Scientific Farm Animal Production An Introduction 11th Edition 11th Edition

Scientific Farm Animal Production: An
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Contents
Preface xvii
About the Author xix
1
The Sheep and Goat Industry 38
Global Perspective 38
United States 39
Animal Contributions to Human Needs 1 Purebred Breeder 41
Contributions To Food Needs 1 Commercial Market Lamb Producers 42
Contributions to Clothing and Other Nonfood Commercial Feedlot Operator 42
Products 12 The Swine Industry 42
Contributions to Work and Power Needs 13 Global Perspective 42
Animals for Companionship, Recreation, and United States 42
Creativity 15 Other Animal Industries 44
Additional Animal Contributions 15 Aquaculture 44
Bison 45
Chapter Summary 15
Elk 46
Key Words 16
Ostrich and Emu Farming and Ranching 46
Review Questions 16
Llama and Alpaca Production 46
Selected References 16
Chapter Summary 47
Key Words 47
2
An Overview of the Livestock and Poultry
Review Questions 47
Industries 17
U.S. Animal Industries: An Overview 17
Cash Receipts 17
3
Red Meat Products 49
World Trade 17
Commodity Prices 18 Production 49
Biological Differences in Meeting Market Demand 20 Processing 49
Beef Industry 20 Kosher and Muslim Meats 52
Global Perspective 20 Composition 53
United States 23 Physical Composition 53
Cattle Production 23 Chemical Composition 54
Cattle Feeding 26
Nutritional Considerations 55
The Dairy Cattle Industry 28 Nutritive Value 55
Global Perspective 28
Consumption 57
United States 30
Demand 59
The Horse Industry 31
Global Perspective 31 Marketing 59
United States 32 Chapter Summary 63
The Poultry Industry 33 Key Words 63
Global Perspective 33 Review Questions 64
United States 34 Selected References 64
vii
viii contents
4
Milk Processing 91
Milk Intolerance 92
Poultry and Egg Products 65 Consumption 92
Poultry Meat and Egg Production 65 Marketing 92

World 92
Composition 66
United States 93
Meat 66
Prices 93
Eggs 67
Chapter Summary 94
Poultry Products 68
Key Words 94
Meat 68
Review Questions 95
Eggs 69
Feathers and Down 70
Other Products and By-Products 70
Nutrition Considerations 70
Nutritive Value of Poultry Meat 70
Nutritive Value of Eggs 70
6
Wool and Mohair 96
Consumption 72 Growth of Hair, Wool, and Mohair 96
Meat 72 Factors Affecting the Value of Wool 99
Eggs 72
Classes and Grades of Wool 101
Marketing 73
Production of Wool and Mohair 102
Chapter Summary 76 Wool Marketing 106
Key Words 76
Uses of Wool and Mohair 106
Review Questions 77
Selected References 77 Chapter Summary 108
Key Words 108
Review Questions 108
5 Selected References 108
7
Milk and Milk Products 78
Milk Production 78
Milk Composition 79 By-Products of Meat Animals 109
Milk Fat 81
Edible By-Products 109
Carbohydrates 82
Inedible By-Products 110
Proteins 82
Vitamins 82 The Rendering Industry 113
Minerals 82 Rendering of Red Meat Animal By-Products 114
Rendering of Poultry By-Products 114
Milk Products in the United States 82
Fluid Milk 83 Disposing of Dead Livestock 115
Evaporated and Condensed Milk 85 Chapter Summary 117
Dry Milk 85 Key Words 117
Fermented Dairy Products 85 Review Questions 117
Cream 86 Selected References 117
Butter 86
8
Cheese 87
Ice Cream 89
Eggnog 89
Imitation Dairy Products 89 Market Classes and Grades of Livestock,
Health Considerations 90 Poultry, and Eggs 118
Nutritive Value of Milk 90 Market Classes and Grades of Red Meat Animals 118
Wholesomeness 91 Slaughter Cattle 118
contents ix
Feeder Cattle 123 Hormonal Control of Testicular and Ovarian

Slaughter Swine 124 Function 160
Slaughter Sheep 126 Testicular Function 160
Feeder Lamb Grades 128 Ovarian Function 160
Goat Grades 128 Estrous Cycle 162
Market Classes and Grades of Poultry Products 129 Seasonal Effects on Reproduction 163
Poultry Meat 129 Pregnancy 164
Eggs 130 Parturition 166
Chapter Summary 133 Chapter Summary 169
Key Words 133 Key Words 169
Review Questions 133 Review Questions 169
Selected References 134 Selected References 170
9
Visual Evaluation of Market Animals 135
11
Artificial Insemination, Estrous
External Body Parts 136 Synchronization, and Embryo Transfer 171
Location of the Wholesale Cuts in the Live Animal 136 Semen Collecting and Processing 172
Visual Assessment of Livestock Carcass Insemination of the Female 174

Composition 137 Detecting Estrus 175
Proper Insemination 176
Chapter Summary 145
Estrous Synchronization 177
Key Words 146
Prostaglandin 178
MGA and Prostaglandin 179
Controlled Internal Drug Release (CIDR) 179
Synchronization with Natural Service 180
10
Reproduction 147
P.G. 600 180
Embryo Transfer 180
Cloning 182
Terminology For Anatomical Positioning 147 Sexed Semen 184
Female Organs of Reproduction and their Chapter Summary 184

Functions 147 Key Words 184
Ovaries 149 Review Questions 184
The Oviducts 151 Selected References 185
The Uterus 151
12
The Vagina 152
The Clitoris 152
Reproduction in Poultry Females 152
Genetics 186
Male Organs of Reproduction and
Mitosis and Meiosis 186
Their Functions 154
Testicles 155 Production of Gametes 186
The Epididymis 157 Spermatogenesis 188
The Scrotum 157 Oogenesis 189
The Vas Deferens 158
Fertilization 189
The Urethra 159
Accessory Sex Glands 159 DNA and RNA 190
The Penis 159 Genes and Chromosomes 192
Reproduction in Male Poultry 159 Principles of Inheritance 192
Simple Inheritance 193
x contents
Multiple Gene Pairs 195 Forming New Lines or Breeds 234

Gene Interactions 197 Chapter Summary 234
Allelic Interactions 197 Key Words 234
Interactions Between Genes and the Environment 199 Review Questions 235
Biotechnology 200 Selected References 235
Applications 200
15
Future Expectations and Concerns 202
Chapter Summary 203

