116 TONICITYZ WHERE DOES THE NUCLEUS co?

o So we’ve ‘both done Ell. ' Yes but \/log score i was ‘better
than \my_ score.
0 o So the ‘two of you have a lot in \g:Qi;n_rnon. ' Yes \/_1\[Iiddy’s a Pisces | and (gig a
Pisces. V
0 So you’ve ‘both been in \France. ' Yes \/l_._i_nda went to Paris | and \I
r went to Paris. - ~
o ‘Did you enjoy the / ? ' \_Ye_§, | though the ggond course |
‘wasn’t_eS good as the \/_fi__r§_s_t course

E3.8.4 (i) Explain theftonicity in the following. (ii) Use them for performancepractice. '

The colvlision 1 involved a /Ford saloon | and a \Renaultjsaloon. _

\/This room | is occupied by ‘Mr Smith and \irs Smith. ‘A
The ‘children revsponsible l were Fi‘-ona Green and \Iina Green.
_ ‘James the \/First [ was suc‘ceeded by \Charle3s' the -_ .-
At \/Qispoint I ‘Kings /Road | becomes \New Kings Road. ‘
,E3.8.5 Practise saying the following exarnplesaloud. is implied by their tonicity?
Mr ‘Mellish is aboutthis.
‘Jennifer’s \iV£fi1llY excited. V 1’
f I’m inseredibly impressed.
Was she /deeply‘ affected?
They’ll be \g'y reluctant.

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Another way of analysing the linguistic function of tonicity involves

the notion of focus: the concentration of attention on a particular part of the
message. When we utter a stretch of speech (an IP), we can either bring everything
into focus (broad focus), or we can focus selectively on one part of it (narrow
focus). The part of the IP that is placed in focus is called the focus domain. The
nucleus marks the end of a focus domain.
Maximally broad focus means that the focus domain is the whole IP: every-
thing in the IP is brought into focus. We would use broad focus, for example, in
answer to the question What happened ?:

‘What happened ‘next? ° ‘Everyone burst out ‘laughing.

To give a stretch of utterance broad focus, we use neutral tonicity. The nucleus
goes on the last lexical item:

‘\lVhat’s going ‘Q here? ° Se‘lena’s had a ‘heart attack.

 3.9 Broad and narrow focus

In narrow focus only part of what we say is brought into focus. For example,
if we are asked a question, and in our answer we repeat part of the material from
the question, then that old information will usually not be brought into focus.
That is, the lexical items in the old information will not be accented. The nucleus
shows where the focus domain ends.

‘Who brought the Lvi? ' ‘_lVI_ary.

' '@ry did.
° ‘_l\/gry brought the wine.
' I think it was ‘firy.
° I think it was '@ry that brought the Wine.

All five versions of the answer have narrow focus. The focus domain is just the
item Mary. The intonation indicates that we are concentrating attention on the
relevant part (Mary), and not on the old, given, repeated material that follows
Mary in the longer versions.
What did ‘gay bring? ' The ‘wine.
' She brought the ‘Q.
' Mary brought the ‘E.
° It was the ‘E that she brought.
° What she brought was the ‘wine.

The nucleus tells us where the focus domain ends, and the onset may tell us
where it begins (though not very reliably: see 5.11). Consider these two possible
‘tums’ in a conversation:
(i) E me about her.
(ii) ‘What kind of a E does she drive‘?

Both might elicit the answer:

' She drives a ‘Ford Fi‘§ta.

The nucleus and nuclear tone could be the same, but the focus domains in the two
cases would be different: in (i) it is drives a Ford Fiesta, but in (ii) just a Ford
Fiesta. You cannot tell this from the intonation, only from the context. The focus
is ambiguous.

.E§X§B»R;CISES
E3.9.1 Pair—work practice: narrow-focus *wé>j1*dings‘. The nucleus stays on
the same item. W - 'i1Z.;T';*1 W “Y

o What got broken? ' Her ‘lgg.

' Her '15-:_g_ got broken.
' It was her ‘leg that got broken.
118 TONICITYI WHERE DOES THE NUCLEUS oo?

° Ithink it was her ‘leg.

' Her \le_g, l as far as I /know.

o Who went with him? ' His '_b_rg_t_h_er did.

o Who’s coming to the party?
' His 'l)ither went with him.
' Just his ‘_b_r9_t_h_er.
1' It was his 'bIll'l6I' who went.
° The one who went with him was his ‘brother.
' ‘Q.
' '_.]_a_g__l_g is.
' I think ‘M coming.
' ‘Lc__lg’§ coming to the party.
' Well \/_1g__c__k_’_s“ coming to the party, I and v_l\_/Liy
is, | and so’s \JiIl.

