The Archaic Temple of Poseidon: Problems of Design and Invention

Author(s): Frederick P. Hemans

Source: Hesperia Supplements , 2015, Vol. 48, BRIDGE OF THE UNTIRING SEA: The
Corinthian Isthmus from Prehistory to Late Antiquity (2015), pp. 39-63
Published by: The American School of Classical Studies at Athens

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CHAPTER 3

The Archaic Temple of

Poseidon: Problems of Design

and Invention

by Frederick P. Hemans

In the first half of the 7th century b.c. the Corinthians built a hek
don for Poseidon on the Isthmus.1 Its impressive 100-foot-long wa
adorned with pilasters, covered with white plaster, and surrounded
broad portico. Particularly elaborate was the fired-clay roof, which
decorative pattern at the eaves.2 If there were any doubt about the i
to create a temple that would be seen as truly monumental it is di
by the remainder of the composition. East of the temple the altar
made 100 feet long, and a broad terrace extending to the north
eastern edges of the enclosed temenos provided space where large c
ofworshippers could gather (Fig. 3.1).3 Poseidon's new temple was t
point of the sea-girt ridge (Pind. Isthm. 1.9). It would have been a la
visible from a great distance to travelers coming by land from the
by sea through the Saronic Gulf as they approached Corinthian ter
The temple is one of two constructed by the Corinthians that i
duced several innovations during an era when there were few preced
Greece for creating a monumental building. Their walls employed
isodomic masonry, and the roof tiles mark the starting point for
velopment of both the Laconian and Corinthian systems of roofing
earlier temple, found on Temple Hill in Corinth, has been dated
b.c.,4 and the Temple of Poseidon, whose construction began in the
690-650, appears to have followed soon after. But there is no trace
plan of the temple in Corinth and remains from the walls and roof

1. The material presented hereJonathan

is Stevens, Bruce King, Use
pie is Isthmia I, pp. 3-56. Preliminary
Mûller, and Richard Rinaolo, who
part of an ongoing study and I am results
wereof excavations carried out in
grateful to Elizabeth Gebhard for 1989on
herclosely involved in the work
most are described in Gebhard and
the blocks and tiles. I am indebted
encouragement and support. I also to 1992, pp. 25-40. Studies of
Hemans
thank Jean Perras for her workJ.inJ.
man the roofat
Coulton, who chaired the session tiles and construction tech
aging the affairs of the Isthmiathe conference in Athens and subse
excava niques are found in Rostoker and Geb
tion, and colleagues who have shared hard 1981;
quently reviewed a preliminary draft of Rhodes 1984; Hemans
the manuscript. All illustrations 1989;
their work and advice, particularly are and Gebhard 2001.
Virginia Anderson-Stojanovic, John
courtesy of the University of Chicago
3. Figure 3.1 also shows the Early
Hayes, Alastar Jackson, and Martha
Excavations at Isthmia; images are by and East Propylon, which
Stadium
Risser. Numerous students fromthe author unless otherwise indicated.
were added in the 6th century.
All Uni
Wichita State University and the dates are b.c. unless otherwise 4. Robinson 1984, p. 57; Salmon
versity of Chicago have assisted noted.
over 1984, p. 60, n. 18. The date is a termi
the years: in particular I wish to thank
2. Broneer's publication of the tem nus post quem.

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4° FREDERICK P. HEMANS

Figure 3.1. Restored view of the

few.5 At Isthmia, floors and construction Archaic
depositsTemple of have
Poseidonsurvived
from the along w
the position of most of the walls. Data fromsoutheast,
ca. 1,200 fragments
ca. 500 b.c. P. Sanders of wall blo
and over 16,000 roof tiles make it possible to reconstruct most of its fea
The Corinthian invention of fired-clay roof tiles and methods
making use of ashlar masonry as a building material can be seen as
runners for subsequent techniques of stoneworking and roofing, but t
chapter focuses on placing the technical development of these feat
in the context of the initial construction of the temple. Study of the
shows how a highly efficient method of manufacturing grew from mud
making and how a support system with massive framing developed fr
traditional methods of roof construction. Creating the ashlar masonry
similarly efficient. Blocks were cut to standard dimensions and placed
horizontal courses with a minimum of fitting and trimming. To make
possible, the techniques of anathyrosis were adapted from woodworkin
Another impetus for developing efficient building processes was that
temple was located 10 kilometers from the city center. The move tow
employing standard-sized components in the design minimized the am
of work done on-site and assisted the architect in his coordination of the

manufacturing, transport, erection, and finishing of the temple using dif

ferent groups of workmen with diverse skills.
These newly adapted materials had both functional and aesthetic pur
poses. The roof, both durable and decorative for its time, was coordinated
with the spacing of the columns and pilasters. By using a repeating pattern
and coordinating the relationships between the parts of the building, the
architect made use of a design principle that enhanced the monumental
appearance of the building. The use of ashlar isodomic masonry, extend
ing the full height of the wall, was very likely a response to the enormous
weight of the roof. The masonry remained hidden behind a coat of plaster
but provided an unprecedented degree of strength to the temple.

5. The characteristics of the masonry are in Robinson 1984,1986, and Roe and Delphi, but recent studies of the
and roof tiles are so similar that the buck 1955,1990. The techniques of stonework associated with these tiles

same generation of craftsmen was
almost certainly responsible for both
temples. The excavations were published
in Weinberg 1939; Roebuck 1955; and
Robinson 1976. Studies of the roof tiles
stoneworking and a reconstruction of
the temple are in preliminary reports by
Rhodes (1987a, 1987b, 1987c, 2003). A
similar type of roof tile identifies two
other Corinthian buildings at Perachora
would place them in the second half of
the 7th century at the earliest. See Bom
melaer 1991, pp. 153-155; Menadier
1995, pp. 72-73; Pfaff2003, pp. 105
106,120-121; Rhodes 2003, p. 93.

