Professional Documents
Culture Documents
7. A method that has been used to determine how long it takes to use visual
feedback to correct manual positioning movements is
a. Have people move back and forth between targets without any visual
feedback in any condition
b. Have people move back and forth between targets with full visual
feedback in all conditions
c. Have people move back and forth between targets with visual
feedback available from one side of the space but not the other
d. Have people move back and forth between targets at different rates
both with and without visual feedback
a. MT = a + b log2(2A/W)
b. MT = a + b log2(2W/A)
c. MT = a / b log2(2A/W)
d. MT = b / a log2(2W/A)
10. Which of the following would best support the equilibrium point
hypothesis?
11. If you favored the discrete view over the continuous view of manual
positioning, you would argue that
a. Coordinative structures
b. Coupling of oscillators
c. Conceptual difficulties
d. All of the above
15. When one hand aims for a target with some index of difficulty (ID), its
movement time
16. Which two events tend to coincide during reaching and grasping?
18. In tasks involving finger movements, it has been found, even in patients
lacking sensory feedback from their fingers, that
19. Babies appear to take full advantage of visual feedback for reaching by
20. When people turn cranks that cause flags to revolve via gears
a. The people can easily generate complex rotation ratios if the seen
rotation ratios are complex
b. The people can easily generate simple rotation ratios if the seen
rotation ratios are simple
c. The people can easily generate complex rotation ratios if the seen
rotation ratios are simple
d. Both b and c
1. d
2. b
3. a
4. d
5. c
6. d
7. d
8. a
9. d
10. a
11. a
12. c
13. d
14. d
15. c
16. a
17. b
18. c
19. d
20. d
“Those who maintained this position were Jews, of the sect of the Pharisees, Acts, xv. 5,
converted to Christianity, but still too zealous for the observance of the law; and their
coming immediately from Judea might make it rather believed, that the necessity of
circumcision, in order to salvation, was a tenet of the apostles. The Jews themselves indeed
were of different opinions in this matter, even as to the admission of a man into their
religion. For some of them would allow those of other nations who owned the true God, and
practised moral duties, to live quietly among them, and even without circumcision, to be
admitted into their religion; whilst others were decidedly opposed to any such thing. Thus
Josephus tells us that when Izates, the son of Helen, queen of Adiabene, embraced the
Jews’ religion, Ananias, who converted him, declared that he might do it without
circumcision; but Eleazer, another eminent Jew, maintained, that it was a great impiety in
such circumstances, to remain uncircumcised; and this difference of opinion continued
among the Jewish Christian converts, some allowing Gentiles to become converts to
Christianity, without submitting to circumcision and the Jewish law: whilst others contended
that without circumcision, and the observance of the law, their profession of the Christian
faith would not save them.” (Stackhouse from Whitby and Beausobre.)
“It is very evident, that this is the same journey to which the apostle alludes in Galatians
ii. First, from the agreement of the history here and the apostle’s relation in the epistle, as
that ‘he communicated to them the gospel, which he preached among the Gentiles,’
Galatians ii. 2. which he now did, Acts xv. 4. That circumcision was not then judged
necessary to the Gentiles, verse 3, as we find, Acts xv. 24, ‘that, when they saw the gospel
of uncircumcision was committed to him, they gave to him and Barnabas the right hand of
fellowship,’ Galatians ii. 9, as they did here, sending their very decree with one consent to
the Gentiles, ‘by the hands of Paul and Barnabas,’ Acts xv. 22, 25, who were received by
the ‘whole church,’ verse 4. and styled beloved,’ verse 25.
“Secondly, it appears unlikely that the apostle, writing this epistle about nine years after
this council, should make no mention of a thing so advantageous to a cause he is pleading
here, and so proper to confute the pretenses of the adversaries he disputes against. And,
“Thirdly, James, Peter, and John, being all the apostles now present at the council, the
mention of their consent to his doctrine and practice was all that was necessary to his
purpose to be mentioned concerning that council, It is no objection to this opinion, that we
find no mention, in Acts xv. of Titus’s being with him; for he is not mentioned in the whole of
the Acts, during which interval the journey must have happened.” (Whitby.)
