By: Dessy Christy

International Economic Studies

For Conference in International and Development Economics

The Inequality of Asia’s Women Migrant Workers

Trend of woman migration workers from Asia

In recent decades, Asia has experienced rapid economic growth and differences in living
standards between countries also the circulation of supply and demand for labour (ESCAP,
2003). Thus, there is a high increase in migration not only to and from the region, but also
within the region (ESCAP, 2003; Hugo, 2005). Asia is a large continent and also contributes a
large workforce to economic turnover in the world. Female migrants form one part of this
labour migration with almost half (48 percent) of the total migrants to the Asia-Pacific region
and 44 percent of emigrants from the region (UN DESA, 2013a). The origin of countries
contributing labour in Asia has also increased such as in China, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand,
Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Indonesia.

According to Martin's research (2003) migration offers new opportunities for women and
financial independence in addition to improving status in their homes and communities. Above
and above, women migrants are now a major contributor to the economies of their home
countries through sending their personal money. In Sri Lanka in 1999, 62% of total remittances
came from female migrants and covered more than 50% of the trade balance. In the Philippines
in 2001 women contributed 6.2 billion dollars. In 2002, according to conservative IMF
estimates, international remittances to developing countries exceeded $ 80 billion per year.
Considering that Official Development Assistance rarely exceeds $ 60 billion per year,
migrants actually contribute more to the development of their countries than do the overall
development agencies of rich countries. Also considering that women tend to send more than
men to their home countries actually makes them a significant financial contributor to the
economies of their home countries.

Gender perceptions of female migrant workers as "young, needy, flexible, portable and
disposable workforce" have meant that their demand is mainly in the domestic, hospitality,
health and care, garment and entertainment sectors (UN Women, 2013a). Women migrant
workers from the region are also included in the ranks of skilled workers, who are involved in
the "welfare and social profession" (for example, education, health, and social work). However,
even as skilled professionals, women from the region are taking sub-standard jobs due to skills
mismatch and non-recognition of academic qualifications and training (Jolly and Reeves,
2005). For instance, Nepalese nurses in the United Kingdom were relegated to lower level jobs
as care givers in private nursing homes and nursing homes where job satisfaction was low and
their technical capacity and knowledge remained unacknowledged (Adhikari, 2012).

The consequent effect of increasing women's mobility is significant in the broad community.
Sending countries have benefited from higher remittance flows and changes in social and
family relations, especially because they are related to gender roles and relations. For recipient
countries, welfare gains are enormous, in the form of increased labour supply, opportunities
for native women to enter the workforce and the possibility of caring for children and seniors.
Moreover, women migration workers often taking jobs that native workers do not want to do,
such as caring for the elderly, which is very important in countries with an aging population
and low-cost child care allow native women to enter the workforce.

The Influence Factors for Doing Migration

Factors that influence women to become migrant workers can be seen from the push and pull
factors of the economic, social and political. With the explanation below for the factors that
encourage a person to become a woman migrant worker, such as:
• Lack of employment opportunities, aspirations for a better life and significant
differences in wage rates between origin and destination have encouraged women to
migrate to countries where income is higher. Contrary to the general assumption that
only the poorest and most vulnerable women migrate, the high cost of migration means
that women's mobility seeps into different economic quintiles (UNFPA-IOM, 2006).
• A culture of migration and the position of women in sending communities and
overreaching gender norms that affect women's access to migration opportunities and
their ability to make autonomous decisions in this regard (Boyd and Grieco, 2003). This
is especially true for South Asia, where cultural norms give women a lower status, girls
are widely seen as burdens, women's educational attainment is low and employment
opportunities are limited, and gender-based violence is rife (UN Women, 2013a) .
 • National policies in the country of origin also affect women's mobility. Conditions
imposed to protect women from exploitation often prevent women's participation in
migration (Boyd and Grieco, 2003), or force them to migrate using informal channels
(UN Women, 2013a).

