of attitudes as predictors of behavior.
Zimbardo, P., & Leippe, M. (1991). The psychology of attitude change and social
influence. New York: McGraw Hill.
This book provides a basic introduction to attitudes, including how they
influence and are influenced by people’s actions.
Assignment Idea
Over 100 different assignment ideas for social psychology and related courses can be
found at the following links:
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
Demonstrations
The author of the text points out that one reason attitude research has an interesting history
results from the rather recent understanding of the importance of asking specific attitudinal
questions when predicting specific behavioral responses. This important point can be easily
highlighted in class by asking students to indicate their attitude toward some general
personal attribute—such as honesty or fairness. Then, pose a series of specific attitude
questions, designed to result in a different response from the students. For example, most
students will indicate that they have a very positive attitude toward being honest. However,
when they are asked how they feel about returning money to a check-out clerk who gave
them too much change, their attitude may not be as favorable. As a result of this exercise,
students should clearly see the importance of asking specific attitude questions if they want
to predict specific behavioral responses. As the author notes, the role of general versus
specific attitude measurement seems so obvious to people now, but it took years of
research to figure out.
Wilbur Scoville (1981) provided a neat demonstration of the distinction between intentions
and action. Begin by asking the class if any of them have ever eaten exotic food like
chocolate-covered ants, snails, or fried grubs. Turn to someone who didn’t raise his or her
hand and ask, “Would you consider eating a chocolate-covered ant?” While many will turn
you down, you are likely to find someone who thinks they would. If necessary you can
attach a price. “Would you eat one for a dollar?” Do the same with a few more students.
When the bargaining is complete, you will have identified three or four students who have
publicly agreed to eat a chocolate-covered ant (or similar food) either for free or for a
nominal sum. At this point, reach into your briefcase and pull out the nicely packaged
delicacy (available from the gourmet food section of a large, metropolitan, department
store). If you have selected your subjects carefully, most of them will turn you down when
it is time to follow through (this preserves supplies). You are now able to introduce a
meaningful discussion of the “What would you do if . . . ?” question, which is the essence
of many attitude surveys and opinion polls. Scoville noted that whether the student actually
succeeds in eating the delicacy offered, or not, is not too important since the project itself
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
If time allows, you could divide the class into small working groups, and have each group
devise items that would assess students’ attitudes toward an interesting campus issue. This
could be an issue decided upon by the whole class or by each group separately. You can
reinforce the distinction between cognitive, affective, and behavioral components of
attitudes by instructing the groups to define and assess each component. Group members
could interview several people each, pool their findings, and then report their group
findings to the class.
The purpose of this exercise is to measure the meaning of “social psychology” by having
you rate the term against a series of descriptive scales. In completing this exercise, please
make your judgments on the basis of what “social psychology” means to you at the present
moment.
Social Psychology
meaningless _____ : _____ : _____ : _____ : _____ : _____ : _____ meaningful
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
Debates are an effective avenue for demonstrating the “saying becomes believing”
phenomenon, particularly if students are randomly assigned to each position. For example,
you could measure students’ attitudes or beliefs on some issue presented earlier in the
course (e.g., attitude–behavior consistency). Then, when it is time to discuss the topic,
assign half the class to one position (e.g., attitudes primarily determine behaviors) and the
other half to a different position (e.g., behavior primarily determines attitudes). Give each
group of students a few minutes to prepare arguments for the debate. After the debate,
measure the students’ attitudes again. Compare them with their reported attitudes earlier in
the term. You will typically find movement in those attitudes or beliefs toward the position
students were assigned.
Carkenord and Bullington (1993) suggested a classroom exercise that is very useful for
introducing and explaining the concept of cognitive dissonance. Demonstration 9-2 is an
adaptation of their specific suggestions. First, present the Attitude Survey (9-2a), which
asks students to indicate their attitude by rating each item on a five-point scale, ranging
from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Then, distribute the Behavior Survey (9-2b),
which requests students to indicate whether or not they perform the stated behavior on a
regular basis. Although you can collect student responses and report class results for each
survey, it is not essential to the exercise. Carkenord and Bullington reported that students’
assessments of the demonstration indicate that they find it to be a useful learning
experience in which they personally experience dissonance and self-insight.
Demonstration 9-2a
Attitude Survey
Please indicate the extent to which you agree with each of the statements below, using the
following scale:
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
1 = strongly disagree
2 = disagree
3 = neither agree nor disagree
4 = agree
5 = strongly agree
1. Engaging in regular physical exercise three times a week promotes good health.
2. Eating a variety of foods each day, including five or more servings of fresh fruits and
vegetables, contributes to wellness.
3. It is essential that all citizens exercise their right to vote if government is to
effectively reflect the will of the people.
4. Homelessness is a serious social problem that needs attention.
Demonstration 9-2b
Behavior Survey
Please indicate whether or not you have performed each of the following actions:
Yes No 1. I take time to engage in regular physical exercise at least three times a week.
Yes No 2. I regularly eat at least five servings of fresh fruits and vegetables each day.
Yes No 3. I voted in the last election for which I was eligible.
Yes No 4. Within the last year, I have personally done something to address the problem
of homelessness (e.g., made a charitable contribution, talked with a homeless
person, or wrote to my congressman regarding the problem of homelessness).
Osberg (1993) suggested a classroom exercise that asks students to predict the outcomes of
research on cognitive dissonance. Using the exercise, before students read the chapter, will
demonstrate that psychology is not merely common sense. You might also use the
opportunity to remind students of the danger of the “hindsight bias.”
Introduce students to cognitive dissonance by reading the following passage, adapted from
Osberg’s research:
Imagine that you are a participant in a psychological experiment. On arriving at the
laboratory, the experimenter seats you at a table and requires you to perform a dull task,
such as turning wooden knobs again and again. After you finish, the experimenter tells you
that, because his assistant couldn’t make the next session, he needs you to tell the next
subject that the tasks you have just performed are interesting and educational. After being
paid either $1 or $20 to do this, you carry out the assignment. Finally, you are asked to
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Module 9: Behavior and Belief
privately rate your enjoyment of the initial task involving the turning of the wooden knobs.
Under what condition, $1 or $20, do you believe your actual enjoyment rating of the tasks
would be higher?
Students can provide their answers by a show of hands or by writing them down. Present a
summary of the results. Osberg reported that almost all of his students voted for the $20
payment. Conclude the discussion by reporting that Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) found
that those receiving $1 rated the task as more enjoyable than those paid $20. You can then
introduce the concept of cognitive dissonance. Explain that those who received only $1 had
insufficient justification for their behavior, which led to dissonance, which in turn
produced a change in attitude about the task.
One of the entries in the video instructional supplement (The Social Connection Video
Series), titled “Role Playing: The Power of the Situation,” includes archival footage of the
Stanford Prison Study and a conversation with Phillip Zimbardo.
Films/Videos
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