Key Words 203 Nutrients and Their Functions 236
Nutrients 236
Water 236
Carbohydrates 237
13
Fats 238
Proteins 239
Minerals 240
Genetic Change Through Selection 205
Vitamins 241
Importance of Genetics to the Livestock Industry 205
Proximate Analysis of Feeds 241
Structure of the Breeding Industry 205
Digestibility of Feeds 242
Breeds 206
Energy Evaluation of Feeds 243
Continuous Variation and Many Pairs of Genes 207 Maintenance and Production 244
Selection 211 Measurement of Energy 245
Selection Differential 212
Feeds and Feed Composition 246
Heritability 212
Classification of Feeds 246
Generation Interval 213
Nutrient Composition of Feeds 247
Predicting Genetic Change 214 By-Product Feeds 247
Genetic Change for Multiple Trait Selection 214
Chapter Summary 250
Evidence of Genetic Change 215
Key Words 250
Selection Methods 218 Review Questions 250
Basis for Selection 220 Selected References 251
Predicted Differences or Expected Progeny
Differences 220
Chapter Summary 221
Key Words 222
16
Digestion and Absorption of Feed 252
Selected References 222 Carnivorous, Omnivorous, and Herbivorous
Animals 252
14
Digestive Tract of Monogastric Animals 253
Stomach Compartments of Ruminant Animals 255
Digestion in Monogastric (Nonruminant) Animals 256
Mating Systems 223
Digestion in Ruminant Animals 258
Inbreeding 223
Energy Pathways 259
Intensive Inbreeding 225
Protein Pathways 259
Linebreeding 227
Outbreeding 229 Chapter Summary 261
Species Cross 229 Key Words 261
Crossbreeding 230 Review Questions 261
Outcrossing 232 Selected References 261
Grading Up 233
contents xi
17
Providing Nutrients for Body
19
Lactation 293
Functions 262 Mammary Gland Structure 293
Nutrient Requirements For Body Maintenance 262 Mammary Gland Development and Function 294
Body Size and Maintenance 262 Development 294
Nutrient Requirements For Growth 263 Milk Secretion 295
Nutrient Requirements For Finishing 265 Maintenance of Lactation 296
Nutrient Requirements For Reproduction 265 Factors Affecting Milk Production 296
Nutrient Requirements For Lactation 266 Milk Composition 299

Species Differences 299
Nutrient Requirements For Egg Laying 267
Colostrum 300
Nutrient Requirements For Wool Production 267
Chapter Summary 300
Nutrient Requirements For Work 267
Key Words 300
Ration Formulation 268
Nutrient Requirements of Ruminants 268 Selected References 301
Diet Modification to Minimize Nitrogen and
Phosphorus Excretion 273
Chapter Summary 273

Key Words 274
20
Adaptation to the Environment 302
Selected References 274 Relationship Between Animals and the
Environment 303
Adjusting to Environmental Changes 303
18
Growth and Development 275
Temperature Zones of Comfort and Stress 304
Relationship of Intake and Maintenance during
Stress 307
Prenatal (Livestock) 275 Managing the Thermal Environment 310
Birth (Livestock) 276 Mitigating Heat Stress 311
Adjusting Rations for Weather Changes 311
Poultry 277
Inability of Animals to Cope with Climatic Stress 312
Embryonic Development 277
Chapter Summary 314
Basic Anatomy and Physiology 278
Key Words 314
Skeletal System 278
Muscle System 279
Circulatory System 280
Endocrine System 283
Growth Curves 283
Carcass Composition 284
Effects of Frame Size 286
21
Animal Health 316
Effect of Gender 286 Immune Function 316
Effect of Muscling 288 Prevention 317
Age and Teeth Relationship 289 The Role of the Veterinarian 317
Measurements of Growth 290 Sanitation 317
Sound Nutritional Management 318
Chapter Summary 291
Record Keeping 318
Key Words 291
Facilities 318
Source of Livestock 318
Biosecurity 319
xii contents
Use of Biologicals and Pharmaceuticals 319 Land Use 353

Stress 322 Conversion of Agricultural Land 353
Personnel Training 323 Federal Lands 354
Detecting Unhealthy Animals 323 Waste Management 356
Visual Observation 323 Air Quality 357
Vital Signs 323 Water Utilization and Quality 358
Major Diseases of Farm Animals 324 Animal Well-Being 359
Quality Assurance 329 Public Health 363

Diet and Health 363
Chapter Summary 331
Dietary Guidelines 367
Key Words 331
Food Safety 369
Microorganisms 371
Residues 372
Quality Assurance 373
22
Animal Behavior 333
Production Technologies 374
Organic and Natural Products 376
Issues and Opportunities 377
Stockmanship 333
Chapter Summary 377
Animal Behavior 333 Key Words 377
Systems of Animal Behavior 334 Review Questions 378
Sexual Behavior 335 Selected References 378
Caregiving Behavior 337

Care-Soliciting Behavior 337
Agonistic Behavior 338
24
Beef Cattle Breeds and Breeding 380
Interaction with Other Animals 338
Interactions with Humans 339 Genetic Variation 381
Behavior during Handling and Restraint 340 Major U.S. Beef Breeds 382
Ingestive Behavior 342 Improving Beef Cattle Through Breeding
Eliminative Behavior 343 Methods 386
Shelter-Seeking Behavior 343 Traits and Their Measurement 386

Reproductive Performance 386
Investigative Behavior 343
Weaning Weight 386
Allelomimetic Behavior 344 Postweaning Growth 387
Additional Behaviors 344 Feed Efficiency 387
Communication 344 Carcass Merit 388
Maladaptive or Abnormal Behavior 345 Longevity 388
Conformation 388
Chapter Summary 346
Genetic Defects 389
Key Words 346
Review Questions 346 Bull Selection 389
Selected References 346 Breeding Values 389
Sire Summaries 390
23
Selecting Replacement Heifers 392
Cow Selection 394
Issues in Animal Agriculture 347 Crossbreeding Programs for Commercial
Producers 396
Feeding 9 Billion People by 2050 349
Sustainability 349 Chapter Summary 399
Key Words 400
Valid Comparisons and Assessing Risk 350
Environmental Management Issues 352 Selected References 400
contents xiii
25
Nutrition of Replacement Heifers 440
Management of Bulls 440
Feeding and Managing Beef Cattle 401 Calving Operations 441
Cow–Calf Management 401 Milking and Housing Facilities For Dairy Cows 441
Costs and Returns 403 Waste Management 442
Management for Optimum Calf Crop Percentages 405 Milking Operations 443
Management for Optimum Weaning Weights 408 Controlling Diseases 445
Management Of annual Cow Costs 409 Costs And Returns 449
Stocker-Yearling Production 413 Chapter Summary 451
Types of Cattle Feeding Operations 415 Key Words 451
Feedlot Cattle Management 416 Review Questions 451
Facilities Investment 416 Selected References 451
Cost of Feeder Cattle 417
28
Feed Costs 417
Nonfeed Costs 418
Marketing 418
Swine Breeds and Breeding 452
Costs and Returns 420
Characteristics of Swine Breeds 452
Environmental Management 420
Traits and Their Measurements 452
Chapter Summary 422
Sow Productivity 453
Key Words 422
Growth 454
Feed Efficiency 456
Carcass Traits 457
Structural Soundness 457
26
Dairy Cattle Breeds and Breeding 424
Effective Use of Performance Records 458
Selecting Replacement Females 461
Boar Selection 462
Characteristics of Breeds 424 Crossbreeding For Commercial Swine Producers 462
Registration Numbers 424
Chapter Summary 465
Dairy Type 425 Key Words 465
Improving Milk Production 428 Review Questions 466
Selection of Dairy Cows 428 Selected References 466
Breeding Dairy Cattle 430

