Human Motor Development A Lifespan Approach 9th Edition Ebook PDF

Human Motor Development: A Lifespan
Approach 9th Edition, (Ebook PDF)

Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/human-motor-development-a-lifespan-approach-9th-e
dition-ebook-pdf/
Contents vii
Part III
pHYSiCAL CHAnGeS ACROSS THe LiFeSpAn
Physiological Changes:
Health-Related Physical
Fitness 151
Growth and Maturation 123 chapter objectives 151
chapter objectives 123 CARDIORESPIRATORY FITNESS 152

Heart Rate 152
WHY STUDY HUMAN GROWTH 124
Stroke Volume 153
LENGTH AND STATURE 124
Cardiac Output 154
Measuring Growth in Length and Stature 124
Maximal Oxygen Consumption 154
Milestones in the Growth of Length and Stature 125
Physical Activity and Cardiorespiratory Fitness in
Illustrating Growth in Stature 126 Childhood 155
Determining Typical Growth 127 BOX: Cardiorespiratory endurance field-test data on children
BOX: Constructing a velocity curve 128 and adolescents 156
Predicting Adult Stature 128 Physical Activity and Cardiorespiratory Fitness in
Adulthood 156
BODY WEIGHT 129
MUSCULAR STRENGTH 157
Measuring Body Weight 129
Defining and Measuring Muscular Strength 158
Milestones in Body Weight 129
Age-Related Changes in Muscular Strength 158
Illustrating Changes in Body Weight 131
BOX: Muscular strength/endurance field test data on
COMBINING BODY WEIGHT AND HEIGHT: BODY children and adolescents 158
MASS INDEX 131
Muscular Strength Training 159
BOX: Calculating body mass index (BMI) 132 Mechanisms of Increasing Muscular Strength 163
CONSTRAINTS ON MOTOR DEVELOPMENT RELATED FLEXIBILITY 164
TO STATURE AND WEIGHT 134
Performance Trends 164
BODY PROPORTIONS 135 Declining Flexibility and Aging: Causes and
Measuring Changes in Body Proportions 135 Therapy 165
Changes in Body Proportions 135 BODY COMPOSITION 165
Constraints on Motor Performance Related to Body Defining Overweight and Obesity 166
Proportion 138 General Growth Trends of Adipose Tissue 166
SKELETAL DENSITY 139 Prevalence of Overweight and Obesity 167
Measuring Skeletal Density 140 Association Between Childhood and Adulthood
Skeletal Development Milestones 140 Obesity 169
Physical Activity and Skeletal Health 141 Laboratory-Test Measures of Body Composition 170
The Female Athlete Triad and Skeletal Health 142 Field-Test Measures of Body Composition 170
Relationship of Obesity to Motor Development and
MATURATION AND DEVELOPMENTAL AGE 143 Performance and Health-Related Fitness 172
Determining Maturation 143 Treatment of Overweight and Obesity 172
Maturation’s Interrelationship with Motor
PROMOTING PHYSICAL ACTIVITY: THE ROLE
Performance 145
OF INTERACTIVE TECHNOLOGY 174
SUMMARY 147 SUMMARY 175
key concept review 147 key concept review 176
questions for reflection 147 questions for reflection 177
online resources 148 online resources 177
RefeRenCes 148 RefeRenCes 177
viii Contents
STEREOTYPIES 217
SUMMARY 218
key concept review 219
questions for reflection 219
Movement and RefeRenCes 219
the Changing Senses 181
chapter objectives 181
UNDERSTANDING THE MECHANICS OF
VISION 182
PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE EYE 183
DEVELOPMENT OF SELECTED VISUAL TRAITS
AND SKILLED MOTOR PERFORMANCE 183
Voluntary Movements
Visual Acuity 183
of Infancy 221
Binocular Vision and Depth Perception 187 chapter objectives 221
Field of Vision 189 CATEGORIZING THE VOLUNTARY MOVEMENTS OF
Eye Dominance 191 INFANCY 222
Tracking and Object Interception 192 STABILITY MOVEMENTS 223
Motor Development of Children with Visual Head Control 223
Impairments 193 Body Control 223
THE NONVISUAL SENSES 195 Upright Posture 224
The Proprioceptive System 195 LOCOMOTION MOVEMENTS 226
The Auditory System 197 Prone Locomotion 226
The Cutaneous System 198 BOX: Creeping or crawling? Which comes first? 227
SUMMARY 200 Upright Locomotion 229
key concept review 200 MANIPULATION MOVEMENTS 231
questions for reflection 201 Reaching, Grasping, and Releasing 232
online resources 201 Relationship of Reaching and Postural Control and Their
RefeRenCes 201 Role in Child Development 236
SUMMARY 236
Part IV
MOVeMenT ACROSS THe LiFeSpAn
RefeRenCes 238
Infant Reflexes
and Stereotypies 203 Fine Motor Development 239
chapter objectives 203 chapter objectives 239
INFANT REFLEXES 204 THE DEVELOPMENT OF PREHENSION 240
Infant Versus Lifespan Reflexes 204 Halverson’s Stages of Grasping Development 241
Primitive Reflexes 205 An Alternate View of the Development of
BOX: Pinpointing the number of infant reflexes 207 Prehension 242
Postural Reflexes 211 Adjustment to Task Constraints in Grasping 244
The Reflexes as Diagnostic Tools 214 Anticipation and Object Control in Reaching and
Grasping 245
BOX: Role of infant reflexes in developing future
movement 216 BOX: Haptic perception and exploratory procedures 246
Contents ix
Infant–Childhood Object Manipulation SUMMARY 280

Development 247
BOX: Object manipulation and infants’ body positions: questions for reflection 281
The first 2 years 248 online resources 282
Adulthood Fine Movement and Touch
RefeRenCes 282
Perception 249
HANDWRITING AND DRAWING 249
Handwriting and Drawing Development 250
BOX: Technology and the study of handwriting and
drawing 250
Drawing and Writing: Movement Products 253
HANDWRITING AND DRAWING IN
ADULTHOOD 255 Fundamental Object-Control
KEYBOARDING 257
Skills of Childhood 285
SUMMARY 258 chapter objectives 285
key concept review 259 OVERARM THROWING 286

questions for reflection 259 Developmental Stages of Throwing 286
RefeRenCes 259 Developmental Performance Trends for Overarm
Throwing 287
Constraints on the Development of Overarm
Throwing 290
Accounting for Gender Differences in Overarm
Throwing 292
CATCHING 293
Two-Handed Catching 293
Fundamental Locomotion
One-Handed Catching 294
Skills of Childhood 261
Constraints on the Development of Catching 297
STRIKING 300
WALKING 262 Developmental Aspects of One- and Two-Handed
Developmental Aspects of Walking 262 Striking 300
Constraints on the Development of Independent Developmental Sequence of Striking 300
Walking 264
OBJECT-CONTROL SKILLS WITHOUT
RUNNING 266 IMPLEMENTS 300
Developmental Aspects of the Running Pattern 266 Stationary Ball Bouncing 300
Constraints on the Development of Running 267 Kicking 302
Developmental Sequences for Running 267 SUMMARY 306
Developmental Performance Trends for Running 268
JUMPING 270 questions for reflection 306
Phases in Jumping 270 online resources 307
Constraints on the Development of Jumping 271 RefeRenCes 307
Developmental Sequences for the Standing Long
Jump 271
Developmental Sequences for the Vertical Jump 272
Developmental Performance Trends for Vertical
Jumping 274
Developmental Sequences for Hopping 275
COMBINING FUNDAMENTAL MOVEMENTS 276
Galloping 276
Youth Sports 311
Sliding 278 chapter objectives 311
Skipping 279 PARTICIPATION 312
x Contents
Trends in Participation 312 ACTIVITIES OF DAILY LIVING 351