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Figure 3.2. Actual-state plan of the
Archaic Temple, 1989
6. Isthmia I, pp. 3-56.
7. See Rhodes 1984, pp. 44-60, and
Barletta 2001, pp. 36-38, 49-51, where
she presents a summary of critiques by
several scholars.
8. Proposals for a nonperipteral
temple also discount the existence of
setting lines for the placement of col
umns that are found on some of the
stylobate blocks; see Isthmia I, pp. 13
15 (Group 1). On block nos. Ar 1 (IA
1385), Ar 3 (IA 1386), Ar 7 (IA 1387),
and Ar 10 (IA 1628) a setting line, per
pendicular to the face, is visible on the
upper surface, and on all but no. Ar 7
the line continues down one face of the
block.
9. For the date of the destruction,
see Risser, Chapter 5 in this volume.
10. Isthmia V, p. 142.
11. The excavation and interpreta
tion of the in-situ remains are described
in Isthmia I, pp. 3-9; Gebhard and
Hemans 1992, pp. 25-38.
12. Isthmia I, p. 10.
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THE PLAN OF THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE
Broneer, who excavated the temple from 1952-1967, publ
tion of the remains in situ, catalogued a select group of
tiles, and presented a reconstruction of the building in the
The lack of evidence for the Doric reconstruction led several scholars to
propose alternatives, some of which omit a colonnade entirely.7 Additional
evidence for the overall dimensions and configuration of a peristyle temple
were established by new excavations in 1989.8
The walls and stylobates of the temple were removed in three episodes:
the first followed the fire that destroyed the building between ca. 460 and
450 b.c.9 when the Classical Temple was built on the same site; the second
during rebuilding of the Classical Temple following another fire in 390 b.c.;
and the third occurred when the building was quarried to provide material
for the Hexamilion wall, in the early years of the 5th century a.d.10 After
the blocks were taken away, their former positions were filled with a mixture
of earth and burned debris that was easily distinguished during excavation.
From these remains much of the temple's plan can be traced, although it
should be borne in mind that the dimensions they provide do not allow as
much accuracy as a building with its stones in place.11
Figure 3.2 shows the fills with cross-hatching as part of the restored
plan of the building, which is shown in dashed lines. Also shown is the
lighter outline of the much larger Classical Temple that replaced it. From
this illustration the gaps in the plan can be readily understood. Wherever
the foundations for the new building were created the remains of the earlier
building were obliterated.
The width of the cella was ca. 7.76 m wide, but the eastern end is not
preserved and thus the length cannot be measured directly. Broneer restored
it as a hekatompedon, 100 Doric feet long.12 His hypothesis is now supported
by the discovery in 1989 of the robbed-out foundations for pilasters that
were built against the outside faces of the cella walls. The positions for
10 were found directly against the south cella wall, spaced at an average
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42 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

interaxial distance of ca. 2.26 m (numbered 1-10 on Fig. 3.2). Since the
preserved remains show that the cella was at least ca. 30.30 m long and
not more than ca. 32.80 m, we have restored a total of 15 pilasters, which
would make the wall approximately 32.00 meters long, quite close to 100
feet13 (14 interaxial distances of 2.26 m plus the width of a pilaster14 of
0.34 m = 31.98 m).
Substantial traces that show where the stylobate blocks once stood
are found on three sides of the building. The full east-west length is
preserved, and the width can be calculated by doubling the preserved
dimension from the line of postholes at the center of the cella to the
outside of the north stylobate. These remains show that the stylobates
were ca. 39.25 m long and 14.21-14.28 m wide, measured to the outside
edges.15 Eighteen columns have been restored to the flanks of the build
ing, based in part on the coordination of the position of the stylobate
and the spacing of the cella pilasters. Seventeen interaxial distances of
2.26 m plus the width of a stylobate block (0.82 m) equals ca. 39.24 m.
Restoring seven columns to the ends of the building results in an inter
axial dimension of ca. 2.23-2.24 m.The regularity of the design, in which
the spacing of the columns is coordinated with other components of the
building, describes a standardized set of dimensions which are discussed
below.

THE MASONRY

The fire that destroyed the temple was intense and most of the stone
blocks were damaged.16 Nevertheless, the blocks are so numerous that the
features of the walls and stylobates can be reconstructed.17 More than 300
can be put into categories and it is unlikely that any types are missing.18
The walls were composed of ashlar, isodomic masonry, meaning that the
rectangular blocks were sized to the full width of the wall and the courses
were of equal height. Blocks from the walls of the cella were ca. 0.55 m
wide, ca. 0.27 m high, and varied from 0.75-0.90 m in length. The north
and south (outer) walls of the pronoas were wider, ca. 0.65 m.
On the outside of the long walls of the cella and pronaos, pilasters,
ca. 0.34 m wide, were built ca. 2.26 m apart. As mentioned above, the
foundations for 10 pilasters have been located and it is clear from the con

13. The Doric (or Peloponnesian)

respectively, and in Gebhard andand on the periphery of the temenos,
Hemans
foot was computed by Broneer to be 1992, p. 34, as 14.10-14.40
somemin a road bed along the north side
0.3204 m based on measurementsand
from of the area and others in a terrace con
7.90 m, respectively) have been
Greek stadia; see Isthmia I, pp.revised
174 structed
based on the interpretation that a east of the long altar (Gebhard
177. Dinsmoor (1950, p. 54, n. block
4) cal from the lowest course of masonry
and Hemans 1998, pp. 11-12).
culates a Doric foot to be 0.3265 in
m.the north pronaos wall is in situ. 18. The blocks have been reexam
14. Vertical bands of unburned stone
16. See Robinson 1976, p. 225, foras part of this study, including new
ined
on the faces of the wall blocks show that
the results of laboratory tests on measurements,
the descriptions, and draw
burned stone at Corinth.
the pilasters were ca. 0.34 m wide. ings. The full results will appear in the
15. The north-south dimensions of 17. More than 1,200 fragmentsfinal
havepublication. See also Gebhard
been
the temple and cella (described in recovered. These were found
Isth in for a discussion of the masonry
2001,
them,
mia I, p. 54, as 14.018 m and 7.418 fill beneath the floor of its successor
techniques in their historical context.

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Figure 3.3 (above). A segment of the
cella wall reconstructed by Broneer.
Visible on the left and right are verti
cal bands where the wall surface was

protected from the fire by pilasters.

Figure 3.4 (right). Detail view of the

wall surface showing the condition of
the blocks behind the pilasters to the
right, and, to the left, preserved plas
ter over the roughened wall surface

dition of the blocks that they were built on the outside of both the north
and south cella and pronaos walls. These pilasters protected a portion of
the wall face from the effects of the fire, producing vertical bands found on
many of the wall blocks (Figs. 3.3, 3.4). Figure 3.3 shows a small section
of reconstructed wall with vertical bands on each side. Between the bands,

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44 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

Figure 3.5. A group of constr

chips from posthole N6. Scale 1

the face of the wall shows the fire-damaged condition of the blocks t
were unprotected.19
The walls were covered with plaster from floor to ceiling. Where t
pilasters protected the surface from the fire, the stone is chiseled to a f
even face, but between the pilasters the surface was roughened to pro
a better hold for the plaster. Figure 3.4 shows the vertical line where s
was removed at the edge of the pilaster, and to the left some of the pl
still adhering to the blocks. Although there is little variation in the h
of each course of blocks and the edges of each stone were carefully fi
it was not intended that the masonry would be visible.
The process of erecting the walls, followed by the addition of p
ters, then roughening the surface and applying a finishing coat of pl
demonstrates that the face of the wall was not dressed after the blocks

laid.20 This is confirmed by debris found in the construction deposits

Almost all the working chips have surfaces like those on finished bloc
(Fig. 3.5). Examples with the marks from an adze come from the
of blocks, and many, showing two worked faces meeting at right ang
are from the corners of finished blocks. These fragments could not h
resulted from dressing the wall after it was erected or from an e
stage of cutting blocks to squared dimensions. They are the result eit
of shortening a finished block (e.g., to finish a row) or of cutting int
portion of a finished block as it was installed (e.g., to create a slot for
ceiling timbers). The evidence indicates that the blocks were cut to th
final dimensions before installation, and that there was a minimal am
of trimming while they were being set in the wall.

