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This paper critically reviews and analyses participatory GIS (PGIS) and participatory
mapping applications within participatory spatial planning for community-based natural
resource management in developing countries. There is an often implicit assumption that
PGIS use is effective, in that it meets content needs, satisfies underlying local stakeholder
interests and therefore is a tool for better governance. The analytical framework looks
at participatory spatial planning performance with respect to key dimensions of
governance, especially the intensity of community participation and empowerment,
equity within communities and between 'governed' and 'governing', respect for
indigenous knowledge, rights, ownership, legitimacy, and effectiveness. Specific
development focus is given by a case study using participatory mapping and PGIS in
community forest legitimization, planning and management in Tinto, Cameroon. 'Good
governance' criteria are applied ex-post to the implementation procedures, the geo-
information outputs, and the longer-term outcomes of the PGIS processes. Impacts of
incorporating PGIS were examined in terms of the types and degrees of participation in
the process; access to, and the uses made of, the geographic information; whether the
information outputs met stakeholders' requirements; and the overall changes in equity
and empowerment in the community. It was found that PGIS/participatory mapping
processes contributed - positively, though not comprehensively - to good governance,
by improving dialogue, redistributing resource access and control rights - though not
always equitably - legitimizing and using local knowledge, exposing local stakeholders
to geospatial analysis, and creating some actor empowerment through training. PGIS
promoted empowerment by supporting community members' participation in decision-
making and actions, and by enabling land use planning decisions beyond community
forestry itself.
KEY WORDS: Cameroon, participatory GIS, good governance, community forest management,
participatory spatial planning
Participation during,
- Sketch mapping
- GPSlcompass data co
- Aerial photo interpre
Representation and - GIS processing
involvement of actors
LEGITIMACY &G. f
LEGITIMACY & Direct involvement in,
PARTICIPATION- Land use allocation and use rights
decisions
Involvement in decision making - ISK inclusion and exclusion decisions
- Forest boundary decisions
- Map content decisions (sketch maps
and GIS maps)
EFFECTIENES
COMPETENCE
& Satisfaction with map outputs
Figure 1 Good governance criteria and indicators used in this study
* 'Claiming land' - legal recognition of customary commercial sector and government agencies, as
well as civil society, community representatives,
land and resource rights, or demarcating neighbour-
hood boundaries. traditional leaders and NGOs. 'Homogeneous'
* Management of customary land and resources, communities cannot be presumed when there are
usually under 'traditional' management systems. significant ethnic, economic class, socio-cultural,
* Managing competition and ameliorating conflicts. and gender divisions. Essential questions about
* Mapping social and environmental inequalities. legitimacy are: 'Who controls the types, analysis,
* 'Building community', strengthening communityand uses of data and knowledge?' 'Who handles
awareness and cultural identity. the spatial data and information?' 'Is there open
access to the spatial planning instruments?' 'Who
Participation is a key element among the criteria ofuses, and, who has access to, the outputs?' 'Who is
'good governance' for effective participatory spatialactively participating?'
planning. Governance is a set of measures of the Participation in PGIS can be characterized both
relationships between the 'governed' (civil society into types and intensities (cf. participation ladders
and the public) and the 'governing' (the govern- of, for example, Arnstein 1969; McCall 1988 2003;
ment, its institutions, and private sector interests).Catley 1999; Ingles et al. 1999; Carver 2003), from
The pertinent power relationships are those involv-lowest to highest.
ing policy setting, decision-making, planning and
implementation. Core concepts for understanding * Manipulative and passive participation involving
governance are accountability - closely related to information flows between local people and 'outsid-
legitimacy, and effectiveness, and within these ers', regarding primarily technical information, such
concepts are categories such as lawfulness and as resource assessment, e.g. participatory mapping
subsidiarity and inclusion (or participation). But, in many rapid rural appraisal exercises.