Opportunities for Participation in Sports 313 Prevalence of Related Disability 352
Reasons for Participating in Sports 313 Factors Affecting Functionality 352
Reasons for Dropping Out of Sports 315 MOVEMENT SPEED IN ADULTHOOD 353
CONTROVERSIES AROUND YOUTH SPORTS 316 Physiological Functional Capacity and Speed of
Medical Issues 316 Performance 353
BOX: Sustaining participation 319 Reaction, Response, and Movement Times 355
Psychological Issues: Stress 324 MAINTAINING MOVEMENT ABILITY 358
BOX: Stress–another viewpoint 325 Compensation for Movement Decline 358
Physical Activity 358
YOUTH SPORT COACHING 327
Who’s Coaching Our Young People? 327 SUMMARY 363
Coaching Certification Programs 328 key concept review 365
BOX: Arguments against mandatory coaching questions for reflection 365
certification 328 online resources 366
Guidelines for Effective Coaching 328 RefeRenCes 366
PARENTAL EDUCATION: AN ATTEMPT TO CURB
VIOLENCE 328
RIGHTS OF YOUNG ATHLETES 329 PART V
SUMMARY 330 ASSeSSinG MOTOR deVeLOpMenT

online resources 332
RefeRenCes 332
Assessment 369
GUIDELINES FOR ASSESSMENT 370
Reasons to Assess 370
Variables to Assess 371
Movement in Adulthood 335
Selecting the Best Test 371
chapter objectives 335 Preparing Participants for Assessment 372
THE SHIFT TO A LIFESPAN APPROACH TO MOTOR Administrator Preparation and Data Collection 373
DEVELOPMENT 336 Interpreting the Assessment Data 374
BALANCE AND POSTURAL SWAY 338 Informal Assessment 374
Related Terminology 338 Sharing Assessment Results 375
Balance and Aging 339
TYPES OF ASSESSMENT INSTRUMENTS 375
WALKING PATTERNS IN ADULTHOOD 340 Norm-Referenced Instruments 375
Gait Changes and Aging 341 Criterion-Referenced Instruments 376
Stepping Up and Crossing Obstacles 343 Product-Oriented Assessment 376
FALLS 344 Process-Oriented Assessment 376
Causes of Falls 344 SELECTED NORM-REFERENCED
Consequences of Falling 346 INSTRUMENTS 377
Strategies to Avoid Falls 347 Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development
DRIVING IN OLDER ADULTHOOD 349 III 377
Factors Related to Declines in Driving Ability 350 Bruininks-Oseretsky Test of Motor Proficiency–2 377
Consequences of Age-Related Driving Changes 351 SELECTED PROCESS-ORIENTED ASSESSMENT
Adapting to Age-Related Changes in Driving INSTRUMENTS 377
Ability 351 SIGMA 378
Contents xi
Developmental Sequence of Motor Skills—Component Appendices

Approach 378
Developmental Sequence of Motor Skills Inventory— Appendix A
Total Body Approach 379 Growth Charts: National Center for
Test of Gross Motor Development–2 380 Health Statistics 392
ASSESSING INDIVIDUALS WITH DISABILITIES 382 Appendix B

Peabody Developmental Motor Scales–2 382 Mean Changes in height, Weight, and BMI
Across the Lifespan 402
BOX: Aids in assessing motor skills 383
B.1 Mean height (inches) for persons 2 to 80+
Brigance Diagnostic Inventory of Early
years of age
Development 383
B.2 Mean weight (pounds) for persons 2 to 80+
ASSESSING PHYSICAL FITNESS 383 years of age
The FITNESSGRAM and ACTIVITYGRAM 384 B.3 Mean body mass index for persons 2 to 80+
Presidential Youth Fitness Program 384 years of age
The Brockport Physical Fitness Test 385
Appendix C
The President’s Challenge—Adult Fitness Test 386 Sample Assessment Tools 405
ASSESSING FUNCTIONAL AND PHYSICAL FITNESS C.1 Developmental Sequence of Motor Skills–
OF OLDER ADULTS 387 Component Approach
The Senior Fitness Test 387 C.2 Developmental Sequence of Motor Skills Inventory–
Short Physical Performance Battery 388 Total Body Approach
SUMMARY 388 C.3 Senior Fitness Test Score Card
C.4 Short Physical Performance Battery Protocol and
Score Sheet
online resources 390 Author Index 425
References 390 Subject Index 429
Preface
ith this ninth edition of Human Motor Development: A Lifespan Approach,

W we are delighted to have begun a new working relationship with Holcomb
Hathaway, Publishers. Through this partnership, we continue our long-standing
emphasis on appropriate, research-based undergraduate-level information related to
the study of human motor development. Our primary mission is to present this
book’s content in the most understandable and student-oriented way.
SpeCiAL FeATUReS And ORGAniZATiOn

istorically, human motor development has been studied and presented as a
H process focused primarily on children and adolescents. Our book approaches
the topic as a lifespan proposition, recognizing dramatic demographic changes occur-
ring to U.S. and world populations and the resulting increase in research focused on
people of all ages, including those in early, middle, and late adulthood.
We adhere to the philosophy that human movement is integral to cognitive, social-
emotional, and physical development. We also believe that these areas of development
have a reciprocal and equally powerful effect on motor development. Therefore,
separate chapters are allocated to each of these areas of development and how they
interrelate with human movement.
This edition of Human Motor Development: A Lifespan Approach retains the
straightforward organization of earlier editions. Part I provides an overview of human
development and includes chapters on the relationship between motor development
and cognitive and social development. Part II explores factors affecting development,
including effects of early stimulation and deprivation. Parts III and IV present the
book’s core concepts by examining physical changes and movement across the lifes-
pan. Part V, the culminating section, addresses assessment in motor development.
A number of features throughout the book assist both the student and the
instructor. The book has been written with the undergraduate student in mind. We
have made every effort to explain concepts in a way that is understandable for stu-
dents who are new to the study of human motor development. In addition, each
chapter concludes with a list of key concepts for review, relevant online resources,
questions for review and reflection, and complete references. This edition also offers
ancillary resources for instructors and online study aids for students, as will be dis-
cussed below.
KeY CHAnGeS TO THe ninTH ediTiOn

he ninth edition of Human Motor Development: A Lifespan Approach has
T undergone the most thorough revision and updating since the book’s incep-
tion. All chapters have been substantially modified to reflect contemporary thought
and theory and to improve the book’s readability for students; in addition, almost
all photos are new since the last edition. We have streamlined the book’s content
whenever possible to facilitate more complete coverage of the material during a col-
lege term. The book’s layout has been revamped to make it more appealing while
improving both readability and usability.
xiii
xiv PRefACe
Throughout the text we offer new examples related to adult and older adult devel-
opment (for example, discussion of adult assessment instruments has been expanded
to include the Senior Fitness Test and the Short Physical Performance Battery), thus
expanding our focus on this important developmental phase while maintaining
emphasis on the all-important childhood and adolescent periods.
We are confident that both instructors and students will find the newly con-
structed Appendix C most helpful. This new appendix supplies several evaluation
forms, which can be used while administering several of the assessment instruments
presented throughout the text.
SUppLeMenTS
comprehensive package of supplementary materials designed to enhance teach-
A ing and learning is available with the ninth edition of Human Motor Develop-
ment: A Lifespan Approach.
instructor’s Manual and Testbank

The updated manual includes a sample syllabus; a testbank with more than 400 mul-
tiple-choice and short essay questions; suggested assignments for each chapter; and a
group of extended assignments. For the instructor, the extended assignments include
such details as expected length, criteria for evaluation, and challenges the student
may encounter in completing the assignment. These assignments are in a ready-to-
use format or are easily adaptable to the instructor’s own course or preferences.
The testbank is also available via the Respondus platform, allowing you to cre-
ate and manage exams that can be printed out or integrated with Blackboard, D2L,
Moodle, and other learning systems.
powerpoint Slides
A complete set of PowerPoint slides is available for download. Keyed to the major
points in each chapter, these slide sets can be modified or expanded to better fit your
lectures.
Student Companion Website (www.routledge.com/cw/payne)

The companion website gives students a variety of study and learning tools, including:
■ Short answer, true–false, and matching quizzes for review and test preparation.
■ An interactive key concept review and glossary.
■ Lab activities.
■ Links to YouTube videos that demonstrate key movement concepts.
■ Links to key motor development online resources.
■ Three additional online Resource Chapters: “Moral and Motor Development,”
“Developmental Motor Delays,” and “Planning and Conducting Developmen-
tal Moving Programs.”
Acknowledgments
e extend special thanks to everyone at Holcomb Hathaway, Publishers. Their

W guidance through the revision process was dedicated, detailed, and professional.
Though Holcomb Hathaway publishes many other books, we felt as though we had
their full attention throughout the publication process. Most impressively, their care-
ful consideration of our work and collegial input made the process rewarding and
enjoyable. We thoroughly enjoyed creating this edition of our book. Our thanks to
everyone at Holcomb Hathaway, including executive editor Colette Kelly, produc-
tion director Gay Pauley, marketing manager Sally Scott, and website coordinator
Kristy Carlton. In addition, thanks to copyeditor Patricia Sanders and designer/com-
positors John and Rhonda Wincek of Aerocraft Charter Art Service.
We are particularly grateful to the following reviewers for their constructive sug-
gestions for improving this edition: Greg Bullock, William Carey University; Carol
Cole, Sinclair Community College; Charmaine DeFrancesco, Florida International
University; S. Dee Ellis, Winston-Salem State University; Allison Jackson, Samford
University; Marquell Johnson, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire; Cathy Lirgg, Uni-
versity of Arkansas; Wesley Meeteer, Concord University; Michelle E. Moosbrugger,
Springfield College; Leah Robinson, University of Michigan; Samantha Summers,
University of Tulsa; Katherine Thomas, University of North Texas; Christina Turn-
bow, Tennessee Technological University; and Leslie Williams, The University of
Tampa. The book is better as a result of their help.
Our sincere thanks to Kim Komenich, who contributed the photographs appearing
in Chapter 9. We would again like to extend our gratitude to Dr. John Haubenstricker,
Dr. Vern Seefeldt, and their colleagues at Michigan State University for providing us
with research data and supporting studies pertaining to the “total body approach”
for describing developmental sequences (presented in Chapters 12, 13, and 16). Dr.
Joy Kiger produced the film tracings for this work. Joy is a former doctoral student
at Michigan State University and is currently a member of the faculty at Otterbein
University in Westerville, Ohio. Finally, our thanks to Dr. Stephen Langendorfer for
allowing us to reprint his “Developmental Sequence Decision Rule” forms, which are
discussed in Chapter 16 and appear in Appendix C.
xv
About The Authors
Greg Payne is a Professor in the Department of Kinesiology at San Jose State

