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Contents
Preface xv
Acknowledgments xx
About the Author xxi
1 The Study of Gender 1

Headline: “The End of Men,” Atlantic Monthly, July/August, 2010 1
History of the Study of Sex Differences in Psychology 3
The Study of Individual Differences 4
Psychoanalysis 4
The Development of Women’s Studies 6
The History of Feminist Movements 6
Sex or Gender? 9
Women in Psychology 10
The Appearance of the Men’s Movement 12
Considering Diversity 15
Summary 17
Glossary 18
Suggested Readings 18
Suggested Websites 19
References 19
2 Researching Sex and Gender 22

Headline: “Does Gender Matter?” Nature, July 13, 2006 22
How Science Developed 22
Approaches to Research 24
Quantitative Research Methods 24
Experimental Designs 25
Ex Post Facto Studies 26
Surveys 27
Correlational Studies 28
Qualitative Research Methods 29
Interviews 29
Ethnography 30
Focus Groups 30
viii Contents
Researchers’ Choices 31
Gender Bias in Research 32
Sources of Bias 32
Ways to Deal with Bias in Science 37
Advocating Transformation 38
Decreasing Bias 39
Summary 40
Glossary 41
References 42
3 Gender Stereotypes: Masculinity and Femininity 46

Headline: “Gender Stereotypes Don’t Die Easily” Vancouver Sun, June 27, 2013 46
History of Stereotypes of Women and Men 46
The Cult of True Womanhood 47
Masculinities 48
Conceptualizing and Measuring Masculinity and Femininity 50
Explicit Measures of Stereotyping 50
Implicit Measures of Stereotyping 52
The Process and Implications of Stereotyping 53
Stereotyping, Prejudice, and Discrimination 53
Perceptions of Women and Men 54
Stereotypes over the Lifespan 59
Negative Effects of Stereotyping 61
Stereotype Threat 61
Benevolent Sexism 64
Summary 68
Glossary 69
References 70
4 Hormones and Chromosomes 77

Headline: “Venus and Mars Collide” New Scientist, March 5, 2011 77
The Endocrine System and Steroid Hormones 77
Sexual Differentiation 79
Chromosomes 79
Prenatal Development of Male and Female Physiology 79
The Reproductive Organs 79
The Nervous System 82
Changes during Puberty 83
Changes during Adulthood 85
Variations in Sexual Development 86
Contents ix
Variations in Number of Sex Chromosomes 86
Problems Related to Prenatal Hormone Exposure 88
Hormones and Behavior Instability 90
Premenstrual Syndrome 90
Testosterone and Aggression 96
Summary 100
Glossary 102
References 103
5 Theories of Gender Development 109

Headline: “Code Pink” Mother Jones, September/October, 2009 109
The Psychodynamic Approach to Gender Development 110
Freud’s View of Gender Identity Development 110
Horney’s Theory of Gender 111
Contemporary Psychodynamic Theories of Gender Development 113
Chodorow’s Emphasis on Mothering 113
Kaschak’s Antigone Phase 115
Social Learning Theory and Gender 116
Cognitive Theories of Gender Development 123
Cognitive Developmental Theory 123
Gender Schema Theory 126
Which Theory is Best? 127
Summary 130
Glossary 131
References 132
6 Developing Gender Identity 136

Headline: “A Boy’s Life” The Atlantic, November 2008 136
Gender Identity Development 136
Development during Childhood 137
The Sequence of Childhood Gender Role Development 138
Differences between Girls and Boys 140
Later Development 141
Influences on Gender Identity Development 145
Biological Factors and Gender Development 145
Family Environment and Gender Development 148
Peers and Gender Development 151
The Media and Gender Development 152
Gender Bias in the Media 153
Children and Media 155
x Contents
Summary 159
Glossary 160
References 161
7 Intelligence and Cognitive Abilities 170

Headline: “Is the Female of the Species Really More Intelligent Than the Male?”
The Telegraph, July 17, 2012 170
Cognitive Abilities 170
Verbal Performance 173
Mathematical and Quantitative Performance 174
Spatial Performance 178
Other Cognitive Abilities 182
Source of the Differences 186
Biological Evidence for Gender Differences in Cognitive Abilities 186
Evidence for Other Sources of Gender Differences 188
Implications of Gender-Related Differences 189
Summary 192
Glossary 193
References 194
8 Emotion 201
Headline: “Do Get Mad” New Scientist, February 9, 2013 201
Gender in the Experience and Expression of Emotion 201
The Myth of Maternal Instinct 204
Maternal Deprivation and Its Consequences for Nurturing 204
Gender and Caring for Children 206
The Prominence of Male Aggression 209
Anger and Aggression 210
Developmental Gender Differences in Aggression 211
Gender and Aggression during Adulthood 214
Gender and Crime 215
Sexual Violence 219
Expressivity and Emotion 222
Summary 225
Glossary 226
References 227
Contents xi
9 Relationships 235
Headline: “The New Rules of Dating” Men’s Fitness, February, 2013 235
Friendships 236
Development of Styles 236
Friendships over the Lifespan 239
Flexibility of Styles 242
Love Relationships 243
Dating 244
Marriage and Committed Relationships 247
Concepts of Love and Marriage 250
Communication between Partners 252
Balance of Power 253
Division of Household Labor 255
Conflict and Violence 257
Stability of Relationships 259
Dissolving Relationships 261
Summary 267
Glossary 268
References 269
10 Sexuality 280
Headline: “How to End to War over Sex Ed,” Time Atlantic, April 6, 2009 280
The Study of Sexuality 281
Sex Surveys 281
The Kinsey Surveys 281
Hunt’s Playboy Foundation Survey 284
The National Health and Social Life Survey 285
National Survey of Sexual Health and Behavior 285
Gender Differences (and Similarities) in Sexual Attitudes and Behavior 286
Masters and Johnson’s Approach 289
Childhood Sexuality: Exploration and Abuse 290
Heterosexuality 294
During Adolescence 295
During Adulthood 298
Homosexuality 303
During Adolescence 306
During Adulthood 308
Bisexuality 311
Summary 313
Glossary 315
xii Contents
References 316
11 School 324
Headline: “The Target,” Vanity Fair, April, 2013 324
The School Experience 324
Early Schooling 326
Changes during Middle School 328
High School 330
College and Professional School 335
Achievement 340
Achievement Motivation 340
Fear of Success 341
Self-Esteem and Self-Confidence 341
Attributions for Success and Failure 344
Summary 347
Glossary 349
References 349
12 Careers and Work 355

Headline: “You’ve Come a Long Way, Baby,” Canadian Business, October 13, 2013 355
Careers 355
Career Expectations and Gender Stereotyping 357
Career Opportunities 359
Discrimination in Hiring 360
Barriers to Career Advancement 363
Balancing Career and Family 367
Gender Issues at Work 369
Gender Segregation on the Job 369
Gender, Communication, and Power in the Workplace 371
Sexual Harassment at Work 373
Summary 380
Glossary 381
References 382
13 Health and Fitness 390

Headline: “Ladies Last,” National Geographic, April, 2013 390
Mortality: No Equal Opportunity 390
Cardiovascular Disease 391
Contents xiii
Cancer 393
Violent Deaths 395
The Health Care System 398
Gender Roles and Health Care 398
Gender and Seeking Health Care 398
Gender and Receiving Health Care 399
Reproductive Health 402
Gender and Healthy Aging 405
Gender, Lifestyle, and Health 407
Eating 408
Body Image 409
Eating Disorders 412
Exercise and Fitness 413
Summary 418
Glossary 420
References 421
14 Stress, Coping, and Psychopathology 429