As for the factors that can attract these female workers to migrate, this can be seen from better
economic development in the destination country. Some of the pull factors that can influence
the decisions of migrant workers, especially women, such as:
• Growth in export-oriented sectors where women are considered to have a comparative
advantage over men, which results in an increase in women's migration in the formal
and informal sectors (Ahsan et al., 2014). Examples include the export processing zone
in Jordan that leads to increased employment of women migrants, especially from Sri
Lanka (HRW, 2007). Likewise, export-specific garment and textile factories
established in the Mae Sot area of Thailand only employ migrant workers from
Myanmar, who are mostly women (Kusakabe and Pearson, 2014).
• Increasing demand for domestic workers in East and Southeast Asia where domestic
responsibilities are guarded by migrant workers. In Singapore, it is estimated that one
fifth of all households employ domestic workers. In contrast, in the GCC (Gulf
Cooperation Council) countries, demand is led by changes in family structure and
lifestyle also for the maintenance of newly acquired social status (Irianto and Truong,
2014; Sabban, 2010).
• The increased demand in the health and care industry worldwide, especially in the aging
global north, has encouraged women from the Asia-Pacific region to meet those needs
(UNFPA-IOM, 2006). The outflow of skilled migrant workers even has a recurring
impact on migration patterns: the migration of nurses from Fiji to countries in the
Pacific Rim and Middle East has caused shortages, which, in turn, has accelerated the
migration of Filipino nurses to Fiji (Rallu, 2008) .

The Impact of Women Migration

In principle, regular labour migration for jobs which are in demand must stimulate economic
growth and promote cultural diversity or integration. In many labour sending countries, women
have remittances among the largest sources of cash income. Although some women naturally
send smaller amounts than men because they are usually paid less, women send a higher
proportion of their income, and do so more often (IOM and UN-INSTRAW, 2010; Omelanuik,
2005; FIDH, 2007) . The combined effect of remittances can be significant; contrary to men's
remittances, which are largely spent on "productive assets," women's remittances tend to be
used for education, health, food, clothing and housing (UN Women, 2013a). In addition to the
impact of women's migration in the country of origin, there is evidence to suggest that the
increase in immigration welfare is very large in the destination country. Migration increases
the supply of labour, with a positive impact on the country's employment, production and gross
domestic product (Ratha et al., 2011).

The social remittance of women migrants in terms of ideas, skills, attitudes and knowledge can
also contribute to socio-economic development, human rights, and gender equality in countries
of origin (Lopez-Ekra et al., 2011). By sending remittances back, women emerge as
breadwinners, a role often associated with men (UNFPA, 2006); goods brought from abroad
function as a "sign of prestige" (Thimothy and Sasikumar, 2012); and property acquisition by
migrant women in Nepal, for example, where women's land ownership is very low, increasing
their status (Adhikari, 2006). There are indications that in societies where patriarchy is rooted
in, however, foreign work is a "temporary experience," and the return of many women is once
again relegated to the traditional role of devotion (Thimothy and Sasikumar, 2012; Dias and
Jayasundera, 2002; Gamburd, 2010).

As a woman let alone having children becomes a challenge and scourge for these migrant
women to raise their children. However, based on research in Thailand found that the impact
on children with migrant parents is more likely to provide a positive assessment of their own
[subjective] well-being compared with children without migrant parents (Jampaklay and
Vapattanawong, 2013). When women migrate to work, the responsibilities of the elderly in the
household also increase. Research shows that in cases where mothers leave home for work, the
responsibility of raising children falls on grandmothers (Tigno and Francisco, 2002; Yeoh and
Lam, 2006).

The Challenges of Women Migrant Workers

Migration can provide opportunities to improve their lives and families, help them escape from
social and economic vulnerability also offer avenues for greater autonomy and empowerment.
But migration also exposes these women to various types of vulnerability, discrimination, and
risk (Sijapati and Nair, 2014), both in the country of origin and in the destination country,
especially where such migration carries very strong patriarchal stigma and norms. Some key
things to consider are greater protection for migrant workers; measures to maximize the
potential of workers, their families and other; a conducive policy environment, priority in
destination countries; and Improve information, approval, and knowledge base. The main
problem in most countries is the inadequacy of the legal system to manage migration and that
migration for workers is not seen as part of labor and labor rights policies but rather as a matter
of border control and security.