Sire Selection 432
Chapter Summary 433

Key Words 433
29
Feeding and Managing Swine 467
Review Questions 434 Production Management 468
Selected References 434 Boar Management 468
Management of Breeding Females 469
27
Pregnancy Detection 470
Management of the Sow during Farrowing and
Lactation 471
Feeding and Managing Dairy Cattle 435 Induced Farrowing 472
Nutrition of Lactating Cows 435 Baby Pig Management from Birth to Weaning 473
Adjusting for Heat Stress 439 Feeding and Management from Weaning to
Market 478
Nutrition of Dry Cows 439
Management of Purchased Feeder Pigs 482
xiv contents
Marketing Decisions 482 Lambing Operations 514

Costs and Returns 483 Castrating and Docking 514
Shearing 514
Environmental Management 484
Facilities for Production of Range Sheep 515
Management for Swine Well-Being 486
Managing Range Sheep 516
Chapter Summary 487
The Winter Headquarters 516
Key Words 487
The Spring–Fall Range 517
Summer Grazing 517
Managing Goats 518
Fencing 518
30
Sheep and Goat Breeds and Breeding 489
Dehorning 519
Hoof Trimming 519
Identification 519
Major U.S. Sheep Breeds 489 Castration 519
Characteristics 490 Shearing 519
Composite Breeds 490 Milking 519
Time of Breeding 520
Major Goat Breeds 493
Time of Kidding 520
Breeding Sheep and Goats 494 Feeding 523
Sheep Reproduction 497
Controlling Diseases and Parasites 525
Goat Reproduction 499
Other Factors Affecting Reproduction of Sheep 499 Determining The Age of Sheep by Their Teeth 527
The Breeding Season 500 Costs and Returns 527
Genetic Improvement in Commercial Sheep
Chapter Summary 529
Production 501
Key Words 529
Terminal Crossing 502
Three-Breed Terminal Crossbreeding 502
Chapter Summary 503
32
Key Words 503
Horse Breeds and Breeding 531
31
Horses and Humans 531
Breeds of Horses 531
Popularity of Breeds 534
Feeding and Managing Sheep and
Breeding Program 534
Goats 505
Selection 534
Production Requirements for Farm Flocks 505
Conformation of the Horse 535
Pastures 505
Purchasing the Horse 535
Corrals and Chutes 505
Body Parts 536
Shelters 506
Lambing Equipment 507 Unsoundness and Blemishes of Horses 538
Feeding Equipment 507 Gaits of Horses 540
Types of Farm Flock Producers 507 Ease of Riding and Way of Going 541
Purebred Breeder 507 Abnormalities in Way of Going 541
Commercial Market Lamb Producers 508 Determining The Age of a Horse by its Teeth 542
Commercial Feeder Lamb Producers 509
Chapter Summary 544
Commercial Feedlot Operator 509
Key Words 544
Feeding Ewes, Rams, and Lambs 510
Management of Farm Flocks 513 Selected References 545
Handling Sheep 513
contents xv
33
Feeding and Management 571
Incubation Management 571
Managing Young Poultry 575
Feeding and Managing Horses 546 Housing for Broilers 575
Feeds and Feeding 546 Managing 10- to 20-Week-Old Poultry 577
Managing Horses 552 Management of Laying Hens 578
Reproduction 552 Housing Poultry 581
Breeding Season 553 Feeds and Feeding 583
Foaling Time 554 Issues Management 585
Weaning the Foal 555 Environmental Impact 585
Castration 555 Animal Welfare 586
Identification 555 Costs and Returns 588
Care of Hardworking Animals 556
Chapter Summary 593
Housing and Equipment 556
Key Words 593
Controlling Diseases and Parasites 557 Review Questions 593
Chapter Summary 561 Selected References 593
Key Words 561
Glossary 595
Index 621
34
Poultry Breeding, Feeding, and
Management 563
Breeds and Breeding 563
Characteristics of Breeds 563
Breeding Poultry 565
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Preface
Scientific Farm Animal Production is distinguished by an appropriate coverage of
both breadth and depth of livestock and poultry production and their respective
industries. The book gives an overview of the biological principles applicable to the
animal sciences with chapters on reproduction, genetics, nutrition, lactation, con-
sumer products, and other subjects. The book also covers the breeding, feeding, and
management of beef cattle, dairy cattle, horses, sheep and goats, swine, and poultry.
Although books have been written on each of these separate topics, the author has
highlighted the significant biological principles, scientific relationships, and manage-
ment practices in a condensed but informative manner.
Target Audience
This book is designed as a text for the introductory animal science course typically
taught at universities and community colleges. It is also a valuable reference book for
livestock producers, vocational agriculture instructors, and others desiring an over-
view of livestock production principles and management. The book is appropriate for
the urban student with limited livestock experience, yet challenging for the student
who has a livestock production background.
Key Features
Chapters 1 through 9 cover animal enterprises and products; Chapters 10 through
22 discuss the biological principles that are utilized to improve livestock and poultry
production and the issues facing animal agriculture; while livestock and poultry man-
agement systems are presented in Chapters 23 through 34.
The glossary of terms used throughout the book has been expanded so that stu-
dents can readily become familiar with animal science terminology. Many of the Key
Terms in the text are included in the glossary. Additionally, key words are provided
at the end of each chapter as an aid to student learning.
Photographs and figures are used throughout the book to communicate key
points and major relationships. The visual aspects of the text should help students
expand their global and macro view of the livestock industry as well as better under-
standing how theory is put into practice.
At the end of each chapter, a set of questions are provided that are designed
to facilitate an in-depth understanding of the material. Students are encouraged to
utilize the questions to assist them in making connections between concepts and to
better integrate relationships to allow for not only listing the facts but creating a
framework for the application of knowledge.
New to This Edition