“The Council of Jerusalem was assembled in the fourteenth year after St. Paul’s
conversion. For the apostle adverts to this same journey, and determinately specifies the
time in Galatians ii. 1, 2. Grotius is of opinion that four years should be here written instead
of fourteen; who, nevertheless, allows, that the one mentioned in Galatians, is this journey
to the Council. But the reason is evident why the apostle should date these years from the
epoch of his conversion, from the scope of the first and second chapters. He styles himself
an apostle, not of men, neither by man, chap. i. 1: he declared that his gospel was not
according to men, and that he neither received nor learned it from men, but by the
revelation of Jesus Christ, verses 11, 12. And this he proves to the Galatians by his
conversion, which was not unknown to them. He begins with his strict profession of the
Jewish religion, according to the tenets of the Pharisees, which ended in a most violent
persecution of the Christians. Then he goes on to show how God revealed his Son to him,
and that immediately he conferred not with flesh and blood, he neither held communion with
any man, neither did he go up to Jerusalem to them that were apostles before him, by
whom he could have been taught more fully the mind of God, ‘but went into Arabia,’ where
he received the gospel by revelation; and he returned to Damascus, and preached the word
of God to the confounding of the Jews: ‘Then after three years he went up to Jerusalem to
see Peter.’ From all this it appears evident, that the epoch of these three years should
commence at the time of his conversion. The same is to be said of the other epoch of the
fourteen years. ‘Then, after fourteen years, I went up again to Jerusalem,’ chap. ii. 1,
because the scope of both is the same,――and they both date from the same period of
time. The word επειτα does not connect this sentence with that of the three years, as if the
beginning of these should be dated from the close of those, because there is another επειτα
which comes between these two texts, viz. in verse 21, of chap. i. where he begins to relate
his travels in Syria and Cilicia, but does not specify the period of time he remained in those
regions; therefore no chronological connexion can have been intended by him. The apostle
still following up his design, says επειτα and παλιν, but neither does επειτα refer to his stay in
Syria and Cilicia,――nor παλιν to his second coming to Jerusalem: for he had been with a
second collection to Jerusalem, then suffering from famine, accompanied by Barnabas, but
not by Titus; and because he then saw none of the apostles, he omitted mentioning that
journey, considering it quite foreign to his present purpose.” (Pearson, Annales, 49.)
“From the opposition to St. Peter, which they suppose to be before the Council at
Jerusalem, some would have it, that this Epistle to the Galatians was written before that
Council; as if what was done before the Council could not be mentioned in a letter written
after the Council. They also contend, that this journey, mentioned here by St. Paul, was not
that wherein he and Barnabas went up to that Council to Jerusalem, but that mentioned
Acts xi. 30; but this with as little ground as the former. The strongest reason they bring, is,
that if this journey had been to the Council, and this letter after that Council, St. Paul would
not certainly have omitted to have mentioned to the Galatians that decree. To which it is
answered, 1. The mention of it was superfluous; for they had it already, see Acts xvi. 4. 2.
The mention of it was impertinent to the design of St. Paul’s narrative here. For it is plain,
that his aim, in what he relates here of himself, and his past actions, is to shew, that having
received the gospel from Christ by immediate revelation, he had all along preached that,
and nothing but that, everywhere; so that he could not be supposed to have preached
circumcision, or by his carriage, to have shewn any subjection to the law; all the whole
narrative following being to make good what he says, ♦chap. i. 11, ‘that the gospel which he
preached was not accommodated to the humoring of men; nor did he seek to please the
Jews (who were the men here meant) in what he taught.’ Taking this to be his aim, we shall
find the whole account he gives of himself, from that verse 11 of chap. i., to the end of the
second chapter, to be very ♠clear and easy, and very proper to invalidate the report of his
preaching circumcision.” (Locke’s Paraphrase.)
♦ “ehap.” replaced with “chap.” ♠ “ctear” replaced with “clear”
“I conceive that this happened at the time here stated, because Paul intimates in
Galatians ii. 11, that he was in Antioch when Peter came there; and Peter had never been
to Antioch before Paul was in that city after the Council of Jerusalem; and besides the
dissension between Paul and Barnabas, who was the intimate friend of Peter, appears to
have originated here.” Pearson’s Annales Paul. (A. D. 50.)