In most Asian countries where patriarchal and gender norms are strong, women often have
difficulty in migration due to the lack of support from families or even acquiescence. Because
of these barriers and/or policy restrictions such as age bans, many are also trafficked or
smuggled irregularly (UN Women, 2013a). Woman migrant workers experience problems of
poor living and work as numerous sexual and physical harassment. Many know that upon
arrival that their work is different from what was agreed upon, as are the wages and other
provisions. Reports are not being permitted to leave the workplace, work hours that are too
long, prohibitions on telephone use, lack of any leave days, insults and lack of respect are
commonplace (ILO, 2013; Amnesty International, 2011). Many woman worker who run away
from their employers and end up in an irregular status making them vulnerable to further
harassment, including sexual exploitation (ILO, 2013). Women migrants are looked at with
suspicion of misconduct while abroad by family members and the community at large. Many
returned home to disintegrated families and separated from their husbands. Studies have stated
that women returnees, especially those subjected to sexual abuse, overcome difficulties at the
hands of their husbands and parents-in-law (ILO, 2013). Some female migrants return with
severe physical and psychological problems, disabilities and diseases, making reintegration
more difficult (HRW, 2007). Returned women migrants also face the challenge of integrating
the labour market because they can rarely utilize the expertise and experience gained abroad.
Their inability to manage their earnings at destination or upon return also means they have
limited funds for investment or to discuss entrepreneurial opportunities (Stella, 2012).

Conclusion

Women's migration has always been an important feature of international migration in the
Asia-Pacific region. Beyond increasing the migration of women, their patterns and shapes have
also shifted. The fact that women migrant workers make enough autonomous decisions to
migrate to provide for themselves and their families shows that substantial efforts must be
made to increase the benefits of migration while ensuring their rights and welfare. To provide
gender equality, women's empowerment and more equitable and sustainable development,
there are a number of policies that must be produced such as: revising gender neutral national
laws to be gender sensitive such as Filipino and foreign migrant workers who provide more
protection for women migrant workers ; Have bilateral agreements to regulate and protect
migrant workers who can be more gender sensitive; Raise awareness about the problems and
contributions of women's migration that can have an economic and social impact on the
government and their own families.

References

Adhikari, R.2012 Perils and Prospects of International Nurse Migration from Nepal, Policy Brief 2. Centre for the
Study of Labour and Mobility, Kathmandu. http:// ceslam.org/index.php?pageName=publication&p id=11.
Ahsan, A., M. Abella, A. Beath, Y. Huang, M. Luthria and T. Van Nguyen2014 International Migration and
Development in East Asia and the Pacific. The World Bank, Washington D.C.

Amnesty International. 2011 False Promises: Exploitation and Forced Labour of Nepalese Migrant Workers.
Amnesty International, London. www.amnesty.org/en/articles/ news/2011/12/nepal-protect-nepalese-
migrants- false-promises-work-abroad/.

Boyd, B. and Grieco, E.2003 Women and Migration: Incorporating Gender into International Migration Theory.
Migration Information Source. Migration Policy Institute, Washington, DC. www.migrationpolicy.org/article/
women-and-migration-incorporating-gender- international-migration-theory.

Dias, M. and R. Jayasundera. 2002 Sri Lanka: Good Practices to Prevent Women Migrant Workers from Going
into Exploitative Forms of Labor, GENPROM Working Paper No. 9. International Labour Organization (ILO),
Geneva. www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_emp/ documents/publication/wcms_117954.pdf.

Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP). 2003 Migration Patterns and Policies in
the Asian and Pacific Region, Asian Population Studies Series No. 160, United Nations, New York.

Gamburd, M.R.2010 Sri Lankan Migration to the Gulf: Female Breadwinners—Domestic Workers. In: View
Points: Migration and the Gulf (Middle East Institute, ed.). Middle East Institute, Washington, DC, pp. 13–15.

Hugo, G. 2005 Migration in the Asia-Pacific Region, Global Commission on International Migration, Geneva,
http://www.gcim.org/mm/File/ Regional%20Study%202.pdf.

Human Rights Watch (HRW).2007.Exported and Exposed: Abuses Against Sri Lankan Domestic Workers in Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait, Lebanon, and the United Arab Emirates. Human Rights Watch, New York. www.hrw.org/
reports/2007/srilanka1107/.

International Organization for Migration (IOM) and UN- INSTRAW. 2010 Gender, Migration and Remittances.
Infosheet. IOM, Geneva. www.iom.int/jahia/webdav/site/ myjahiasite/shared/shared/mainsite/published_
docs/brochures_and_info_sheets/Gender- migration-remittances-infosheet.pdf.
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) 2007 Women and Migration, 36th Congress. FIDH, Lisbon.
www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/Femme_ Migrations_Eng.pdf.