This text continues to blend the various disciplines of science with contemporary
management practices and industry trends to build a cohesive discussion of animal
agriculture. The following improvements have been made to this edition:
• The input of nearly 20 reviewers was utilized to assure accuracy, clarity, and effec-
tive delivery of material.
• Demographic, industry data, and consumer trends have been updated.
xvii
xviii preface
• Photos and illustrations have been upgraded to enhance the reader experience.
• Management chapters have been revised to reflect the most current protocols and
technologies used by the industry.
• More attention has been given to the issues and challenges confronting the live-
stock and poultry industry.
• Significant revision has been accomplished to provide a comprehensive but more
clear communication of science based principles and relationships.
• Financial and enterprise-based cost and return data has been integrated to facilitate
better understanding of the economic consequences of management decisions.
• The text effectively balances science and practice as it applies to the livestock and
poultry industry.
INSTRUCTOR’S RESOURCES
An online Instructor’s Manual, PowerPoint slides, and TestGen are available to
Instructors at www.pearsonhighered.com. Instructors can search for a text by author,
title, ISBN, or by selecting the appropriate discipline from the pull-down menu at the
top of the catalog home page. To access supplementary materials online, instructors
need to request an instructor access code. Go to www.pearsonhighered.com, click
the Instructor Resource Center link, and then click Register Today for an instructor
access code. Within 48 hours of registering, you will receive a confirmation e-mail
including an instructor access code. Once you have received your code, go to the site
and log on for full instructions on downloading the materials you wish to use.
Acknowledgments
Appreciation is expressed to the reviewers of the eleventh edition, who offered sug-
gestions to strengthen the book. They are Bonnie Ballard, Gwinnett Technical
College; Angela Beal, Bradford School, Vet Tech Institute; Dennis Brink, U niversity
of Nebraska-Lincoln; Anne Duffy, Kirkwood Community College; Brian Hoefs,
Globe University; Chip Lemieux, McNeese State University; Farabee McCarthy, The
University of Findlay; Kasey Moyes, University of Maryland; Mary O'Horo-Loomis,
State University of New York at Canton; Margi Sirois, Wright Career College;
Bonnie Snyder, Central New Mexico Community C ollege; Melissa Stacy, Rockford
Career College; Brett VanLear, Blue Ridge Community College; Peg Villanueva, Vet
Tech Institute @ International Business College—Indianapolis; E lizabeth Walker,
Missouri State University; Julie Weathers, Southeast Missouri State University;
Jennifer Wells, University of Cincinnati; Cynthia Wood, Virginia Tech; and Brenda
Woodard, Northwestern State University of Louisiana.
About the Author
Dr. Thomas G. Field serves as the director of the Engler Agribusiness Entrepre-
neurship Program and holder of the Engler Chair in Agribusiness Entrepreneurship
at the University of Nebraska—Lincoln.
He is also a noted agricultural author and a frequent speaker at agricultural
events in the United States and abroad. He has consulted with a number of agricul-
tural enterprises and organizations, and has served on numerous boards related to
education, agriculture, and athletics. He is the co-owner of Field Land and Cattle
Company, LLC in Colorado.
Dr. Field was raised on a Colorado cow–calf and seedstock enterprise. He man-
aged a seedstock herd of cattle after completing his B.S. degree. A competitive horse-
man as a youth, he has had practical experience with seedstock cattle, commercial
cow–calf production, stockers, and horses. He has a B.S., M.S., and Ph.D. in animal
science from Colorado State University.
Dr. Field has received teaching awards from the USDA National Excellence in
Teaching program, the National Association of Colleges and Teachers of Agriculture,
the American Society of Animal Sciences, Colorado State University, and the Univer-
sity of Nebraska.
He is married to Laura and father to Justin, Sean, Trae, Kate, and Coleman.
xix
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1
animal contributions to
human needs
In many ways the history of civilization is told in the application of learning objectives
human creativity to the task of feeding, clothing, and raising the standard • Describe the global distribu-
of living for the world’s various societies via animal agriculture. Over tion of livestock
the ages the relationship between humans and domesticated animals • Quantify the role of animal
have shaped history, impacted economies, altered the outcomes of war, products in the global food
sped the exploration and settlement of new territories, revolutionized supply
agriculture and transportation, provided entertainment through sport, • Evaluate differences in food
and etched itself into nearly every aspect of civilization. For example, production and agricultural
the domestication of horses transformed the range of land movement for productivity between devel-
human beings. And with the stability that agriculture provided human oped and developing nations
communities came time for intellectual and cultural pursuits. Livestock • Compare food expenditures
have been incorporated into the telling of the human story through for at-home and away-from-
expression in the form of art, literature, and music. home consumption in the
Domestication of livestock depends on the animal reproducing within United States
the management decisions of human beings and the creation of a complex • Compare food consumption
mutually beneficial relationship founded on the ancient concept of the across diverse nations and
good shepard. This “contract” offers the animal protection from predators cultures
and a more consistent supply of nutrients, to name a few of the benefits, • Describe changes in the U.S.
in exchange for food, fiber, draft power, and companionship as contribu- agricultural productivity
tions to the well-being of humans. This relationship in which domesticated • Describe the nonfood contri-
species and humans seem to have chosen each other is still the basis for butions of livestock
sound management and husbandry of livestock and has allowed domesti-
cated animals far greater survival rates than those in the wild. The timeline
of livestock and poultry domestication provides context for the relationship
between humans and animals of agricultural importance (Fig. 1.1).
Table 1.1 outlines the major domesticated livestock species, their
approximate numbers, and their primary uses. Chickens are the most
numerous (20.7 billion), followed by cattle (1.43 billion), sheep (1.09
billion), ducks (1.08 billion), and swine (967 million).
Contributions To Food Needs

When opportunity exists, most humans consume both plant and animal
products (Fig. 1.2).
The contribution of animal products to the per-capita calorie and
protein supply in food is shown in Table 1.2. Animal products consti-
tute approximately 16% of the calories, 37% of the protein, and 45%
of the fat in the total world food supply. Large differences exist between
developed countries and developing countries in total daily supply of
calories, protein, and fat.
2 chapter one • animal contributions to human needs
Figure 1.1
Timeline for the
domestication of livestock
and poultry.
Cattle and
Sheep,
Buffalo
Dogs— goats, pigs Horses and Turkeys—
used as Poultry—
12,000 and cattle— donkeys— fourteenth
draft 2000 BC
years ago 9000–7000 3000 BC century
power—
BC
4000 BC
For example, consumers in developed nations derive 26% of their calories from
animal products with just over one-half of their total protein and fat supply from ani-
mal products. Consumers in developing nations derive 13% of their calorie supply,
29% of their protein, and 41% of their fat from animal products. The United States
ranks higher than the world average for percent of calories and protein from animal
sources but about average for percent of fat from animal products.
Table 1.1
M ajor D omesticated A nimal S pecies —T heir N umbers and U ses in the W orld
Animal World Numbers Leading Countries or Areas with