E3.9.2 Expand the following answers, maintaining the same focus and keeping the nucleus on
the same word.

Model:
o Who’s bringing the food? ' 'M_ary.
' '_l§__/I__ary is.
' ‘M___a1y’s bringing it.
' ‘lg/’s bringing the food.
' It’s ‘Mary that’s bringing it.

o Who’ll answer the letter? ' '.llflI11y.

o Who wrote to Mrs Smith? ' The '@retary.
o Who’s going to win the prize? ' ‘gylie.
o Who’ll be ready first? ' '@bert.
o Who’s doing the flowers? ' Mrs ‘jgkinson.

I-33.9.3 Locate the nucleus, using narrow focus appropriate to the question asked.

Model:
o Who sent the invitations? * ‘Bill sent the invitations.

o Who’s going to cook the meal?
o Who’ll be laying the table?
0 Who’s opening the wine?
0 Who’s going to carve the meat?
o Who’ll be serving the dessert?
' I’m going to cook the meal.
' The kids’ll be laying the table.
' Dad’s opening the wine.
' Mum’s going to carve the meat.
' Jane’ll be sewing the dessert.

E3.9.4 Each of the following could be either a broad~focus or a narrow-focus answer. Think of
questions to which these answers would be appropriate.
 5.1 l The focus domain

E X E R C IS E S

E5. 10.1 With the tonicity as shown, where is the onset likely to be in each IP? _

in nineteen, ‘.
some mdependent ad‘vice
association ‘football
your undivided artition
misappropriation and cor‘rgption
There were seventeen ‘gegple there.
It’s a controversial ‘iisue.
It was a fundamental mi‘m.
We can understand your ']iE2lBl'{l_S.
There are thirteen ';@ I to en‘Ligl1_t€i11:Tl€.IIt._;; .1.

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Does the onset always go on the first lexically stressed syllable of the
first content word in the IP? Often, but not always.
We have seen (3.9—l5) that in broad focus everything is brought into focus,
while in narrow focus (including contrastive focus) only part of what we say is.
We call the part that is in focus the focus domain.
It is tempting to claim that just as the nucleus marks the end of the focus
domain, so the onset marks its beginning. There are many cases where this is the
case; but in practice not always. Take this example:
‘What happened \next? ' Lor‘raine ‘kissed \Steve.

Here, the whole of Lorraine kissed Steve is new and in focus. All three words
are likely to be accented. The onset is on the lexically stressed syllable of the
first item, Lorraine, and the nucleus is on the lexically stressed syllable (the only
syllable) of Steve. The focus domain is coextensive with the utterance.
/Really? ' \Yes_, I she placed an e‘nornious \smacker on his lips

Here, the focus domain is just an enormous smacker. The words she placed and
on his lips are out of focus. This is signalled by the facts that the onset is on
-norm- and the nucleus on smack-. Because she placed is out of focus, there is
no accent on placed. So the location of the onset may depend on the speaker’s
decisions about focus. _
Quite often the focus domain does not coincide in extent with intonational
elements (prehead, head, nucleus, tail). In our example the e- of enormous and
the -er of smacker are unstressed, and form part of the prehead and the tail
respectively, even though the words enormous and smacker are in focus and
234 BEYOND THE THREE rs

accented. Indeed, arguably an, too, is in focus, because the entire noun phrase
(an enormous smacker) of which it fonns a part is in focus. Thus the phonetic
domain from onset to nucleus (from one accented syllable to another) does not
necessarily quite coincide with the pragmatic domain of focus.
Another metaphor sometimes used to convey the same idea as focus is that
of background and foreground. We would say that the phrase an enormous
smacker is in the foreground — like the part of a photograph that is nearest to you
as you look at it, the part you notice first - while she placed and on his lips are in
the background. The onset and nucleus signal to the hearer where the foreground
begins and ends.
Compare the next two exchanges. The same words are used in reply to two
differently worded invitations:
Q (i) ‘Care for a /drink? ' \Thanks. | A ‘gin and xtonic, |/please.
Q (ii) ‘Care for a /gig? ° \Thanks. | A gin and \tcmic, I /please.

In response (i), the whole phrase a gin and tonic has to be put in focus (fore-
grounded), since it contains all-new information. In (ii), gin is already given, so
does not have to be accented (it gets backgrounded); only and tonic needs to be
put in focus by accentuation.
In practice, the distinction between cases such as (i) and (ii) is not always clear-
cut, since (a) the speaker always has the option of reaccenting the repeated item
(here gin), and (b) the speaker may treat the whole of gin and tonic as a single
item, double-stressed, and therefore put the onset on its first lexically stressed
syllable, which is gin. Hence in practice we are very likely to get:
(ii’) ‘Care for a /gm? ' \Thanks. I A ‘gin and xtgnic, | /please.