Witsius remarks, (Vita Pauli, iv. 16,) that the ancient Christian writers ascribe the
greatest part of the blame of this quarrel to Barnabas, whom they consider as having been
unduly influenced by natural affection for his kindred according to the flesh. “But”, as Witsius
rather too cautiously remarks, “it may well be doubted whether Paul’s natural violence of
temper did not carry him somewhat beyond the bounds of right. The Greeks have not
unwisely remarked――Ὁ Παυλος ἐζητει το δικαιον, ὁ Βαρναβας το Πιλανθροπον ‘Paul
demanded what was just――Barnabas, what was charitable.’ It might have been well
enough if Barnabas had yielded to the zeal of Paul; but it would not have been bad if Paul
had persuaded himself to allow something to the feelings of that most mild and amiable
man. Meanwhile, it deserves notice, that God so ordered this, that it turned out as much for
the individual benefit of Mark, as for the general benefit of the church. For the kind partiality
of Barnabas was of advantage to Mark, in preventing him from being utterly cast off from
apostolic companionship, and forsaken as unworthy; while to the church, this separation
was useful, since it was the means of confirming the faith of more of the churches in the
same time.” (Witsius.)
“From hence we may learn, not only that these great lights in the Christian church were
men of the like passions with us, but that God, upon this occasion, did most eminently
illustrate the wisdom of his providence, by rendering the frailties of two such eminent
servants instrumental to the benefit of his church, since both of them thenceforward
employed their extraordinary industry and zeal singly and apart, which till then had been
united, and confined to the same place.” (Stanhope on the Epistles and Gospels, vol. 4.)
After this unhappy dispute, the two great apostles of the Gentiles
separated; and while Barnabas, accompanied by his favorite
nephew, pursued the former route to Cyprus, his native island, Paul
took a different direction, by land, north and west. In selecting a
companion for a journey which he had considered as urgently
requiring such blameless rectitude and firmness of resolution, he had
set his heart upon Silas, the efficient Hellenist deputy from
Jerusalem, whose character had been fully tested and developed
during his stay in Antioch, where he had been so active in the
exercise of those talents, as a preacher, which had gained for him
the title of “prophet” before his departure from Jerusalem. Paul,
during his apostolic association with him, had laid the foundation of a
very intimate friendship; and being thus attached to him by motives
of affection and respect, he now selected him as the companion of
his missionary toils. Bidding the church of Antioch farewell, and
being commended by them to the favor of God, he departed,――not
by water, but through the cities of Syria, by land,――whence turning
westward, he passed through the Syrian gates into Cilicia; in all
these places strengthening the churches already planted, by making
large additions to them from the Gentiles around them. Journeying
northwest from Cilicia, he came by the Cilician gates of Taurus, to his
old scenes of labor and suffering, in Lycaonia, at Derbe and Lystra,
where he proceeded in the task of renewing and completing the
good work which he had himself begun on his former tour with
Barnabas; with whom he might now doubtless have effected vastly
more good, and whose absence must have been deeply regretted by
those who owed their hopes of salvation to the united prayers and
labors of him and Paul. Among those who had been converted here
by the apostles on their first mission, was a half-bred Jew, by name
Timotheus, his father having been a Greek who married Eunice, a
Jewess, and had maintained a high character among his countrymen
in that region, both in Lystra and Iconium. Under the early and
careful instructions of his pious mother, who had herself received a
superior religious education under her own mother Lois, Timothy had
acquired a most uncommon familiarity with the Scriptures, which
were able to make him wise unto salvation; and that he had learned
them and appreciated their meaning in a much more spiritual and
exalted sense than most Jews, appears from the fact, that
notwithstanding his early regard for the law as well as the prophets,
he had never complied with the Mosaic rite of
circumcision,――perhaps because his father may have been
prejudiced against the infliction of such a sign upon his child. Paul
becoming acquainted with Timothy, and seeing in the young man the
germ of those talents which were afterwards so eminent in the
gospel cause, determined to train him to be an assistant and
associate with him in the apostolic ministry,――and in order to make
him so far conform to all the rites of the ancient covenant, as would
fit him for an acceptable ministry among the Jews as well as the
Gentiles, he had him circumcised; and he was induced still farther to
this step of conformity, by the consideration of the effect it would
have on the Jews in that immediate neighborhood, who were already
very suspicious that Paul was in reality aiming at the utter overthrow
and extinction of all the Mosaic usages, and was secretly doing all
that he could to bring them into contempt and disuse. Having made
this sacrifice to the prejudices of his countrymen, he now considered
Timothy as completely fitted for usefulness in the apostolic ministry,
and henceforth made him his constant companion for years.