Species (mil) Numbersa (mil) Primary Uses
Ruminants
Cattle 1,426 Brazil (213), India (211), United States (93), Meat, milk, hides
China (83), Ethiopia (53)
Sheep 1,093 China (139), India (74), Australia (73), Iran (49), Wool, meat, milk, hides
Sudan (39)
Goats 924 India (157), China (142), Pakistan (61), Milk, meat, hair, hides
Nigeria (57) Bangladesh (53)
Buffalo 195 India (113), Pakistan (32), China (24) Draft, milk, meat, hides
Camels 27 Somalia (7), Sudan (5),Kenya (3), Niger (2) Packing, transport, draft,
meat, milk, hides
Nonruminants
Chickens 20,708 China (5,230), United States (2,080), Meat, eggs, feathers
Indonesia (1,427), Brazil (1,268), Iran (900)
Swine 967 China (464), United States (66), Viet Nam (27), Meat
Germany (27), Spain (25)
Turkeys 468 United States (248), Chile (32), France (24), Meat, eggs, feathers
Italy (24), Russian Fed. (17)
Ducks 1,108 China (809), Vietnam (98), Indonesia (49), Meat, eggs, feathers
Malaysia (49), Bangladesh (44),
Horses 58 United States (10), China (7), Mexico (6), Draft, riding, sport,
Brazil (5), Argentina (3) occasionally meat
Donkeys and 54 China (9), Ethiopia (7), Mexico (6), Pakistan (5), Draft, transport
Mules Egypt (3)
Source: Adapted from USDA and FAO.

animal contributions to human needs • chapter one 3
Figure 1.2
Meat, milk, and eggs are
nutrient dense foods that
meet the needs of both
domestic and global
consumers. The livestock
industry and food supply
chain must align with
consumer demand to assure
continuation of a successful
business model.
Source: Kirill Kedrinski/Fotolia.
Table 1.2
A nimal P roduct C ontribution to P er -C apita C alorie , P rotein , and F at S upply
Animal Products Animal Products Animal Products

Total Kilo Total Protein Total
Country Calories Kilo Cal % (g/day) g/Day % Fat g/Day %
Australia 3,176 1,049 33 107 71 66 138 72 52
Bangladesh 2,103 67 3 45 6 13 22 4 18
Brazil 2,985 615 21 80 41 51 89 42 47
China 3,029 583 19 85 30 35 84 49 58
Egypt 3,346 256 8 93 18 19 60 18 30
Germany 3,451 1,035 30 95 57 60 152 82 54
India 2,428 194 8 57 10 17 48 13 27
Japan 2,762 569 21 92 51 55 83 35 42
Kenya 1,965 234 12 50 15 30 47 15 32
Mexico 3,165 583 18 88 38 43 89 4 46
Nigeria 2,850 87 3 65 8 12 68 6 7
United Kingdom 3,334 1,002 30 98 55 56 145 77 53
United States 3,772 1,043 27 114 73 64 151 71 47
Developed 3,260 857 26 99 55 55 119 62 52
Developing 2,679 348 13 69 22 29 63 26 41
World Average 2,805 459 16 76 28 37 75 34 45
Source: Adapted from USDA, FAO.
3000 2831
2732
2627
2492
2500 2391
2298
Per Capita Calories, kcal

2189
2121
2011 2029 2005
2000 1919
1500
1000
459 501
500 338 366 390 416
130 138 139 133 146 178
0
1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
A
World — Total Calories per capita — All food
World — Total Calories per capita — Animal products
Least developed — Total Calories per capita — All food
Least developed — Total Calories per capita — Animal products
90
79
80 75
71
70 65
67
Per Capita Protein, g
61 60
60
52 53
51 50
49
50
40
31
30 25
28
22 23
20
20
13
9 10 10 10 10
10
0
1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
B
World — Total Protein per capita — All food
World — Total Protein per capita — Animal products
Least developed — Total Protein per capita — All food
Least developed — Total Protein per capita — Animal products
Figure 1.3
Caloric and protein intake from animal products.
Source: Adapted from USDA.
Changes in per-capita calorie supply and protein supply during the past 40
years are shown in Figure 1.3. Per-capita caloric supplies of both calories and protein
have increased in most areas of the world. The contribution of animal products to the
per-capita protein supply has increased in most of the world. The large differences
among countries in the importance of animal products in their food supply can be
partially explained by available resources and development of those resources. Most
countries with only a small percentage of their population involved in agriculture
have higher standards of living and a higher per-capita consumption of animal prod-
ucts. Comparing Table 1.3 with Table 1.2, note that the countries in Table 1.3 are
listed by percentage of population involved in agriculture.
Agriculture mechanization (Fig. 1.4) has been largely responsible for increased
food production and allowing people to turn their attention to professions other than
production agriculture. This facilitates the provision of many goods and services,
raises standards of living, and allows for the creation of more diverse economies.
Table 1.3
P opulation I nvolved in A griculture in S elected C ountries
Population in Percent of Economically Active

Country Population (mil) Agriculturea (mil) Population in Agricultureb
United States 316 5 1
United Kingdom 63 1 1
Germany 82 2 2
Australia 23 1 4
Japan 126 2 1
Brazil 198 20 10
Mexico 116 20 17
Nigeria 167 39 23
China 1,385 825 59
India 1,258 597 47
Bangladesh 152 66 43
Kenya 43 30 70
Least developed nations 871 552 63
Low-income, food-deficit nations 2,874 1,360 47
World Total 7,052 2,621 37

aAgricultural population is defined as all persons depending for their livelihood on agriculture. This comprises all persons actively engaged in
agriculture and their nonworking dependents.

bIncludes all economically active persons engaged principally in agriculture, forestry, hunting, or fishing.
Figure 1.4
The mechanization of
agriculture has enabled a
relatively small proportion
of the human population to
provide for a growing world
market. Source: Tom Field
Note that 50% of the people in developing nations are engaged in agriculture while
only 7% of the citizens in developed countries are active in the agricultural sector.
The tremendous increase in the productivity of U.S. agriculture (Table 1.4) has
lowered the relative cost of food as vividly demonstrated in Table 1.5. Historical data
show that agricultural productivity doubled in the 100-year span of 1820–1920. For
example, at the turn of the century a team of horses, one handler, and a moldboard
Table 1.4
P roductivity C hanges in S everal F arm A nimal S pecies in the U nited S tates
Species and Measure of Productivity 1925 1950 1975 2000 2012