University. He formerly served as the Associate Dean for Research in the Col-
lege of Applied Sciences and Arts and as Chair of the Department of Kinesiology.
Payne is a specialist in human motor development, with interests ranging from aging
and physical activity to children’s sports and fitness. He received a B.S. degree from
Western Illinois University and later received that institution’s Distinguished Alumni
Award. He earned an M.A. from the University of Iowa and his PED from Indiana
University. Payne worked for the Venezuelan Ministry of Education as a Peace Corps
Volunteer in Venezuela following his undergraduate work.
As a human motor development researcher and educator, Payne has produced
over 150 publications, including numerous refereed articles and 18 editions of five
books, and has made nearly 300 presentations throughout the world. He is a fellow
of the National Academy of Kinesiology and was a member of the task force that
developed the NASPE National Physical Education Standards. The many honors and
awards Payne has received include the Distinguished Service Award from the Califor-
nia Governor’s Council on Physical Fitness and Sports and the prestigious Research
Quarterly for Exercise and Sport Research Writing Award for research involving chil-
dren’s physical activity and cardiovascular endurance. He has held offices in several
organizations including President of NASPE and Chair of the Motor Development
Academy. He is a Fellow of the Research Consortium of AAHPERD (SHAPE), has
chaired two editorial boards, and has reviewed for many journals.
Payne lives in San Jose, California, with his wife, Linda, and their crazy dog,
Jake. Jake is the fastest runner and highest jumper in the family; some would say he
is also the most well behaved.
Larry D. Isaacs is Professor Emeritus and former Director of the Exercise Physiology
Program, Department of Biological Sciences, College of Science and Mathematics at
Wright State University. Isaacs received both his B.S. and M.S. degrees from Virginia
Commonwealth University, where he specialized in human motor development and
also developed a strong interest in both human physiology and exercise physiology.
Following four years of public school teaching, Isaacs attended the University of
Maryland and received his doctorate in 1979. He continues to serve as a reviewer for
many scholarly journals. In addition, he has published numerous scholarly articles
and has authored, coauthored, and contributed to 19 textbooks. He is certified
with the American College of Sports Medicine (Certified Exercise Physiologist) and
was awarded Research Fellow status by AAHPERD/SHAPE. In addition, he has
received the Wright State University Presidential Recognition award for research.
More recently he accepted a position on the NASE (National Association of Speed
and Explosion) Editorial Review Board. Isaacs continues to work part-time as a
clinical exercise physiologist at Hilton Head Hospital, Hilton Head Island, South
Carolina, where he works with both cardiac and pulmonary patients.
In his leisure time, Isaacs enjoys golf, photography, cycling, and playing with his
grandson, Liam.
Note: The authors’ names appear side by side on the title page to denote an equal contribution to the production of this textbook.
xvii
To the Student
www.routledge.com/cw/payne
Visit the Human Motor Development website designed to accompany your textbook for study aids and
additional resources. To help you prepare for exams and extend your learning, the companion website
provides a variety of tools, including:
● Short answer, true–false, and matching quizzes for review and test preparation.
● An interactive key concept review and glossary.
● Lab activities.
● Links to YouTube videos that demonstrate key movement concepts.
● Links to key motor development online resources.
● Three additional online Resource Chapters: “Moral and Motor Development,” “Developmental Motor
Delays,” and “Planning and Conducting Developmental Moving Programs.”
xviii
Introduction to Motor Development
1
CHAPTER OBJECTIVES
From the information presented in this chapter, you will be able to
● Define human development and human motor development
● Explain why the study of human motor development is important
● Describe the four domains of human development and explain how they interact
● Explain the concepts of development, maturation, and growth, and describe the elements of
developmental change
● Define common terms in the study of human motor development
● Describe the process–product controversy and how it relates to human motor development
● Define various terms for age periods throughout the lifespan
● Describe and explain the “Mountain of Motor Development.” Why is it important?
● List the periods and describe the history of the field of motor development
1
2 part I An Overview of Development
HUMAN MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

uman motor development is both a process through which we pass during the
H course of life and an academic field of study. As a human process, motor devel-
opment refers to the changes that occur in our ability to move and our movement in
general as we proceed through the lifespan. As a field of study, it is the “study of
changes in human movement across the lifespan and the processes that affect those
changes” (Clark & Whitall, 1989, p. 194). Or, to paraphrase Whitall (2009), as a field
of study, motor development seeks to determine what changes we see in human move-
ment and when, how, and why change occurs. Motor development research is often
interdisciplinary; we team with experts from other areas of study to do our research.
However, what makes motor development researchers unique in the field of human
movement is that we do not stop with understanding the present motor behavior; our
primary interest in change drives us to understand what the movement was, what it
will be, and how and why it was and will be. We refer to this approach as a develop-
mental perspective.
THE IMPORTANCE OF MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

uman development is a diverse, complex area of study in which we cannot con-
H sider ourselves completely educated until we understand all aspects of the changes
that occur throughout the lifespan. We must strive to understand the movement chang-
es that we commonly experience with age and their accompanying intellectual,
social, and emotional changes. Our knowledge of all aspects of human development
is valuable because it contributes to a general body of knowledge that enhances our
understanding of ourselves and the world we live in. Although knowledge gained
purely for the sake of knowledge is important, there are practical applications for
our knowledge of motor development.
For easy communication and efficient organization, we divide the study of human
development into the cognitive, affective (socioemotional), motor, and physical
domains. These domains of human behavior are constantly interacting, and a com-
plete understanding of any one domain requires knowledge of the domains with which
it interacts. Full understanding of motor development, therefore, requires knowledge
of the cognitive, affective, and physical domains because they so profoundly affect
movement behavior. Conversely, full understanding of human development in the
cognitive, affective, and physical domains requires knowledge of motor development.
As discussed in upcoming chapters, motor development has profound effects on the
development of cognitive, social, and physical behaviors throughout the lifespan.
Knowledge of motor development has other applications, as well. For exam-
ple, understanding the way people typically develop movement skills throughout
the lifespan enables us to diagnose problems in those individuals who may be devel-
oping atypically. Consider an infant who does not exhibit a particular reflex at the
expected time of appearance. As discussed in greater detail in Chapter 9, certain
reflexive movements typically occur at certain ages. Any significant deviations from
the expected time line may indicate the need for special treatment.
Understanding human motor development is also important for helping people
improve their movement performance, which can yield many benefits. For example,
an improved self-concept often accompanies improved movement and enables a per-
son to become more emotionally stable and satisfied. Also, because there are links
among all domains of behavior, improvement in the motor domain may indirectly
lead to improvements in intellectual or social development. Activities can be devised
to assist in the development of movement potential. To create such a movement cur-
riculum with accuracy, we must know about typically developing motor development.
With that knowledge and the subsequent structuring of developmentally appropriate
movement tasks, we can challenge individuals relative to their levels of achievement.
Introduction to Motor Development Chapter 1 3
Developmentally appropriate (appropriate for the individual and for his or her age)
movement curricula lead to more effective learning of motor tasks because the partic-
ipants seldom become frustrated or bored by tasks that are too difficult or too easy.
For these reasons, knowledge of motor development is important for movement
specialists working with typically developing children. This same knowledge can
often be applied in work with individuals with special needs, especially persons with
intellectual delays. Although many conditions lead to a developmental lag in an indi-
vidual’s movement performance, the sequence or pattern of development generally
remains similar to the typically developing pattern, making comparisons among dif-
fering populations useful. For example, in research examining children with Down
syndrome, Jobling (1999) stated that, compared with children who function typical-
ly, these children have specific motor impairments, though progress can be observed
with age and intervention. Jobling also noted that the degree of impairment is gener-
ally related to the individual’s mental, rather than chronological, age. Furthermore,
a wide range of proficiency was noted in children with Down syndrome at the same
age level, with the most significant delays being detected in the area of balance. Gen-
der differences within Jobling’s sample reflected trends often noted in populations
that are nondisabled: boys tend to perform better than girls on gross motor tasks,
and girls tend to outperform boys on fine motor tasks.
In research studying motor skill development in young children with autism spec-
trum disorder (ASD), MacDonald, Lord, and Ulrich (2014) noted that these children
often have deficits in motor skill starting at a very young age. Specifically, gait, control
of posture, general fine and gross motor skill, and the ability to plan motor strategies
were found to be affected. In addition, the severity of the
deficit was highly correlated with the severity of the chil- table 1.1
dren’s ASD symptomology. Understanding the nature
Why should we study motor development?
of these delays, according to these authors, may be inte-
gral to effective preliminary diagnosis of this condition. 1. Human development is multifaceted. In addition to changes
These authors also suggest that children with ASD may in human movement, intellectual, social, and emotional
benefit from early intervention programs designed to changes occur. Because these domains of human development
enhance motor skills and note a “need for well-con- are in constant interaction, we can never fully understand
trolled motor skill based early interventions for young ourselves until we fully understand each of these domains,
children with ASD” (p. 101). In short, understanding including the motor domain.
the pattern of motor skill development in children with 2. Knowledge of the way most people develop in their movement
ASD may be integral in predicting the severity of ASD enables us to diagnose cases that are sufficiently atypical to
and to developing intervention and rehabilitation strate- warrant intervention and remediation.
gies, techniques, and programs for young children with
ASD (MacDonald, Lord, and Ulrich, 2014). 3. Knowledge of human motor development allows the establish-
Clearly, the study of motor development offers many ment of developmentally appropriate activities that enable
optimal teaching/learning of movement skills for people of
benefits. See Table 1.1 for a summary of the importance
all ages and all ability levels.
of such research and knowledge.
THE DOMAINS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