'good' governance is hard to define unambigu-* Consultation or functional participation - outsiders
ously, since it introduces relativist political and refer selected, focused issues to local stakeholders,
ethical categories and priorities - the prescriptive and interpret their responses into 'scientific' frame-
contextual questions are as follows. Accountability works, such as maps of 'needs'.
for what types of actions? Legitimacy for what* Interactive involvement in decision-making by all
ends? Effective for whose purposes? (See discus- actors in most stages - 'participation seen as a right,
sions in, for example, Aubut (2004), Goetz and not just as the means to achieve outsiders' project
Gaventa (2001), van Kersbergen and van Waarden goals'.
(2001), OECD (2001) and UNDP (1997).) * Initiating actions - independent initiatives from, and
The analysis in this paper is based on a set of 'owned' by, local people; or self-mobilization. This
characteristics and dimensions of good governanceis a strong indicator of empowerment.
which incorporate prescriptive objectives and initi-
atives to strengthen civil society in order to make
Empowerment
the governing more accountable, more transparent
The four intensities of participation can be seen
(open policy-setting and decisions), responsive, and
as related to underlying intentions of whatever
effective. Thus we follow the more progressive
goal-directed interpretations of good governanceagencies
of are 'pushing' participatory spatial planning -
the OECD (2001) and UNDP (1997). Accountabil- or PGIS or participatory mapping - as a strategy.
ity, legitimacy and effectiveness, therefore, are At one extreme is 'facilitation', when participa-
interpreted as the means towards political-ethical tion is promoted to introduce and lubricate
higher values of strengthening legitimacy of the outside programmes, whilst the other extreme is
governing, empowering the governed especially the'empowerment', where participation is intended to
marginalized, creating respect for rights, ensuringprioritize local decision-making and reinforce
ownership (of geo-information), emphasizing responsibilities. Coming in between is 'mediation'
equity, and reinforcing competence in dealing withor 'collaboration', where the intention is for the
geo-information. participatory approach to trade-off the interests and
priorities of outside projects and local people. An
'empowerment functionality' of PGIS approaches
Legitimacy and participation
should give voice to local people by putting
Legitimacy demands interactive participation them and their indigenous technical and spatial
throughout the spatial planning processes, by all knowledge on an equal footing with the external
stakeholders, in all stages from problem prioritiza-experts.
tion, data collection, spatial analysis, through to There are many examples of 'empowerment'
decision-making. 'All stakeholders' here implies thePGIS used to 'claim our land', that is, the demand
for legal recognition of customary land and specialized, location- and resource-specific,
resource rights (cf. Poole 1995; McCall 2004). For problem-oriented indigenous technical knowledge,
instance; in Guyana, Amerindian peoples claimed provide a basis for local people's participation in
ancestral land titles (Griffiths 2002); the Zuni resource management.
pueblo of New Mexico prepared digital maps of
'non-graphic descriptions' of their appropriated
Respect for indigenous spatial knowledge and
lands to receive a quarter of a million acres as
people's cognition of land
compensation (Marozas 1991); in the Philippines,
claiming Ancestral Domain Title is conditional on Indigenous or local spatial knowledge is specific
preparing a resource management map for the area and ongoing knowledge about the land and land
(Rambaldi and Callosa-Tarr 2002); and in Indo- resources, and local people's management of them.
nesia, participatory mapping and PGIS identify It is usually problem and solution oriented, it sets
traditional village territories and competing rights people in their environmental context by describ-
claims (Eghenter 2000; Sirait et al. 1994). ing activity spaces and responsibility spaces, and
uses an understood natural language. Often enough
there are functional connections between indige-
Respect for local peoples and their local and
nous spatial knowledge and 'scientific' explan-
indigenous knowledge
ations, as in customary restrictions on using 'sacred
Indigenous knowledge is a measure of local land' which is also a traditionally protected forest
community capability, with the potential to setor grazing reserve.