Headline: “White Men Have Less Life Stress, But Are More Prone to Depression
Because of It,” Huffington Post, September 23, 2015 429
Stress and Coping 429
Sources of Stress for Men and Women 429
Family Roles 430
Violence 432
Discrimination 433
Poverty 434
Coping Resources and Strategies 435
Social Support 436
Coping Strategies 437
Diagnoses of Mental Disorders 439
The DSM Classification System 439
Gender Inequity in the Diagnosis of Mental Disorders 440
Gender Comparisons in Psychopathology 443
Depression 444
Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders 447
Anxiety Disorders 449
Other Disorders 450
Summary 456
Glossary 457
References 459
xiv Contents
15 Treatment for Mental Disorders 468
Headline: “Colorado Launches Man Therapy to Break Down Mental
Health Stigmas” Nation’s Health, October 2012 468
Approaches to Therapy 468
Psychoanalysis 468
Humanistic Therapy 469
Cognitive Therapy 470
Behavior Modification 471
Medical Therapies 472
Accusations of Gender Bias in Therapy 473
Gender Issues in Therapy 475
Feminist Therapy 475
Principles of Feminist Therapy 476
Clients of Feminist Therapy 477
Therapy with Men 478
Gender-Sensitive Therapies 479
Sexual Exploitation in Therapy 481
The Self-Help Movement 484
Online Support Groups 486
Gender Issues in Self-Help 487
Summary 490
Glossary 491
References 492
16 How Different? 499

Headline: “Signs of Détente in the Battle between Venus and Mars,”
New York Times, May 31, 2007 499
What do Women Want? What do Men Want? 499
Have Women Become More Like Men? 499
Why Can’t a Man Be More Like a Woman? 504
Multiple Roles Have Become the Rule 506
Where Are the Differences? 509
Differences in Ability 510
Differences in Choices 512
Is a Peace Plan Possible? 514
Summary 515
Glossary 516
References 517
Index 521
Preface
This book examines the topic of gender—the behaviors and attitudes that relate to (but
are not the same as) biological sex. A large and growing body of research on sex, gender,
and gender-related behaviors has come from psychology, sociology, biology, biochemistry,
neurology, and anthropology. This research and scholarship form the basis for this book,
providing the material for a critical review and an attempt to generate an overall picture of
gender from a psychological perspective.
The Topic of Gender

A critical review of gender research is important for several reasons. First, gender is currently
a “hot topic,” and almost everyone has an opinion. These opinions are not usually based on
research. Most people are not familiar with research findings; they simply know their own
opinions. People’s personal experiences influence their opinions, but the media cultivate a
view of gender through stories and depictions in the movies, on television entertainment and
news programs, and in other media. Based on these portrayals, people create images about
how they believe women and men should be and attempt to re-create these images in their
own lives. This personal reproduction of gender portrayals in the media is another example
of what Candace West and Don Zimmerman (1987) described as “doing gender.”
In Gender: Psychological Perspectives, I present findings from gender researchers, although
the picture is neither simple nor complete. Research findings are complex and sometimes
contradictory, but the volume of research over the past 50 years has yielded sufficient research
to obtain clarity in some areas, whereas other areas are not yet so clear. I believe that it is
important to understand this research rather than draw conclusions based on only personal
opinions and popular media portrayals.
Second, despite the bias and controversy that have surrounded the research process,
research is a valuable way to understand gender. Although scientific research is supposed
to be objective and free of personal bias, this idealistic notion often varies from the actual
research process. Gender research in particular has been plagued with personal bias. Despite
the potential for bias in the research process, I believe that research is the most productive
way to approach the evaluation of a topic. Others disagree with this view, including some
who are interested in gender-related topics. A number of scholars, especially feminist schol-
ars, have rejected scientific research as the best way to learn about gender.
Although I agree that science has not treated women equitably, either as researchers or
as participants in research, I still believe that science offers the best chance for a fuller
understanding of gender (as well as of many other topics). Although some scholars disagree,
I believe that science can further the goal of equity. I agree with Janet Shibley Hyde and
Kristen Kling (2001, p. 369) who said, “An important task of feminist psychology is to
challenge stereotypic ideas about gender and test the stereotypes against data.” My goals
xvi Preface
are consistent with that view—to examine what gender researchers have found and how
they have interpreted their findings. By doing so, I hope to accomplish one of the goals that
Meredith Cherland (2008) mentioned for those who teach about gender: “unsettling their
students’ collective views of the world and their sense of life’s inevitability” (p. 273). I believe
that the research on gender has that potential.
The book’s emphasis on gender is similar to another approach to studying gender—
through examining the psychology of women. The psychology-of-women approach concen-
trates on women and issues unique to women, whereas the gender approach focuses on the
issue of gender as a factor in behavior and in the social context in which behavior occurs.
Gender research and theory draw heavily from research on the psychology of women, but
the emphasis differs.
By emphasizing women and their experience, the psychology-of-women approach often
excludes men, but gender research cannot. Studying both women and men is essential to an
understanding of gender. Researchers who are interested in gender issues may concentrate on
women or men, but they must consider both, or their research reveals nothing about gender.
Therefore, this seventh edition of Gender: Psychological Perspectives examines the research
and theory from psychology and related fields in order to evaluate the behavior, biology, and
social context in which both women and men function.
The gender approach also reflects my personal preferences: I want a psychology of women
and men. When I was completing the first edition of this book, I attended a conference
session on creating a course on psychology of women. Several instructors who had created
such courses led a discussion about obtaining institutional approval and the challenges they
had encountered, including resistance from administrators (who were mostly men) concern-
ing a course in which the enrollment would be mostly women. One of the group advised
trying for approval of a course on gender if obtaining approval for a psychology of women
course was not successful. The implication was that the topic of gender included men and
would be more acceptable but less desirable. I disagreed. I wanted men to be included—in
the research, in my book, and in my classes. This preference comes from the belief that both
women and men are required in order to consider and discuss gender issues. I prefer the
gender approach, and I wanted this book to reflect that attitude. As R. W. (now Raewyn)
Connell (2005) has discussed, women’s efforts for change will not succeed completely with-
out men’s support and assistance. Men must participate to create gender equity for everyone.
My interest in gender comes from two sources—my research and my experience as a
female psychologist. The research that prompted me to examine gender issues more carefully
was work on risk perception related to health problems. I was interested in investigating
people’s perceptions of the health risks created by their behavior, such as the perceptions of
health risks in smokers versus nonsmokers. In this research, I found that women and men
saw their behaviors and risks in similar ways, even when the actual level of health risks dif-
fered quite a bit for men and women. My research showed gender similarities rather than
gender differences.
In examining the volume of research on gender-related attitudes and behaviors, I dis-
covered that many other researchers’ findings were similar to mine—more similarities than
differences. When differences appeared, many were small. I came to doubt the widespread
belief that men and women are opposites. Rather, the evidence indicated that women and
men are more similar than different. With the focus on differences, this view was not often
voiced. Recently, this view has become more prominent. Concentrating on research find-
ings rather than stereotypes or media portrayals, psychologists have come to conclusions of
gender similarities rather than differences. Janet Shibley Hyde (2005) has proposed a gender
similarities hypothesis rather than one of gender differences, and Rosalind Barnett and Caryl
Rivers (2004) have summarized this view as Same Difference.
Preface xvii
As a female psychologist, I was forced to attend to gender issues from the outset of my
career. Sexism and discrimination were part of the context in which I received my professional
training and in which I have pursued my career as a psychologist. Women were a small minor-
ity in the field during my early years in psychology, but the numbers have since increased so
that now women receive over half the doctoral degrees granted each year in psychology. This
increase and several antidiscrimination laws have produced some improvements in equitable
treatment for women in psychology (as well as in other professions and in society in general).
The psychology-of-women approach came from the women in psychology during the
feminist movement of the 1960s. Most of the women in psychology have not been directly
involved in the psychology of women, and some are not feminists, but the presence of a
growing proportion of women has changed psychology, making a psychology of gender not
only possible but also, I think, inevitable.
Gendered Voices
Although I believe that research is a good way to understand behavior, including gender-
related behavior, I accept the value of other approaches, including personal accounts. In
traditional quantitative research, the data consist of numbers, and each participant’s experi-
ence is lost in the transformation to numerical data and the statistical compilations of these
data. Personal accounts and interviews do not lead to a comfortable blurring of the results.
Rather, each person’s account is sharply depicted, with no averaging to blunt the edges of
the story. Louise Kidder (1994) contended that one of the drawbacks of personal accounts
is the vividness of the data generated by reports of personal experience. I thought that such
accounts could be an advantage.
The text of Gender: Psychological Perspectives consists of an evaluation of research findings—
exactly the sort of information that people may find difficult to relate to their lives. I decided
that I also wanted to include some personal, narrative accounts of gender-relevant aspects of
people’s lives, and I wanted these accounts to connect to the research studies. The perils of
vividness seemed small compared to the advantages. I believe that people’s personal experi-
ences are distilled in statistical research, but I also know that a lot of the interesting details
are lost in the process.
These “Gendered Voices” narratives are my attempt to restore some of the details lost in
statistical summaries, allowing men and women to tell about their personal experiences.
Telling these stories separate from the text was an alternative to presenting information
about gender and highlighting the relevance of research findings with vivid detail. Some
of the stories are funny, showing a light-hearted approach to dealing with the frustrations
and annoyances of discrimination and gender bias. Some of the stories are sad, revealing
experiences of sexual harassment, violence, and abuse. All of the stories are real accounts,
not fictional tales constructed as good examples. When the stories are based on published
sources, I name the people presenting their experience. For other stories, I have chosen not
to name those involved to protect their privacy. I listened to my friends and students talk
about gender issues and wrote down what they told me, trying to report what they said in
their own words. I hope that these stories give a different perspective and add a sense of
gendered experience to the volume of research reported here.
Headlines
Long before I thought of writing a book about gender, I noticed the popularity of the topic
in the media. Not only are the sexes the topic of many private and public debates, but gender
differences are also the topic of many newspaper, magazine, and television stories, ranging
xviii Preface
from sitcoms to scientific reporting. I had read warnings about the media’s tendencies to
oversimplify research findings and to “punch up” the findings to make the story grab people’s
attention. I wanted to examine the research on gender to try to understand what the research
says, with all of its complexities, and to present the media version along with an analysis of
the research findings.
Of particular concern to me was the tendency of the media and of people who hear
reports of gender research to seek (or assume) a biological basis for the behavioral differences
between the sexes, as though evidence of biologically based differences would be more “real”
than any other type of evidence. The division of the biological realm from the behavioral
realm is a false dichotomy; the two are intertwined and mutually influence each other. Even
genes can be altered by environment, and experiences can produce changes in behavior as
permanent as any produced by physiology. Many people hold the view that biological dif-
ferences are real and permanent, whereas experience and culture produce only transient and
changeable effects. This view is incorrect.
The tendency to seek a biological explanation is strong and appealing to many. As Naomi
Weisstein (1982) said, “Biology has always been used as a curse against women” (p. 41),
which has led many scholars to minimize the focus on biology. However, this book exam-
ines biological evidence in some detail because I want to present and evaluate this research
rather than ignore it. I want readers to question the extent to which the biological “curse”
should apply.
To further highlight the popular conceptualizations of gender, I decided to use headlines
from newspapers and popular magazines as a way to illustrate how the media represent
gender. Some of the headline stories are examples of responsible journalism that seeks to
present research in a way that is easy to understand, whereas other headline stories are more
sensational or simplified.
The sensationalism occurs because such stories get attention, but the stories distort research
findings and perpetuate stereotypical thinking about the sexes. I believe that Beryl Lieff
Benderly (1989), a science reporter, was correct when she warned about media sensational-
ism of gender research by writing the headline “Don’t believe everything you read” (p. 67).
According to the Media and According to the Research

