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 chapter 5

Angolan Portuguese
Its historical development and current sociolinguistic
setting

Liliana Inverno
CELGA-ILTEC, University of Coimbra / CPCLP, Macao Polytechnic Institute

Angola is the second largest Portuguese-speaking country in both area and

number of inhabitants. Language contact has played an essential role in shaping
the country’s past and current sociolinguistic profile, resulting in the development
of a partially restructured vernacular, i.e. Angolan Portuguese (henceforth AP).
The chapter gives a bird’s-eye view of the present-day language situation in
Angola, the linguistic structure of AP and the linguistic, historical and social
processes responsible for its development to reflect upon the positioning of AP on
the continuum of Afro-Brazilian varieties of Portuguese proposed in Petter (2007,
2008b).

Keywords: Angolan Portuguese, language contact, partially restructured

vernaculars

1. Introduction

The Republic of Angola (henceforth Angola) is a former Portuguese colony on

the West coast of Central Africa that declared its independence from Portugal on
November 11, 1975. The country borders the Democratic Republic of the Congo
to the North and East, Zambia to the East, Namibia to the South and the South
Atlantic Ocean to the West. It is the 7th largest country in Africa and the 23rd
largest on the planet, covering an area of 1,246,700 km2 divided into 18 prov-
inces: Bengo, Benguela, Bié, Cabinda, Cunene, Huambo, Huíla, Cuando-Cubango,
Cuanza Norte, Cuanza Sul, Luanda, Lunda Norte, Lunda Sul, Malanje, Moxico,
Namibe, Uíge and Zaire. Luanda is the capital city and the largest urban centre in
the country.

https://doi.org/10.1075/ihll.20.06inv
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 Liliana Inverno

Angola is home to a population of 25,789,024 people, 71.8% of which

concentrated in the western provinces of Luanda, Huíla, Benguela, Huambo,
Cuanza Sul, Uíge and Bié. The population is very young (47.3% is younger than
15 years old) and mostly urban (62.6%). Almost 80% of individuals aged 5 to
18 years old are in school, but 47.9% of adults have not completed compul-
sory schooling (6 years) and only 2.5% of those older than 24 have a university
degree (INE, 2016).
The language situation is Angola is characterized by the coexistence of dif-
ferent varieties of Portuguese and 34 different Bantu languages as the mother
tongues (henceforth L1) and second languages (henceforth L2) of the population
(Lewis, Simons, & Fennig, 2015).1 However, this is not a problem-free coexis-
tence. The African languages are acknowledged in the Constitution as “languages
of national identity and communication”, but they tend to be used only in oral
communication at local and regional levels. Portuguese is the country’s only offi-
cial language and the one habitually used at home by 71.2% of the population
nationwide (INE, 2016). Moreover, European Portuguese (henceforth EP) is the
only reference norm in all official domains of communication, despite the fact that
most Angolan-­born speakers of Portuguese (including many L1 speakers) are not
familiar with this variety.2 They speak mostly AP, a partially restructured vernacu-
lar that spread across the country via language shift from the mid-20th century
onwards (Inverno, 2011).3

. The following Bantu language groups are represented in Angola: Kikongo (H10), Kim-
bundu (H20), Yaka (H30), Cokwe-Luchazi (K10), Luyana (K30), Lunda (L50), Pende (L10),
Herero (R30), Umbundu (R10) and Wambo (R20) (Lewis et al., 2015). The most widely
spoken Bantu languages are Umbundu, Kikongo Kimbundu and Cokwe, which are spoken,
respectively by 23%, 8.2%, 7.8% and 6.5% of the population (INE, 2016). Khoisan and Vátwa
languages are also spoken in Angola in a few enclave communities in Huíla and Namibe and
in some areas in Cunene and Cuando Cubango along the border with Namibia (Fernandes &
Ntondo, 2002), but they are no longer passed on to the new generations of speakers and the
domains of use in which they are dominant are rapidly decreasing (Lewis et al., 2015).
. For an overall discussion of the negative impact of this reality on students’ academic
success see Marques (1983), Mingas (1998, 2002) and Barros (2002). For regional case studies
see Neto (2012), Cameia (2013), Moreira (2015) and Nauege (2015).
. The term partially restructured vernacular was coined in Holm (2004) to refer to contact
varieties that display a significant portion of the grammar of European languages as well as
the introduction of substrate and interlanguage structural features (e.g. African American
English, Afrikaans and Brazilian Vernacular Portuguese). Like the creoles and post-creoles
of the same lexical bases, partially restructured vernaculars (henceforth PRVs) emerged in
multilingual settings in which learners of the European language had only partial access to
it due to social restrictions often connected with servitude. However, unlike the creoles and

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

The present chapter builds on the author’s own research and fieldwork in
Angola, the most relevant literature on AP and the recently published results of the
2014 National Population Census (i.e. INE, 2016), the first since 1970. It provides
an outline of the sociolinguistic history of the country from the 16th century to the
present and sums up the main findings regarding the linguistic structure of AP. In
doing so, it shows the ways in which AP resembles and differs from the structure
of similar contact varieties of Portuguese and it offers a reflection on the position-
ing of AP on the continuum of Afro-Brazilian varieties of Portuguese proposed in
Petter (2007, 2008b).