community members on an equal status with Land and place, however, have visceral cultural
outsider 'experts', and maybe the only resource of values, on a higher plane than simple economic
which local groups, especially the 'resource-poor', categories of 'high value', 'marginal', or 'waste-
have unhindered ownership. Indigenous knowledge lands'. The sense of place associated by people in
and scientific knowledge frequently have similar perceptual or mental maps is a quality, fuzzy,
cognitive structures, although the referents and metaphorical, emotional and holistic, not reduc-
units may be difficult to translate - as with, for tionist place. For example, Maori land embodies
instance, much indigenous technical knowledge tapu (respect for resources), mana (authority), and
(ITK) of pest management, soil and water conserva- mauri (life force) (Harmsworth 1997), and Austra-
tion, ethnopedology, ethno-veterinary knowledge lian Aboriginal sacred sites signify '. . . stability, a
and ethno-medicine. Indigenous technical know-spatial and temporal anchorage in specific place
ledge is normally more reliable, and maybe also names and the ancestors bound within' (Brazenor
more accurate, because it embodies generations of 2000).
practical essential knowledge, and it operates in It is arguable that GIS and indigenous spatial
interactive, holistic systems. knowledge may be inherently incompatible
Many examples of PGIS - applied to ethnopedo- because of a dichotomy between the reductionism
logy - can be found; for instance, comparison of and ultra-precision of digitized geo-data, and the
farmers' and scientific soil classifications in the fuzziness, ambiguity, and synthesicity of 'natural
Senegal River valley (Tabor and Hutchinson 1994), language' spatial knowledge. Rundstrom (1995)
a 'folk expert system' for classifying soils in the expressed extreme scepticism that GIS can work
Colca Valley, Peru (Furbee 1989), and an extensive with indigenous cognitive, spatial concepts and
review by Barrera-Bassols and Zinck (2000). communication - 'representation is re-presentation',
Another common natural resource management when outsiders elicit and present indigenous know-
field using PGIS to map indigenous technical ledge in a map, they effectively alter and control
knowledge is pastoral management, e.g. remotely it. However, the widespread and productive
sensed images interpreted with Bedu shepherds inapplications of PGIS utilizing indigenous technical
Jordan (Patrick 2002); and mapping indigenousknowledge by indigenous peoples in North
knowledge of grazing lands in Burkina Faso America, Australasia, and Southeast Asia, provide
(Sedogo 2002). a counter argument. Participatory spatial planning
using PGIS tools should guarantee some respect
Beyond indigenous technical knowledge, there is
indigenous knowledge that is apparently qualita- for people's rights by their abilities to elicit and
tively different from scientific knowledge. This handle local conceptualizations of space and
indigenous knowledge is symbolic, metaphoric, spatial values. It should not only capture and trans-
and visionary - mystical in 'scientific' terms - andlate 'mental maps' of boundaries, locations, and
commonly related to the land and land features. zones into geo-referenced mapable outputs, but also
This deep knowledge, with its obligations of build geo-information into the local knowledge
stewardship of the land, together with the process.
methods, and the involvement of people in stand- participate in many community forest planning
ard GIS tools. activities and are particularly concerned with
access rights to non-timber forest activities. Living
Earth Foundation (the NGO) facilitated the
The Tinto community
planning process, providing access to finance,
Tinto, in the South West Province of Cameroon,technical
is knowledge, geo-information technology,
lobby and facilitation skills and links with partners
well drained, between 160 and 280 m in altitude,
with a rainfall of about 2000 mm/year and is outside the community. Other stakeholders playing
located within the evergreen forest areas of roles in conflict resolution and political support to
Cameroon known for endemism. The community the process include Tinto Rural Council and the
of 1700-2000 consists of three neighbouring elite of Tinto living in other parts of the country.
villages of the same clan, very homogenous with
fewer than 1% 'outsiders', typically rural, but it is
The PGIS process in Tinto
an administrative (District) headquarters with a
Forestry Office. Most farmers grow cocoa or coffeeThe PGIS process in Tinto can be divided into four
as cash crops, along with cassava, maize and other main phases: the preparatory stage; land use
subsistence crops. Forest activities include hunting,mapping and planning; community forest boundary
collecting non-timber forest products and timber. mapping; and the community forest management
The three village chiefs and councils are repre- plan mapping phase. The preparatory phase was
aimed mainly at the Ministry's Forest Plan at
sented on the Tinto Clan Council whose decision-
national, regional and local levels to see if forests
making is based on customary laws. The Clan
Council oversees local resource management in the area were eligible for community forestry,
based on the provisions of the 1994 forestry law. In
policy, especially farming rights given to clear
order to designate part of the local forest area as a
forest, and the administration of sacred groves.