They without delay proceeded to Philippi, the chief city of that part
of Macedonia, taking its name from that sage monarch who laid the
foundation of the Macedonian dominion over the Grecian world, and
gave this city its importance and splendor, re-building it, and granting
it the honors of his peculiar favor. Under the Roman conquest it had
lost no part of its ancient importance, but had been endowed by
Julius Caesar, in a special decree, with the high privileges of a
Roman colony, and was in the apostolic age one of the greatest
cities in that part of Europe. Here Paul and his companions staid for
several days; and seeking on the sabbath, for some place where
they could, in that heathen land, observe the worship, and celebrate
the praises of the God of their fathers, they wandered forth from the
great pagan city, and sat down, away from the unholy din of mirth
and business, in a retired place on the banks of the little stream
which ran by the town, being made up of numerous springs that rise
at the foot of the hills north of it,――which gave it the name of
Crenides, or “the city of springs;”――the common name of the town
before its conquest by Philip. In such places, by the side of streams
and other waters, the Jews were always accustomed to construct
their places for social worship; and here, in this quiet place, a few
Jewish residents of the city resorted for prayer, remembering the
God of their fathers, though so far from his sanctuary. Those who
thus kept up the worship of God in this place, are mentioned as
being women only; for it may always be observed that it is among
the softer sex that religion takes its deepest root, and among them a
regard to its observances is always found, long after the indifference
generated by a change of circumstances, or by the engrossing cares
of business, has turned away the devotions of men. So was it in
Philippi; while the sons of Judah had grown indifferent to those
observances of their religion, which were inconvenient, by interfering
with the daily arrangements of business intercourse with their
heathen fellow-citizens, the daughters of Zion came still regularly
together, to the place where prayer was wont to be made. Here the
apostolic company met them, and preached to them the new word of
grace, now revealed for all the scattered race of Israel, far and
near,――and not for them only, but also for the Gentiles. Among
these gentle auditors of the word of grace, now first proclaimed in
Greece, was a Jewess, named Lydia, who had emigrated from
Thyatira, in Lydian Asia, and now carried on in Philippi, a trade in the
purple dye, for which the region from which she came was so
famous, even from the time of Homer. While listening to the words of
Paul, her heart was opened to the comprehension of the truth of the
gospel, and she professed her faith in Jesus. Having been baptized
with all her household, she was so moved with regard for those who
had thus taught her the way of salvation, that she earnestly invited
them to make her house their home. Complying with her benevolent
and hospitable invitation, Paul, Silas, Timothy and Luke, took up their
abode in her house, and remained there throughout their whole stay
in Philippi.
“Philippi was a city of Macedonia, of moderate extent, and not far from the borders of
Thrace. It was formerly called Crenides, from its ♦numerous springs, from which arises a
small stream, mentioned Acts xvi. 13, though it is commonly omitted in the maps. The name
of Philippi it received from Philip, father of Alexander, who enlarged it, and fortified it as a
barrier town against the Thracians. Julius Caesar sent hither a Roman colony, as appears
from the following inscription on a medal of this city, COL. IUL. AUG. PHIL. quoted in
Vaillant Num. æn. imp. T. I. p. 160, and from Spon Misc. p. 173. See also Pliny, L. IV. c. ii.
and the authors in Wolfii Curae, πρωτη της μεριδος της Μακεδονιας πολις, ‘the first city of that
district of Macedonia:’ but in what sense the word πρωτη, or ‘first,’ is here to be taken,
admits of some doubt. Paulus Æmilius had divided Macedonia into four districts, and that in
which Philippi was situated, was called πρωτη, or the first district. But of this district, Philippi
does not appear to be entitled, in any sense, to the name of πρωτη πολις. For if πρωτη be
taken in the sense of ‘first in respect to place,’ this title belonged rather to Neapolis, which
was the frontier town of Macedonia, towards Thrace, as appears from Acts xvii. 1. And, if
taken in the sense of ‘first in respect to rank,’ it belonged rather to Amphipolis, which was
the capital of this district of Macedonia, as appears from the following passage Livii History
Lib. XLV. 29. Capita regionum, ubi concilia fierent, primae regionis Amphipolin, secundae
Thessalonicen, &c. But the difficulty is not so great as it appears to be. For, though
Amphipolis was made the capital of the first district of ♠ Macedonia in the time of Paulus
Æmilius, and therefore entitled to the name of πρωτη, it is not impossible that in a
subsequent age, the preference was given to Philippi. Or even if Amphipolis still continued
to be the capital of the district, or the seat of the Roman provincial government, yet the title
πρωτη may have been claimed by the city of Philippi, though it were not the very first in point
of rank. We meet with many instances of this kind, on the medals of the Greek cities, on
which we find that more than one city of the same province, assumed the title of πρωτη. St.