2. A brief sociolinguistic history of Portuguese in Angola

The colony commonly referred to as Portuguese Angola, from its foundation in

1589 until about 1850, was essentially a colony of exploitation. It consisted mostly
of a dozen urban centres on the coast, a few forts in the interior along the rivers
Kwanza (16th and 17th centuries) and Kunene (18th century) and the minimal
infrastructure needed to secure an abundant and uninterrupted flow of slaves to
Brazil and the Americas (Broadhead & Martin, 1992; Pinto, 2015).
Portuguese colonists were very few during this period and tended to marry
African women and adopt their Bantu L1s as primary languages of communica-
tion (Russel-Wood, 1992). The colonists’ mixed-ancestry offspring (henceforth
Afro-Europeans) were also familiar with Portuguese, but Kimbundu was their
dominant language. A minority of African leaders, traders and interpreters in the
immediate vicinity of the forts in the interior also used Portuguese as a lingua

post-creoles of the same lexical bases, PRVs emerged in sociolinguistic settings in which,
during the first century of their development, there was a more balanced ratio of L1 vs. L2
speakers of the European language. Under these sociolinguistic conditions, Holm (2004, p.
143) argues that when the different regional and social varieties of the European language
came into contact overseas, they underwent a first stage of dialect levelling (henceforth
primary levelling), leading to the preservation of linguistic traits that were archaic, regional or
rare in metropolitan varieties of Portuguese. Substrate speakers then shifted to the European
language, passing on structural features of ancestral languages and interlanguages to their
monolingual descendants. This was followed by the incorporation of further substrate and
interlanguage features by newcomers, but due to prolonged contact with the lexifier source
language, secondary dialect levelling occurred, leading to the loss of many of the features not
found in the target language. The linguistic outcomes of these processes are given in Holm
(2004, p. 138) and include significant reduction of the verbal and nominal inflectional mor-
phology of the European language, discontinuous negation, variable gender agreement in the
NP, reduced case marking and zero reflexive pronouns.

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 Liliana Inverno

franca to establish political treaties, written wills and trade matters, but their L1
was African (Vansina, 2001).
From the mid-17th century until the mid-19th century, Brazilian Portuguese
was a major source of Portuguese input in Angola, but the imbalance between the
relative numbers of L1 and L2 speakers of Portuguese in the colony meant that
the most readily available Portuguese input for new learners during this period
was that of Afro-Europeans and Africans.4 These agents’ bilingualism and the
existence of well-established African linguae francae in the colony explain why a
­Portuguese-based pidgin never took root there (Inverno, 2011), despite its attested
use along the Angolan coast in the early stages of colonization (Bal, 1979). Instead,
the daily life of the colony was carried out in Kimbundu and closely related lan-
guages for almost 300 years (Vansina, 2001).
The untutored acquisition of Portuguese by an overwhelmingly Bantu-
dominant population led to the development of a continuum of L2 varieties of
Portuguese among a minority of Afro-Europeans and Africans. This contin-
uum ranged from varieties closer to the input received from the few L1 speak-
ers in the urban centres on the coast (i.e. Portuguese and Brazilian colonists
and some Afro-­Europeans) to those further from it in the hinterlands. Hence,
16th and 17th century sources describe Afro-Europeans as quite knowledge-
able about Portuguese, in spite of noticeable interference from Bantu in their
accent and pronunciation. The Portuguese output of Africans is described as
displaying occasional incorrectly conjugated or unconjugated verbs, disjunc-
tive object pronouns instead of clitics and plurality marking and gender dis-
tinctions in the noun phrase only on the first non-nuclear element (Lipski,
2005, pp. 63–67).
Following the independence of Brazil (1822), the international recognition
of most of Angola’s current boundaries (1884–5) and the mounting international
pressure to end the transatlantic slave trade, the Portuguese Crown enforced the
first sustained measures to promote the effective settlement and administration of
Angola. This fostered the arrival of growing numbers of new colonists from Portu-
gal and Brazil and curbed the three-century long monopoly of Afro-Europeans in
the administration and trade. African languages were still the primary languages
of communication in the colony, especially in the interior, but white colonists
now arrived with their families and outnumbered Africans and Afro-Europeans
in some cities (e.g. present-day Lubango). Consequently, the Afro-European elite

. Brazilian colonists and traders alone represented ¼ of the total white population in the
colony by the mid-19th century (Pinto, 2015, p. 530).