In addition to gender in the headlines, I have included two boxed features called “Accord-
ing to the Media” and “According to the Research” that concentrate on gender portrayals in
the media. According to the Media boxes examine how gender is portrayed in the various
media—magazines, television, movies, video games, Internet sources, cartoons, and fiction.
The corresponding According to the Research boxes provide research findings as a more
systematic counterpoint to the media topics. The contrast of these two presentations pro-
vides an opportunity to examine gender bias and stereotyping in the media. I hope these
features lead students to question and think critically about the accuracy and fairness of the
thousands of gendered images that they experience through the media.
Considering Diversity
The history of psychology is not filled with a concern for diversity or an emphasis on diver-
sity issues, but these topics are of increasing interest and concern within psychology. Indeed,
gender research is one of the major contributors to the growing diversity in psychology. In
addition, cross-cultural research has flourished and continues to expand in countries around
the world. This research has begun to provide a more comprehensive picture of psychological
issues in contexts beyond ethnic groups within the United States.
Preface xix
To highlight this developing research and tie it to gender issues, this edition of Gender:
Psychological Perspectives includes a section in most chapters called “Considering Diversity,”
which focuses on diversity research. Although diversity issues enter the text at many other
points in the book, the creation of a section to highlight diversity ensures attention to these
important issues. In some chapters, the research is sufficiently developed to present a cross-
cultural review of the topic, but for other topics, cross-cultural research remains sparse, so
those diversity sections present a specialized topic that relates to the chapter.
References
Barnett, Rosalind; & Rivers, Caryl. (2004). Same difference: How gender myths are hurting our relationships, our
children, and our jobs. New York: Basic Books.
Benderly, Beryl Lieff. (1989, November). Don’t believe everything you read: A case study of sex-difference
research turned a small finding into a major media flap. Psychology Today, 67–69.
Cherland, Meredith. (2008). Harry’s girls: Harry Potter and the discourse of gender. Journal of Adolescent & Adult
Literacy, 52(4), 273–282.
Connell, R. W. (2005). Change among the gatekeepers: Men, masculinities, and gender equality in the global
arena. Signs, 30, 1801–1825.
Hyde, Janet Shibley. (2005). The gender similarities hypothesis. American Psychologist, 60, 581–592.
Hyde, Janet Shibley; & Kling, Kristen C. (2001). Women, motivation, and achievement. Psychology of Women
Quarterly, 25, 364–378.
Kidder, Louise. (1994, August). All pores open. Paper presented at the 102nd annual convention of the American
Psychological Association, Los Angeles, CA.
Weisstein, Naomi. (1982, November). Tired of arguing about biological inferiority? Ms., 41–46, 85.
West, Candace; & Zimmerman, Don H. (1987). Doing gender. Gender and Society, 1, 125–151.
Acknowledgments
At the completion of any book, authors have many people to thank, and I am no exception.
Without the assistance, support, and encouragement of many people, I never could have
written this book, much less completed six editions. I thank all of them, but several people
deserve special mention. My colleagues in the psychology department at McNeese State
University were supportive and helpful. Dena Matzenbacher, Denise Arellano, Cameron
Melville, Carl Bartling, Charlotte Carp, Tracy Lepper, and Patrick Moreno offered their
expertise and assistance.
Husbands often deserve special thanks, and mine is no exception. My husband, Barry
Humphus, did a great deal to hold my life together while I was researching and writing:
He bailed me out of tech trouble repeatedly and rendered charts and graphs for many of
the figures that appear in this edition of the book. I would not have attempted (much less
completed) this book without him.
I would like to thank the people who told me their personal stories for the Gendered
Voices feature of the book, many of whom have been my students at McNeese. To respect
their privacy I will not name them, with one exception. Melinda Schaefer deserves special
thanks because her story was so good that hearing it made me realize that I wanted to include
others’ stories. Without her story, and Louise Kidder’s (1994) presentation, I would not have
realized how important these accounts are.
The people at Taylor and Francis have been helpful and supportive. My editor Debra Rieg-
ert and her associate Rachel Severinovsky have smoothed the transition to and supported my
efforts in revising and completing the manuscript.
I would also like to thank reviewers who read parts of the manuscript and offered helpful
suggestions, especially Carol Tavris, who advised me about how to use one of her excel-
lent quotations and Florence Denmark, who took the time and careful attention to offer
a review. I am honored. I am also grateful to past reviewers Maggie Felton, University of
Southern Indiana; Heather Hill, University of Texas at San Antonio; Mary Losch, Univer-
sity of Northern Iowa; Elizabeth Ossoff, Saint Anselm College; and Karen Prager, the Uni-
versity of Texas at Dallas. Thanks also for the suggestions from Luciane A. Berg, Southern
Utah University; Christina Byme, Western Washington University; Linda Heath, Loyola
University–Chicago; Marcela Raffaelli, University of Nebraska; and Stephanie Riger, Uni-
versity of Illinois–Chicago.
About the Author
Linda Brannon earned two degrees from the University of Texas at Austin: a B.A. degree in
Psychology and a Ph.D. in the area of human experimental psychology. After completing her
doctorate, she joined the Department of Psychology faculty at McNeese State University in
Lake Charles, Louisiana. She stayed at MSU, attaining the rank of Professor of Psychology.
As a female psychologist in the era when they were rare, she developed an interest in gender
issues. That interest led first to research, then to this textbook and a Psychology of Gender
course, which she has taught for over a decade. She has also coauthored texts in the area of
introductory psychology and health psychology and teaches both these courses. Her honors
include the 1998 MSU Alumni Association’s Distinguished Professor Award. In addition to
teaching and research, she acts as Program Coordinator for McNeese’s Bachelor of Science
degree in psychology, mentors students in MSU’s Psi Chi chapter, and maintains her status
as licensed psychologist in the state of Louisiana.
1 The Study of Gender
Headline: “The End of Men,” Atlantic Monthly, July/August, 2010

