‫واجشناسی‬

‫جلسه دوم‬
‫دکتر استاجی‬
‫دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد‬
 ‫آغاز واجشناسی‬
During the nineteenth century phoneticians such
as Henry Sweet,2 Paul Passy, Whitney, Sievers and others
discovered what we now consider
to be the keys to phonetic description – sounds can be
completely described with the
parameters of voicing, point, and manner of articulation (for
consonants) and the tongue positions and lip setting needed
for vowels.
 ‫ دوکورتنی‬/‫آغاز واجشناسی‬
The first person to discuss this fact explicitly was
a Polish linguist named Jan Baudouin de
Courtenay. What he was trying to explain was
the fact that there is a difference between
what the articulators are actually doing when
we utter some word or phrase and what
speakers perceive they are doing (and what
hearers believe they hear).
 ‫ واج و واجگونه‬/ ‫آغاز واجشناسی‬
Baudouin’s idea was that we perceive and store sounds in
one form, but adjust that form when we actually speak
according to a set of phonetically-defined principles
that he called ‘divergences’. He also argued that when
we hear others speak, we subconsciously ‘undo’ those
divergences, hearing, in some sense, what the speaker
intended to say – that is, what the speaker stored as
well. Baudouin called the individual sound intentions
‘phonemes’. Baudouin’s work was published in 1895,
and that, in some ways, can be considered the
beginning of modern phonology.
 ‫ادامه‬
The first major innovation in phonological theory that has
had a lasting impact is the notion that the variations in
‘intended’ sounds could be grouped into a set, with the
phoneme itself functioning as the name of the set.
Each individual variant was called an allophone (from
the Greek αλλος ‘other’, plus φωνη ‘voice’). Thus
phonemes were sets of related sounds all classed as a
single set. There was considerable discussion about the
status of these sets. The American linguist Edward
Sapir believed, with Baudouin, that these sets were
modes of perception – that is, that speakers heard all
the members of the set as if they were the same. He
argued that we hear speech phonemically,
 ‫ نقشگرا‬/‫ واجشناسی ساختگرا‬/
A group of linguists centered in Prague (and consequently known as
the Prague School) argued that psychological explanations were
not the job of the linguist, who had to develop purely linguistic
explanations, leaving the psychological interpretations to others.
Classic references include Trubetzkoy (1968) and Jakobson (1968).
Their ideas of the phoneme were based very heavily on the work
of the great nineteenth century Swiss linguist Ferdinand de
Saussure, the founder of the school of inquiry called Structuralism.
Saussure believed that language was a self-contained system,
where everything held together (‘ou tout se tient’), and argued
that each distinctive unit in a language could only be defined in
terms of its role in that language. Thus, every unit in language was
only meaningful when contrasted with other units within the
same system.
 ‫ساختگرایی آمریکایی‬
Behaviorists were skeptical of the existence of
notions like mind or thought, and viewed
perception simply as the registering of a stimulus
by an organism. Categorization consisted
simply of a reinforced association between
independent stimuli. In the case of phonemes
and allophones this amounted to the view that
humans were conditioned to respond identically
to different allophones, and that was what made
them members of the same phoneme.
‫واجشناسی زایا‬
SPE
 ‫واجشناسی زایا‬
The Generative Phonology paradigm began with the
idea that all variations in the pronunciation
of a morpheme (not only the allophones, but even
phonemic variants, such as
the /k/ ~ /s/ alternation between electric and
electricity could be accounted for by positing
a single underlying form, and deriving all variations
through the application of phonological
rules which systematically changed the features of
the phonemes involved.
‫موریس هله‬
‫استقبال از واجشناسی زایا‬
‫مشکالت‬
 ‫ واج در دستور شناختی‬/ ‫واحد پایه‬
A well-known and fundamental principle of
Cognitive Grammar is that some linguistic
units are most directly accessible to the naive
native speaker of a language. These units are
learned first, are the closest to being
universal, and seem to be directly perceivable
as such.
 ‫مقوله بندی‬
Crucial to that model is the idea of
categorization. Categorization is the human
ability to recognize kinds of things – this is a
‘dog’, that is a ‘tree’, she is ‘running’ – placing
individual instances of things and events (and
abstractions as well) into categories.
‫ویژگی مقوالت شناختی‬
‫‪ -1‬عضویت مدرج‬
‫‪ -2‬عدم برابری همه اعضای یک مقوله‬
‫‪ -3‬نمونه بارز راحتتر پردازش می شود‬
 ‫مقوله بارز شعاعی‬
The specific manner of categorization that Lakoff
(1987) proposed was what he calls a radial
prototype category, because the relationship
among the members is similar to an image of
spokes on a wheel. There is (or may be) a
central member or members. Arranged
around the central members are less central
ones, which are similar to the central member,
‫مقوله شعاعی‬
‫مقوله شعاعی‬
 ‫ فصل سوم‬/‫دو نگرش به واج‬
there have traditionally been two different views of the reality of the
phoneme. One, which originated in the nineteenth century, viewed
the phoneme as a unit of mental storage and perception –
phonemes are what we hear, and what we believe we are
producing. This view, which has persisted as a thread throughout
the history of linguistics contrasts with what we could call the
structuralist view, that phonemes are ways in which language
organizes itself, without making any kind of commitment
to overt perception or production. This book will proceed on the
assumption that phonology deals with how speakers actually
process their language, and that the patterns and organization that
we find are the result of ways in which human cognition is itself
regular and follows general patterns.