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

was compelled to become more proficient in Portuguese, to use it in more contexts

and to become fully bilingual (Vansina, 2001).
The description of the “Portuguese of Angola” or “Black Portuguese” provided
in Schuchardt (1888, pp. 68–71) suggests that, by the end of the 19th century, the
different L1 and L2 varieties of Portuguese spoken in Angola were most likely
undergoing primary levelling by mostly Bantu-dominant individuals, preserving
traits that were archaic, regional, rare or inexistent in EP ­Portuguese. S­ chuchardt
(1888) notes the similarities between “Black Portuguese” in Angola and
Portuguese-­based creoles in Africa and Asia, but he also observes that although
“inflection has become extremely restricted” the inflectional plural “is in use,
though not after numerals” and “inflected tenses have not died out” (­Schuchardt,
1888, pp. 69–70). The overall description provided in Schuchardt (1888) is not
that of a pidgin or creole but rather that of a partially restructured vernacular in
the making. According to Schuchardt (1888), creole-like traits such as the expres-
sion of tense via uninflecting verbs preceded by temporal markers had not been
attested, but it displayed the following linguistic traits:

1. Avoidance of final consonants by inserting a final vowel;

(1) mulhera < mulher
‘woman’  (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 68)

2. Variable plural number agreement in the noun phrase, especially after

numerals;
(2) três boi_
three ox.sg
‘three oxen’  (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 69)

3. Replacement or suppression of object personal pronouns;

(3) entregou a ele
deliver.prf.ind.3sg to he
‘delivered to him’ (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 69)

4. Preference for the feminine form of possessive pronouns;

(4) sua cabelo
poss.f.sg hair:m.sg
‘his/her hair’  (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 69)

5. Generalization of 3sg verb forms for all verbal persons;

(5) Eu vai
I go.3sg.prs.ind
‘I go’  (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 69)

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 Liliana Inverno

6. Tendency to express durative present by means of periphrasis and perfective

by means of já + inf, as in, respectively:
(6) a. Eu está trabalhar
I be.prs.ind.3sg work.inf
‘I am working’  (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 69)
b. Eu já comer
I already eat.inf
‘I ate’  (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 69)

7. Occasional omission of não ‘no’ after ainda ‘yet’ in answering yes/no ques-
tions (e.g. ainda instead of ainda não ‘not yet’) (Schuchardt, 1888, p. 70)
8. Frequent “strengthening” of negation by adding nada or repeating não;
(7) a. Eu não está doente nada
I neg be.3sg.prs sick nothing
‘No, I am not sick’  (Schuchardt, 1888, pp. 70–71)
b. Eu não está doente não
I neg be.3sg.prs sick neg
‘No, I am not sick’  (Schuchardt, 1888, pp. 70–71)

9. Occasional interchangeable use of eu ‘I’ and você ‘you’ (Schuchardt, 1888,

p. 70-71)
10. Use of ter ‘to have’ with existential meaning, e.g. tem instead of há to mean
‘there is’ (Schuchardt, 1888, pp. 70–71).

During the first half of the 20th century, Portugal enforced a number of segrega-
tionist laws that not only divided the population into “civilized” and “indigenous”
but also demanded full proficiency in EP as a key requirement of “civilization”
(Freudenthal, 2001).
From the 1950s onwards, the increased influx of white colonist families from
Portugal and the fact that they took over the economy and the administration
introduced further and more drastic changes in the demographics and ethnic
composition of the population in the cities and in some areas in rural Angola,
imposing a diglossic situation that would prevail in Angolan cities well into the
late 1980s (Inverno, 2011).5

. In cities such as present-day Lubango and Namibe colonists made up 39.3% and 42.7% of
the population, respectively, in the 1930s. By 1955 the figures were as high as 18% in Luanda,
59.6% in Lubango, 60.2% in Namibe on the coast and 16.6% in Malanje, 15.4% in Huambo
and 13.7% in Kuito in the hinterland (Amaral, 1960).

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

The predominance of the Bantu languages persisted, but EP was now the
only language associated with economic success and social prestige. Therefore, a
growing number of Bantu-dominant speakers and the Afro-European elite were
forced to eventually shift to Portuguese entirely (Inverno, 2011). EP input was rela-
tively more accessible to the urban population, but the cities were also constantly
enlarged by growing numbers of Bantu-dominant individuals from the interior
(due to forced labour and the start of the pro-independence conflicts in the early
1960s). Moreover, the shifting population was pushed away from whatever EP
input there was by extremely limited access to formal education and ghettoiza-
tion on the periphery of the cities. Consequently, the language shift that occurred
in Angolan cities was what Holm (2004, p. 143) terms a process of “imperfect
language shift (…) perpetuating structural features from ancestral languages and
interlanguages in the speech of monolingual descendants”.
During the civil war (1975–2002), the continued arrival of large numbers of
refugees of different linguistic backgrounds from the interior intensified extensive
borrowing and imposition in the cities.6 However, it was also during this period
that secondary dialect levelling began among the shifting population who had
more contact with Portuguese, leading to the loss of features not found in EP. In
the cities, the interplay between these different mechanisms of contact-induced
change resulted in the consolidation of the partially restructured vernacular
attested in Schuchardt (1888, pp. 68–71).
In the rural areas and most of the interior of Angola, sustained contact
between the Bantu-dominant population and Portuguese did not occur until the
first decades of the 20th century (Broadhead & Martin, 1992, p. 104), when the
shift to Portuguese was already well under way in the main urban centres on the
coast (Inverno, 2011). Consequently, on the eve of the country’s independence
from Portugal, 59% of rural Angolans had no proficiency in Portuguese and only
0.1% used it habitually at home (Heimer, 1974, p. 75).
The sociolinguistic conditions for the shift to Portuguese to begin were not
met in the Angolan interior until the 1990s and it was not until the end of the
civil war in 2002 that it became widespread (Inverno, 2011). Rapid urbanization,
improved communications, growing access to schooling, a buoyant economy that

. The use of the terms borrowing and imposition follows that in van Coetsem (1988) and
Winford (2005). Hence, borrowing refers to those instances of crosslinguistic interference in
which the agents of interference are dominant in the recipient language. It “involves mostly
vocabulary, though some degree of structural borrowing is possible”(Winford, 2005, p. 377).
Imposition refers to those instances of crosslinguistic interference in which the agents of inter-
ference are dominant in the source language. It “tends to involve mainly phonology and gram-
matical features, though imposition of vocabulary can occur as well” (Winford, 2005, p. 377).