According to Hanna Rosin (2010), boys and men are losing out to girls and women; the male
advantage is declining. For example, in 2010 women became the majority of the workforce
in the United States. More boys than girls fail to graduate from high school; women receive
the majority of college degrees. These days, about half of doctorates in medicine and law
go to women. Many wives earn higher salaries than their husbands do. Rosin pointed out
that in modern societies, strength is not the important factor that it was throughout most
of history. Instead, intelligence is important, and women and men are equally intelligent. In
addition, women have better communication skills and a greater willingness to undergo the
schooling that has become so critical for economic success. Rosin proposed that economic
and societal forces have changed women’s roles to—and sometimes beyond—the point of
equality: “For years, women’s progress has been cast as a struggle for equality. But what if
equality isn’t the end point?” (Rosin, 2010, p. 56).
Is it possible that women will become dominant? Anthropologist Melvin Konner (2015)
argued that they will; the end of male supremacy is near. Konner’s reasoning is similar to
followers of evolutionary psychology who contend that women and men have evolved in
different ways that furnish modern humans with “hard-wired” gender differences. Both
take an essentialist view, which contends that some “essence,” or underlying biological
component, makes men and women different. The evolutionary psychology view (Buss &
Schmitt, 2011) holds that evolutionary pressures have shaped women to prioritize their role
in raising children, whereas men must gather resources to attract women. These differences
in priorities have created modern men who are forceful and dominant and modern women
who focus on childbearing and child care.
According to most people’s views of the relationship between biology and behavior, bio-
logical differences determine behavior. Therefore, if the differences between women and men
are biological, those differences are perceived as fixed and invariant (Keller, 2005). Recent
changes in society should make little difference in women’s and men’s basic natures. Konner
argued that the situation of boys and men losing out to girls and women is part of the recent
changes in society: The evolved tendencies that have made women more cooperative, caring,
practical, and patient have made them better adapted than men in modern society. This twist
on an essentialist view of gender differences is not likely to calm the debate about gender.
Conflicts and questions about the roles of women and men occur in debates about gender:
Which is more important, nature (biology) or nurture (culture and society)? What types of
differences exist? What is the basis for these differences? What is the extent of these differ-
ences? A switch from male dominance to equality or female dominance seems inconsistent
with an evolutionary view but also with many people’s views: Women and men are born with
biological differences that dictate the basis for different traits and behaviors. Indeed, they are
so different that women are the “opposite sex,” suggesting that whatever men are, women
are at the other end of the spectrum. Those who hold this view find the differences obvi-
ous and important. Those who emphasize social and economic factors as the driving forces
in behavior see the possibility that roles are flexible. Drawing from research in psychology,
sociology, biology, and anthropology, the differences between women and men seem to be
a complex puzzle with many pieces (Eagly & Wood, 2013).
The battle lines have been drawn between two camps, both of which look to volumes
of research for support for their view and see supporting evidence for their different views.
Some people at some times have believed that differences between males and females are
few, whereas others have believed that the two are virtually different species. These two posi-
tions can be described as the minimalist view and the maximalist view (Epstein, 1988).
The minimalists perceive few important differences between women and men, whereas the
maximalists believe that the two have large, fundamental differences. Many maximalists also
hold an essentialist view, believing that the large differences between women and men are
part of their essential biological natures. Although these views have varied over time, today
both the maximalist and the minimalist views have vocal supporters. Table 1.1 summarizes
the most prominent version of these two positions and the intersection between these views
and the essentialist view.
This lack of agreement coupled with commitment to a position suggests controversy,
which is almost too polite a term for these disagreements. Few topics are as filled with
emotion as discussions of the sexes and their capabilities. These arguments occur in places
as diverse as playgrounds and scientific laboratories. The questions are similar, regardless
of the setting: Who is smarter, faster, healthier, sexier, more capable, and more emotional?
Who makes better physicians, engineers, typists, managers, politicians, artists, teachers,
parents, and friends? Who is more likely to go crazy, go to jail, commit suicide, have a
traffic accident, tell lies, gossip, and commit murder? The full range of human possibilities
seems to be grounds for discussion, but the issues are unquestionably important. No matter
what the conclusions, at least of half the human population (and most probably all of it) is
affected. Therefore, not only are questions about the sexes interesting, but also the answers
are important to individuals and to society. Later chapters explore the research concerning
abilities and behaviors, and an examination of this research allows an evaluation of these
questions.
Answers to these important questions about differences between women and men are
not lacking. Almost everyone has answers—but not the same answers. It is easy to see how
people might hold varying opinions about a controversial issue, but some consistency should
exist among findings from researchers who have studied men and women. Scientists should
be able to investigate the sexes and provide evidence concerning these important questions.
Researchers have pursued these questions, obtained results, and published thousands of
Table 1.1 The Maximalist and Minimalist Views of Gender Differences
Position View of Differences between Differences Created through How Strongly