Further examples:

(i) What happened to Jim? ' He ‘hurt his left ‘hag.

(ii) Was Bill injured? ' He hurt his ‘left ‘leg.

Response (i) has broad focus. Response (ii) has narrow focus, hurt being given
since it is a synonym of injured. So you would expect hurt not to be accented.
But in practice we often get:

(ii’) Was Bill injured? ' He ‘hurt his (‘)left ‘kg.

And again:
9 A: What does Deirdre do? B: She ‘writes ‘novels. (i)
Q A: And does she write plays? B: ‘E, I she writes ‘gels. (ii)
9 A: Does she read novels? B: I ‘don’t ‘know, I but she ‘certainly ‘writes novels (111)

Here, the successive responses have respectively (i) broad focus, (ii) contrastive
focus on novels and (iii) contrastive focus on writes. In (i), all of writes novels is
in focus, and all the content words are accented accordingly. In (ii), writes is old
information and can therefore be deaccented. In (iii), novels is old information
 5.12 Major and minor focus 235

and therefore deaccented. But in practice there is a strong tendency in (ii) to place
the onset on writes despite its being a repeated item:

A: And does she write plays? B: ‘E9, | she ‘writes ‘gels. (ii’)

The response in the next example seems logically to demand a very long prehead,
since the first item of new information is 0jj‘ice:

Did you say he lost the key to his car? ' ‘E, | I said he lost the key to his ‘gffice. (?)

But it would feel awkward to have such a long prehead. The usual way of pro-
nouncing this response would be to put the onset on key or lost or even on said.
So we can say that in practice the onset does indeed usually go on the first
lexical item of the IP, whether or not it would be expected to be in focus. We
discuss certain exceptions in the next two sections.

EXERCISES

E5.l 1.1 Devise; ;qnes_tions which elicit the following responses, in (a) (b) broad I
focus. . .. l

Model: A ‘prawn xsandwich, | /please}

—> (a) D’you wa.§njt;ia prawn baguette or a prawn sandwich?
. (b) Vlll1atVcaifii'§I;_lget you, sir?

She’s ‘bro{ls'§éii‘%her ‘right \@6. . V_

_ He’s into ha-‘roque uflsic.
We’re going on a ‘pub crawl in \Ma;nchester.
I want to ‘travel around ‘Asia. _; f H
I was ‘watching TX. iHl

-= 1 V "V .; ,-'.'.-:e<.:=¢a»=a==»s=»¢,<e;.a;..-;.;-=¢» >¢ -V .; -¢ ,_, V V

Imagine you have just been given an excellent meal, and at the end,
as you take your leave, you want to thank your hosts. You will use the words
That was an excellent meal. Logically, you will accent the two items excellent
and meal. So one possibility, with neutral tonicity, is:

(i) That was an ‘excellent ‘meal.

You might well say this. In the context, however, meal is not exactly new. So it
would also be possible to remove the accenting on meal and say:
(ii) That was an ‘Qcellent meal.
236 BEYOND THE THREE TS

But in the discourse meal might indeed be new: you have been talking about other
matters, and now finally talk about the meal. So you still want to accent the word
meal. One way of resolving this problem is to divide the material into two IPs
(even though you will not pause between them):

(iii) That was an ‘gxcellent I ‘meal.

You can signal that the first is to be treated as having greater importance than the
second by using a less salient tone on the latter. You can achieve this by using a
less emphatic tone for the second IP. For example, we might have a high fall or
a rise—fall for the first IP, followed by a low fall or, very typically, a low rise for
the second.
Crystal (1975: 27) regards the second tone as subordinated to the first:
(iii) (a) That was an ‘excellent I \meal.
(b) That was an /glcellent I \meal.
(c) That was an “gcellent I /meal.
(d) That was an /\QC6llCI]l I /meal.

The sequence of tones in (iii c) is the fall-plus-rise pattern discussed in 2.24 above.
Both excellent and meal are in focus. We could say that there is a major focus on
the first and a minor focus on the second.

E5.12.1 exercises
in 2.24;._Identify the majorand ininor
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: We mjoy V

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There are various words and phrases that are regularly left unaccented
at the beginning of an utterance. That is to say, they form part of the prehead.
This applies, obviously, to function words such as articles, pronouns, conjunc-
tions and modal or auxiliary verbs:
I was ‘just going to 'ga_ll you.
It was a ‘terrible ‘shock.
And the ‘sad thing ‘LasI that . . .
She’s ‘only 'te_n, I yet she ‘sings ‘b_t'illiantly.