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 Liliana Inverno

could afford mass media, the return of millions of Portuguese-speaking refugees

to their homelands and an overall positive attitude towards Portuguese as the lan-
guage of national unity were key factors in this process. As a result, a growing
number of Bantu-dominant speakers across the country were able to have more
contact with both standard and vernacular L1 Portuguese. This included AP,
which had already put down roots as either L1 or L2 of many Angolans elsewhere
and served as the model for the shifting population in the interior.
The figures in INE (2016, pp. 99–100) show that Portuguese is presently the
language habitually used at home by 71.2% of Angolans nationwide and 84.4% of
those in the urban areas. In the rural areas, only 48.5% of the population habitu-
ally uses Portuguese at home, which is consistent with a much later but also much
faster diffusion of Portuguese in these parts of Angola. The figures in INE (2016)
also suggest that Portuguese is still mostly acquired outside the home as an L2.
In fact, only 25.1% of children aged 2 to 4 nationwide, 30.7% in urban areas and
17.2% in rural areas habitually speak Portuguese at home. It is only among chil-
dren aged 5 to 9 years old, coincidentally the first years of mandatory schooling
in Portuguese, that the figures rise to 75.1% nationwide, 90.7% in urban areas and
49.7% in rural areas. The upward trend is maintained among children aged 10
to 14 years old and reach the top among teenagers aged 15 to 19 years old, both
nationwide (84.1%) and in urban (94.6%) and rural areas (62.9%).
It is indisputable that the number of speakers of Portuguese in Angola is on
the rise and that the language is widely used at home by people of all age groups
across the country. In fact, only among children aged 2 to 4 years old and adults
older than 75 years old are the figures lower than 50% nationwide. In the urban
areas, they are consistently higher than 90% among people aged 5 to 44 years old
and never drop below 66.3% in subsequent age groups. Figures are globally lower
in the rural areas, but still higher than 50% in all age groups from 10 to 54 years
old, ranging between 49.3% (55 to 59 years old) and 27.1% (more than 95 years
old) in subsequent age groups (INE, 2016, pp. 99–100)
The fact that Portuguese is more widely used among teenagers suggests that
the number of speakers of the language is likely to continue to soar in coming
years given the country’s age pyramid. It is also not unlikely that a growing num-
ber of Angolans will become L1 Portuguese monolinguals. Several facts point in
this direction. Firstly, the percentage of the population that speaks more than one
language at home is currently 38%, which is much lower than earlier estimates
in the literature and suggests a significant reduction of the bilingual population.
Secondly, only a very small percentage of children aged 2 to 4 use a Bantu lan-
guage at home, which suggests decreasing levels of intergenerational transmission.
Umbundu registers the highest figures for this age group both nationwide and in
rural and urban areas alike, but figures are never higher than 10.3% in urban areas.

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

In fact, these statistics show that the Bantu languages are more frequently used at
home among adults and elders, even if the highest figures are found in different
age groups for each language (INE, 2016).
Consequently, although the statistics in INE (2016) show that Angola is still a
multilingual country, they also strongly suggest that, unless active language policy
and planning measures are put in place, multilingualism is unlikely to be pre-
served as a defining trait of the country.

3. The grammar of AP: A bird’s eye view

Portuguese grammarians in the 16th century and several travellers and linguists
since have pointed out a number of distinctive traits in the Portuguese output
of Bantu-dominant Angolans, noting similarities with the Portuguese-based cre-
oles spoken in Africa and Asia (e.g. Oliveira, 1975 [1536]; Perl, 1989a, 1989b;
­Schuchardt, 1888; Valkhoff, 1966). However, it was only from the 1980s onwards
that it became clear that some of those traits had been incorporated into the speech
of many Angolan-born monolingual speakers of Portuguese (e.g. Costa, 1997;
­Gärtner, 1989; Marques, 1983; Mendes, 1985; Mingas, 1998; Vilela, 1995, 1999).
By the end of the civil war, there was widespread agreement among linguists
that a new contact vernacular was in the making in Angola and spreading across
the country as both L1 and L2 of growing numbers of Angolans (e.g. Barros, 2002;
Fernandes & Ntondo, 2002; Halme, 2005; Mingas, 2000, 2002). The first compre-
hensive description of AP’s grammar was given in Chavagne (2005) and a unified
theory to account for it from the perspective of contact linguistics was put for-
ward in Inverno (2006). The first linguistic description of AP as spoken in interior
Angola (i.e. Dundo, Lunda Norte) was given in Inverno (2011).
In recent years, a number of academic studies have built on earlier descriptions
of AP to focus on a wider range of phenomena in more detail. These include prep-
ositional verbs (Cabral, 2005), the acoustic properties of nasal vowels (Domingos,
2011), the semantics of the present tense (Dala, 2013), verb formation mecha-
nisms (Cambuta, 2014), topic constructions (Santos, 2015), the interpretation of
null subjects (Kapetula, 2016), the acquisition of articles by Kikongo L1 speakers
(Marimba, 2016) and the distribution of subjunctive and indicative tenses (Trinta,
2016). The geographic scope of research has also been extended to previously
unstudied regions of Angola such as Cuanza Sul (Figueiredo & Oliveira, 2013) and
Benguela (Manuel, 2015). AP has also come to be represented in major on-line
corpora of Portuguese (e.g. Spoken Portuguese Corpus, Corpus de Referência do
Português Contemporâneo and Spoken Portuguese: Geographical and Social Variet-
ies) and a number of international research projects comparing different aspects of