Luke, therefore, who spent a long time at Philippi, and was well acquainted with the
customs of the place, gave this city the title which it claimed, and which, according to the
custom of the Greek cities, was inscribed probably on its coins. Hence it appears that the
proposal made by Pierce to alter πρωτη της μεριδος to πρωτη μεριδος, is unnecessary.”
(Michaelis’s Introduction, Vol. IV. pp. 152‒154. Marsh’s translation.)
“‘Where prayer was wont to be made.’ xvi. 13. This proseuchae signifies an oratory, a
place appointed for prayer; in heathen countries, they were erected in sequestered retreats,
commonly on the banks of rivers (as here) or on the sea-shore. Josephus has preserved
the decree of the city of Halicarnassus, permitting the Jews to erect oratories, part of which
is in the following terms:――‘We ordain that the Jews, who are willing, both men and
women, do observe the Sabbaths and perform sacred rites according to the Jewish law, and
build proseuchae by the seaside, according to the custom of their country; and if any man,
whether magistrate or private person, give them any hinderance or disturbance, he shall
pay a fine to the city.’ (Josephus, Antiquities, lib. xiv, cap. 10.) (Al. 24.)
“Many commentators, viz. Grotius, Drs. Whitby, Doddridge, and Lardner, agree with
Josephus, Philo, and Juvenal, that these places of worship were synonymous with
synagogues. But Calmet, Prideaux, and Hammond, contend that they were nearly the
same, yet there was a real difference between them; the synagogues were within the cities,
while the proseuchae were without, in retired spots, particularly in heathen countries, by the
river-side, with galleries or the shades of trees for their only shelter. Prideaux considers
them to be of greater antiquity than the synagogues, and that they were formed by the Jews
in open courts, that those who lived at a distance from Jerusalem might offer their private
worship as in the open courts of the Temple or Tabernacle. In the synagogues, Prideaux
observes, public worship was performed, and in the proseuchae private prayer was used to
be made. It is highly probable that these proseuchae were the same which are called in the
Old Testament ‘high places.’ (Hammond on Luke vi. 12, and Acts xvi. 13‒16. Calmet’s
Dictionary voce proseucha. Prideaux’s Connec, part i. book iv. sub anno 444. vol. I. pp.
387‒390. edition 1720.) (Horne’s Introduction.)
“‘And a certain woman named Lydia, a seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira.’ verse 14.
It is a remarkable fact, that among the ruins of Thyatira, there is an inscription extant with
the words ΟΙ ΒΑΦΕΙΣ, the dyers. Wheler’s Journey into Greece, vol. iii. p. 233. Spon,
Miscellanea Eruditae Antiquitates, p. 113; from whence we learn that the art and trade of
dyeing purple were carried on in that city.” (Horne’s Introduction.)
Here was fine business for the apostle and his companion! “Come
over into Macedonia and help us!” Such were the words of deep
agonizing entreaty, in which the beseeching Macedonian had, in the
night-vision, summoned the great apostle of the Gentiles to this new
field of evangelizing labor. Taking that summons for a divine
command, he had obeyed it――had crossed the wide Aegean, and
sought in this great city of Macedonia, the occasions and the means
of “helping” the idolatrous citizens to a knowledge of the truth as it
was in Jesus. Week after week they had been inoffensively toiling in
the faithful effort to answer this Macedonian cry for help; and what
was the result and the reward of all these exertions? For no crime
whatever, and for no reason except that they had rescued a gentle
and unfortunate spirit from a most degrading thraldom to demoniac
agencies, and to men more vile and wicked than demons, they had
been mobbed,――abused by a parcel of mercenary
scoundrels,――stripped naked in the forum, and whipped there like
thieves,――and at last thrown into the common jail among felons,
with every additional injury that could be inflicted by their determined
persecutors, being fettered so that they could not repose their sore
and exhausted bodies. Was not here enough to try the patience of
even an apostle? What man would not have burst out in furious
vexation against the beguiling vision which had led them away into a
foreign land, among those who were disposed to repay their
assiduous “help,” by such treatment? Thus might Paul and Silas
have expressed their vexation, if they had indeed been misled by a
mere human enthusiasm; but they knew Him in whom they had
trusted, and were well assured that He would not deceive them. So
far from giving way to despondency and silence, they uplifted their
voices in praise! Yes, praise to the God and Father of Jesus Christ,
that he had accounted them worthy to suffer thus for the glory of his
name. “At midnight Paul and Silas prayed and sang praises to God,
and the prisoners heard them.” In the dreary darkness,――inclosed
between massive walls, and bound in weighty fetters, their spirits
rose in prayer,――doubtless for those persecutors whom they came
over to “help,” and not for themselves,――since their souls were