the Sexes Essentialist?
Maximalist Differences are large and Evolutionary history and Very

important sex hormones
Minimalist Differences are small with Stereotyping and different Not Strongly
few large enough to be treatment for males and
important females
The Study of Gender 3
papers. There is no shortage of investigations—or publicity—about the sexes. Unfortunately,
researchers are subject to the same problems as everyone else: They do not all agree on what
the results mean—or even what they are.
In addition, many research findings on men and women are not consistent with popular
opinion, suggesting that popular opinion may be an exaggeration or distortion, most likely
based on people’s personal experiences rather than on research. Both the past and the present
are filled with examples that exaggerate differences between women and men.
People have a tendency to think in terms of opposites when considering only two exam-
ples, as with the sexes (Fausto-Sterling, 2000; Tavris, 1992). If three sexes existed, people
might not have the tendency to draw comparisons of such extremes. They might be able
to see the similarities as well as the differences in men and women; they might be able to
approach the questions with more flexibility in their thinking. The sexual world may not
actually be polarized into only two categories (as Chapter 4 explores this in more detail),
but people do tend to see it that way. This perception of only two sexes influences people to
think of the two sexes as polar opposites. To maintain these oppositional categories, people
must exaggerate the differences between women and men, which results in stereotypes that
do not correspond to real people (Bem, 1993b). Although these stereotypes are not realistic,
they are powerful because they affect how women and men think about themselves and how
they think about the “opposite” sex.
History of the Study of Sex Differences in Psychology

Speculations about the differences between men and women probably predate history,
but these issues were not part of the investigations of early psychology. Indeed, questions
about sex differences were not part of early psychology. Questions in early psychology
were guided by its founder, Wilhelm Wundt, and revolved around the nature of human
thought processes (Schultz & Schultz, 2012). Wundt wanted to establish a natural sci-
ence of the mind through experimentation; he established a laboratory at the University
of Leipzig in Germany in 1879 (although this date is subject to some controversy).
Students flocked to Wundt’s lab to study the new psychology. Using chemistry as the
model, they devised a psychology based on an analytical understanding of the structure
of the conscious mind. This approach to psychology became known as the structuralist
school of psychology.
The structuralists were interested in investigating the “generalized adult mind” (Shields,
1975a), and therefore any individual differences, including differences between the minds
of women and men, were of no concern to these early psychologists. This inattention to
sex differences did not mean equal treatment of women and men by these early psycholo-
gists. The generalized adult mind on which psychology’s early findings were based was a
generalization drawn from data collected from and by men. Indeed, women were expressly
prohibited from one of the early groups of experimental psychologists in the United States
(Schultz & Schultz, 2012).
Some scholars from the United States went to Germany to study with Wundt and brought
psychology back. Despite their training in Germany, many found the views of German psy-
chology too limiting and impractical. As psychology grew in the United States, it developed
a more practical nature. This change is usually described as an evolution to functional-
ism, a school of psychology that emphasized how the mind functions rather than its struc-
ture (Schultz & Schultz, 2012). As psychologists with a functionalist orientation started to
research and theorize, they drew a wider variety of subjects into psychological research and
theories, including children, women, and nonhuman animals.
The Study of Individual Differences
Among the areas of interest in functionalist psychology were the issues of adaptability and
intelligence. These interests prompted the development of intelligence testing and the com-
parison of individual differences in mental abilities and personality traits, including sex dif-
ferences. The functionalists, influenced by Darwin and the theory of evolution, tended to
look for biologically determined differences, including a biological basis for sex differences.
Although female psychologists pointed out the effects of social influence on women’s and
men’s behaviors, functionalist psychologists were hesitant to acknowledge any possibility of
social influence in the sex differences they found (Milar, 2000).
The studies and writings of functionalists of this era tended to demonstrate that women were
less intelligent than men, benefited less from education, had strong maternal instincts, and were
unlikely to produce examples of success or eminence. Women were not the only group deemed
inferior; people who were not white were also considered less intelligent and less capable.
Findings of the intellectual deficiencies of women did not go uncriticized. As early as
1910, Helen Thompson Woolley contended that the research on sex differences was full
of the researchers’ personal bias, prejudice, and sentiment (Shields, 1975a), and Leta Stet-
ter Hollingworth took a stand against the functionalist view of women (Shields, 1975b).
These female psychologists argued against the prevailing view. Hollingworth contended that
women’s potential would never be known until women had the opportunity to choose the
lives they would like—career, maternity, or both.
The functionalist view began to wane in the 1920s, and a new school of psychology,
behaviorism, gained prominence. The behaviorists emphasized observable behavior rather
than thought processes or instincts as the subject matter of psychology. The behaviorist
view of psychology was consistent with the prevailing style of masculinity during the early
20th century—tough-minded and combative (Minton, 2000). With the change from a
functionalist to a behaviorist paradigm in U.S. psychology, the interest in research on sex
differences sharply decreased. “The functionalists, because of their emphasis on ‘nature,’ were
predictably indifferent to the study of social sex roles and cultural concepts of masculine and
feminine. The behaviorists, despite their emphasis on ‘nurture,’ were slow to recognize those
same social forces” (Shields, 1975a, p. 751). Rather, behaviorists were interested in the areas
of learning and memory, concentrating on studies with rats as subjects.
In addition, research on learning ignored social factors, including sex roles and sex dif-
ferences. In ignoring gender, psychologists created “womanless” psychology (Crawford &
Marecek, 1989), an approach that either failed to include women as participants or failed
to examine gender-related factors when both men and women participated in psychological
research. Until the 1970s, psychology was overwhelmingly male. As Rhoda Unger (1983–
1984) commented about her education in psychology, “Even the rats were male” (p. 227).
When behaviorism dominated psychology, the only theorists who unquestionably had
an interest in sex differences were those with a psychodynamic orientation—the Freudians.
Psychoanalysis
Both Freud’s psychodynamic theory of personality development and his psychoanalytic
approach to treatment appear in more detail in Chapter 5. However, the history of psy-
chology’s involvement in issues of sex and gender necessitates a brief description of Freud’s
personality theory and his approach to treatment.
Although Sigmund Freud’s work did not originate within psychology, the two are popu-
larly associated. And unquestionably, Freud’s work and Freudian theory concerning person-
ality differences between women and men have influenced both psychology and society in
general. These influences have made the work of Freud very important for understanding
how theorists within psychology conceptualized sex and gender.
In the United States, Freud’s work began to gain popular attention in 1909, when Freud
came to the United States to give a series of invited lectures at Clark University (Schultz & Schultz,
2012). Immediately after his visit, newspapers started carrying features about Freud and his
theory. By 1920, interest in Freudian theory and analysis was evident both in books and in
articles in popular magazines. Psychoanalysis gained popular interest, becoming almost a fad.
Indeed, popular acceptance of Freud’s work preceded its acceptance by academicians.
Freud emphasized the role of instinct and physiology in personality formation, hypoth-
esizing that instincts provide the basic energy for personality and that the child’s perception
of anatomical differences between boys and girls is a pivotal event in personality formation.
Rather than rely on genetic or hormonal explanations for sex differences in personality, Freud
looked to early childhood experiences within the family to explain how physiology interacts
with experience to influence personality development.
For Freud (1925/1989), the perception of anatomical differences between boys and girls
was a critical event. The knowledge that boys and men have penises and girls and women
do not forms the basis for personality differences between boys and girls. The results of this
perception lead to conflict in the family, including sexual attraction to the other-sex parent
and hostility for the same-sex parent. These incestuous desires cannot persist, and Freud
hypothesized that the resolution of these conflicts comes through identification with the
same-sex parent. However, Freud believed that boys experience more conflict and trauma
during this early development than girls, leading boys to a more complete rejection of
their mother and a more complete identification with their father. Consequently, Freud
(1925/1989) hypothesized that men typically form a stronger conscience and sense of social
values than women do.
Did Freud mean that girls and women were deficient in moral standards compared to men?
Did he view women as incomplete (and less admirable) people? It is probably impossible to
know what Freud thought and felt, and his writings are sufficiently varied to lead to contra-
dictory interpretations. Thus the question of Freud’s view of women has been hotly debated.
Some authors have criticized Freud for supporting a male-oriented society and the enslave-
ment of women, whereas others have defended Freud and his work as applied to women. In
defense of Freud (Tavris & Wade, 1984), his view of women was not sufficiently negative to
prevent him from accepting them as colleagues during a time when women were not wel-
come in many professions. In addition, he encouraged his daughter, Anna, to pursue a career
in psychoanalysis. Freud’s writings, however, reveal that he held many negative views about
women and seemed to feel that they were inferior to men, both intellectually and morally.
Regardless of Freud’s personal beliefs, the popular interpretation of his theory repre-
sented women as inferior to men—less ethical, more concerned with personal appearance,
more self-contemptuous, and jealous of men’s accomplishments (and also, literally, of their
penises). Accepting the feminine role would always mean settling for inferior status and
opportunities, and women who were not able to reconcile themselves to this status were
candidates for therapy because they had not accepted their femininity.
Freud’s theory also held stringent and inflexible standards for the development of mascu-
linity. For boys to develop normally, they must experience severe anxiety during early child-
hood and develop hatred for their father. This trauma should lead a boy to identify with his
father out of fear and to experience the advantages of the male role through becoming like
him. Boys who do not make a sufficiently complete break with their mothers are not likely to
become fully masculine but to remain somewhat feminine, thus experiencing the problems
that society accords to nonmasculine men.
The psychoanalytic view of femininity and masculinity has been enormously influential in
Western society. Although not immediately accepted in academic departments, the psycho-
analytic view of personality and psychopathology was gradually integrated into the research
and training of psychologists. Although the theory has prompted continuing controversy,
Table 1.2 Role of Gender in Psychological Theories throughout the History of Psychology
Theory Emphasis of Theory Role of Gender
Structuralism Understanding the structure of Minimal—all minds are equivalent