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 Liliana Inverno

its grammar to those of other vernacular varieties of Portuguese spoken in Africa

and Brazil (e.g. Mota, 2015).7
The overall body of literature on AP is much smaller and much more recent
than that on Brazilian or Mozambican Portuguese (henceforth BP and MP,
respectively).8 Naturally, it still has several shortcomings regarding the linguis-
tic domains analysed (for instance, morphosyntax is overrepresented), the depth
and accuracy of the analyses provided (e.g. L1 and L2 data are often not clearly
identified), the nature and geographic scope of the linguistic data used (written
data outnumber spontaneous oral data and urban varieties on the western half of
the country are overrepresented) and the detail of the sociolinguistic information
provided on speakers (typically absent or incomplete).
Despite its shortcomings, the available literature on AP does provide a fairly
comprehensive overview of the ways in which Portuguese phonetics, lexicon and
morphosyntax have been restructured in Angola. It offers convincing evidence
that the overriding linguistic mechanisms involved were borrowing and imposi-
tion, either resulting in the introduction of overtly substrate features into AP or
determining the ways in which cases of opaque superstrate input or crosslinguistic
universals were dealt with in the variety. The available literature also suggests that
a number of linguistic features that AP shares with other varieties in the Afro-­
Brazilian continuum proposed in Petter (2008b) do not necessarily display the
same frequency or formal manifestation in AP as in those varieties, and are unat-
tested or rare in EP. These are surveyed in Sections 3.1 to 3.3 below.

3.1 Lexicon
The two main sources of AP lexicon are Portuguese and the Bantu languages. The
Portuguese-based lexicon includes many items from contemporary regional vari-
eties of Portuguese, but very few items from Classic Portuguese (Chavagne, 2005,
pp. 157–158), which substantiates the claim that AP developed much later than
BP. The Bantu-based lexicon, on the other hand, is mostly drawn from Kimbundu
and, to a lesser extent, Umbundu, Kikongo and Cokwe, which is unsurprising
given the chronology of Portugal’s conquest and colonization of Angola.
Borrowing is the most productive mechanism in Bantu-based lexical innova-
tions in AP, contributing hundreds of direct loanwords (8a to 8b) and loan blends
(9a to 9e), as well as some semantic extensions (10a and 10b).

. For more information on these corpora see <www.clul.ulisboa.pt/en/resources-en>

. A detailed and annually updated list of the available literature on AP (1880 to present)
can be consulted online at <www.catedraportugues.uem.mz/?__target__=lista-bibliografia-
angola>

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

(8) a. jindungo(< pl form of ndungu ‘chilli’ Kimbundu)

‘chilli pepper/sauce’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 149)
b. quimbo (< locative ko- ‘in’ and imba ‘village’ in Umbundu)
‘village’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 152)
(9) a. ajindungado(< jindungo ‘chilli’ in Kimbundu)
‘spicy’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 170)
b. mujimbar(< mujimbo ‘rumour’ in Kimbundu)
‘to gossip’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 180)
c. azeite-dendém(< ndénde ‘palm tree fruit’ in Kimbundu)
‘palm oil’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 191)
d. desbundar (< bunda ‘faeces’ in Kimbundu)
‘to have fun’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 169)
e. imbondeiro(< mbondo ‘tree’ in Kimbundu)
baobab  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 181)
(10) a. kinguila(< kukingila ‘to wait’ in Kimbundu)
‘black market’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 149)
b. bunda(< bunda ‘faeces’ in Kimbundu)
‘woman’s bottom’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 149)
Portuguese-based lexical innovation is also widespread in AP. Semantic extension
(11a–f) seems to be the key mechanism involved, although a number of lexical
creations have also been attested as a result of derivation (12a–b), compounding
(13a–b), reduplication (14a–b) and abbreviation (15a–b).
(11) a. bafo
breath:m.sg
‘volume’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 104)
b. búlgaro
bulgarian.m.sg
‘glass’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 104)
c. pau
stick:m.sg
‘tree’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 202)
d. encontrar
encontr-a-r
find-vt-inf
‘to look (for someone/something)’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 201)
e. falar
fal-a-r
talk-vt-inf
‘to say, to tell’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 201)