Some local controls are enforced, such as to potential community forest, the community must
proceed through a sort of land use mapping and
reduce poisons in fishing. Part of the forest within
the clan boundaries lies in the Banyang Mbo planning process as in phase two. The designated
Sanctuary, wherein the Council works with Minis-area was then demarcated and the boundaries
try of Environment and Forests projects to regulatemapped in the third phase. The last phase consti-
forest activities. Tinto began the community foresttuted planning and mapping the forest into forest
planning process, with Ministry staff and an NGOmanagement zones. A summary of the phases is
(Living Earth Foundation), in November 1999. presented in Table 1; Figures 2 and 3 can also be
Actual community management of a 1300 ha interpreted as a work flowchart. The process can
community forest started in December 2002. be characterized as 'learning by doing' over a four-
year period. It should, therefore, not be interpreted
Actors The current distribution of roles and functions as uni-linear; the tabular rendition is a simplifica-
and diverse interests of the multiple actors in the tion for presentation purposes, because in reality
Tinto context is important for understanding there was a good deal of iteration.
forest governance. The Tinto Clan Community
Forest Management Committee represents and Research methods in the case study
organizes the community in community forest
activities, while the Chiefs and Clan Council The field research (Minang 2003) was designed to
remain the custodians of the forest with all the assess the extent to which PGIS promoted good
customary powers to authorize and monitor governance by supporting community participa-
resource access. The local Ministry staff are tion in decision-making and actions within the
supposed to assist communities technically in community forest process, and possible extensions
community forest management, as well as to into land use planning decisions. The first step in
oversee the management plan implementation, butthe research was to select and describe a number
they are often inadequately staffed and lack of indicators to represent 'good governance'
resources. Hunters are very important in sharing dimensions, based on the principles in the first
their knowledge with the community in the section, and on governance literature (UNDP 1997;
planning process, and, as such, are key players in OECD 2001; van Kersbergen and van Waarden
the demarcation process, mapping and inventories. 2001; McCall 2003). The dimensions and indica-
They, however, need to be assured of access rights tors were selected to be relevant, reliable and
within the community forest. Farmers are particu- valid in describing and assessing complex PGIS
larly concerned with rights of access to forestland processes. Figure 1 shows the seven initial good
in the process. Women as a group, like farmers, governance dimensions and criteria, and the
Phases
Activities involved Stakeholder analysis; Sketch mapping; Boundary agreement Participatory forest
PRA; baseline survey; transects; mapping demarcated on ground inventory; desk
manual overlay; the forest; by villagers (by men); cartography (consultant
transparencies specifications from GPS (by villagers); + villagers); agreement
community GIS (by consultant) on zones
Actors Chiefs; NGO; Ministry NGO; Ministry; chiefs; 14 hunters; NGO; 23 villagers; inventory
hunters; village women; Ministry; GIS consultant team; NGO; Ministry;
family and quarter reps consultants
GIT tools Topo sheets; Topographic sheets GPS; air photo GPS and compass for
transparency overlays interpretation; inventory; topo sheets;
GIS mapping (ArcView) desk cartography
Outputs Village study report Village sketch map; social Forest boundary map; Map of management
map of village; forest use (GIS) shows land use zones
map zones; transects; P-map
of current uses
Tools of PRA tools Participatory mapping; Participatory mapping Participatory inventory
participation forest use survey for forest description
Degree of Consultation Decision-making; Mediation; Decision-making
participation empowerment empowerment for zoning; some
empowerment
Training Key
compass use
i14 + 15/E Intensities of Participation
Consultation (Catley, 1999)
meeting produced (Catley, 1999)
13/F boundary
map I1 - Manipulative
Dist. previous GIS mapping participation
activities in 13/F 12 - Passive participation
forest 13 - Participation by
Photo consultation
Traced CF boundaries interpretation Points data 14 - Participation for material
15, benefits
Specialist local Global positioning 16 - Interactive partic
15 - Functional participation
16/E F - Facilitation
1 E - Empowerment
M - Mediation
Process
Participation
Sketch mapping Permanent and non- Toposheet Codes
(PRA) permanent forests interpretation