the human mind
Functionalism Understanding the function of Sex differences are one type of
the mind individual difference
Behaviorism Studying behavior in a scientific Minimal—behavior varies with
way individual experience
Psychoanalysis Studying normal and abnormal Biological sex differences and their
personality development and recognition are motivating forces
functioning
interest continues in the form of both attacks and defenses. This continuing stream of books
and articles speaks to the power of Freud’s theory to capture attention and imagination.
Despite limited research support, Freudian theory has been and remains a force in concep-
tions of sex and gender.
In summary, psychological research that includes women dates back to the early 20th century
and the functionalist school of psychology, but this approach emphasized sex differences and
searched for the factors that distinguish men and women. When the behaviorist school domi-
nated academic psychology, its lack of interest in sex differences created a virtually “woman-
less” psychology. During that same time, Freudian psychoanalysts held strong views on the
sexes, but this theory proposed that women are physically and morally inferior to men. This
belief in the innate inferiority of women influenced research on women. Table 1.2 summarizes
psychological theories and their approaches to gender. In contrast to these male-dominated
theories, some investigators emphasize the study of women.
The Development of Women’s Studies

Women’s studies came about as a result of political, social, and intellectual developments that
began in the 18th century and continue in the present (Sommers, 2008). Those develop-
ments have affected psychology and have changed society and people’s daily lives.
The History of Feminist Movements

The feminist movement of the 1960s prompted the development of women’s studies (Freed-
man, 2002). This version of feminism is referred to as the second wave of feminism. The first
wave of feminism began with the campaign for changes in women’s roles and legal status,
focusing on voting rights for women, the availability of birth control, and other legal changes
to improve women’s social and economic status (Sommers, 2008). That movement experi-
enced some success—for example, women gained the right to vote in many countries—but
other legal changes did not occur.
The feminist movement of the 1960s grew out of the U.S. civil rights movement and brought
about some of the changes that earlier feminist movements had sought (Nachescu, 2009). One
of the most prominent changes was women’s entry into the workforce in record numbers in
many industrialized countries. Both professional and working-class women experienced situa-
tions of discrimination that led many to work toward legal and social changes for women. These
goals fit the definition of liberal (or equal rights) feminism and included people who wanted to
end discrimination based on sex and extend equal rights to women (Freedman, 2002).
Photo 1.1 The first women’s movement pushed for voting rights for women.
Some feminists believed that calling for an end to discrimination was not sufficient; equal-
ity for women required more drastic changes in society. These radical feminists believed that
women have been oppressed by men and that this oppression has served as a model for racial
and class oppression (Nachescu, 2009). According to radical feminists, the entire social system
requires major change to end the subservient role that women occupy. Both liberal and radi-
cal feminism call for political activism designed to bring about changes in laws and in society.
In the 1960s and 1970s, women entered colleges and universities in increasing numbers.
These scholars pursued their interest by focusing on topics related to women, which resulted in
the development of courses and curricula devoted to women’s studies as an academic discipline.
This emphasis was often compatible with another variety of feminism, cultural feminism, which
also advocates social change. Inspired by Carol Gilligan’s In a Different Voice (1982), cultural
feminists advocate moving toward an acceptance and appreciation of traditionally feminine
values. Cultural feminists believe that, were women in charge, many of the world’s problems
would disappear, because women’s values of caring and relationships would eliminate them.
Radical and cultural feminists have received more publicity than other types of feminism,
creating an inaccurate image of and a backlash against feminism (see According to the
Media and According to the Research). Feminists were cast as loud, pushy, man-hating,
unattractive women who always seemed unsatisfied, even with the changes that had offered
them the opportunities they sought. This image led to many women’s reluctance to identify
with feminism, and media sources proclaimed that feminism was dying (Hall & Rodri-
guez, 2003). Feminist values did not disappear; indeed, women and men continued to
endorse equal right and opportunities, but fewer identified as feminists. This development
began the third wave of feminism, often called postfeminism. Underlying this concept is
the notion that feminism is not necessary because the goals of second wave feminism have
been accomplished. Many dispute this notion, but it remains a common belief. Table 1.3
summarizes the three waves of feminism.
Table 1.3 Waves of Feminism
Wave of Feminism Time Frame Dominant Theme Goals