Beef cattle 955 976 1,039 1,210 1,280
Average liveweight at finishing (lbs)
Sheep
Average liveweight at finishing (lb) 86 94 102 133 141
Dairy cattle
Milk marketed per breeding female (lb) 4,189 5,313 10,500 17,192 21,148
Swine
Average liveweight at finishing (lb) 235 243 245 259 275
Broiler chickensa, b
Liveweight at marketing (lb) 2.8 3.1 3.8 5.0 5.7
Turkeysa, b
Liveweight at marketing (lb) 13.0 18.6 18.4 25.8 29.5
Laying hensa
Eggs per hen per year (no.) 112 174 232 257 271
Source: Adapted from USDA Annual Agricultural Statistics.

aFeed required per lb. of weight gain or per dozen eggs was reduced by more than half over the same time period.
bTime to market was reduced by more than half over the same time period.
Table 1.5
E xpenditures for F ood in the U nited S tates ( gross dollars and as
percent of personal disposable income )
At Home Away from Home Total

Year ($ bil) (%) ($ bil) % ($ bil) (%)
1930 15.8 21 2.3 3 18.1 24
1940 13.5 18 2.4 3 15.9 21
1950 35.7 17 7.6 4 43.3 21
1960 51.5 14 12.6 3 64.0 17
1970 75.5 10 26.4 4 102.0 14
1980 180.8 9 85.2 4 266.0 13
1990 314.5 7 175.2 4 489.6 11
2000 431.6 6 292.9 4 724.4 10
2010 622.3 6 454.9 4 1,077.2 9.9
2012 677.5 6 512.4 4 1,189.9 10
Source: USDA.
plow could plow 2 acres per day. Today, one tractor pulling three plows, each with
five moldboards, plows 110 acres per day, accomplishing the work that once required
110 horses and 55 workers.
Livestock productivity since 1925 has progressively increased to extraordinary
levels. The mix of animal enterprises on U.S. farms has shifted from a typical situa-
tion involving a vast number of species being raised on an average farm in the 1920s
to contemporary scenarios where animal agriculture is considerably more specialized.
These improvements in productivity have occurred primarily because people had an
incentive to progress under a free-enterprise system.
Table 1.6
C ontributions of V arious F ood G roups to the W orld F ood S upply
Food Group Calories (%) Protein (%)

Cereals 50 45
Roots, tubers, pulses 8 7
Nuts, oils, vegetable fats 11 4
Sugar and sugar products 8 2
Vegetables and fruits 7 5
All animal products 16 37
Meat 7 16
Eggs 1 3
Fish 1 7
Milk and dairy 5 10
Other 2 1
In the United States, releasing people from producing their own food has given
them the opportunity to improve their per-capita incomes. Increased per-capita income
associated with an abundance of animal products has resulted in reduced relative costs
of many animal products with time. U.S. consumers allocate a smaller share of their
disposable income for food than do people in many other countries. For example, per-
capita expenditures for food as a percent of household expenses in Canada, France,
Mexico, South Africa, and China are 9.2, 13.7, 24.2, 20.6, and 34.9%, respectively.
Table 1.6 shows that cereal grains are the most important source of energy in
world diets. The energy derived from cereal grains, however, is twice as important
in developing countries (as a group; there are exceptions) as in developed countries.
Table 1.6 also illustrates that meat and milk are the major animal products contribut-
ing to the world supply of calories and protein.
Most of the world meat supply comes from cattle, swine, sheep, goats, chickens,
and turkeys. There are, however, twenty or more additional species that collectively
contribute about 6.5 billion pounds of edible protein per year or approximately 10%
of the estimated total protein from all meats. These include the alpaca, llama, yak,
horse, deer, elk, antelope, kangaroo, rabbit, guinea pig, capybara, fowl other than
chicken (duck, turkey, goose, guinea fowl, pigeon), and wild game exclusive of birds.
For example, the Russian Federation cans more than 110 million pounds of reindeer
meat per year, and in Germany the annual per-capita consumption of venison ex-
ceeds 3 pounds. Peru derives more than 5% of its meat from the guinea pig.
Meat is important as a food for two scientifically based reasons. The first is
that the assortment of amino acids in animal protein more closely matches the needs
of the human body than does the assortment of amino acids in plant protein. The
second is that vitamin B12, which is required in human nutrition, may be obtained
in adequate quantities from consumption of meat or other animal products but not
from consumption of plants.
Milk is one of the largest single sources of food from animals. In the United
States, 99% of the milk supply comes from cattle, but on a worldwide basis, milk
from other species is important. Domestic buffalo, sheep, goat, alpaca, camel, rein-
deer, and yak supply significant amounts of milk in some countries. Milk and prod-
ucts made from milk contribute protein, energy, vitamins, and minerals for humans.
A B
C D
Figure 1.5
Ruminant animals produce food for humans by utilizing grass, crop residues, and other forages from land that cannot produce
crops to be consumed directly by humans. (A) Cattle grazing stubble in New South Wales, Australia. (B) Cattle grazing hillsides in
Georgia. (C) Cattle grazing native range in Arizona. (D) Sheep grazing native range. Source: 1.5 a-c: Tom Field. 1.5 d: Dalajlama/Fotolia.
Besides the nutritional advantages, a major reason for human use of animals
for food is that most countries have land areas unsuitable for growing cultivated
crops. Approximately two-thirds of the world’s agricultural land is permanent pas-
ture, range, and meadow; of this, about 60% is unsuitable for producing cultivated
crops that would be consumed directly by humans. This land, however, can produce
feed in the form of grass and other vegetation that is digestible by grazing ruminant
animals, the most important of which are cattle and sheep (Fig. 1.5). These animals
can harvest and convert the vegetation, which is for the most part indigestible by
humans, to high-quality protein food. In the United States, about 385 million acres
of rangeland and forest, representing 44% of the total land area, are used for grazing.
Although this acreage now supports only about 40% of the total cattle population, it
could carry twice this amount if developed and managed intensively.
Ruminant animal agriculture therefore does not compete with human use for
production of most land used as permanent pasture, range, and meadow. On the
contrary, the use of animals as intermediaries provides a means by which land that is
otherwise unproductive for humans can be made productive (Fig. 1.6).
People are concerned about energy, protein, population pressures (Fig. 1.7),
and land resources as they relate to animal agriculture. Quantities of energy and
Moisture
Sun
Land and Soil
Grains and Mechanically

concentrate harvested
feeds forages
Pastures and By-product

grasslands ingredients
Animal &
Poultry
Feeds Manure
Livestock and Poultry
Meat, milk, Hides, wool, Draft, Oils, fats,