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 Liliana Inverno

f. varrer
varr-e-r
sweep-vt-inf
‘to drink’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 107)

(12) a. inamistoso
in-amistoso
neg-friendly.m.sg
‘unfriendly’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 107)
b. boatador
boat(o)-ador.m.sg
rumour-maker/source
‘liar, rumour maker’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 186)

(13) rebenta-minas
a. rebent-a mina-s
blow up-prs.ind.3sg mine:f-pl
‘trouble maker’  (Endruschat, 1989, p. 78)
b. azeite-palma
azeite palma
olive oil:m.sg palm tree:f.sg
‘palm oil’  (Endruschat, 1989, p. 191)

(14) a. pouco pouco

little~adv.m.sg
‘very little’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 191)
b. sobe sobe
go up~prs.ind.3sg
‘to go up’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 190)

(15) a. dodó
dollar:m.sg
‘American dollar’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 189)
b. viuvar (< enviuvar)
viuv-a-r
widower-vt-inf
‘to become a widower’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 126)

3.2 Phonetics, prosody and phonology

Phonetics, prosody and phonology are arguably the least studied areas of AP
grammar. To the best of my knowledge, there are no detailed or systematic studies
available other than Domingos (2011), who demonstrates that although AP and
EP share the same inventory of nasal vowels, nasality levels are overall lower in

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

AP. Despite the lack of detailed linguistic descriptions of AP phonetics, prosody

and phonology, linguists have been able to identify a number of relevant phonic
patterns in AP, which they ascribe to imposition from the Bantu languages (e.g.
Chavagne, 2005; Mendes, 1985).
On the prosodic level, Chavagne (2005) argues that word stress in AP is less
intense than in EP, that speaker’s output evidences remnants of Bantu tones and
that the speech rhythm in AP is slower than in EP and BP due to the speakers’
tendency to prolong vowels (Chavagne, 2005, p. 60).
On the phonetic level, several authors have noted that the diphthong pro-
nounced as [ɐ̃j] in EP is typically pronounced as a single [-nasal] vowel in AP
when it occurs in word-final position, as in (16a–d).
(16) a. homem
hom[i]
‘man’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 158)
b. homem
hom[i]
‘man’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 158)
c. ontem
ont[e]
‘yesterday’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 87)
d. tem
have.prs.ind.3sg
t[e]
‘have’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 87)
However, consonants [b], [d], [s], and [t] are often pre-nasalized in both Bantu loan-
words and Portuguese words, as in example (17a–c) below (Chavagne, 2005, p. 95):
(17) a. bunda
[ˈmb]unda
‘butt’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 95)
b. idioma
i[nd]ioma
‘language’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 95)
c. sangue
[ns]angue
‘blood’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 96)
On the phonological level, it has been noted that vowels [e] and [o] in stressed
position are consistently pronounced as [ɛ] and [ɔ] in AP as shown, respectively, in
(18a) and (18b) below. This suggests that, unlike in EP and BP, only the mid-open
allophones of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may occur in this context in AP.

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 Liliana Inverno

(18) a. medo
m[ɛ]do
‘fear’  (Nzau, Venâncio, & Sardinha, 2013, p. 165)
b. doze
d[ɔ]ze
‘twelve’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 77)
In unstressed position, Chavagne (2005, p. 84) reports widespread variation
regarding the phonetic realization of /i/ and /E/. Hence, /I/ is often realized as [i]
in contexts in which in both EP and BP there is preference for [i], as in (19a–b).
On the contrary, /E/ is often realized as [i] and [e] in AP, as in (20a–b) and (21a–b),
respectively. Similar realizations can be found in BP but not so often in EP, which
typically requires [i] in those contexts. Chavagne (2005) does not identify specific
patterns that might help explain this variation. Nonetheless, it is worth noting that,
unlike in BP, [i] is still used in AP.
(19) a. silenciada
s[i]lenciada
‘silenced’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 84)
b. diferente
d[i]ferente
‘different’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 84)
(20) a. eles
el[i]s
‘they’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 81)
b. senhora
s[i]nhora
‘lady’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 81)
(21) a. superar
sup[e]rar
‘to surpass’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 80)
b. houve
houv[e]
‘there was’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 80)
Although both closed and open syllables have been attested in word-mid position
in AP, there is a well-established tendency to favour the latter in word final con-
texts, either by dropping the final consonant, as in [re.peˈti_] ‘to repeat’ (Inverno,
2011, p. 232) and [profeˈsori] ‘teacher’ (Chavagne, 2005, p. 125) or adding a final
vowel, as in [vẽˈde.ri] ‘to sell’ (Inverno, 2011, p. 233) and [trɐ.βɐˈʎa.re] ‘to work’
(Chavagne, 2005, p. 125). In doing so, AP replicates the typical syllable structure
in Bantu.