19. Broneer's excavations did not
uncover the pilaster foundations and he
reconstructed the vertical bands as a
thick coat of stucco rather than as pilas
ters, but there is no plaster preserved
here, only between the pilasters. In
addition, the use of foundations points
toward a more substantial construction,
probably of mudbrick. Based on the size
of the bands found on blocks from the
corners of the walls, the pilasters would
have been 7-15 cm deep; see Isthmia I,
pp. 26,35, nos. Ar 41 (IA 836), Ar 42
(I A 1579). We also note here that we
restore the painted decoration found on
several fragments of limestone to the
inside walls of the pronaos rather than
to the outside walls, as in Broneer's
reconstruction; see Isthmia I, p. 35,
pi. ll:c, d. Robinson (1976, p. 228)
places the painted fragments of lime
stone found at Corinth on the inside of
the cella walls.
20. The techniques of dressing
blocks can be found in Dinsmoor 1950,
pp. 173-176; Martin 1965, pp. 190
200; Coulton 1977, p. 49.
21. Gebhard and Hemans 1992,
pp. 34-39. Construction deposits are
found in situ below floor deposits that
are located between the stylobate
trenches and the cella.

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Figure 3.6 (left). Bottom of a typical
wall block, IA 3202. Note the ana
thyrosis along the rope channel at the
bottom of the photograph.
Scale 1:10. Photo M. Bootsman
Figure 3.7 (right). A construction
chip showing the condition of the
edge prior to finishing for installa
tion. Scale 1:2
22. The poor preservation of many
blocks often makes anathyrosis difficult
to notice on the ends of blocks that do
not have the rope channels. For pub
lished examples that are well preserved
and clearly show the removal of the
center of the block on both ends, see
Isthmia I, pp. 15-16, nos. Ar. 16
(IA 1555), Ar 20 (IA 1573), figs. 7,10.
23. See Martin 1965, p. 197, fig. 81,
where both types are shown in a section
drawing of a vertical joint. Band ana
thyrosis on horizontal joints is com
paratively rare in later construction, but
there are examples in the Corinthia; see
Menadier 1995, pp. 13-16; Pfaff 2003,
pp. 105-106.
24. Coulton 1977, pp. 32,46-47.
25. Gebhard 2001, pp. 41,46, 61.
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ÊS^mtÊ
SETTING THE MASONRY
Anathyrosis at Isthmia was normally employed on the bo
and ends of each block.22 The edges were cut at a bevel (or ca
blocks would only come into contact along a narrow edge
was set, the beveled edge was trimmed and smoothed to crea
with the adjacent block. Figure 3.7 shows the condition of
to installation. The front face of this fragment, which was
construction debris, shows a flat chiseled surface, and the c
yet been made straight or smoothed. By comparison, blocks
(Fig. 3.6, bottom) show the smoothed beveled surface of
thyrosis.
The technique differs from the type of anathyrosis used in later Greek
masonry where the amount of contact between blocks is much greater,
across a broad band, and is usually employed only on vertical joints.23
Coulton describes this form of edge anathyrosis as a natural transition
between premonumental methods and band anathyrosis.24 Apparently an
earlier technique of building a two-skinned wall, in which the stones on
each face were tightly fitted but did not run through the wall, was adapted
to this early form of true ashlar masonry, in which blocks extended the full
width of the wall. For two-skinned walls Gebhard cites examples in Greece
as well as the Near East, but suggests that the adaptation of a single-skinned
wall was a Corinthian invention.25
Broneer showed how edge anathyrosis was used in combination with
a pair of channels cut into the bottom and up one side of each block that
secured ropes used in lifting them onto the wall. The channels were carved
approximately the same distance from the two faces to balance the weight
of the block as it was being lifted, but the position of the cuttings varies
by a few centimeters from block to block and appears to have been done
by eye rather than measurement. Carving was done roughly, using an adze,
to create a V-shaped channel that is typically ca. 4 cm wide and 2-3 cm
deep. Figure 3.6 shows the channels at the inner edge of the anathyrosis,
adjacent to the roughly cut center where a large portion of the block face
was cut away to avoid contact with the block beneath it.
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46 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

Figure 3.8. Reconstructed view

block being lifted into position
its fit being adjusted while sus
from a hoist

The channels allowed the blocks to be hoisted directly to their intend

position and the ropes to be extracted after the block was fitted to th
already in place.26 The system of rope channels would also have m
possible to trim small amounts while the blocks were suspended from
hoist (Fig. 3.8). Each block could have been placed, the fit checked
lifted again (or repeatedly) to make adjustments by removing small amo
on the edges. When the masons were satisfied with the fit, the block
set and the ropes removed. Perhaps more importantly, anathyrosis on
bottoms of the blocks made it possible to install them horizontally
avoid the need to dress the entire length of each course of stone after
was completed. Occasionally the upper surface of a stone shows additio
trimming, but the masonry was never intended to be seen and it is cl
the system was designed to erect the wall quickly rather than to crea
smooth wall face with precise joins.
The standard block for the long walls of the cella weighed ca. 225 k
and the wider blocks used for the pronaos walls were ca. 265 kg.27
largest blocks used in the temple weighed 350—400 kg, but even
smallest of these blocks is too heavy to be easily maneuvered by
26. Isthmia I, p. 13, pi. 9:d. For
Despite the clarity of the system for setting the blocks by means of a
Corinth, see Robinson 1976, p.
objections have been made to Broneer's interpretation
27. The weight ofof
thethe chan
stone in
Rhodes proposed that they were carved for turning,
examples dragging,
we have or vari
measured oth
wise handling them in the quarry, rather1.75
thanto lifting the blocks duri
1.90 g/cm3.

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 THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF POSEIDON 47

construction.28 He questions whether the channels are deep enough to

accommodate ropes of sufficient size to lift the blocks and still provide
enough space to extract the ropes after the block was set in place, and notes
that many of the channels at Corinth could not have accommodated ropes
greater than 0.007-0.015 m in diameter.29 An estimate of the size of rope
that would have been required to lift the blocks might help answer some
of these objections. Although we do not know what type of fiber was used
or how advanced their techniques of rope making were, a 0.01 m natural
fiber sisal rope has a break strength of ca. 400 kg.30 Two ropes, used in the
pair of channels, would have a break strength of ca. 800 kg, equal to twice
the weight of our largest blocks. If the Greek rope was more like a twine,
and not twisted, the strength would have been somewhat greater because
twisting weakens the fibers. We should also take into account the additional
depth that is supplied by the beveling at the edge of the block. While there
are a very few examples of blocks that would not have accommodated a
0.01 m rope, these are rare among the hundreds of blocks. Almost all could
have accommodated ropes of a larger size. The rare examples are more likely
an indication that the block was trimmed during installation, and other
means, such as levers, may have been employed in addition to the hoist to
maneuver them to their final position after the trimming.
Seven block fragments at Isthmia have a system of U-shaped channels
that is often employed in later eras for lifting blocks with a hoist.31 Unlike
the typical channels where two ropes traveled across the bottom of the block
and up each end, the U-shaped channels were cut so that separate ropes
could be used at each end of the block.32 These blocks employed a pair of
vertical channels on their ends that connect in a U-shape on the bottom,
allowing a rope to be held in place at one end of the stone. Occasionally a
pair of ropes are used at each end, with four channels carved on each end
of the block (Fig. 3.9).33 The round portion of the channel, on the bot
tom of the blocks, is carved with a lip to secure the rope. While the use of
cranes/hoists is undocumented in other buildings of this era, the U-shaped