First Wave Mid-1800s–Early 1900s
Suffrage Movement Women deserve legal rights Voting rights and access to birth
control for women
Second Wave 1960s–1980s
Liberal/Equal Rights Women deserve equal Equal access to education,
legal rights workplace, and political careers
Radical Male dominance has Overthrow male oppression
oppressed women
Cultural Women’s values are different Acceptance and appreciation of
and deserve respect women and female values
Third Wave 1990s–present
Postfeminism Feminism is no longer Women have achieved equal
necessary treatment and opportunities
According to the Media . . . Feminists Are Bra-Burning Man-Haters

The media image of a feminist is a radical, man-hating woman who is uninterested
in attracting (or unable to attract) men. This description is remarkably consistent
throughout the United States, reported Courtney Martin (2007), who attributed this
consistency to “media manufactured myths.”
The image of feminists as “bra burners” originated with one of the prominent
events in the second wave of feminism: the protest at the 1968 Miss America pageant
(Kreydatus, 2008). A group of feminist women organized a protest of the beauty
pageant, arguing that its emphasis on a specific standard of beauty was degrading to
women. Heavy media coverage accompanied these protests, and one reporter used the
term “bra burner” to describe these feminists. The description stuck.
The media have focused on radical feminists, probably because these femi-
nists provide better stories. As feminism grew, the medial labels became even more
uncomplimentary, including the term “feminazi,” popularized by Rush Limbaugh
(MediaMatters for America, 2005). The focus on radicalism and the uncompliment-
ary media terms helped to promote feminists as radical, bra-burning man-haters.
Television and movies have portrayed that image and other variations of feminism
in ways that belittle, satirize, or dilute feminism. The PowerPuff Girls (1998–2005)
portrayed kindergarten female superheroes, but the show’s worst villain, Femme
Fatale, called herself a feminist. Recent televisions shows, such as 30 Rock, Scandal,
and Homeland, feature leading female characters that display a mixture of intelligence
and competence but also stereotypically poor judgment problems concerning men.
These female characters do not match the radical feminist stereotypes, but they dilute
their strong female characters to make their strength more acceptable.
Sex or Gender?
With the growing interest in women’s issues came concerns about how to phrase the
questions researchers asked. Those researchers who have concentrated on the differences
between men and women historically have used the term sex differences to describe
their work. In some investigations, these differences were the main emphasis of the
study, but for many more studies, such comparisons were of secondary importance
(Unger, 1979). By measuring and analyzing differences between male and female par-
ticipants, researchers have produced a huge body of information on these differences
and similarities, but this information was not of primary importance to most of these
researchers.
When differences between women and men began to be the focus of research, contro-
versy arose over terminology. Some researchers objected to the term sex differences, con-
tending that any differences trace back to biology (McHugh, Koeske, & Frieze, 1986).
Critics also objected that the term has been used too extensively and with too many mean-
ings, including chromosomal configuration, reproductive physiology, secondary sex char-
acteristics, as well as behaviors or characteristics associated with women or men (Unger,
1979). Rhoda Unger proposed an alternative—the term gender. She explained that this
term describes the traits and behaviors that are regarded by the culture as appropriate to
women and men. Gender is thus a social label and not a description of biology. This label
includes the characteristics that the culture ascribes to each sex and the sex-related char-
acteristics that individuals assign to themselves. Carolyn Sherif (1982) proposed a similar
definition of gender as “a scheme for social categorization of individuals” (p. 376). Both
Unger and Sherif recognized the socially created differentiations that have arisen from the
According to the Research . . . Feminists Are Neither of the Above

According to research conducted with feminist women, they fail to match any of
the stereotypes promoted in the media. An examination of the events of the protest
during the 1968 Miss American pageant failed to show any burned bras (Kreydatus,
2008). A “freedom trash can” was part of the protest, and the protesters threw in
objects they associated with “female garbage,” such as bras, girdles, false eyelashes, and
steno pads, but they did not set the objects on fire. The bra burning was symbolic, not
literal, but the image persisted.
The notion that feminists hate men is also a widespread belief, but little research
has investigated and none has supported this stereotype. One study assessed wom-
en’s feminism and then tested their attitudes toward men (Anderson, Kanner, &
Elsayegh, 2009). The results indicated the opposite of the stereotype: Feminists had
lower levels of hostility toward men than women who did not identify themselves
as feminists.
Some feminist scholars (Barakso & Schaffner, 2006) have contended that the media
focus on the more extreme issues and members of feminist groups, which has created
the image of Limbaugh’s “feminazis” but fails to capture the women or the issues of
feminism. As feminist Courtney Martin (2007) said, “Feminism in its most glorious,
transformative, inclusive sense, is not about man-hating” but about educated choices
for men as well as for women, genuine equality, and a vision of gender roles that allow
individuals to become their most authentic selves. This image lacks the controversy
and varies from the media stereotype of feminists.
biological differences associated with sex, and both have proposed that use of the term
gender should provide a useful distinction.
Unger suggested that use of the term gender might reduce the assumed parallels between
biological and psychological sex, or at least make those assumptions explicit. That attempt
to draw distinctions between the concepts of sex and gender has not been entirely success-
ful. Some researchers use the two terms interchangeably, whereas others have substituted
the term gender for the term sex but still fail to make any distinction (Pryzgoda & Chrisler,
2000). Others choose the terminology that reflects their point of view—those who use
the term gender often intend to emphasize the social nature of differences between women
and men, whereas those who use the term sex mean to imply biological differences. Thus
researchers who are biological essentialists use the term sex to refer to all differences between
men and women, whereas those who use the term gender want to emphasize the social nature
of such differences.
Women in Psychology
The history of studying gender in psychology is lengthy, including the individual differ-
ences approach and psychoanalysis. However, women were rarely prominent psychologists.
Women were admitted as students in doctoral programs from the early years of psychology,
but they had a difficult time finding positions as psychologists, especially in academic set-
tings. In 1941, a group of female psychologists formed the National Council of Women
Psychologists to further the work of female psychologists in the war effort (Walsh, 1985).
In 1944, this group became the International Council of Women Psychologists, and despite
attempts to become a division of the American Psychological Association (APA), they expe-
rienced repeated rejections.
The dramatic increase of women attending college in the 1960s affected psychology, and
the new area of women’s studies changed the discipline. Influenced by feminist scholars and
their own research priorities, women expanded the earlier area of gender-related behaviors
and individual differences to create a new psychology of women and gender (Marecek, Kimmel,
Crawford, & Hare-Mustin, 2003; Walsh, 1985).
In 1968, psychologist Naomi Weisstein presented a paper that influenced a generation
of psychologists, “‘Kinde, Küche, Kirche’ as Scientific Law: Psychology Constructs the
Female.” In this paper, Weisstein (1970) argued that psychological research had revealed
almost nothing about women because the biases, wishes, and fantasies of the male psy-
chologists who conducted the research contaminated the results. Although the criticism
was aimed mostly at clinical psychology and the Freudian approach to therapy, Weisstein
also charged research psychologists with finding only what they wanted and expected to
find about women rather than researching women as they were. She wrote: “Present psy-
chology is less than worthless in contributing to a vision which could truly liberate—men
as well as women” (p. 231).
Weisstein’s accusations came at a time when the feminist movement in society and a
growing number of women in psychology wanted a more prominent place for women in the
field and sought to create feminist-oriented research. Weisstein made the point that psycho-
logical research had neglected to take into account the context of behavior, without which
psychologists could understand neither women nor people in general. This criticism seems
to have contained a great deal of foresight (Bem, 1993a); psychological research on women
began to change in that specific way. “During the 1970s psychological researchers made an
important discovery: humans are gendered beings whose lives and experiences are (most
likely) influenced by their gender” (Smiler, 2004, p. 15). Psychologists held no monopoly
on women’s studies. Sociologists, anthropologists, ethnologists, and biologists also became
involved in questions about biological and behavioral differences and similarities between
the sexes (Schiebinger, 1999).
The struggle for professional acceptance is clear in the history of the formation in the
APA of a division devoted to women’s issues, which did not occur until 1973. Division 35,
Society for the Psychology of Women, can be directly traced to the Association for Women
in Psychology, a group that demonstrated against sex discrimination and advocated for an
increase in feminist psychological research at the 1969 and 1970 APA national conventions
(Walsh, 1985). Unlike the earlier International Council, Division 35 goals included not only
the promotion of women in psychology, but also the advancement of research on women
and issues related to gender. The great volume of psychological research on sex and gender
that has appeared in the past 35 years is consistent with the Division 35 goal of expanding
the study of women and encouraging the integration of that research with current psycho-
logical thinking. Indeed, Division 35 members have conducted much of that research, but
other disciplines have also contributed substantially. The current plethora of research on sex
and gender comes from investigations in biology, medicine, sociology, communication, and
anthropology, as well as psychology.
In summary, the feminist movement of the 1960s prompted a different type of research,
producing results that questioned the stereotypes and assumptions about innate differences
between the sexes. Not only did this research begin to examine sex differences and similari-
ties, but these researchers also expanded ways to study women and men. This more recent
orientation has led to voluminous research in the field of psychology, as well as in sociology,
anthropology, communication studies, literary analysis, art, and biology.
The feminist movement questioned the roles and stereotypes for women, and soon the
questioning spread to men, who began to examine how the inflexibility of gender stereotypes
might harm them, too.
Gendered Voices: I’m Not a Feminist, But. . . .