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

3.3 Morphosyntax
A number of morphosyntactic patterns have been recurrently identified in the
literature as distinctive traits of AP, but the empirical evidence strongly suggests
that many are mostly L2 features. Their occurrence in L1 output, albeit attested,
is highly constrained by sociolinguistic factors such as the speakers’ age, level of
instruction, social status and language attitudes. Variable number agreement in
the NP as a consequence of marking plural only on the leftmost elements is a case
in point. It has been noted in the literature since the 16th century (cf. Section 1),
but Inverno (2011, pp. 153–163) found it to be systematic only in L2 output, as
shown in (22a–d):

(22) a. duas prova_

two(pl) exam.f.sg
‘two exams’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 155)
b. aqueles prédio_
dem.m.pl building:m.sg
‘those buldings’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 156)
c. os meus filho_
def.m.pl poss.m.pl child.m.sg
‘my children’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 156)
d. muitas línguas materna_
many.f.pl language:f.pl maternal.f.sg
‘many mother tongues’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 161)

Most sources also identify variable gender agreement in the NP as a key mor-
phosyntactic trait of AP (23a-b), but Inverno (2011, pp. 163–173) was only able
to attest it in the output of older and less instructed L2 speakers of AP, who use
feminine nouns with masculine non-nuclear elements (23c) and masculine nouns
with feminine determiners and modifiers (24a–c), hence leading to a systematic
mismatch between the gender value of the head noun and that encoded on the
non-nuclear elements in the NP.

(23) a. no mesmo barriga

in.def.m.sg ame.m.sg womb:f.sg
‘in the same womb’  (Mendes, 1985, p. 149)
b. lixo do nosso cidade
garbage:m.sg of-def.m.sg poss.m.sg city:f.sg
‘our city’s garbage’  (Cabral, 2005, p. 48)
c. o mamã
def.m.sg mummy:f.sg
‘mummy’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 164)

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 Liliana Inverno

(24) a. primeira filho

first.f.sg son:m.sg
‘oldest son’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 166)
b. minhas irmãos
poss:f.pl brother:m.pl
‘my brothers’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 166)
c. minha mano
poss:f.sg brother:m.sg
‘my brother’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 166)
The morphosyntactic patterns that display more stability across the output of both
L1 and L2 speakers in AP are those that Holm (2004, p. 138) associates with the
partial restructuring of vernaculars, namely the neutralization of case contrasts on
personal pronouns paradigms and variable subject-verb agreement. The former
affects mostly the third person in accusative contexts, which is conveyed either
by the subject pronouns ele(s) ‘he/they’ and ela(s) ‘she/they’ or the indirect object
clitic lhe, as shown in (25) and (26), respectively. Moreover, as illustrated in (27a-d)
below, clitic object pronouns in AP always occur before the main verb:
(25) Deixa ele falar!
let.prs.ind.3sg he:do talk.inf
‘Let him talk!’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 174)
(26) É uma sigla porque
is one abbreviation because
lemos-lhe letra por letra
read.1pl.prs.ind-do.3sg character by character
‘It’s an acronym because we read each letter at a time’(Inverno, 2011, p. 174)
(27) a. Eu me chamo MS
I refl:1sg call.1sg.prs.ind MS
‘My name is MS’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 178)
b. Ela se preparou muito bem
she refl:3sg prepare.3sg.prfind very well
‘She prepared herself very well’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 178)
c. fica a lhe usar ela
stay:3sg.prs.ind prep do:3sg use do:3sg
‘They use her’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 178)
d. às vezes nos dá sem pagar
prep.def.f.pl times io:1pl give.prs.ind.3sg without pay
‘sometimes he/she gives it to us for free’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 179)
Mismatches between the person-number value of the subject and that encoded in
the verb (i.e. 3sg) have also been attested in AP (e.g. Chavagne, 2005, pp. ­234–237),

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

but they are not as widespread as in Brazil (cf. Araujo & Lucchesi, 2016). Such mis-
matches have been attested for all subject person-number values except the 2pl,
but the one that is most noticeable and stable across L1 and L2 output alike is that
involving subjects that are 2sg non-intimate address forms (e.g. você ‘you’, senhor/a
‘Mr/Mrs’, Doutor/a ‘Doctor’, Menina ‘Miss’). As show in (28a), these address forms
often occur with 2sg verb forms in AP, a pattern which is unattested in both EP
and BP. Pronominal objects and possessive adjectives agreeing with the nominal
subject also occur in the 2sg, as shown in (28b) and (28c), respectively.
(28) a. Você não queres almoçar comigo?
you:2sg neg want.prs.ind.2sg to have lunch with me
‘Don’t you want to have lunch with me?’  (Chavagne, 2005, p. 236)
b. você_ ficas com esse peso todo em cima de ti
you:2sg keep.2sg with that weight all on top of obl:2sg
‘you carry all this weight on your back’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 250)
c. Até a professora fazer trinta anos as tuas
until the:f.sg teacher.f.sg to make thirty years the.f.pl poss.f.2pl
amigas já são casadas
friends.f.pl already are married
‘By the time you turn 30, your girlfriends have already gotten married’
(Inverno, 2011, p. 251)

There is also evidence in the literature to suggest that AP displays less tma inflec-
tions than EP as a consequence of a well-attested tendency in the variety to replace
EP subjunctive tenses with their indicative counterparts, as in (29) below, and the
future and gerund inflectional forms with the periphrases ir fazer and estar a inf,
as illustrated, respectively, in (30a) and (30b).
(29) A família quer que ela fica
the family wants that she stay.prs.ind.3sg
‘The family wants her to stay’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 238)
(30) a. vou fazer
go.prs.ind.1sg make.inf
‘I am going to…’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 240)
b. estou a falar quioco
be.prs.ind.1sg prep speak.inf Cokwe
‘I am speaking Cokwe’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 241)