28. Rhodes 1987c. Roebuck (1955,
p. 156) also suggested that the rope
channels might have been made to
maneuver stones at the quarry.
29. Rhodes (1987c, p. 549) cites
measurements of examples at Corinth
where the depth of the channel is less
than 0.015 m. The minimum depth he
reports is 0.007 m. His measurements,
however, do not seem to have added
any space that would have been created
by a bevel at the edge of the block.
30.1 am grateful to Bill Evans of
the T. W. Evans Cordage Co., Crans
ton, R.I., who provided information on
the manufacture and characteristics of
natural fiber ropes.
31. Blocks IA 836, IA 850, IA1552,
ΙΑ 1554, ΙΑ 1574, ΙΑ 1590, and
ΙΑ 3229. Each has features that make
it clear that they are blocks from the
temple. For example, on IA 1554 the
U-shaped channels were added after
the normal pair of channels had already
been cut; see Isthmia I, pp. 31-32,
no. Ar 80, fig. 48. A portion of IA 836
has been reçut with band anathyrosis,
and the back face was also reçut at a
sharp angle like some others that we
believe were reused in the Classical
Temple.
32. Coulton 1974, pp. 7-8.
U-shaped rope holes are carved in the
tops of blocks, typically in an off-center
position. A rope that would pass
through the hole could have been used
with a lever to reposition the block.
U-shaped channels are cut to hold a
rope at each end of the block to lift it
with a crane. See also Dinsmoor 1950,
p. 174, for illustrations of lifting
devices. Pfaff (2003, pp. 106-107)
describes examples of U-shaped holes
at the center axis of a capital from the
Temple of Apollo and an epistyle block
from the Apsidal Building at Corinth.
The former example demonstrates that
large cranes were used by the mid-6th
century.
33. Of the seven, two (IA 836,
IA 3229) are from the wider pronaos
walls and are used at a corner. These
have a pair of U-shaped channels to
hold a double set of ropes.

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48 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

H 0,271 H

Figure 3.9. Block ΙΑ 1552 w

of U-shaped channels at one
the block

channels, whose purpose has not been questioned, provide con

that hoists were used at Isthmia.

The system of using rope channels and edge anathyrosis to lift

blocks that were already cut to the final width of the wall creat
ficient manner of erecting the walls. The rope channels on one e
block allowed the masons to work in either direction by positionin
with channels against masonry already in place. Each block was r
allowing either face to be positioned on the inside or outside of t
The walls were likely at least 12-14 courses high, with an estimat
of more than 1,500 blocks.34
Edge anathyrosis as we find it used here may have been percei
a general solution to fitting materials together rather than a me
34. Robinson (1976, p. 227) pro
be used only for stone. The roof tiles at Isthmia also have anathy
poses that the walls of the temple at
create an edge on the covers that could be easily trimmed as the
Corinth were constructed entirely of
installed.35 The use of the adze and the
masonry. chisel,
Rhodes (2003, woodcutting
p. 88) recon to
and trim the soft Corinthian stone suggests that
structs the masonry as athe
socle fororigin
a of thi
mudbrick wall thatare
is in woodworking.36 Forms of anathyrosis was capped by a
still commonl
course of stone blocks at the cornice.
woodworking today. Casements and door framing typically have
35. For the Protocorinthian roof, see
removed on the inside face and only come
below. into contact at the out
This helps to prevent the joint from spreading if p.the
36. See Rhodes 1987a, 478, forpiece bows
as it dries, but also, as here, a narrow band of contact
other comparisons can be easily
between masonry
to make a tight fit. The method avoids and
thecarpentry.
difficulty of creating
37. See Rhodes
planar surfaces in order to join two surfaces 1987b; 2003,
together.
pp. 85-86; Pfaff 2007, pp. 530-531, for
We should view the early development of ashlar masonry as se
the early history of stoneworking in
from its later use as a technique intended to
Corinth. Use showcase fine stonewo
of stone for architectural
Corinthians developed their stone industry
work appearsfor
to beginbuilding
in the second construc
seem to have strived for economy.37 Ifhalf
efficient
of the 8th century. methods could be

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 THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF POSEIDON 49

to quarry, transport, and erect large stone blocks, then the time and labor
requirements could be carefully managed by the architect. Moreover, it
does not appear necessary to posit outside influence in the development of
Corinthian stoneworking techniques. As many scholars have noted, there
is little evidence of outside influence until the later 7th and 6th centuries.38

IN SITU EVIDENCE FOR HOISTS

A series of postholes, arranged in long lines, surround the c

(Fig. 3.2).39 These holes are spaced with their centers 4.85-5.40
and are positioned 1.15-1.40 m from the outside face of the w
is a row of eight on the north and south sides of the cella, one a
hole is found near the center of the west side, and two other
spaced, on the east. All are very similar in diameter, ca. 0.35
vertically, and descend to a depth of only 0.30-0.40 m below t
surface of the cella foundation platform. The diameter, profile,
of the holes show that they were made to hold posts with a
diameter of ca. 0.20-0.25 m.40 Their relation to the position of t
walls, their wide spacing, and the substantial posts they held, su
these holes mark the positions of hoists or cranes that were used
the walls.

The general size and some of the characteristics of the hoists

determined. The spacing and the distance of the holes from the
that the cranes were able to reach a height of at least 2.80-3.20 m.
estimate of the wall height (at least 12 courses) would indicat
boom of the cranes rose higher than 3.30 m.The hoists suggested
not need to lift very heavy weights, but it still seems likely that
were constructed at a steep vertical angle to minimize the strain
at the ground, by a single large hole, indicates that they pivoted
central vertical post. The shallowness of these holes shows, howe
could not have fully supported the hoists but rather served to anc
in place, and to keep them from moving horizontally during
The central post would need to have been supported by several b
would have surrounded it, extending to the ground to keep it er
All of these requirements limit the possible reconstruction
now seems clear that the Isthmia cranes would have had similaritie

small-scale cranes used in later eras, though without compound p

38. Coulton 1977, p. 32.
39. Isthmia I, pp. 7-9. Another line
of holes, with appreciably smaller diam
eters, is found on the center axis of the
building.
40. Coulton 1988.
41. Coulton 1977, p. 144.
winches.41 The use of cranes in Greek architecture was highly d
by the end of the 6th century, but the evidence at Isthmia establi
some form of crane or hoist was used here at a much earlier dat
Several hoists working simultaneously would have been req
erect each wall. A single hoist could only be used to place a few st
out needing to be repositioned and the fitting would be best acco
by completing each row before starting the next. Although a tot
holes surround the cella, it is not necessary to suppose that this re
the number of hoists in operation at one time. Nonetheless, seve
have been necessary to make the erection of the walls proceed ef