Women (and a few men) utter the phrase, “I’m not a feminist, but. . . .” usually followed
by a statement that is clearly feminist. This unwillingness to identify with the women’s
movement highlights the emergence of a new F-word shocking polite company: feminism
(Penny, 2013). Even women and men who espouse feminist values seem to feel obligated
to distance themselves from the label.
One example of that reluctance came from Katie Perry, who said “I’m not a femi-
nist, but I do believe in the strength of women” when she received the 2012 Billboard
Woman of the Year award (Jezebel, 2012). Yahoo CEO Marissa Mayer said that she
would not consider herself a feminist because that term seems very negative (Mandell,
2013), but she also said “I certainly believe in equal rights. I believe that women are
just as capable, if not more so, in a lot of different dimensions.” Beyoncé Knowles is
another accomplished woman who was not anxious to be identified as a feminist; the
word feminism seems extreme to her, too (Ellison, 2013). But she finally conceded: “But
I guess I am a modern-day feminist. I do believe in equality.” This is one of the basic
definitions of feminism.
The Appearance of the Men’s Movement
The men’s movement mirrors the women’s movement, beginning during the 19th-century
women’s suffrage movement. During that time, the women’s suffrage movement was not the
only challenge to society’s roles for men and women. Men felt increasing threats to their mascu-
linity by the change from agricultural to industrial society, by women entering the workforce,
and by increasing demands for education, which seemed dominated by women (Minton, 2000).
The contemporary women’s movement has also questioned and challenged men concern-
ing the status quo of legal, social, and personal roles and relationships. Although some men
have failed to see the problem, other men from around the world have begun to consider
how these challenges pertain to their lives, too. R. W. Connell (2001) argued that societal
roles constrain men, too, giving men a reason to seek change: “The gender positions that
society constructs for men may not correspond exactly with what men actually are, or desire
to be, or what they actually do. It is therefore necessary to study masculinity as well as men”
(p. 44). Connell (2005, 2012) continued to study masculinity and began to emphasize the
necessity of men’s participation in reforming gender roles, contending that: “Moving toward
a gender-equal society involves profound institutional change as well as change in everyday
life and personal conduct. To move far in this direction requires widespread social support,
including significant support from men and boys” (2005, p. 1801).
Feminist men formed groups equivalent to the consciousness-raising groups common in
the women’s movement (Baumli & Williamson, 1997). Although group members discussed
their common problems and sought support from each other, their activities usually did not
progress to the larger organizations that sought political power, as the women’s groups had
done. They tended to remain small and local, but a few grew into national organizations.
During the 1970s, men who were interested in furthering feminist goals joined the National
Organization for Women and proclaimed themselves to be feminists. During the 1980s, mas-
culinity and the problems of men became a focus, and other profeminist men’s organizations
arose. The National Organization for Men Against Sexism (NOMAS) is a profeminist men’s
organization that also works to obliterate racism and prejudice against gay men. This type of
concern with masculinity and exploring positive options has spread to countries around the
world, including Australia, Sweden, Japan, Latin America, and the Caribbean (Connell, 2012).
Within psychology, the Society for the Psychological Study of Men and Masculinity suc-
ceeded in gaining divisional status in 1995, becoming Division 51 of the APA. The goals
of this division include (1) promoting the study of how gender roles shape and constrict
men’s lives, (2) helping men to experience their full human potential, and (3) eroding the
definition of masculinity that has inhibited men’s development and has contributed to the
oppression of others.
Another approach to men’s groups appears in national groups that are not interested in
feminist goals; indeed, some of these men are interested in restoring the traditional gender
roles that they believe have been destroyed by the women’s movement. These men argue that
men—not women—are the oppressed sex. One such group is the National Coalition for
Men (NCFM, formerly the National Coalition of Free Men), a group that opposes sexism
but sees feminist groups as sexist. The men in NCFM (Baumli & Williamson, 1997) have
argued that sexism oppresses men more than women.
Some men’s rights groups are organized around specific issues, such as changing divorce
laws or promoting joint child custody (Baumli & Williamson, 1997). Many of these men
see women’s rights groups as enemies because women’s groups tend to oppose joint custody
and no-fault divorce laws. Few in the men’s movement actively promote a return of “the
good old days” and a reversal of the changes brought about by the women’s movement. Many
participants in men’s groups would like to see a less sharply gendered society, in which both
women and men have choices not bound by gender stereotypes. The changes that would
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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Gender: Psychological Perspectives,

Seventh Edition 7th Edition, (Ebook

1 The Study of Gender 1

2 Researching Sex and Gender 22

3 Gender Stereotypes: Masculinity and Femininity 46

4 Hormones and Chromosomes 77

5 Theories of Gender Development 109

6 Developing Gender Identity 136

7 Intelligence and Cognitive Abilities 170

12 Careers and Work 355

13 Health and Fitness 390

14 Stress, Coping, and Psychopathology 429

16 How Different? 499

The Topic of Gender

According to the Media and According to the Research

Headline: “The End of Men,” Atlantic Monthly, July/August, 2010

Table 1.1 The Maximalist and Minimalist Views of Gender Differences

Position View of Differences between Differences Created through How Strongly

Maximalist Differences are large and Evolutionary history and Very

History of the Study of Sex Differences in Psychology

Theory Emphasis of Theory Role of Gender

Structuralism Understanding the structure of Minimal—all minds are equivalent

The Development of Women’s Studies

The History of Feminist Movements

Table 1.3 Waves of Feminism

Wave of Feminism Time Frame Dominant Theme Goals

According to the Media . . . Feminists Are Bra-Burning Man-Haters

According to the Research . . . Feminists Are Neither of the Above

Gendered Voices: I’m Not a Feminist, But. . . .

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

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