Professional Documents
Culture Documents
P as domination (hobbes),
Gramsci has given very deep insight about the phenomena and structure of
power in Bourgeioise society. He has given concept of power as thought
control process by which he highlights the invisible power which he calls
as hegemony
1. CONCEPT OF HEGEMONY
o The concept of hegemony first appeared in Gramsci’s Notes on the
Southern Question (1926), where it was defined as a system of
class alliance in which a “hegemonic class” exercised political
leadership over “subaltern classes” by “winning them over”.
o Gramsci noted that the real source of strength of the ruling
classes in the West is manifested in their spiritual and cultural
Gramsci 1
supremacy. These classes manage to inculcate their values system
in the mind of their people through the institutions of civil
society. Gramsci particularly focused on the structures of
domination in the culture of capitalist society.
o The conventional Marxist theory had held that the economic mode
of production of any society constituted its base while its legal
and political structure and various expressions of its social
consciousness including religion, morals, social custom, and
practices constituted its superstructure.
o The character of the superstructure was determined by the
prevailing character of its base. During social development, the
changes in the base led to the corresponding changes in the
superstructure. So, it focused on changes in the base; the
superstructure was not regarded to deserve independent analysis.
Gramsci did not accept this position.
o He suggested that the superstructure of contemporary Western
society had attained some degree of autonomy; hence its analysis
was also necessary. (Difference between Marx and Gramsci)
o Gramsci particularly focused on the structures of domination in
the culture of bourgeois society. He identified two levels of
this superstructure:
o Political Society or State which resorts to coercion to maintain
its domination. The whole organization of the government comes
within its purview. The structures associated with this part of
the superstructure are called ‘structures of coercion’
o Civil Society which resorts to obtaining the consent of the
citizens to maintain its domination. This part of the
superstructure is closer to the base and is relatively
autonomous. The structures associated with this part are called
‘structures of legitimation’. Gramsci pays special importance to
this part of the superstructure.
o In Gramsci's view, hegemony is a form of "intellectual and moral
leadership" that a ruling class establishes within society. This
leadership extends beyond the realm of the state and permeates
civil society, encompassing institutions like schools, churches,
media, and the family. Through these institutions, the ruling
class shapes the values, beliefs, and norms of society, leading
to a broad acceptance of their worldview and way of life. These
structures lend legitimacy to the rule of the bourgeois class so
that even injustice involved in this rule would carry the
impression of justice. That is why these are called ‘structures
of legitimation’. They enable the bourgeois society to function
in such a manner that the ruling classes seem to be ruling with
the consent of the people. When the power is apparently exercised
with the consent of its subject, it is called ‘hegemony ‘.
o Hegemony is not a static concept; it is constantly being
contested and renegotiated by various social groups. As Gramsci
observed, "The struggle for hegemony is also the struggle over
the social and political terrain of society." Subordinate groups,
such as the working class, can challenge the hegemony of the
ruling class by developing their own counter-hegemonic ideas and
institutions.
Gramsci 2
2. Counter Hegemony
o Counter-hegemony is a concept developed by Italian Marxist
Antonio Gramsci to describe the efforts of subordinate groups to
challenge and undermine the existing hegemonic order. Gramsci
argued that hegemony, the dominance of one group's worldview and
values over society, is not simply maintained through coercion
but also through the consent of the governed. Counter-hegemony,
therefore, seeks to challenge this consent by developing
alternative ideas, values, and institutions that can eventually
replace the existing hegemonic order.
o Gramsci believed that counter-hegemonic struggle must be waged
in both the political and cultural spheres. In the political
sphere, this means organizing and mobilizing subordinate groups
to challenge the power of the ruling class. In the cultural
sphere, this means producing alternative forms of knowledge,
art, and media that can challenge the dominant worldview.
o Counter-hegemonic struggle is an ongoing and often protracted
process. It is not simply a matter of overthrowing the ruling
class; it is also about building a new society based on different
values and principles. Gramsci believed that this process is
necessary for true social change.
o Examples of Counter-Hegemonic Struggle:
▪ The labor movement, which has fought for workers' rights
and challenged the power of capital.
▪ The civil rights movement, which fought for racial equality
and challenged the segregationist policies of the United
States government.
▪ The feminist movement, which has fought for women's
equality and challenged patriarchal norms.
▪ The environmental movement, which has fought for
environmental protection and challenged the unsustainable
practices of capitalism.
▪ These are just a few examples of the many counter-hegemonic
movements that have emerged throughout history. These
Gramsci 3
movements have played a crucial role in challenging the
existing power structures and building a more just and
equitable society.
War of Position
War of Maneuver
Gramsci 4
o A war of maneuver is a short-term, decisive strategy that seeks
to overthrow the ruling class through a direct frontal assault.