ver 60 years ago, Benjamin Bloom (1956) devised a taxonomy (method of
O classification or organization) to categorize educational objectives. In his
taxonomy, he created three categories of educational objectives and deemed each
a “domain.” These domains were the cognitive, the affective, and the psychomo-
tor. Though our focus in this book is not educational objectives, Bloom’s domains,
with one significant change, work nicely in categorizing the study of human devel-
opment. The significant change is to add one more domain, the physical domain.
These four domains provide a neat framework for organizing our study of human
development. The cognitive domain, which concerns human intellectual develop-
ment, has been the main focus of developmentalists throughout history. Jean Piaget,
the most prominent developmentalist of all time, empha-

sized intellectual development. His work in relationship
to motor development is examined in Chapter 2. To
understand cognitive development in a practical way,
imagine a third-grade girl sitting at her desk at school.
If our focus is on her cognitive development, we would
be most concerned with her reading, problem solving in
math, pondering facts in social studies, and other simi-
lar activities.
The affective domain is primarily concerned with
the social and emotional aspects of human development.
Thus, we often refer to this domain as the socioemotion-
al domain, a term recognizable to most. In considering
our third-grader, we would focus on aspects such as her
feelings of self-worth, her ability to interact with her
peers in the classroom, and how she feels about their
figure 1.1
interactions with her (see Figure 1.1).
The psychomotor, or motor, domain is the main focus of this book. Here, we
The affective domain includes emphasize the development of human movement and the factors that affect that
the social and emotional aspects development. In this domain, for our third-grader, focus shifts to examinations of
of human development. her handwriting ability; her movement technique and level of maturity in running,
throwing, and jumping; and her rhythmic ability in dance activities.
As mentioned, the fourth domain involves physical change. We believe that this
domain, too often merged with the motor domain, deserves separate recognition.
Here, we include all types of bodily change. With regard to our third-grader, we are
concerned with bodily types of change such as her increases in height and weight.
Has body fat increased or decreased? What is her range of motion around joints or
her cardiorespiratory endurance? Though these factors all affect the other domains,
they can also be clearly distinguished.
Finally, though these four domains are extremely useful in organizing our study of
human development, we must remember that this organizational schema is also a bit
artificial. When we think in terms of discrete categories
figure 1.2 of development, we imagine our third-grader switching
The four domains of human development are useful for into and out of domains of development based on wheth-
categorizing our study of such areas as motor develop- er she has been given a math worksheet or has just heard
ment. However, we must remember that these domains the recess bell. In fact, these domains constantly inter-
are not discrete; they are in constant interaction with act with one another. Each influences all of the others
one another.
and, in turn, is influenced by all of the others (see Figure
1.2). For example, has your performance on a written
exam (cognitive domain) ever been influenced by your
emotional state (affective domain)? Does your muscular
strength (physical domain) affect your athletic perfor-
Affective Motor
mance (motor domain)? Or, have you ever been affected
emotionally (affective domain) by measures of your own
body fat or muscle mass (physical domain)?
Because the interaction of domains is so preva-
lent in human development, isolating any one area of
development can be difficult. Thus, though our prima-
ry intent is to emphasize changes in human movement
Cognitive Physical throughout the lifespan, we often examine the inter-
actions just described, with special focus on human
movement. Specific examples include Chapters 2 and 3,
where we examine motor development in relationship
to cognitive and affective (socioemotional) develop-
Psychomotor or motor?
For this book we deliberately chose to use motor as a general term centers or the central nervous system, we use the more general
to refer to any form of human movement behavior, rather than using term motor so as not to exclude the reflexes from the movement-
the narrower term psychomotor. Psychomotor is particularly use- related domain, the motor domain.
ful for referring to the domain of human development that involves Nevertheless, the term psychomotor deserves special atten-
human movement. Although generally used synonymously with the tion. This word was coined in recognition of the interaction between
term motor, psychomotor actually refers to those movements ini- the mind (psycho) and human movement (motor). The mind is a criti-
tiated by an electrical impulse from the higher brain centers, for cal component in the production of almost all human movement. This
example, the motor cortex. Most human movement is the result of interactive relationship is thoroughly examined in Chapter 2. We also
such stimulation. However, because there is a form of movement study the equally important effects of human movement on mental or
behavior—reflexive movement—that is initiated in the lower brain cognitive development.
ment. In Chapters 6 and 7, the emphasis will be on the interrelationship between the
physical and motor domains.
DEVELOPMENT, MATURATION, AND GROWTH

Development
The term development, as it applies to human beings, is generally considered to refer
to changes we experience as we pass through life. Though this book focuses on human
movement, people obviously develop intellectually, socially, and emotionally, as well.
The term development has increased in popularity, especially in educational circles,
since the publication by the National Association for the Education of Young Children
(NAEYC) of a 1997 position statement and guidelines on developmentally appropriate
practice for early childhood programs. A similar updated statement was published in
2009 (NAEYC, 2009). The 1997 document was meant to “describe developmentally
appropriate practice in early childhood programs for administrators, teachers, parents,
policy makers, and others who make decisions about care and education for young chil-
dren” (Bredekamp & Copple, 1997, p. 1). Its authors believed that many programs for
very young children failed to consider the “basic developmental needs of young chil-
dren.” They noted, “Programs should be tailored to meet the needs of children, rather
than expecting children to adjust to the demands of a specific program” (p. 1). In other
words, programs should be developmentally appropriate. According to the NAEYC,
this term has two dimensions: age appropriateness and individual appropriateness.
Age appropriateness refers to the predictable sequences of growth and development
through which most children pass. Knowledge of these sequences provides a basis upon
which we can build to provide optimal instructional experiences for children. Profes-
sional decisions based on these sequences should be “grounded in the research . . . and
promote young children’s optimal learning and development” (p. 1). Individual appro-
priateness refers to the uniqueness of each child. Though predictable developmental
sequences exist, children have individual patterns and rates of growth, as well as unique
personalities, approaches to learning, and home experiences. Educators must consider
all such matters when composing learning activities for children, in any domain.
According to the NAEYC’s position statement (2009), “intentionality” is inte-
gral to the concept of developmental appropriateness. Thus, child development
practitioners should purposefully use current research and knowledge of children’s
development when making decisions and establishing goals for a child’s education
and achievement. The position statement continues by describing what informed
practitioners are able to do; they are
able to make broad predictions about what children of a particular age group
typically will be like, what they typically will and will not be capable of, and
what strategies and approaches will most likely promote their optimal learning and
development. (p. 9)
To be most effective in working with children, we should start by “thinking about
what we know from theory and practice about children of the age and developmental
status represented. This knowledge provides a general idea of the activities, routines,
interactions, and curriculum that will be effective with that group” (p. 10). However,
we must simultaneously consider who the child is as an individual within the scope of
their own environment and social situation. These kinds of considerations will form
the basis for the selection of developmentally appropriate educational experiences.
As a result of the increase in their popularity, terms such as development and
developmentally appropriate have come to be frequently misused or abused, taking
on many meanings according to individual agendas. The term development must be
clearly defined and understood if the concept is to be optimally integrated into pro-
grams for children and youth. In this book, the term refers to the changes that all
human beings face across their lifespan. Such changes result from increasing age, as
well as from one’s experiences in life, one’s genetic potential, and the interactions of
all three factors at any given time. Therefore, development is “an interactional pro-
cess that leads to changes in behavior over the life-span” (Motor Development Task
Force, 1995, p. 2).
Elements of developmental change