eggs, edible feathers, transport, inedible by-
offal fiber recreation products
People
Figure 1.6
A graphic illustration of the land-plant-ruminant-animal-human relationship.
protein present in foods from animals are smaller than quantities consumed by ani-
mals in their feed because animals are inefficient in the ratio of nutrients used to
nutrients produced. More acres of cropland are required per person for diets high in
foods from animals than for diets including only plant products. As a consequence,
animal agriculture has been criticized for wasting food and land resources that could
otherwise be used to provide persons with adequate diets. Consideration must be
given to economic systems and consumer preferences to understand why agriculture
perpetuates what critics perceive as resource-inefficient practices. These practices re-
late primarily to providing food-producing animals with feed that could be eaten by
humans and using land resources to produce crops specifically for animals instead of
producing crops that could be consumed by humans.
Hunger continues to be a challenge in some regions of the world. The factors that
contribute to the hunger problem are varied and complex. Hunger takes two forms—
chronic persistent hunger and famine. Chronic persistent hunger (CPH) results from
a combination of poverty, climatic change, political instability, water shortages, loss of
soil fertility, poor infrastructure (transportation, storage facilities, banking services, etc.),
and illiteracy. Note that food scarcity is not a significant contributing factor to CPH.
Figure 1.7 10
Past, present, and projected
9
world population.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau. 8
7
Billion People
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1950s 60s 70s 80s 90s 2000s 10s 20s 30s 40s 50s
In fact, global food production has exceeded the population growth rate. Famine, un-
like CPH, is typically a relatively short period of crisis resulting from the breakdown in
food production and distribution infrastructure resulting from catastrophic events such
as hurricanes, drought, or civil war. The international community is relatively adept at
reacting to and minimizing the effects of famine.
The International Food Policy Research Institute suggests that while the num-
ber of malnourished children will decline from 1993 to 2020, there will still be 150
million babies and toddlers who will be insufficiently fed in 2020. An additional 500
million people will also suffer from hunger. Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean,
and West Asia are the regions most likely to bear the brunt of the problem in the
future. Of the 11 countries with daily per-capita consumption of less than 2,000
calories, 10 of these are located in Africa.
Per-capita food availability is estimated to increase by nearly 7% by 2020, with
China and East Asia experiencing the greatest increase. Evidence of a decline in global
population increases is becoming apparent. However, slowing population increases is
a gradual process, and for the next several decades approximately 80 million people
will be added to the global population annually. Over 90% of this increase will occur
in developing nations in or near urban areas. The 70 most susceptible countries to
the effects of hunger are also the world’s poorest nations. Sub-Saharan African na-
tions have a per-capita income of approximately $380 per year.
Conquering hunger in developing nations involves a multifaceted strategy that
includes increasing literacy rates, particularly in women; reducing poverty; improving
health care; enhancing agricultural production; and improving the total food system
infrastructure. As demand for food increases, some regions of the world will become
more import-dependent while others will become more export-focused.
Even developed nations are not immune to the effects of hunger for part of the
population. For example, 85% of U.S. households are categorized as food secure,
meaning all members of the household have access to enough food for a healthy life-
style and sufficient financial resources to acquire food, as it is needed. Households
deemed food insecure (15%) are further divided into categories of without hunger
(9%) or with hunger (6%). Food insecure households without hunger are able to
gain access to groceries via food assistance programs or community outreach pro-
grams. Fortunately, only 0.7% of children in the United States live in food insecure
environments coupled with periods of hunger. Those households considered food
insecure typically have incomes below the poverty line of $19,000, and are comprised
of single adults or single parents with children.
There will be annual demand increases of 1–1.5% for cereal grains, while
worldwide demand for meat is expected to approach 2% per annum. Demand for
meat will increase at the highest rate in developing countries (approximately 3%)
with developed nations only accounting for less than 1% of annual demand growth.
In the final analysis, the ability to pay will dictate food distribution. The need for
economic growth in developing regions is of paramount importance.
Agriculture producers generate what consumers want to eat as reflected in the
prices consumers are able and willing to pay. Eighty-five percent of the world’s pop-
ulation desires food of animal origin in its diets, perhaps because foods of animal
origin are considered more palatable than foods from plants. In most countries, as
per-capita income rises, consumers tend to increase their consumption of meat and
animal products.
If many consumers in countries where animal products are consumed at a high
rate were to decide to eat only food of plant origin, consumption and price of foods
from plants would increase, and consumption and price of foods from animals would
decrease. Agriculture would then adjust to produce greater quantities of food from
plants and lesser quantities of food from animals. Ruminant animals can produce large
amounts of meat without grain feeding. The amount of grain feeding in the future will
be determined by cost of grain and the price consumers are willing to pay for meat.
Some people advocate shifting from the consumption of foods from animals to
foods from plants. They see this primarily as a moral issue, believing it is unethical
to let people elsewhere in the world starve when our own food needs could be met
by eating foods from plants rather than feeding plants to animals. The balance of
plant-derived foods could then be sent abroad. These people believe that grain can
be shipped with comparative ease because a surplus of grain exists in many developed
nations and because any surplus should be provided at no cost. Providing free food to
other countries has met with limited success in the past. In some situations, it upsets
their own agricultural production, and in many cases the food cannot be adequately
distributed in the recipient country because transportation and marketing systems are
poorly developed.
There are strong feelings that the United States has a moral obligation to share
its abundance with other people in the world, particularly those in developing coun-
tries. It appears that sharing our time and technology can best do this. However,
people need to have self-motivation to improve, access to knowledge and appropriate
technology, and sufficient resources to develop agricultural productivity and infra-
structure aligned to their own cultural values.
Advances in agricultural production and related topics must be shared to mini-
mize the effects of hunger on civilization. These achievements have been built on
knowledge gained through experience and research, the extension of knowledge to
producers, and the development of an industry to provide transportation, processing,
and marketing in addition to production. Dwindling dollars currently being spent to
support agricultural research and extension of knowledge may not provide the tech-
nology needed for future food demands. The next generation of agricultural leaders
should view the decline in resources allocated to agricultural research, extension, and
education as an emerging crisis.
About 20% of the world human population and 32% of the ruminant ani-
mal population live in developed regions of the world, but ruminants of these same
regions produce two-thirds of the world’s meat and 80% of the world’s milk. In
developed regions, a higher percentage of animals are used as food producers, and
these animals are more productive on a per-animal basis than animals in developing
regions. This is the primary reason for the higher level of human nutrition in devel-
oped countries of the world.
Possibly many developing regions of the world could achieve levels of plant
and animal food productivity similar to those of developed regions. Except perhaps
in India, abundant world supplies of animal feed resources that do not compete with
production of food for people are available to support expansion of animal populations
and production. It has been estimated that through changes in resource allocation, an
additional 8 billion acres of arable land (twice what is now being used) and 9.2 billion
acres of permanent pasture and meadow (23% more than is now being used) could
be put into production in the world. These estimates, plus the potential increase in
productivity per acre and per animal in developed countries, demonstrate the magnitude
of world food-production potential. This potential cannot be realized, however, without
coordinated planning and increased incentive to individual producers.
Fortunately progress can be made in reducing hunger. For example, Asia
reduced hunger (percent of population consuming less than 2,100 calories per
day) by 30% in the 10-year period from 1994 to 2004. During the same time,
Bangladesh reduced the number of hungry people by 70% by making significant
strides in food production and distribution. This is particularly impressive
given that Bangladesh was once considered the epicenter of famine and chronic
persistent hunger. Interestingly, significant changes in governmental policy
focused not only on increasing food production but also on enhancing exports as
a means to infuse foreign exchange into the economy. Furthermore, government
policy focused on private-sector investment in irrigation systems, seeds, and
fertilizer to stimulate food production. These policies increased irrigated acreage
by 50% from 1994 to 2004.
In the long run, each nation must assume the responsibility of producing its
own food supply by efficient production, barter, or purchase and by keeping future
food-production technology ahead of population increases and demand. Extensive
untapped resources that can greatly enhance food production exist throughout the
world, including an ample supply of animal products. The greatest resource is the
human being, who can, through self-motivation, become more productive and
self-reliant.
Contributions to Clothing and Other