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5° FREDERICK P. HEMANS

Figure 3.10. Restored view of a cor

ner of the roof

THE PROTOCORINTHIAN ROOF

An enormous quantity of tile fragments from the Archaic Temple have

been recovered, and the appearance of the roof is now42. well understood.42
Isthmia I, pp. 40-53; Robinson
The tiles were designed to cover a hipped roof (i.e., 1984. See also
a roof Cooper
sloped on 1989,
all pp. 20
32; Hemans 1989; Roebuck 1990,
four sides), and tiles placed on the flanks of the building interlocked with
pp. 47-50; Winter 1993, pp. 12-18;
those along the shorter ends (Fig. 3.10). The typical pan/cover tile com
Gebhard 2001, pp. 54-56; Rhodes
bines a concave shape for the pan with a rounded cover2003,that overlaps
pp. 87-88. Forthe
the Protocorin
pan of the adjacent tile. Specially shaped tiles were made
thian to cover the hip
nomenclature, see FdD II.9, p. 26,
where the flanks of the building met the short ends. At the eaves, the tilesn. 2. The tem
and Winter 1993, p. 12,
ples atand
were finely finished: the cover was tapered to a triangle Isthmia and
stops Corinth
short of are gener
ally regarded as having the earliest
the outer edge of the tile to provide a decorative pattern alternating with
examples of fired-clay roof tiles, but
a "widow's peak" placed at the center of the pan. Felsch (1990, pp. 312-315) proposes an
On the basis of the reconstructed drawings that show the
equally well-regulated
early date for the appearance of
final appearance of the roof, one might visualize the Isthmian
the tiles with
Laconian-type tile. Heiden (1990,
precise dimensions, but this is not the case. In fact,p. 42) dimensions
the describes a context
of all for Argive
types at Olympia that would place
the parts, including the thickness, vary considerably.43 Figure 3.11 (top)
them no later than the third quarter of
shows profiles of two pan/cover tiles to illustrate the variation, and a section
the 7th century.
drawing (bottom) shows tiles installed over the rafters.
43.The overall
Robinson length
(1984, p. 59) describes
and width of the tiles varies, which shows the tiles were not cut among
the variation to a precise
the tiles at Corinth
as "considerable."
measurement. More importantly, the shape of the curvature on both the
44. of
pan and cover portions of the tiles, as well as the width Shrinkage also can
the cover, alsocontribute to
size differences since the amount of
vary, showing that the molds and templates were not made to a uniform
water added to the mixture of clay and
shape.44 All of this variation made it necessary to adjust the fit of the tiles
temper will produce different results.
to one another during installation (Fig. 3.12). Many examples
See Rostoker have
and Gebhard been
1981,
found that were trimmed with an adze along the edges of the pans, and
pp. 213-215,226-227.

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 THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF POSEIDON

Figure 3.11. Section drawings of two

pan/cover tiles (IT 238, IT 109)
showing the variation in dimensions
and the cutting to the underside of
the cover. Below is a reconstructed

drawing showing the fit of the tiles to

log rafters.

Figure 3.12. Restored view ofwork

men installing the tiles on the roof.
Drawing J. Stevens

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52 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

Figure 3.13. Eaves tile IT 90 with

mud packing (at the top center)
under the cover that preserves the
impression of a log. The front edge of
the eave is at the bottom of the pho
tograph. Scale 1:2

the notch at the upper joint was frequently made wider or longer d
installation to align the tile with its neighbor.45
The undersides of the tiles provide more information about how t
were manufactured and installed. After the tiles were removed from the
45. The same fitting/trimming
molds a significant amount of clay was removed from the bottom, lower marks are seen at Corinth (Robinson
edge of the pans to provide an overlap between successive rows of tiles.46 1984, p. 58).
At the same time a large amount of clay was also carved from beneath 46. The spacing between the rows of
tiles was governed by the size of the
the covers, and the outside, lower edge was carved to a bevel (Fig. 3.11,
notch cut into the top surface.
labeled "edge anathyrosis"). The removal of clay from beneath the cover 47. Isthmia I, p. 52, no. AT 14
was intended to keep the cover from coming into contact with the rafter (IT 190), fig. 60.
below it. Instead, the cover was designed to rest on the adjacent pan tile 48. At Corinth clay was also used to
where the beveled edge could be trimmed to provide a good fit, removing level irregularities in the fit (Winter
1993, p. 16, n. 14).
gaps that would result from the irregular shapes of the tiles. This is a system
49. Isthmia was well known for its
of anathyrosis, essentially the same method used to fit the stone blocks.
pine trees, and a likely source for these
Another element of the installation is mud packing that was placed to rafters is the Aleppo pine (Pinus
provide a flexible fill between the rafter and the cover. One eaves tile pre halepensis). This is a timber-producing
serves a patch of clay where it was baked hard by the fire that destroyed thespecies that grows straight and typically
building (Fig. 3.13).47 In the clay is the clear impression of a round rafter.48 reaches a height of 15-25 m and a
diameter up to about 60 cm in a mature
The position of the mud packing is indicated in Figure 3.11 (bottom).
tree. Today, this species is still common
The size of the covers indicates that the diameter of the rafters was
in the Corinthia and examples are
20-25 cm. These are logs, comparable in size to modern telephone poles.49 found in the sanctuary and surrounding
Fitting a system of tiles over the shafts of tree trunks is a difficult design areas.

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 THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF POSEIDON 53

problem if the intention is to achieve regularity in the final result. The logs
would have varied in diameter and in the amount of taper from one end
to the other. Their surfaces would have been uneven, even after trimming
them with an adze, and there would have always been some amount of
curvature in the shaft. The solution that combines a pan and cover into a
single tile solved much of the problem. Combining the two parts reduced
the number of joints between tiles, and far less adjustment was needed to
fit them to the irregular rafters during installation. In this system only the
outer, upper edge of the pans would have rested directly on rafters.
The curvature of both pan and cover tiles resembles the shape of
Laconian tiles that are usually restored in later buildings bedded on a con
tinuous, thick layer of clay.50 For that reason Robinson proposed that the
Protocorinthian tiles were bedded in the same manner.51 Hodge, however,
challenged the widespread assumption that Laconian tiles required a clay
bedding, and restored them directly on the rafters in several monumental
buildings.52 A clay bedding requires a continuous sheathing of wood (usu
ally resting on squared, sawn rafters). But all the evidence at Isthmia argues
against sheathing, and it is doubtful that there was any precedent for using
it at this time. In thatch-roofed structures rafters were made with logs
or limbs used in their natural shape.53 It can also be pointed out that the
exceptional thickness of the Protocorinthian tiles, far greater than would
have been necessary if they had continuous support, can be explained if
the tiles were used without a continuous bedding.54
In addition to devising a way to fit these tiles to framing that developed
out of vernacular building methods, it must have been of great concern to
the architect to develop a way of making them efficiently in a predictable
amount of time. There were over 1,800 tiles used in the roof at Isthmia.
Based on the features described above, we conducted experiments to re
produce the manufacturing method; the results are found in the appendix
to this chapter.