According to a position statement prepared by the Motor Development Task Force,
six elements or components comprise developmental change: it is qualitative, sequen-
tial, cumulative, directional, multifactorial, and individual (see Table 1.2).
Qualitative. Qualitative implies that developmental change is not just “more of some-
thing.” It also implies that developmental change may not always be a progressive or
positive change. As we’ll discuss in more detail in Chapter 11, handwriting development
in the later stages of life qualitatively changes. The technique, or process, employed in
writing may subtly evolve, as well as the product (output) of the handwriting.
Sequential. The sequential element of change implies that certain motor patterns
precede others and that the patterns are orderly in their appearance. According to
the NAEYC position statement (2009), “Many aspects of children’s learning and
development follow well documented sequences with
table 1.2 later abilities, skills, and knowledge building on those
Elements of developmental change. already acquired” (p. 11). Nevertheless, develop-
ment often proceeds at different rates for different
Development is children, though the sequence may remain unaltered.
● Qualitative ● Directional
For example, we leap (e.g., making an extended run-
● Sequential ● Multifactorial
ning stride to cross a small stream) before we run, or we
● Cumulative ● Individual
reach before we grasp. Sequences of development have
been identified in motor development, and knowledge
Understanding the elements of developmental change is essential of these sequences is crucial for optimal teaching and
to attaining a developmental perspective: looking at current interventions related to movement skills.
behaviors with an interest in what preceded them and what will
follow, and understanding that development is “age related but Cumulative. Cumulative suggests that behaviors are
not completely age determined” (Motor Development Task Force, additive. Current behaviors are built on previous ones.
1995, p. 5). The early behaviors are, therefore, stepping stones
Source: Position statement of the National Association of Sport and to more mature movements. For example, unassisted
Physical Education (NASPE) prepared by the Motor Development Task standing evolves from the ability to stand with a mini-
Force (1995). mum of support or a handhold from a caregiver.
Directional. The directional element suggests that development has an ultimate

goal. We generally tend to think of development as progressive, but it can also be
regressive. In other words, skills can become less mature. This can happen as a result
of ceasing training or practice or through the long-term effects of aging or disease.
Multifactorial. Developmental change is also multifactorial. This means that no one

factor directs such change. Factors that can influence developmental change include
physical characteristics, such as strength, flexibility, and endurance, and emotional fac-
tors, such as motivation. The environment can also affect change. As we enter the later
part of life, environmental factors such as exercise, practice, and therapy play critical
roles in the maintenance of our movement abilities.
Individual. Individual implies that the rate of developmental change varies for all peo-
ple, though the general sequence of development remains relatively similar. One child
may exhibit a relatively mature pattern for running at 4 years of age, and another’s
running pattern may remain quite immature at the same age. Change is the result of
many factors that interact in unique ways. Factors that make development individual
include the individual characteristics of each body and the equally unique environmen-
tal circumstances surrounding each person (Motor Development Task Force, 1995).
Developmental perspective
Understanding these elements of developmental change is critical to gaining a devel-
opmental perspective in which we consider not just today’s behavior but what
preceded the behavior and what will evolve from it. For example, when we take this
perspective, we will not consider age alone when we assess development. Though age
is important, development is “age related but not completely age determined” (Motor
Development Task Force, 1995, p. 5). In other words, most 7-year-olds use a mature
technique in handwriting. However, the fact that a child is 7 does not ensure this level
of development. Furthermore, when a 4-year-old does not take a step in batting a ball,
this pattern is not incorrect. It may be quite appropriate for the developmental status
of the child. Though this batting technique would not indicate a mature performance,
the child may be well on his or her way to a mature pattern of batting.
Maturation and Growth

Two other terms important to our understanding of human development are matu-
ration and growth. In daily conversation, these terms can be used interchangeably.
Although it is acceptable in casual conversation to use the terms development,
maturation, and growth synonymously, for the purposes of study and research we
must use them carefully, according to specific definitions for each. In this text-
book, development includes both maturation and growth. The qualitative functional
changes that occur with age are collectively known as maturation. Growth refers to
the quantitative structural changes that occur with age. Although both terms indicate
specific aspects of a metamorphosis from childhood to adulthood, maturation refers
to organizational changes in the function of the organs and tissues. The individual’s
behavior is subsequently modified as a result of these qualitative changes. An exam-
ple of maturation is the neurological organization of the brain during childhood.
Virtually all anatomical parts of the brain are present from very early in childhood,
but qualitative change in brain function occurs throughout childhood, enabling chil-
dren to achieve ever higher levels of cognitive ability.
Growth can be simply described as an increase in physical size. This physical trans-
formation primarily involves hyperplasia—an increase in cell number; hypertrophy—an
increase in cell size; and accretion—an increase in intercellular matter (Malina, Bou-
chard, & Bar-Or, 2004). Although these processes are gradual, generally imperceptible
phenomena, they become increasingly evident when a human being is observed over a
long period of time. One of the most noticeable examples of growth occurs at the onset
of adolescence: both male and female individuals experience a growth spurt. During
that time, an increase in height of several inches over a single year is not unusual. That
increase in height, independent of any simultaneous changes, is growth.
Maturation and growth should be separately defined for facilitating our understand-
ing of development, but they are related aspects of the developmental process. Growth
and maturation are intertwined because functions change as the body grows. However,
most people’s rate of growth (other than increase in body fat) slows greatly when they
are about 20 years old. In contrast, maturation proceeds until the end of the lifespan.
TRENDS IN GROWTH AND MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

s discussed earlier, there are important reasons why we need a general understand-
A ing of human motor development. Although many of us pride ourselves on the
characteristics that make us unique, the general motor development of all human beings
is remarkably similar. Motor development researchers use several terms to describe the
general growth and maturation trends that occur throughout the population.
Developmental Direction
Cephalocaudal and proximodistal are frequently referred to as the developmen-
tal directions because they indicate the direction in which growth and movement
maturation proceeds. Cephalocaudal literally means “from the head to the tail.” Spe-
cifically, this term refers to the development of the human being from the top of the
body, the head, downward toward the “tail” or the feet. This phenomenon is espe-
cially noticeable as it applies to growth. The head of a human fetus or infant is much
larger than the head of an older child, adolescent, or adult relative to the body. The
head experiences greater growth earlier than the rest of the body.
The cephalocaudal concept can also be applied to the maturation of human move-
ment. The development of walking is an excellent example. When children first learn to
walk, their legs are stiff and their feet flat. This awkward but typical walking technique
is partly caused by cephalocaudal development. Control over the muscles that govern
the hip joint enables the infant to swing the entire leg, but the child has not yet achieved
similar ability at the knee or the ankle. With time, the child will gain comparable con-
trol at the knee and then the ankle, eventually achieving the mature walking technique.
Proximodistal, the second developmental direction, literally means “from those
points close to the body’s center to those points close to the periphery, or farthest from
the body’s center.” This phenomenon is evidenced by human prenatal growth. The
human evolves from the neural groove, a tiny elongated mass of cells that eventually
forms the central portion of the body, the spinal column. From that central portion of
the body, all else will evolve until the fingers and toes have been completed.
A similar process occurs in the acquisition of movement skill, such as an infant’s
early attempts at reaching and grasping (prehension). Initially, the infant’s arm is
controlled by the muscles that are predominantly responsible for shoulder move-
ment. Gradually, dominance over the elbow also evolves, which allows much greater
accuracy of movement. Finally, control over the wrist and then the fingers concludes
the typical progression in prehension.
Interestingly, as a person ages and movement ability begins to regress, the ceph-
alocaudal and proximodistal processes reverse themselves. The most currently
acquired movements of the lower body or periphery will be the first to exhibit signs
of regression. The process of movement regression slowly evolves in a “tail to head”
and “outside-in” direction. However, as discussed in upcoming chapters, people can
slow such regression throughout most of their lives.
The cephalocaudal and proximodistal concepts are useful tools

in our efforts to gain a general understanding of motor development.
These processes generally apply to human growth and motor devel-
opment, but there are a few exceptions. For example, in the case of
prehension, a child typically acquires control of the fingers before
control of the thumb. Some may consider this an exception to the
proximodistal rule because the thumb is generally closer to the body’s
center than are the fingers (though not in the anatomical position).
Differentiation and Integration