The literature on AP notes a number of other morphosyntactic patterns as dis-

tinctive linguistic traits of the variety, namely the use of bipartite negation as a
standard sentential negation strategy (31a–b), the use of a single 3sg.prs.ind to
express the imperative in both affirmative and negative sentences and regardless

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 Liliana Inverno

of the degree of intimacy between the interlocutors (32a–b), and the generaliza-
tion of the preposition em ‘in’ to contexts where EP requires other prepositions
to be used (33a–b). However, the available data are insufficient to allow informed
generalizations about these morphosyntactic patterns.
(31) a. já não considera como na cidade não
already neg considers like in-the city neg
‘It is not considered to be part of the city’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 276)
b. Eu não cresci muito assim com os meus pais muito
I neg grew up very like with the:pl my:pl parents very
tempo não
time neg
‘I did not grow up with my parents for very long’
(Inverno, 2011, p. 275)
(32)
a. Affirmative sentence – speaker is on intimate terms with the
interlocutor
Depois começa a ir até aí
Then start.3sg.prs.ind to go until there
‘Then start going there’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 243)
b. Negative sentence – speaker is not on intimate terms with the
interlocutor
Não complica!
neg complicate.3sg.prs.ind
‘Don’t complicate!’  (Inverno, 2011, p. 243)
(33) a. quando cheguei nesta cidade (…)
when arrived.1sg in-dem city
‘When I arrived at this city’  (Cabral, 2005, p. 104)
b. novos produtos foram importados nas colónias
new:pl products were imported in-def.pl colonies
‘New products were imported from the colonies’  (Cabral, 2005, p. 105)

4. F
 inal remarks: AP, partial restructuring and the Afro-Brazilian
continuum

In present-day Angola, Portuguese is the single most widely spoken language by

people of all age groups across the country, despite figures in INE (2016) suggest-
ing that it is still mostly acquired outside the home as an L2. Although standard
EP is the reference norm in all official domains of communication, there is wide-
spread agreement among linguists that it is not this variety but rather AP that is
most widely spoken in the country.

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 Chapter 5. Angolan Portuguese 

The overview of both the historical background and grammar of this vernac-
ular supports the claim put forward in Inverno (2006, 2011) and Holm (2009)
that AP is neither a creole nor a post-creole, but rather a partially restructured
variety of Portuguese that developed out of a continuum of mostly L2 varieties of
Portuguese that eventually acquired norms and began to reapproach EP through
secondary levelling.
Therefore, AP is the product of a sociolinguistic setting in which a mostly
Bantu-dominant population was compelled to shift to Portuguese under social
conditions that highly restricted access to L1 models of the target language, despite
the fact that, during the first century of its development (c. 1850 to 1950), there
was a more balanced ratio of L1 vs. L2 speakers of Portuguese than in settings
where Portuguese-based creoles developed.
As shown in Section 1, the political, economic and social conditions required
for this shift to Portuguese to begin were met at different times in different areas of
Angola (i.e. late 19th and early 20th century in the urban centres on the coast and
late 20th century in most of interior Angola) but the linguistic processes involved
were the same, i.e. primary dialect levelling, imperfect language shift, borrowing,
imposition and secondary levelling.
The interplay between these different processes is ultimately the reason why
the grammar of AP maintains the core of EP lexicon, phonology and morphosyn-
tax (e.g. regional EP terms, phoneme inventories, derivational and compounding
mechanisms, grammatical categories, etc.) but also displays considerable influ-
ence from the Bantu languages in all these domains (e.g. Bantu loanwords and
loanblends, prenasalized consonants, preference for open syllables, word order of
personal pronouns, signalling of plurality only on the leftmost elements in the
NP, etc.).
The different linguistic and social processes involved in partial restructuring
are also the reason why AP shares many linguistic traits with other vernacular
varieties of Portuguese in the Afro-Brazilian continuum put forward in Petter
(2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2009, 2015), namely BP. However, the much later devel-
opment of AP and the available linguistic data further suggest that in order to
determine the positioning of each variety along the continuum, it is necessary to
take into account the linguistic traits that make each of them unique (e.g. main-
tenance of [i] as a productive allophone of /I/ and the use of 2sg verb forms with
2sg nominal subjects) and those that occur at different rates in each variety (e.g.
frequency of variable subject-verb agreement). This is all the more important as
contact between Portuguese and the Bantu languages is still underway in Angola,
hence offering contact linguists the rare privilege of directly observing the early
stages of the mechanisms of borrowing and imposition that created the continuum
in the first place.

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 Liliana Inverno

Acknowledgement

I am very grateful to Paulo Julião for his help in expediting access to INE (2016) and to Alan
Baxter, Dominika Swolkien, the three editors of this volume and two anonymous reviewers for
their generous and insightful comments and suggestions. Any remaining shortcomings of this
article are entirely my responsibility.

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© 2018. John Benjamins Publishing Company
All rights reserved