Nonfood Products
Products other than food from ruminants include wool, hair, hides, and pelts.
Synthetic materials have made significant inroads into markets for these products.
For example, the world’s production of wool peaked in 1990 but since has declined
to 40-year lows. It is important to note that in more than 100 countries, ruminant
fibers are used in domestic production and cottage industries for clothing, bedding,
housing, and carpets.
Annual production of animal wastes from ruminants contains millions of tons
of nitrogen, phosphorus, and potassium. The annual value of these wastes for fertil-
izer is estimated at more than $1 billion.
Inedible tallow and greases are animal by-products used primarily in soaps and
animal feeds and as sources of fatty acids for lubricants and industrial use. Additional
tallow and grease by-products are used in the manufacture of pharmaceuticals, can-
dles, cosmetics, leather goods, woolen fabrics, and tin plating. The individual fatty
acids can be used to produce synthetic rubber, food emulsifiers, plasticizers, floor
waxes, candles, paints, varnishes, printing inks, and pharmaceuticals.
Gelatin is obtained from hides, skins, and bones and can be used in foods, films,
and glues. Collagen, obtained primarily from hides, is used to make sausage casings.
Contributions to Work and Power Needs

The early history of the developed world abounds with examples of the importance
of animals as a source of work energy through draft work, packing, and human trans-
port. The horse made significant contributions to winning wars and exploration of
the unknown regions of the world.
In the United States during the 1920s, approximately 25 million horses and
mules were used, primarily for draft purposes. The tractor has replaced all but a few
of these draft animals. In parts of the developing world, however, animals provide as
much as 99% of the power for agriculture even today.
In more than half the countries of the world, animals—mostly buffalo and cat-
tle, but also horses, mules, camels, and llamas—are kept primarily for work and draft
purposes (Fig. 1.8). Approximately 20% of the world’s human population depends
largely or entirely on animals for moving goods. According to the Food and Agricul-
ture Organization of the United Nations, in developing countries animals provide
52% of the cultivation power, with an additional 26% derived from human labor.
Developed countries, in contrast, use tractors for 82% of the cultivation, with ani-
mals and humans providing 11 and 7% of the power, respectively. There are more
than three times as many tractors and harvesting machines and twice as many milk-
ing machines in use in developed nations as compared to developing countries. It is
estimated that India alone would have to spend more than $1 billion annually for
gasoline to replace the animal energy it uses in agriculture.
Figure 1.8
Animals provide significant
contributions to the
draft and transportation
needs of countries lacking
mechanization in their
agricultural technology.
In developed countries,
the use of draft animals is
more oriented to recreation
than necessity. (A) Donkey
A
pulling a cart as an example
of draft power. (B) Carriage
horses provide a leisurely
experience that harkens to
times before widespread
mechanization. Source: 1.8 a:
Africa/Fotolia, 1.8 b: Pink candy/
Fotolia.
B
Figure 1.9
(A) Many people enjoy the
sport of horse racing. (B)
Hunter jumpers are a key
attraction in many equine
shows and competitions. (C)
Horse showing is a popular
sport with increasing
participation on the amateur
and professional levels.
(D) Horseback experiences
provide high-quality
recreational experiences for
many. (E) Polo is an action- A B
packed sport enjoyed by
many. (F) Horses still play
an integral role on many
ranches. Source: 1.9a: Donna/
Fotolia; 1.9b: Kseniya Abramova/
Fotolia; 1.9c: JJAVA/Fotolia;
1.9d: Yanlev/Fotolia; 1.9e: MrSegui/
Fotolia; 1.9f: PROMA/Fotolia.
D E
F
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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Scientific Farm Animal Production: An

Introduction (11th Edition ) 11th Edition

Poultry and Egg Products 65 Consumption 92

Poultry Meat and Egg Production 65 Marketing 92

5 Selected References 108

Feeder Cattle 123 Hormonal Control of Testicular and Ovarian

Visual Assessment of Livestock Carcass Insemination of the Female 174

Female Organs of Reproduction and their Chapter Summary 184

Multiple Gene Pairs 195 Forming New Lines or Breeds 234

Chapter Summary 203

Nutrient Requirements For Lactation 266 Milk Composition 299

Chapter Summary 273

Use of Biologicals and Pharmaceuticals 319 Land Use 353

Major Diseases of Farm Animals 324 Animal Well-Being 359

Quality Assurance 329 Public Health 363

Caregiving Behavior 337

Shelter-Seeking Behavior 343 Traits and Their Measurement 386

Breeding Dairy Cattle 430

Chapter Summary 433

Marketing Decisions 482 Lambing Operations 514

New to This Edition

Contributions To Food Needs

Animal World Numbers Leading Countries or Areas with

Source: Adapted from USDA and FAO.

Animal Products Animal Products Animal Products

Per Capita Calories, kcal

130 138 139 133 146 178

Population in Percent of Economically Active

Source: Adapted from USDA and FAO.

agriculture and their nonworking dependents.

Species and Measure of Productivity 1925 1950 1975 2000 2012

Source: Adapted from USDA Annual Agricultural Statistics.

At Home Away from Home Total

Food Group Calories (%) Protein (%)

Source: Adapted from USDA and FAO.

Land and Soil

Grains and Mechanically

Pastures and By-product

Livestock and Poultry

Meat, milk, Hides, wool, Draft, Oils, fats,

Contributions to Clothing and Other

Contributions to Work and Power Needs

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

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