Two other terms useful for describing general motor development
are differentiation and integration. Differentiation is the progression
from gross, immature movement to precise, well-controlled, inten-
tional movement. Walking illustrates differentiation. Whereas early
in the development of the walking pattern the leg swing is predom-
inantly under the control of the large muscles surrounding the hip
joint, eventually each segment of the leg becomes differentiated. That
is, each segment of the leg develops a unique duty or specialization in
the walking pattern, and, thus, the stiff, inconsistent gait that char-
acterizes immature walking evolves into a more efficient movement
pattern as the segments of the leg begin to function as individual units
rather than as a unified block. figure 1.3
Integration is a related, similar change that occurs as an individual’s movement
ability gradually progresses. As just described, various muscle systems develop or A young child receiving a suc-
change duties as movement skill improves. As the muscle systems become differenti- cession of toys may exhibit
ated, they also become more capable of functioning together. For example, a young integration of the hands and
child who is handed a toy may hold on to it with only the hand closest to the toy. arms by acquiring a toy in
If the child is immediately handed a second toy on the same side, she will place the one hand and storing it in the
first toy in her other hand for safekeeping, if she is capable of integrating the use of other. This storage process
one hand with the other. The child who is incapable of such integration or coordina- frees the receiving hand for
tion will simply discard the first toy in favor of the second one, freeing the receiving additional receptions.
hand to take the new toy (see Figure 1.3). This movement may represent the hands’
or arms’ lack of integrative ability for this particular task.
Like the cephalocaudal and proximodistal processes, differentiation and inte-
gration reverse when movement regression occurs later in life. In other words, the
improved motor ability acquired as a result of differentiation and integration is grad-
ually lost. The coordination achieved between body parts and the parts’ ability to
perform highly specific duties during movement activity return to a lower level of
functioning. Individuals can allay such regression, however, by maintaining certain
habits and attitudes throughout life. Adulthood and movement regression are dis-
cussed in Chapter 15.
Gross Movement and Fine Movement

The terms gross movement and fine movement are generally used to categorize types
of movements; however, they can also generally describe motor development. Gross
movements are primarily controlled by the large muscles or muscle groups. One
relatively large muscle group, for example, is in the upper leg. These muscles are
integral in producing an array of movements, such as walking, running, and skip-
ping. Such movements, primarily a function of large muscle groups, are considered
gross movements.
Fine movements are primarily governed by the small muscles or muscle groups.
Many movements performed with the hands are considered fine movements because
the smaller muscles of the fingers, hand, and forearm are critical to the production
of finger and hand movement. Therefore, such movements as drawing, sewing, typ-
ing, or playing a musical instrument are considered fine movements.
Although movements are frequently categorized as gross or fine, very few are
completely governed by either the small or the large muscle groups. For example,
handwriting is typically considered a fine movement, but, as in most fine move-
ments, there is a gross motor component: the large muscles of the shoulder are
necessary for positioning the arm before the more subtle movements that the smaller
muscles create can be effective.
A combination of the large and small muscle groups is often responsible for the
production of gross movements, as well. Throwing, for example, is considered a gross
movement, a logical categorization because upon casual observation the most signifi-
cant muscle involvement appears to emanate from the shoulder and the legs. A throw,
however, is typically initiated with the intention of a certain degree of accuracy. The
large muscles of the shoulder and the legs contribute greatly to the desired accuracy,
but minute, subtle adjustments of the wrist and fingers are imperative for optimal pre-
cision. Therefore, although throwing is considered a gross movement, a fine motor
component is critical to perfection in throwing. In fact, the degree of fine motor con-
trol is a reasonably accurate indication of movement perfection. An individual may be
capable of performing the necessary gross motor aspects of a movement, but the skill
may not be honed until the person acquires the fine motor components.
We can use the terms gross motor and fine motor either to categorize movement
or to describe general progression or regression in motor development. As a person
matures in a particular movement, the fine components of the skill become increas-
ingly significant; the person becomes increasingly adept at both fine and gross motor
aspects of the movement. During movement regression, which often occurs from
lack of activity in later life, the reverse occurs: the performer initially loses the abil-
ity to incorporate the fine motor aspect of the movement. After extreme regression,
even the gross motor components of a movement begin to diminish.
THE PROCESS–PRODUCT CONTROVERSY

s described in the previous section, we can observe and usefully categorize move-
A ments by simple and general means. Often, however, movement specialists require
more specific measurement. Depending on the objective of their investigation and their
philosophical stance, researchers generally use a product or a process approach.
In the product, or task-oriented, approach to measuring movement (Malina et al.,
2004), the end result—the outcome—of the movement is the focus. For example, for a
child’s catching performance, the product-oriented approach analyzes the child’s con-
trol of the ball.
The process-oriented approach emphasizes the movement itself, with little attention
to the movement’s outcome. In the example of catching, a researcher who is taking the
process-oriented approach focuses on the technique the child uses to attempt to receive
the ball accurately rather than the child’s amount of ball control. In some cases, the
movement product and process are the same. Although the process and product can be
easily distinguished in a movement like catching, in many gymnastics-related movements
the process involved is also the product. For example, in a movement like a forward roll
(as in catching), the process is the technique used to perform the movement. However,
in the forward roll, the technique can also be the desired product because in competitive
situations such movements are judged on their level of perfection.
The process orientation has grown more popular over the years because research-
ers believe that process, compared with outcome, unveils more information about
the underlying factors critical to understanding human movement. However, the
product orientation, criticized for its lack of concern for the underlying movement
processes, can be valuable in movement research designed to have educational impli-

cations. For example, considerable research has attempted to determine the factors
that most significantly affect the outcome of certain movement skills. Children’s
success in movement outcome is widely accepted as an important factor in keep-
ing children interested in and motivated by the activity. Product-oriented research
can determine that certain variables negatively or positively affect movement out-
come, potentially hampering or enhancing the child’s likelihood of further pursuing
the movement activity. Although the process approach was derived from dissatisfac-
tion with the product approach, both means of analyzing movement have potential
value in motor development.
TERMS FOR AGE PERIODS THROUGHOUT THE LIFESPAN

s depicted in Figure 1.4, specific terms are applied to the various age periods
A throughout the lifespan. These terms vary slightly from source to source in the
ages specified but otherwise are generally accepted for use in the study of human devel-
opment. These terms are not intended to suggest that everyone in a particular age
range will possess the same movement characteristics.
The terms are helpful in organizing our discussion and figure 1.4
communicating statements about persons at a particu-
Age periods across the lifespan.
lar time of life. Because these terms are frequently used
throughout this book, we now briefly discuss them in the
order of their occurrence. Death
Prenatal
Late adulthood
The first age period is the prenatal period, which spans

the time from conception to birth. This period was once
considered insignificant for human development but
is now believed to be one of the most influential peri- 60 years
ods in the entire lifespan, particularly during the first

8 weeks of the prenatal period, the embryonic period. Middle adulthood
During the embryonic period, the developing human is

known as an embryo. At the conclusion of the first 8 40 years
weeks of gestation, the fetal period begins. The onset of
the fetal period is often described as the point at which Early adulthood
the individual has become recognizable as a human
being. Organogenesis, the formation of the vital organs, Height growth cessation
has occurred, although considerable growth and matu- (approximately 20 years)
ration have yet to take place. The individual is referred Adolescence
to as a fetus until the fetal period culminates at birth. Puberty