This strategy is typically used by revolutionary groups that
believe that the conditions are ripe for a popular uprising.
o Gramsci argued that a war of maneuver was no longer possible in
advanced capitalist societies, where the ruling class is well-
organized and has a monopoly on violence. In these societies,
revolutionary groups must first build a war of position before
they can launch a war of maneuver.
4. Concept of Ideology
1. Gender Roles: The pervasive belief that men are naturally suited
for leadership and women for domestic roles is an example of how
ideology shapes our understanding of gender roles and reinforces
gender inequality.
Gramsci 6
2. Nationalism: The belief in the superiority of one's nation and
the importance of national pride is an example of how ideology
can be used to mobilize and divide populations.
3. Consumerism: The promotion of constant consumption and material
goods as the path to happiness is an example of how ideology can
shape our values and priorities.
5. Intellectuals
Gramsci 7
o Gandhian movement was called a Gramscian movement as it was a
long draw out struggle against the British hegemony, with Gandhi
as the organic intellectual of the Indian masses.
o Acc to G - All men are intellectuals, but all do not perform the
role of intellectuals
▪ Every work requires some amount of intellectual labour —
no work is fully manual
▪ However, some intellectuals — specific function of
manufacturing consent.
5. CONCEPT OF HISTORICAL BLOC
o Gramsci's concept of the historical bloc challenges the
traditional Marxist notion of the base or structure (economic
relations) determining the superstructure (political and
cultural institutions and ideas). Instead, he proposes a more
nuanced understanding where the two elements are mutually
constitutive.
o The structure, represented by the economic base, encompasses the
material conditions of society, including the means of
production, the division of labor, and the distribution of
wealth. The superstructure, on the other hand, comprises the
political and cultural institutions, such as the state, legal
system, education system, and cultural norms.
o Gramsci uses the concept as a homogeneous politico-economic
alliance that does not have internal contradictions.
o Stephen Gill argues that a historical bloc is a process that is
initiated by a conscious social force that intends to establish
a new hegemony. In Stephen Gill’s words mentioned in Power and
Resistance in the New World order “A historical bloc refers to
a historical congruence between material forces, institutions
and ideologies, or broadly, an alliance of different class forces
politically organised around a set of hegemonic ideas that gave
strategic direction and coherence to its constituent elements.
Moreover, for a new historical bloc to emerge, its leaders must
engage in consciously planned struggle. Any new historical bloc
must have not only power within the civil society and economy,
but it also needs persuasive ideas, arguments and initiatives
that build on, catalyse and develop its political networks and
organization – not political parties”
o The concept of the historical bloc is important because it refers
to a moment during the process of change that indicates that a
political party has been built and is seeking to establish
hegemony. To do that, Gramsci argued that this social class,
through its political party, has to organise other social classes
and political parties as well to take part in their wider
political, economic alliance, which in theory by Gramsci called
a “historical bloc”.
o In that process, the organic intellectuals of the political party
and the social class also play a fundamental role in producing
the persuasive ideas and arguments needed in convincing other
classes to be a part of their historical bloc, thus their
upcoming hegemony.
Gramsci 8
o However, as Anne Show stack Sassoon rightly points out, “a
historical bloc is not to be reduced to a mere political alliance
since it assumes a complex construction within which there can
be sub-blocs such as, for example, an agrarian bloc, a complex
formation of its own right, and an industrial bloc, each of these
containing different elements and potential contradictions. The
historical bloc can produce various political blocs made up of
different combinations of political allies which nonetheless
maintain the general configuration of the fundamental historical
bloc.”
o Sassoon explains, “the historical bloc in implying necessarily
the existence of hegemony also implies that to create a new
historical bloc alternative to the existing one, the new,
progressive class must create its hegemonic apparatuses.”
o How the working class is able to do this, according to Gramsci,
is through the party. Thus, for Gramsci, the historic bloc was
a situation when both objective and subjective forces combined
to produce a revolutionary situation. It is a situation when
older is collapsing and their people with the will and historical
insight to take advantage of the situation.
6. Gramscian view of state
o Gramsci rejected the traditional Marxist view of the state as a
mere instrument of coercion, an "apparatus of repression" in the
hands of the ruling class. Instead, he proposed a more
comprehensive understanding of the state as an "integral" entity,
encompassing both political society and civil society.
o Political society, according to Gramsci, represents the coercive
aspect of the state, comprising institutions like the government,
the police, and the military. It maintains order and enforces
the law, ensuring the continuation of the ruling class's
dominance.
o Civil society, on the other hand, encompasses non-state
institutions and organizations, such as schools, churches, the
media, and the family. These institutions play a crucial role in
shaping public opinion, disseminating dominant ideologies, and
reinforcing cultural norms that support the existing power
structure.
o Gramsci argued that the state's power is not solely based on
coercion but also on consent, which is achieved through the
ideological and cultural hegemony exercised by the ruling class
in civil society. The ruling class maintains its hegemony by
shaping the beliefs, values, and norms that are considered common
sense, making its rule seem natural and inevitable.
o Relations between the political, economic, and cultural
ideological spheres have been transformed since Antonio Gramsci.