DESIGNING THE ROOF

Creating the Isthmian roof was perhaps the most complex desig
in the building. The Protocorinthian tiles have been viewed as a
cated technical design that was rapidly simplified in the latter
7th century.55 Wikander has suggested that the primary benef
ing roof tiles over thatch was their resistance to fire.56 But I be
greatest contribution was to the monumental appearance of
In addition to providing a more durable form of roof, in this cas
lasted without significant repairs until the building's destru

50. Evidence for a clay bedding52.

is Hodge 1960, pp. 60-65, p.
70-74.
346; Coulton 1988.
See also Wikander 1988a, p. 206;
found in several monumental buildings 54.Win
Winter 1993, p. 13.
of later eras, as well as in written
ter 1993, pp. 97-98. 55. Wikander 1988b, p. 285.
53.
sources; see Caskey 1910; Stevens Drerup 1969, pp. 69-75; Fager
1950, 56. Wikander 1988a, p. 207; 1988b,
p. 178; Martin 1965, pp. 47,66-67.
strôm 1988, pp. 101-103; Coulton
p. 289.
51. Robinson 1984, pp. 61-62.
1977, pp. 32-35; Williams 1978b,

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54 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

200 years later, the roof system was designed to create a strong patte
The eaves with alternating finely finished triangular covers and a wid
peak at the center of each pan were aligned to the position of the colu
and pilasters below The tiles were spaced 0.550-0.565 m apart, alig
four roof tiles above each intercolumniation.57

The alignment of tiles and the use of a standard dimension is c

firmed by the hipped configuration of the roof. Each row and column
tiles interlock on the adjoining sides of the roof. Thus, at the two end
the building, the system is fairly rigid in its requirements. The rows
columns must be aligned into a gridlike arrangement because any signif
alteration in the dimension of a horizontal row or vertical column wil

carried over to the adjacent side of the roof. If, for example, two colu
of tiles were to be placed farther apart it would result in an expansion
the dimension between two rows of tiles on the adjacent side. Along t
center portion of the long sides of the building, where the columns of
rise continuously to the ridge and do not connect to the hip line, ther
greater flexibility. At those locations the amount of overlap can be expa
or reduced by a few centimeters.

THE "GEISON" BLOCKS

Interpretations of the position and function of the blocks shaped like a

geison have been controversial.58 Broneer restored these blocks over the
colonnade. However, since they were made in two widths, they were de
signed to sit on both the narrow and wide walls of the cella and pronaos.59
Rhodes, I think correctly, restored them at the top of the cella walls, but he
interspersed them with blocks that have transverse cuttings.60 It is unlikely
that both categories of blocks were placed in the same course, however,
since both types have anathyrosis on their ends that shows each group
was installed in a continuous row.61 In addition, features of the "geison"
blocks indicate that they were not visible in the completed building: the
inside face was cut very roughly, not to a line, and sometimes fell short of
57. See Isthmia I, p. 45, fig. 60,
the full width of the wall. Burn damage is heavy only on the inside face,
where the eaves tiles are restored with a
the remainder appears to have been protected by framing, and the front,
spacing of 0.55 m. Many of the tiles,
projecting edge was not cut to a finished vertical face. Another
however, piece aof
were spaced little wider as
evidence is the lack of any plaster finishing. shown by setting lines found on the
upper
Key features for understanding the function of these surfaces
blocks arethat
theindicate the amount
of overlap.
carving of the upper surface and the large differences in height among them
58. Forty-seven fragments of so
(Fig. 3.14). In all cases, the carving on the upper surface is very roughly
called geison blocks have been identi
done with an adze, and does not conform to any pattern. Some blocks
fied in the new study and will be
slope on the side above the overhang, some on the back, some
described in theare
final nearly
publication as
rafter blocks.
horizontal, but in all cases the carving is very irregular.
The shape and position of these blocks, at the top of 59. theIsthmia I, pp.
cella 30-31 (Group 10).
walls,
60. Rhodes 1984, pp. 82-85.
was intended to provide support for the log rafters described above, and
61.1 restore the blocks with trans
the rough carving on their upper surface was done in an ad hoc manner to
verse cuttings (Isthmia I, pp. 26-30
fit irregular shapes. With a roof weighing approximately
[Groups48
6-9])metric
at the top oftons,
the plaster
the builders went to unusual lengths to support it. One could
panels, argue
where they that
were used to hold
ceiling members.
a primary reason for using ashlar masonry was to provide support for the

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Figure 3.14. Block ΙΑ 1553 from the
top of the cella wall: (a) view of top,
showing the irregular cutting of its
surface; (b) view of bottom, with the
projecting portion of the block on
the left, rope channels on left and
right. Scale 2:3. Photos M. Bootsman

Figure 3.15. Restored section of

the temple showing the position of
"geison" blocks to support the rafters
and transverse-cutting blocks for the
ceiling
roof. Mudbrick would have served equally well if the wall had not needed
to support such a substantial weight.
Figure 3.15 shows the position of one of these blocks in a restored
section drawing. One log extended from the wall to the ridge and another
from the wall to the colonnade. The taper of the log rafters limited their
useful length so that a single log was unlikely to have been used from ridge
to colonnade, a total distance of about 7 m. The extended width of these
blocks provided a greater amount of bearing surface for supporting the
ends of the two logs.

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56 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

MEASUREMENT SYSTEM

Months of preparation must have preceded the arrival of materials on the

site, but prior to any of this work the architect would have envisioned the
ways that the components would be fashioned into a complete building.
One of the most interesting questions concerns the system of measure
ment that he used to create his design as well as the means by which he
communicated his instructions and ensured they were followed. Large
numbers of workmen would have been employed, simultaneously executing
different specialized tasks.
The regularity of the building's design is evident in several features.
Blocks were cut, and tiles manufactured, to specific sizes, even while antici
pating adjustments to be made as they were installed. The roof system, in
particular, was somewhat rigid in its requirements. The tiles were designed
to span the distance between pairs of rafters, the positions of which would
have been fixed by the requirements of a hipped roof.62
The repeated use of multiples of the same dimension in so many of the
components is conspicuous. The height of the stone courses is ca. 0.275 m,
and the width of the cella wall is ca. 0.550 m, twice the height of the blocks.63
The stylobate blocks have an average width of ca. 0.825 m, equal to three
times the same dimension. In addition, the interaxial distance between the
pilasters and columns, although there are several centimeters of flexibility,
is designed to be spanned by four roof tiles, and is also equal to four times
the width of the standard wall blocks.64 All these measurements suggest
that a standard unit was used to design the building and its components.65
A comparison to the Doric foot of ca. 0.326 m or other known Greek
units of measure seems, at first, unrelated. Herodotos, however, provides an
intriguing piece of information. In his description of the walls of Babylon
he comments that the royal cubit is longer than the common cubit by 3
digits (Hdt. 1.178). If his statement was based on the Greek Doric foot,
a royal cubit would be 0.55 m.66 It seems clear that a standardized system
of measurement, using a long cubit that is part of the same system as the
standard Doric foot, was used to plan the temple at Isthmia, and similar
conclusions have been made for other Early Archaic temples in Greece.67