(approximately 12 years)
Late childhood
Infancy and Toddlerhood 9 years

Middle childhood
The first 22 days following birth make up the neonatal 7 years
period. These 22 days are included in the period known
as infancy. Therefore, a baby younger than 22 days 4 years
can be called an infant or, more specifically, a neonate. Early Toddlerhood
childhood
Infancy lasts from birth throughout the first year of life, Onset of walking
(approximately 1 year)
to the onset of independent walking. Infancy
22 days after birth
Neonatal period
Once children have begun to walk alone, they are Birth
considered toddlers. The approximate mean age for this Prenatal
Fetal period
8 weeks
landmark occurrence is 1 year; toddlerhood culminates period Embryonic period
Conception
at 4 years.
Childhood
Somewhat arbitrary limits have been established to distinguish early childhood, which
follows toddlerhood, from middle childhood. Early childhood begins at approxi-
mately age 4 and ends when the child is 7 years old. Middle childhood ceases at 9 years
and precedes preadolescence or late childhood. Late childhood spans approximately
3 years and, as with all the periods discussed here, does not necessarily indicate an
abrupt transformation to a new mode of behavior. An individual in the late child-
hood period is typically quite different in many respects from a person in middle
childhood. However, the transformation is gradual, with the newly emerging behav-
iors often imperceptible. In fact, the transition from the first to the second year of
late childhood may involve behavioral change as profound as that in the transition
from the last year of middle childhood to the first year of late childhood.
Though this terminology is somewhat arbitrary, dividing the the childhood stage
into these age periods helps organize our study, facilitates our communication, and
promotes efficiency in examining the entire lifespan.
Adolescence
The next age period, adolescence, is marked by a significant landmark of life. According
to most developmentalists, the process known as puberty begins adolescence. Puberty is
a time of radical hormonal releases that are directly and indirectly associated with many
of the behavioral changes accompanying adolescence. This phenomenon is more thor-
oughly discussed in later chapters dealing with human physical changes and their effects
on motor development. This important developmental landmark commonly occurs in
girls around age 11 and in boys around age 13. For this reason we should declare sepa-
rate times of onset for adolescence based on gender. Although the onset of adolescence
is signaled by puberty, its termination is sometimes determined by sociocultural fac-
tors such as graduating from high school or reaching voting age. Some simply assume
that completion of the teen years indicates attainment of adulthood. The most com-
monly referenced indicator, however, is physical—the achievement of maximal height.
According to this measure, adulthood is typically achieved by young women at around
age 19; young men usually require 2 additional years (Malina et al., 2004).
Adulthood
Adulthood typically spans a much greater time than any of the preceding periods
of life. In fact, adulthood commonly encompasses more than 60 years. To orga-
nize our discussion, we divide this lengthy block of time into early, middle, and
late adulthood. Early adulthood begins at age 20 and continues until age 40. Mid-
dle adulthood encompasses the subsequent 20 years, ending at age 60. Finally, late
adulthood begins at 60 and ends at death. With people gradually living longer lives,
the term “old-old” has come into common use to describe adults over the age of 80
years. It is the last age period and precedes death.
STAGES OF DEVELOPMENT
he age periods we discussed in the previous section could all be termed stages,
T or age stages. Stage is one of the most frequently encountered words in the
study of human development, often used interchangeably with period, phase, time,
or even level. The term stage implies that there are particular times in the life of a
human being that are characterized by certain behaviors. These behaviors are not
evident prior to the onset of the stage and may not remain evident in the same form
when the stage ends. The premise of the “terrible twos” stage, for example, is that
it is common for children at or about 2 years to exhibit disruptive behavior. Further-
more, this behavior was not present before age 2 and will cease or become modified
before the child passes into the next stage of behavior.
Do stages such as the terrible twos really exist? There is a major controver-
sy among developmentalists as to whether such abrupt beginnings and ends of
behavioral states really occur. The continuity versus discontinuity debate poses the
questions: Does life proceed smoothly and continuously from birth to death with
occasional “peaks and valleys”? Or is life discontinuous, with relatively abrupt
behavior changes occurring throughout?
Most of us find it difficult to accept the possibility that stages do not exist. The
popularity of such terms as terrible twos and teenager has led us to believe that
stages of unique behavior are a fact of life. Nevertheless, the existence versus nonex-
istence of stages remains an ongoing controversy among developmentalists. There is
no absolute evidence to substantiate either viewpoint conclusively.
This controversy also prevails in the field of motor development. If stages do exist,
certain assumptions may be presumed. For example, a hierarchical, qualitative change
must occur in human movement behavior. In other words, one stage of behavior flows
into a subsequent, qualitatively different stage. Furthermore, each stage would be dis-
tinct from all others but would necessarily possess traits linking it to the preceding stage.
The ordering of these behavior states would be constant and universal. That is, a person
would not progress through the stages in reverse or mixed order, and everyone would
experience these stages. Researchers have tested these and other criteria to determine
whether stages are present in motor development. However, the research remains incon-
clusive regarding the existence or nonexistence of stages in human motor development.
Even though this controversy remains unresolved, it is useful to organize the
study of human development into stages. Capsulizing aspects of human develop-
ment into stages or manageable portions of information facilitates our attempts to
study and communicate. Therefore, despite a lack of definitive documentation for
the existence of stages, we refer throughout this book to stages, phases, or periods.
We do not intend, however, to suggest that these stages or periods are absolute times
of unique, hierarchical, or universal behaviors.
MODELS OF LIFESPAN MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

everal human motor development experts have proposed models of motor
S development to explain our movement behavior as we pass from prebirth to
death. A model of motor development is simply a visual depiction of a theory, con-
jecture, or speculation regarding our movement. Like theories, models help us
understand complex concepts, and ultimately, testing the model or theory can fur-
ther enhance our knowledge and understanding of our own behavior. The scope of
models has ranged from merely describing the expected movements or changes in
movements at various times of life, to attempting to explain why movement develops
the way it does. Gallahue, Ozmun, and Goodway (2012) portrayed motor develop-
ment in an hourglass model: as time passes, the stages or phases of development
move up the hourglass. Heredity and environment affect this development and are
pictured as grains of sand trickling through the hourglass. The top part of the hour-
glass corresponds to adult motor development.
Newell’s Model of Motor Development

Another model was created by Newell (1986). Newell based his model on constraints
that affect movement throughout life. Constraints are factors that limit, contain, or
help shape the development of movement. Newell’s model emphasized the interac-
tive roles of a person’s structure and function, a particular task (for instance, striking
a tennis ball with a racket, climbing a mountain), and environmental constraints
(such as the speed of the ball, wind conditions, temperature on the mountain, the
slope of the mountain). In short, his model is a visual reminder that human struc-
tural characteristics (height, weight, length of arms and legs, and so on) and human
functional characteristics (such as motivation, past experiences, and confidence) are
important to a full understanding of motor development.
It is especially important to note these qualities as they interact with the move-
ment task being performed and the environment in which the task is being performed.
Imagine, for example, a young child who is attempting to hit a target by throwing a
ball. Clearly, the child’s arm length, past experience in throwing, confidence in the
task, and motivation to try (to name a few) are all important variables that help to
determine the outcome. So, too, are the task constraints. How heavy or light is the
ball, and how is it shaped? Is the target moving or stationary, and how big is it? How
far away is it? In addition, we cannot forget the environmental constraints. How vis-
ible is the target? Is there adequate lighting? How much breeze is present? Are people
watching, and, if so, are they cheering supportively or jeering critically?
Newell’s model provides a useful reminder of the many constraints that affect
our motor development and how the interactions between these constraints are
dynamic or constantly changing. Understanding the constraints involved in a partic-
ular human skill can be important to professionals for creating viable educational or
therapeutic approaches for their students or clients.
The Mountain of Motor Development

In this text, we will focus more closely on a “metaphor” of human motor development
proposed by Clark and Metcalfe (2002) than the other model. According to Clark and
Metcalfe, “a metaphor is often the first approximation of a representation and is there-
fore less formal and more speculative [than a model]” (p. 164). Despite these modest
differences, the purposes of a metaphor and a model are similar in that they both seek
to explain while offering the possibility of advancing understanding and knowledge. We
have chosen Clark and Metcalfe’s Mountain of Motor Development (see Figure 1.5) as
our representation of human motor development because it combines a description of
the expected changes in motor development across the
figure 1.5 lifespan with explanations for how these changes may
ensue. In addition, Clark and Metcalfe believe the met-
Clark and Metcalfe’s Mountain of Motor Development.
aphor applies to everyone, including those individuals
who experience some form of atypical development.
In this metaphor, motor development is compared to
Compensation
learning to climb a mountain: the process takes years, it

Skillful is a sequential and cumulative process, and it is strong-
period
ly affected by the personal skills and traits of the individ-
Developmental time
Context specific ual climber. It is also a nonlinear process. Like climbing