already so surely stayed on God. To him they raised their voices in
praise, for their own peace and joy in believing. Not yielding like
those inspired by the mere impulses of human ambition or wild
enthusiasm,――they passed the dreary night, not
for He whom they thus invoked did not leave them in their heroic
endurance, without a most convincing testimony that their prayers
and their songs had come up in remembrance before him. In the
midst of their joyous celebration of this persecution, while their
wondering fellow-prisoners, waked from their sleep by this very
unparalleled noise, were listening in amazement to this manifestation
of the manner of spirit with which their new companions were
disposed to meet their distresses,――a mighty earthquake shook
the city, and heaved the whole prison-walls on their foundations, so
that all the firmly barred doors were burst open, and, what was more
remarkable, all the chains fell from the prisoners. The jailer waking
up amidst this horrible crash, and seeing all the prison-doors open,
supposed that the prisoners had all escaped; and knowing how
utterly certain would be his ruin if his charge should thus be
broken,――in a fit of vexation and despair, he drew his sword, and
would have instantly killed himself, had not Paul, seeing through the
darkness the frenzied actions of the wretched man, called out to him
in a loud voice, clear and distinct amid the dreadful din, “Do thyself
no harm, for we are all here.”
Hearing these consolatory words, the jailer called for a light, and
sprang in, and came trembling, and fell down before Paul and Silas,
saying,――“Sirs! What must I do to be saved?” They
replied――“Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be
saved, with all thy house.” The jailer of course spoke of being saved
merely from present danger,――and appalled by the shock of the
earthquake, concluded at once that it had some connection with the
prayers and songs of the two Jewish prisoners, whom he knew to
have been unjustly punished and imprisoned. He supposed
therefore, that from those who were the occasion of the awful
occurrence, he might best learn the means of escaping its
destructive consequences. But his alarmed inquiries were made
instrumental in teaching him the way of escape from a peril of far
greater magnitude, threatening his spirit with the eternal ruin that
would fall at last on all the sinful opposers of the truth. The two
imprisoned preachers then proclaimed to him the word of the Lord,
and not only to him, but to all that were in his house. No sooner had
the jailer thus learned, by their eloquent words, the real character
and objects of his prisoners, than he immediately determined to
make them all the atonement in his power, for the shameful
treatment which they had received from his fellow-citizens. He took
them that same hour of the night, and washed their stripes, and was
baptized with all his house. Of course he could no longer suffer
those who were the authors of his hopes of salvation, to lie any
longer among felons; and he immediately brought them out of the jail
into his own house, and gave them food, making it a sort of festal
♦ occasion for himself and his whole family, who were all rejoicing
with him in the knowledge of the gospel. When it was day the
magistrates sent the officers of justice with a verbal order for the
release of the two prisoners, of whose abominable usage they were
now quite ashamed, after a night’s reflection, without the clamors of
a mob to incite them; and perhaps also their repentance may have
been promoted by the great earthquake during the night, for which
the Greeks and Romans would, as usual, seek some moral
occasion, looking on it of course, as a prodigy, expressive of the
anger of the gods, who might be supposed perhaps, to be indignant
at the flagrant injustice committed against these two friendless
strangers. But however satisfactory this atonement might seem to
the magistrates, Paul was by no means disposed to let them off so
quietly, after using him and Silas in this outrageous manner, in
absolute defiance of all forms of law and justice. To this permission
thus given him to sneak off quietly, he therefore returned the
indignant answer――“They have openly beaten us uncondemned,
though we are Roman citizens, and they have cast us into prison;
and now do they thrust us out so slily? No, indeed; but let them
come themselves and fetch us out.” This was alarming news indeed,
to the magistrates. Here they were found guilty of having violated
“the sacred privilege of Roman citizenship!”――a privilege which
always shielded its possessor from irregular tyranny, and required,
throughout the Roman world, that he should never be subjected to
punishment without the most open and formal investigation of the
charge; a privilege too, whose violation would bring down on them
the most remorseless vengeance of the imperial fountain of Roman
power. So nothing would do, but they must submit to the
uncomfortable necessity of bringing down their magisterial dignity, to
the low business of visiting their poor, abused prisoners in the jail,
and humbly apologizing for their own cruelty.