62. Wikander (1988a, p. 207)tiles

points
spaced ca. 0.56 m apart. The over be emphasized, however, that this state
out that the regulated dimensions
all length
of of the building, ca. 38.425 m ment by Herodotos does not necessarily
tiles encourages the development ofcenter
to the a of the stylobates, is elon provide evidence of outside influence
rectilinear construction in the entire
gated beyond the standard. The spacing on the early stoneworking techniques
building. of the row of postholes on the center in Greece. Gebhard (2001) concludes
63. The height of each course in axis of the building is regular within the that there is no direct model for the

the wall reconstructed by Broneer is
0.273 m. This dimension is probably a
few millimeters short of the original
height as the result of damage to the
beveled edges of the blocks during the
cella but an additional ca. 0.55 m sepa
rates the two holes on either side of the
cross wall that we have restored
between pronaos and cella.
65. The standardized dimensions do
building's design in Near Eastern or
Egyptian architecture.
67. See Rhodes 2003, p. 92, where
he describes a modular system based on
a cubit from the dimensions of the tiles.

destruction of the building.
64. The width of the building to
the centers of the stylobates was
13.385-13.455 m (14.21-14.28 m less
ca. 0.825 m), which would indicate an
interval of2.23-2.24 m, equal to four
not, however, necessarily suggest the
use of a module in the design of the
building; see Coulton 1989.
66. The royal cubit would, thus, be
27 digits long, equal to a cubit of Wi
feet (24 digits) plus 3 digits. It should
A module of 0.273 m is suggested for
the construction of the Archaic Temple
of Apollo at Halieis (Cooper 1990,
p. 72). Pan tiles from the Halieis roof,
0.55 m wide, might suggest the same
cubit system we propose at Isthmia.

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 THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF POSEIDON 57

The use of simple ratios at this early date would help the architect
visualize the relationships between components and assist him in planning
for the quantities that would be needed to erect the building. Overall, the
width of the building, 7 columns or 6 intercolumniations, would equal 24
tiles, plus two additional tiles to extend from the center of the outer columns
to the outer edges of the roof. It is possible to see the building as a gridlike
composition even while acknowledging the flexibility, or imprecision, of
its execution.

CONCLUSIONS

The Temple of Poseidon at Isthmia marks a stage where the

nacular materials and techniques are still strong, but there i
ambition to create a much larger, more durable building. The o
of the building, while impressive for its time, was rapidly eclip
3.16 shows the facade of the Archaic Temple superimposed o
line drawing of the Classical Temple that replaced it after c
But the process of achieving a canonical Greek temple was ac
in only about a hundred years. The Temple of Apollo in Cor
ca. 550 b.c., is comparable in size and appearance to the 5th
Figure 3.16. Restored view of the . τι*
Figure 3.16. Rest
c . c . Λ , . , temple at Isthmia.
facade or the Archaic lemple super- r
facade of the Ar
imposed
imposed
on that of the Classical on that
Temple
Temple _

1-=
S' mImT™'SSSt™wS'" ¥1S'""Έ!ûh
"il ιΐίί|ίί|ΐι
!i! tell m in i!
lie l'ululll
JjMliL

t t j
*W

ILLLl Lijlu ujxi_Lu4

Archaic Temple of Poseidon at Isthmia, 690-650 B.C.

Classical Temple of Poseidon at Isthmia, after 450 B.C.

0 5 10m

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58 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

After Corinth invented fired-clay roof tiles, the advantages and desir
ability of this new form of roof must have been obvious. Over the latter pa
of the 7th century, its use became widespread and the development can b
followed in considerable detail. There were, however, obvious shortcomin
to the Protocorinthian roofing system. The tiles, with their complicated
S-curve shape, required a large amount of trimming and cutting during
production, as well as special fitting during installation. The developmen
of the Corinthian tile, which followed thereafter, moved toward simplific
tion. Flat pan tiles became the norm and were supported by squared rafter
Ashlar masonry was, however, slower to develop. Corinth was in
unique situation with the soft, easily cut oolitic limestone that was read
ily available in the city.68 Here, the greatest impediment to the extensiv
use of stone as a building material appears to have been the difficulty of
transporting and lifting it. Elsewhere in Greece, the harder limestones a
marbles could not readily be adapted to the Corinthian techniques, an
mudbrick continued to be used extensively into the 6th century. There i
general consensus that sustained contact with Egypt expanded the reper
toire of techniques for working hard stones.69 In particular, the techniq
of cutting blocks with an allowance of stone and dressing each course and
the final face of the wall after the blocks were installed appears to have
been learned from Egypt.
The Temple at Isthmia provides, at the present time, our best evidence
for the transition from premonumental to monumental materials a
techniques in the development of the Greek temple. It also appears to be
our earliest example of a monumental setting for the entire composition
A platform was cut into the rocky ridge at Isthmia just below the re
nants of a cyclopean wall: a visible reminder of the heroic setting of the
sanctuary. The hekatompedon for Poseidon, and the 100-foot altar before
it, evoked the Homeric notion of great size, establishing one of the great
transitional spaces in Greece and marking the entrance to the Dorian land
of the Corinthians.70

68. Robinson 1976, p. 225. Theeach quarry, and finer-grained

within
stone used in the Archaic stone is found
Temple of outside the city. For a
description
Poseidon is noticeably finer of oolitic limestone, see
grained and
Hayward
lighter in color than that used, for 2003, pp. 32-33.
69.
example, in the 6th-century Coulton
Temple of 1977, pp. 48-50.
70. Pindar repeatedly describes the
Apollo at Corinth, or the 5th-century
Temple of Poseidon at Isthmia.
victoryThe
crown at Isthmia as Dorian
parsley. See, e.g., hthm. 2.15, 8.64.
work of Hayward (2003) indicates,
however, that characteristics can vary