Irianto, S. and T-D. Truong2014 From Breaking the Silence to Breaking the Chain of Social Injustice: Indonesian
Women Migrant Domestic Workers in the United Arab Emirates’. In: Migration, Gender and Social Justice:
Perspectives on Human Insecurity, Hexagon Series on Human 69 and Environmental Security and Peace 9 (T.D.
Truong et al., eds.). Jampaklay, A. and P. Vapattanawong.

Jolly, S. and H. Reeves . 2005. Gender and Migration, Overview Report. BRIDGE, Institute of Development
Studies, Brighton, UK. www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/sites/bridge.ids.ac.uk/files/ reports/CEP-Mig-OR.pdf.

Kusakabe, K and R. Pearson.2014 Burmese Female Migrant Workers in Thailand: Managing Productive and
Reproductive Responsibilities. In: Migration, Gender and Social Justice: Perspectives on Human Security (Thanh-
Dam Truong, Des Gasper, Jeff Handmaker, Sylvia I. Bergh, eds.). Springer, Heidelberg.

Lopez-Ekra, S., C. Aghazarm, H. Kötter and B. Mollard 2011 The Impact of Remittances on Gender Roles and
Opportunities for Children in Recipient Families: Research from the International Organization for Migration Vol.
19, No. 1, pp. 69–80.

Omelaniuk, I.2005 Gender, Poverty Reduction and Migration. World Bank,Washington, DC. http://siteresources.
worldbank.org/EXTABOUTUS/Resources/Gender. pdf.

Rallu, J.L.2008 Population, Migration and Development in Asia, with Special Emphasis on the South Pacific: The
Impact of Migration on Population and the MDGs. United Nations Expert Group Meeting on International
Migration and Development in Asia and the Pacific, Bangkok, Thailand, 20-21 September 2008.

Ratha, D., S. Mohapatra and E. Scheja.2011 Impact of Migration on Economic and Social Development: A review
of evidence andemerging issues. Policy Research WorkingPaper No. 5558. World Bank, Washington,DC.
http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ TOPICS/Resources/214970-1288877981391/ Migration&Development-
Ratha-GFMD_2010a.pdf.

Sabban, R.2010 United Arab Emirates: Migrant Women in the United Arab Emirates—The case of female
domestic workers. GENPROM Working Paper No. 10, Series on Women and Migration. ILO, Geneva.
www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_emp/ documents/publication/wcms_117955.pdf.

S. Forbes Martin, Women and migration, Background paper for the Consultative meeting on migration, mobility and how
this movement affects women, United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, 2-4 December 2003, p. 5.

Sijapati, B. and P.M. Nair2014 Gender and Safe Mobility: Promising Global and Regional Practices. Paper
submitted to the Asian Development Bank/International Organization for Migration. [Draft]

Stella, P.G.2012 The Philippines and Return Migration: Rapid Appraisal of the Return and Reintegration Policies
and Service Delivery. International Labour Organization, Manila.

Thimothy, R and S.K. Sasikumar2012 Migration of Women Workers from South Asia to the Gulf. V.V. Giri National
Labour Institute and UN Women, Uttar Pradesh. www.unwomensouthasia. org/2012/migration-of-women-
workers-from- south-asia-to-the-gulf/.

Tigno, C. R. and J.S. Francisco2002 Quilted Sightings: A Women and Gender Studies Reader. Miriam College,
Quezon City, Philippines.

United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA).2013 International Migration Report
2013. UN Population Division, New York. www.un.org/en/ development/desa/population/publications/
migration/migration-report-2013.shtml.
UN Women 2013a Managing Labour Migration in ASEAN: Concerns for Women Migrant Workers. Asia-Pacific
Regional Office, Bangkok. http://unwomen-eseasia.org/ docs/publication/sitecore/managing_labour_
migration_asean.pdf.

UNFPA-IOM. 2006 Female Migrants: Bridging the Gaps Throughout the Life Cycle. Selected Papers of the UNFPA-
IOM Expert Group Meeting, New York, 2-3 May, 2006. http://publications.iom.int/
bookstore/index.php?main_page=product_ info&cPath=1&products_id=136.

Yeoh, B. S. A. and T. Lam.2006 The Cost of (Im)mobility: Children Left behind and Children who Migrate with a
Parent. UNESCAP. www.childmigration.net/Yeoh_06.