16/E 14/F
t Inf
Flow
Local knowledge/mind
maps (village
boundaries, land marks)
Table 2). Open popular meetings were the main and purposes attained in the community fore
forums for analysis and decision-making, whereas PGIS process in Tinto for various activities, in
participation in decision-making for the map terms of the 'participation ladders' from Catle
content involved exclusively just the consultants (1999) and McCall (2003), respectively. The Catley
and experts. However, serious efforts were ladder shows deeper involvement and higher
specially made by NGOs and the community quality participation progressing from levels 11
17. The McCall ladder refers to the underlying
leadership to involve women in parts of the PGIS
process. purpose or intentions behind the promotion o
Intensities of participation varied between participation,
activ- which can be seen as a continuum
from F as 'satisfying external objectives', to E as
ities. Figure 2 shows the participation intensities
Transect informa
spatial dist and location A2; S3,4; T6,08 map (Adapted to CF from Craig and
information for resources3p E w o ,1 9 Elwood, 1999)
Training A -ADMINISTRATIVE
compass use
forest PS - STRATEGIC
Traced CF boundaries T6
tepretatoS3 - General
nterpretation Points data resources Assessme
S4 - Plan existing re
S5 - Initiate action (
08 - Facilitate meetings
09 - Define respresentation
010 - Conflict Resolution
Infos.
Flow
Local knowledge/mind
maps (village
boundaries, land marks)
internally driven 'empowerment'. The higher the participation in the process, but narrowly focused,
levels attained, the greater the contribution to good especially only towards GPS and sketch mapping.
governance. The evidence shows that inter-group Some community actors, though, were empowered
dialogue was improved through dynamic geo- through the exposure to new forms of analysis
information use to support participatory forums, using geo-information, which improved their
leading to a better understanding between actors, capacity for decision support. Empowerment was
and towards conflict resolution. more widespread from learning how to manipulate
access and control rights through joint land use
Empowerment Knowledge and skills acquisition
planning and natural resource management
in geo-information technology per se were decision-making. Table 3 summarizes key aspects
widespread through formal training and community of actor empowerment in the Tinto process.
Tinto
Involvement of actors Activities Committee Chiefs Farmers Hunters Women MINEF NGO
Legitimacy-ownership
Empowerment of actors
Tinto
Committee Chiefs Farmers Hunters Women MINEF NGO
Satisfaction of needs by
Three main actors Geo-information needs geoinformation outputs
such as those of Kyem (2002), that improved demographic equity within the community, is
communication and more robust relationship build- appropriate when it comes to benefit sharing,
ing are achieved with a greater use of geo- because basic forest resources are part of a
information. Taking advantage of improvements in common property system.
analytical and presentation/visualization facilities It is also useful to consider a user group
in future PGIS would help promote deeper levels of approach alongside popular representative partici-
decision-making in communities. In the Tinto case, pation, since these groups are the day-to-day users
it was primarily just the location and descriptive and real beneficiaries of the forest and its products,
uses of GIS that were taken up. and therefore should be involved in the manage-
Whilst the hard copies of maps were stored by ment plans of the different compartments. User
the Tinto community, and therefore accessible to group representation has been found beneficial in
most members, access to digital geo-information other community-based natural resource manage-
was the exclusive preserve of the consultant, and, ment cases (Springate-Baginski et al. 2003; Jordan
to some extent, the NGO that facilitated the process. 2002). Taken together, representation by village
Although this can be explained by the lack of basic units and resource user groups in PGIS and
GIS technology in the community, the issue was community forest management processes both
not addressed at any point in the development of accommodates the political necessity of popular
the PGIS. Upon reflection, it would have served representation in communities, and also caters for
a good purpose for the Tinto community to keep the skilled user management of indigenous spatial
the digital data on disk, since they have access to knowledge and indigenous technical knowledge on
the influential elite in the country that could help the ground, crucial to sustainable resource
access and process this information when required management.
for management plan reviews and monitoring.