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71. Robinson 1984, p. 57; Rostoker
and Gebhard 1981, pp. 220-222; Geb
hard 2001, pp. 57-58; Sapirstein 2009.
72. Ramage (1978, p. 11) has
observed these lines on the lower sur
face of Lydian tiles at Sardis. He pro
posed that a blade was pulled across the
back of the mold to press the clay into
the mold and remove the excess clay.
73. See FdD II.9, pp. 37-38, where
LeRoy proposes that a raking template
("gabarit") was used to form the profile
of simas.
74. Whitbread 2003, pp. 6-7.
75. Rostoker and Gebhard 1981,
pp. 213-215.
76.1 am indebted to my colleague
Jonathan Stevens, who was chiefly
responsible for the processes we used in
working the clay. At the time, Jonathan
was an undergraduate ceramics major at
Wichita State University.
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APPENDIX: EXPERIMENTAL TILE PRODUCTION
The methods of manufacture that have previously been propose
Protocorinthian tiles are based on the use of enclosed molds.71
amount of variation in all their dimensions (especially the thickne
cuttings on the bottoms of the tiles, however, point to a differe
This is supported by the coarse granular texture on their unders
shows that the clay was pressed onto a sandy, rough, and somew
surface during manufacture (Fig. 3.17), and the outside edge
have been cut rather than molded. In addition, the upper su
numerous straight, shallow grooves that were created when
temper were dragged by the tool used to form the upper surfa
tile.72 These grooves are the result of working the surface of t
pulling a template along the length of the tile as its shape was
All these features suggest that the tiles were cut from clay that
in continuous strips on open ground.
The production of the tiles on open ground would have been
to the techniques used in traditional mudbrick making. The clay
is compressed into simple wooden forms set on open prepar
and after the forms are removed and the bricks have become fir
turned on edge to dry in the sun. Brick making is normally do
source of the clay, and the clay in these tiles was used with litt
ing. It has a fairly large number of impurities, especially calcare
that often erupted during firing.74 Whitbread s analyses of Cor
show relatively low amounts of kaolinite, and the fabric of these
crumbles rather than fractures under stress. Ceramic vessels of
era appear to have a higher concentration of clay minerals from
the clay, and as a result are stronger, harder, and more brittle
unlevigated clay does, however, appear to have had a benefit
possible to cut or trim a tile after it was fired without crackin
The only material added to the raw clay was mudstone, of the t
on the southern and western slopes of Acrocorinth, which w
temper to reduce shrinkage and breaking during drying and firi
To better understand the manufacturing process, Jonathan St
I conducted a series of experiments in 2002-2003 to replicate th
Previous work by Rostoker and Gebhard had investigated the clay
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a b

Figure 3.17. Comparison of the bot

and firing method, and reproduced roof tiles using
toms of an enclosed
an ancient tile (a) and an mold.77
Our purposes were to see how tiles might have been experimentalmass-produced
tile (b). The underside on
of the ancient
open ground, to test how the various kinds of cuttings tile (IT 312) on
found has a the tiles
rough granular
might have been made during production, and to test the texture
fitandof
the lower
these tiles
to a log roof.78 edge has been trimmed to overlap the
tile below
Figure 3.18 illustrates the sequence of making the during installation;
tiles. We fashioned the
ancient tile is missing half of its
a wooden template, copying the S-profile of a combination tile, and used
cover.
it as a guide to cut a rough continuous mold into the ground, matching
the shape of the underside of the tiles. After combining the clay with
temper and mixing it to an even consistency, we pressed the clay onto the
earthen mold to which had been added a thin layer of loose, sandy earth.
Thereafter we could quite easily work the clay into the finished shape of
a combination tile by pulling the template horizontally across the upper
surface (Fig. 3.18:a).The only other part of the formwork that was required
was some means of keeping the template at a fairly constant level as we
worked it back and forth. We provided wooden runners at each side of the
mold for this purpose.79
From our experiments it became clear that the smooth upper surface
of the tile, often described as slipped, was made by working the clay after it
had been allowed to dry for a short time.80 The final finished surface of the
ancient tiles was in fact prepared after the cuttings into the upper surface

77. Rostoker and Gebhard 1981. ancient tiles. This was partly caused by have used several molds and templates,
78. We used clay and temper as holding the template at slightly differ which would have contributed to the
described in Rostoker and Gebhard ent angles while pulling it across the differences in the finished dimensions
1981, pp. 213-214. The clay and quarry clay. The variation of height on the of the tiles.
at Solomos are also described in Whit runners and the fluidity of the sandy 80. Robinson 1984, p. 57; Rostoker
bread 1995, pp. 325-327. earthen mold also contributed to the and Gebhard 1981, pp. 215, 222; Win
79. The finished tiles we created had variation. The ancient tile makers, if ter 1993, p. 16.
a range of thickness similar to the they followed our practice, would likely

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Figure 3.18. Sequence of experimen underside after the tile has been

tal tile making: (a) pressing the clay
into a continuous mold on open
ground; (b) cutting the tiles after
molding; (c) removing clay from the
lifted; (d) diagram showing the
sequence of stages, 2003. Photos
G. Waller

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02 FREDERICK P. HEMANS

Figure 3.19. Partial full-scale

of a corner of the roof made with
round rafters

were made. As we used the template it compressed the clay, prod

a distinct, denser layer at the surface, and the compression produced
so-called slip.81 Some of the ancient tiles show that the finishing was
tempted too soon, and a slurry or paste of clay particles was produced
ran over the edges.
After molding a long length of tile, we could decide whether t
would become tiles with the cover attached at the left or at the right
notch at the upper joint of pan and cover can be made to place th
on either the left or right side (Fig. 3.18:b). The edge of the pan was
trimmed to size, and two opposite corners were cut to a diagonal to c
the features of the ancient tiles. The removal of clay from the under
was done after the tiles had hardened sufficiently to lift them from
mold (Fig. 3.18:c). This cutting was done, without precise measurem
to remove a large portion of clay on the underside of the cover and o
lower edge. Thereafter, the tiles were left on edge to dry to a leather
consistency. The bottom surface of one of our experimental tiles c
compared to an ancient tile in Figure 3.17.
We also found that the same template, used in two directions at rig
angles to one another, could be used to produce a hip tile, and th
could mold an eaves tile by placing a piece of wood beneath the bo
edge at the front and making minor changes to the shape of the eart
mold. It is not necessary to posit separate molds for tiles that were m
for the hips, eaves, and ridge.
In our experiments we were also mindful of how the tiles might h
been mass-produced. About 85% of the tiles used in the temple
simple combination pan/covers that could have been made efficiently
81. The same process occurs when
manner similar to our experiments. Several strip molds might have b
finishing the surface of poured con
in operation simultaneously. In a second stage of our
crete. Troweling experiments
the surface too soon we
two molds side by side to increase the efficiency of toproducing
moves cement paste the surface and the tiles
major part of the labor was devoted to procuring the clay and temper
ultimately weakens the upper layer.

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82. Firing the tiles and the capacity
of the kilns is the greatest determinant
of the total amount of time needed to
produce the finished tiles. See Rostoker
and Gebhard 1981, p. 225.
83. See Rostoker and Gebhard
1981, pp. 214-215, for a discussion of
how water content affects the process.
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THE ARCHAIC TEMPLE OF POSEIDON 63
mixing it to an even consistency. Working the prepared clay into a finished
strip of three tiles took very little time, less than a half hour. With adequate
amounts of clay, mixed with temper and ready to be used, a pair of laborers
could easily have prepared several dozen tiles in a day.82
A crucial factor in the tiles' production is the amount of drying time.83
If the tiles set too long in the molds they begin to crack from differential
drying of the top and bottom. If not allowed to set long enough before
being lifted, they were too weak to support their weight. With practice we
learned to judge the correct time to lift the tiles by watching the appearance
of the clay as it was drying.
After firing our tiles we fit them to a full-scale model of a corner
of the roof using round lathe-turned timbers as a substitute for the logs
that were used as rafters in the temple (Fig. 3.19). A hypothetical view of
the installation process is shown in Figure 3.12. Installation would have
proceeded in rows, beginning at the eaves and working from the corners
toward the middle.
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