From the Gramscian perspective, the base/superstructure model is
inverted. From Marx’s perspective the `economic structure’ is
the primary and subordinating one, while the superstructure is
the secondary and subordinate one. In Gramsci, it is the
opposite.
o Perry Anderson argues that in “Gramsci hegemony means the
ideological subordination of the working class by the
Gramsci 9
bourgeoisie, which enables it to rule by consent. In Gramsci,
the state is an instrument of socialisation and cultural
transformation, of passing on, and disseminating, world views
and ideology. Hence, he argues that the entire function of the
state has been transformed; the state has become an educator.”
o The Gramscian inversion : belief, consensus, and agreement are
the basis of state power rather than state power being the basis
of belief and consensus.
Gramsci 10
1. Robert Cox: A British scholar who developed the concept of `world
order' to analyze the global distribution of power and the role
of hegemony in maintaining the existing international order.
2. Stuart Hall: A Jamaican-British sociologist who applied
Gramsci's concept of hegemony to cultural studies, exploring how
dominant ideologies are produced, disseminated, and contested
within cultural institutions and practices.
3. Raymond Williams: A British cultural theorist, Williams drew
upon Gramsci's ideas to analyze the role of culture in
maintaining and challenging hegemony. He explored how dominant
ideologies are embedded in everyday language, cultural
practices, and institutions, shaping our understanding of the
world and our place within it.
4. Carl Boggs: A historian and political activist, Boggs applied
Gramscian concepts to analyze the African American struggle for
freedom and equality. He emphasized the importance of cultural
and ideological struggle in challenging racial oppression.
5. Chandra Talpade Mohanty: An Indian-American feminist scholar who
employed Gramsci's concepts to analyze gender oppression and
feminist struggles, emphasizing the importance of counter-
hegemonic strategies.
6. Ernesto Laclau: An Argentine political philosopher who developed
the concept of `post-foundationalism' to examine how hegemonies
are constructed and maintained through contingent and unstable
power relations.
7. Judith Butler: An American philosopher and gender theorist who
utilized Gramsci's ideas to explore the performative nature of
gender and the role of hegemonic discourses in shaping gender
identities.
Scholar’s criticism:
Gramsci 11
too deterministic and overlooking the role of individual agency
in shaping history. Bobbio argued that social change is not
simply a product of the struggle between different social classes
but is also influenced by the actions and choices of individuals.
5. Giovanni Sartori: An Italian political scientist who criticized
Gramsci's concept of the war of position and war of maneuver as
being too simplistic and not applicable to all political
situations. Sartori argued that the distinction between the two
strategies is not always clear-cut and that both coercion and
consent may be used in both types of struggles.
6. Bob Jessop: A British Marxist sociologist and political theorist
who criticized Gramsci's concept of hegemony for its emphasis on
ideology and culture, arguing that it neglects the material basis
of power. Jessop argued that the state is not simply a product
of ideology but is instead a material institution that is
embedded in the capitalist mode of production.
7. John Keane: An Australian political scientist who criticized
Gramsci's concept of the state as being too monolithic and not
capturing the diversity of state forms and their relationship to
society. Keane argued that the state is not a single entity but
rather a network of institutions with varying degrees of autonomy
and power.
8. Theda Skocpol: An American political sociologist who criticized
Gramsci's concept of the state as an integral entity for
overemphasizing the state's autonomy and downplaying the role of
social forces and historical conjunctures in shaping state power.
Skocpol argued that Gramsci's focus on the state's internal
dynamics overlooked the external constraints and opportunities
that shape state action.
Overall criticism
Gramsci 12
4. Eurocentrism: Gramsci's work has been criticized for its
Eurocentric focus, primarily drawing on European experiences to
develop his theories. Critics argue that his insights may not
fully translate to other cultural and historical contexts,
limiting the generalizability of his ideas.
9. PYQS
1. According to Gramsci, 'hegemony is primarily based on the
organization of consent.' Comment. [250words, 20marks] [2019]
2. Comment on Gramsci’s concept of hegemony. [2016/10m/150w/1e]
3. Discuss Gramsci’s notion of organic intellectuals.
[2015/15m/200w/4b]
4. Explain, as per Gramsci, the distinction between hegemony and
domination. [2013/15m/200w/2c]
Gramsci 13