Digital geodata would also be cost-effective for
Equity and gender
base map development. Currently, updating and
use for advocacy purposes are inhibited by the Overall, the expected positive gains in equity did
inaccessibility of these data. This issue leaves the not appear. The majority of stakeholders neither
real ownership of the products questionable, as no gained, nor lost, much in terms of powers of
such restrictions apply to the use of this informa- control or access to forest resources. The Tinto
tion by the consultants or the NGO involved in the Community Forest Management Council and the
processes. Chiefs gained some control over the forest domin-
ion, but this was an inevitable result of the
changed legal status, rather than from the PGIS
Participation in PGIS and its organization
process itself.
These are key factors helping to determineSome
the gender-related deficiencies remain,
contribution of PGIS to good governance, independent of either user group or settlement
especially with respect to legitimacy. In Tinto, the
unit-based participation. Women and other under-
participation was structured in terms of village
privileged or under-represented groups deserve
representatives relating to the various process activ-
specific attention in negotiations and decision-making,
ities, notably, forest demarcation, inventories and not only for equity and justice reasons. In Tinto,
field zoning where geo-information tools werealthough there is evidence that some effort was
used. People's participation was most common andmade to include women in the village meetings,
widespread in traditional participatory rural only two women were present for the mapping of
appraisal tools, such as sketch mapping. indigenous technical knowledge and indigenous
Despite the fact that meaningful levels of stake-spatial knowledge in the forest. Considering that a
holder participation were reached in this case, community survey (Minang 2000) showed women
to be the main collectors of non-timber forest
there can be no guarantee for long-term sustainable
community forest management, because some products, it implies that women were badly under-
forest user groups could have been missed out or represented in this part of the PGIS process, putting
were not actively represented in the process, andin doubt the long-term sustainability of the
thus would not be well informed or in agreementmanagement plans for various forest compartments.
with decisions reached. However, the approach
adopted by the Tinto community should not be Conclusions
discredited, since it comes out of a reliable village
representation system that has effectively managed The implicit assumptions addressed by the paper
a common water system for the three-clan villages are that articulating PGIS at the local level is more
for over 20 years. This approach, based on effective than relying on conventional mapping and
GIS. PGIS is believed to have the capacity to wasted effort and greater efficiency. A key element
simultaneously meet the content needs, answer the is that a genuine participatory approach enables
questions asked of the geo-information, and respect for, and the integrity of, indigenous know-
address and satisfy the local stakeholders' underly- ledge, by eliciting, analysing, and presenting
ing interests. Thus there is the often-made assump- conceptualizations of space and spatial values. In
tion that PGIS is a tool for better governance. this case, the community felt empowered by the
The case study was an ex-post assessment of the PGIS usage and deep consultations to protect a
effectiveness of a PGIS approach in strengthening sacred area of forest, demonstrating the capacity of
good governance in a community forestry determi-'working with maps' for engaging debate on sensi-
nation process in Tinto, Cameroon. Good tive issues and enhancing accountability.
governance is initially interpreted as the empower- The study demonstrates that, when it is the good
ing of community members' participation in
governance criterion, chiefly participation, which is
decision-making and actions. Other governance recognized as the primary concern and goal, both
dimensions and indicators, relating to legitimiza- underlaying and overriding the specific objectives
tion, promoting respect for local people andof producing precise or detailed maps and GIS
their
ownership of indigenous knowledge, strengthening products, then participatory mapping and PGIS are
equity and improving effectiveness, were also
acceptable, productive, reliable and effective tools
employed. to support and strengthen participatory spatial
The study found that the PGIS and participatory planning and management.
mapping processes contributed - positively, though
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