period
a mountain, human motor development is characterized
by progression, sometimes followed by regression, which
Fundamental patterns period
often yields to further progress later in life. The eleva-
Preadapted period
tion one achieves on the mountain can be compared to
the acquisition of higher levels of motor skill. The image
Reflexive period
of the mountain also conveys the continuously chang-
ing limits or constraints placed on us as we pass through
life and suggests that we must adapt to those changes to
ascend successfully to the next level. More mature levels
Source: Adapted from Figure 1, in Clark, J. E., & Metcalfe, J. S. (2002).
The mountain of motor development: A metaphor. In J. E. Clark & J. of motor development result from a continuous interac-
Humphrey (Eds.), Motor development: Research and reviews. Reston, tion between the climber (the individual), his or her skills,
VA: NASPE Publications. Reprinted with permission of SHAPE America, and the mountain (the constantly changing environmen-
www.shapeamerica.org tal conditions we encounter as we pass through life). Note
the similarity between Newell’s emphasis on constraints, as described earlier, and the
emphasis that Clark and Metcalfe (2002) place on these factors that impact our develop-
ment (our progression up the mountain). The time (often years) required to learn many
human movements is reflected in the arduous ascent up the mountain, as is the sequen-
tial and cumulative nature of the acquisition of human movement skills across the lifes-
pan. Arriving at the top of the mountain can be construed as the ultimate attainment of
proficiency in movement. In short, the mountain portrays the “lifelong, cumulative, and
progressive adaptation” that we see in our own motor development (p. 181).
The ascent up the mountain includes passage through six periods of human motor
development: the reflexive period, the preadapted period, the fundamental patterns
period, the context-specific period, the skillful period, and the compensation period.
Each period contributes to the acquisition of the skills necessary for the next. And
given that development is related to age but is not strictly dependent on the age of
the individual, the time spent in each period of development varies for each individu-
al, being highly dependent on factors that govern motor skill acquisition, such as the
individual’s amount of experience or instruction, the quality of instruction, and inher-
ent individual qualities (such as height, strength, and movement speed). Development
is a function of adaptations throughout life as we learn to integrate our personal struc-
tural and functional characteristics with our environment (Clark & Metcalfe, 2002).
Clark and Metcalfe explain that the ascent of the developmental mountain begins
long before we arrive at its base. Considerable preparation and preplanning precede
the ascent of a mountain. This, they say, is analogous to the role of prenatal devel-
opment (see Chapter 4). Even the behaviors (nutrition, drug use, stress levels, and so
on) and genetic structure of the parents and grandparents ultimately affect their off-
spring. Though these factors do not fully determine a child’s future development,
they certainly play a role through the interaction of genetic (nature) and environmen-
tal (nurture) factors. For some individuals, this initial ascent is gradual and relatively
uneventful; others encounter a much more difficult beginning to their climb.
Reflexive period
The reflexive period is the first of Clark and Metcalfe’s six periods of the Mountain
of Motor Development. This period is characterized by the individual’s beginning
to learn the ways of the world. It includes the last third (approximately 3 months)
of the prenatal state, as well as the initial weeks following birth, even though many
infant reflexes will continue to flourish throughout the first year or more of life. Dur-
ing that time, the infant reflexes, described in detail in Chapter 9, are critical to the
child’s survival (protection, nourishment, and so on) and serve as a necessary step-
ping stone to both cognitive (intellectual) and motor development.
Reflexes are involuntary responses to stimuli (for example, when you touch a
baby’s palm, the hand closes). They are subcortical (below the level of the cortex of
the brain). In other words, they are a function of reactions in the lower brain cen-
ters or even in the central nervous system. In a way, they happen to us rather than
we making them happen. Many of the infant reflexes (the crawling reflex and step-
ping reflex, for instance) experienced during this period are necessary components to
the development of future voluntary movements. Although these reflexes initiate and
facilitate the infant’s interactions with the world, they can impede future develop-
ment if they endure too long. In typically developing, healthy infants these reactions
gradually “disappear” across the first year of life. In children with developmental
delays, these reflexes can persevere, slowing the child’s rate of development.
Preadapted period
As the infant reflexes, described above, begin to disappear or become inhibited, vol-
untary movement emerges. In voluntary movement we produce movement via an
16 Part I An Overview of Development
impulse from the higher brain centers, including the cerebral cortex. Chapter 10 is
dedicated to a comprehensive discussion of these voluntary movements of infancy
and early childhood. These movements are often conscious and the product of an
intent to move. Voluntary reaching and grasping is an example.
Clark and Metcalfe explain that the term preadapted reflects the emergence of
motor skill as we overcome early constraints (such as genetic limitations, gravitation-
al forces, and environmental limitations) on our movement and learn to function in our
gravity-bound environment. As part of this process, we gradually gain increasingly inde-
pendent function, including an ability to move somewhat selectively through the space
that surrounds us. Through a progression of movement behaviors that often begins with
maintaining control of our own head and neck, we gain greater control of the upper
body, hips, legs, and feet until we can sit, stand, and walk independently. Similarly, dur-
ing the preadapted period, reaching and grasping behaviors emerge as part of an intricate
interaction between our developing postural ability, our arm and hand actions (which
themselves are engaged in an evolving interaction), and our visual control.
Clark and Metcalfe (2002) state that the preadapted period ends once the child can
feed himself and begin walking. Obviously, self-feeding is greatly dependent on emerging
eye–hand coordination, just as walking depends on the child’s evolving postural control.
Fundamental patterns period

The fundamental patterns period builds on the skills learned in the previous period. The
young child now begins to establish a fundamental framework for future movements.
Particularly noteworthy in this period is the establishment of an array of movements
that enable a quantity and quality of movement skill in later life. These fundamental
movements begin during infancy but will endure throughout childhood. As in all peri-
ods of the Mountain of Motor Development, many factors affect the rate and breadth
of an individual’s acquisition of movement skills. Some children, for example, may
have ample opportunity to experience a variety of movements, including the luxury of
high-quality instruction and practice. Others may have limited access to such activities,
and for these children the ascent up the mountain may be more arduous.
This period of development includes the emergence of fundamental locomotor skills,
such as those discussed in much greater detail in Chapter 12, and fundamental object-
control skills, such as those detailed in Chapter 13. Throughout this period, with the
appropriate interaction of inherent genetic properties and environmental constraints, we
typically see locomotion evolving from shaky, assisted first steps in walking, for exam-
ple, to a controlled, balanced, and effectively functional form of upright locomotion. A
few months thereafter, a number of more advanced forms of locomotion, such as run-
ning, galloping, hopping, and skipping, will emerge. These fundamental locomotor skills
are integral to the level and breadth of movement the individual may one day undertake.
Clark and Metcalfe (2002) subdivide the fundamental object-control skills into
object projection skills (such as throwing and kicking) and object interception skills
(such as catching and trapping). Both types of movement require increasing levels of
interaction between individual and the environment.
This period also includes the development of fine motor manipulation, described
in great detail in Chapter 11. Examples of these movements, which are characterized
by the dominance of the small muscles or muscle groups of the body, include using
scissors, handwriting, drawing, eating (for instance, use of a spoon or chopsticks), and
playing certain musical instruments. Achievement is affected by the child’s experiences
and accomplishments earlier on the mountain, in the reflexive and preadapted periods.
The importance of the fundamental patterns period of development cannot be
overstated, as it establishes the basis for future movement endeavors. Movement choic-
es made later in life will hinge on skills developed during this critical time. Whether
an individual ultimately decides to engage in exercise, physical games, sports, or even
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

Human Motor Development A Lifespan Approach 9th Edition Ebook PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Human Motor Development A Lifespan Approach 9th Edition Ebook PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Human Motor Development: A Lifespan

Approach 9th Edition, (Ebook PDF)

chapter objectives 123 CARDIORESPIRATORY FITNESS 152

Infant–Childhood Object Manipulation SUMMARY 280

key concept review 259 OVERARM THROWING 286

Trends in Participation 312 ACTIVITIES OF DAILY LIVING 351

key concept review 331

Developmental Sequence of Motor Skills—Component Appendices

ASSESSING INDIVIDUALS WITH DISABILITIES 382 Appendix B

ith this ninth edition of Human Motor Development: A Lifespan Approach,

SpeCiAL FeATUReS And ORGAniZATiOn

KeY CHAnGeS TO THe ninTH ediTiOn

instructor’s Manual and Testbank

Student Companion Website (www.routledge.com/cw/payne)

e extend special thanks to everyone at Holcomb Hathaway, Publishers. Their

Greg Payne is a Professor in the Department of Kinesiology at San Jose State

HUMAN MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

THE IMPORTANCE OF MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

THE DOMAINS OF HUMAN DEVELOPMENT

the most prominent developmentalist of all time, empha-

DEVELOPMENT, MATURATION, AND GROWTH

Elements of developmental change

Directional. The directional element suggests that development has an ultimate

Multifactorial. Developmental change is also multifactorial. This means that no one

Maturation and Growth

TRENDS IN GROWTH AND MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

The cephalocaudal and proximodistal concepts are useful tools

Differentiation and Integration

Gross Movement and Fine Movement

THE PROCESS–PRODUCT CONTROVERSY

processes, can be valuable in movement research designed to have educational impli-

TERMS FOR AGE PERIODS THROUGHOUT THE LIFESPAN

The first age period is the prenatal period, which spans

ods in the entire lifespan, particularly during the first

During the embryonic period, the developing human is

ration have yet to take place. The individual is referred Adolescence

to as a fetus until the fetal period culminates at birth. Puberty

Infancy and Toddlerhood 9 years

MODELS OF LIFESPAN MOTOR DEVELOPMENT

Newell’s Model of Motor Development

The Mountain of Motor Development

learning to climb a mountain: the process takes years, it

Context specific ual climber. It is also a nonlinear process. Like climbing

Fundamental patterns period

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

You might also like