Adult Development

and Ageing
e-Book
– This book is based on the 2019 Second Edition printed copy –

Dap Louw and Anet Louw

Dap Louw is an extraordinary professor in the Department of Psychology at the University
of the Free State. He holds master’s degrees and doctorates in both Psychology and
Criminology. He studied and lectured in the USA. He is the editor and author of several
textbooks that are widely prescribed at Southern African universities. He has published
more than 100 articles in accredited national and international scientific journals.

Anet Louw completed her PhD in Child Psychology. She was an associate professor
in the Department of Psychology at the University of the Free State and is currently a
research fellow. She coordinated the PhD Programme in Child Psychology, as well as
the Child Practice Programme in the Master’s Course in Professional Psychology for
several years. She is the author, co-author, and editor of several publications in the field
of human development. She also lectured in developmental psychology in the USA.

https://doi.org/10.18820/9781928424468
Adult Development
and Ageing
e-Book
– This book is based on the 2019 Second Edition printed copy –

Dap Louw and Anet Louw

Department of Psychology, University of the Free State
Adult development and ageing
Published by Sun Media Bloemfontein (Pty) Ltd

Imprint: SunBonani Books

All rights reserved

Copyright © 2020 (e-book in PDF) Dap Louw and Anet Louw

This book is based on the 2019 Second Edition printed copy

First Edition (e-book) 2020

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any

electronic, photographic or mechanical means, including photocopying and recording
on record, tape or laser disk, on microfilm, via the Internet, by e-mail, or by any other
information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission by the
author. In this regard a request should be submitted to Prof Dap Louw:
psychologypublications@gmail.com / 083 391 8331

Views reflected in this publication are not necessarily those of the publisher.

Graphic design: Carrin Scott.

ISBN 978-1-928424-46-8 (e-book)

https://doi.org/10.18820/9781928424468

AVAILABLE FROM: https://doi.org/10.18820/9781928424468

The recommended citation for this book is:

Louw, D. & Louw, A. (2020). Adult development and ageing (e-Book).
Bloemfontein: SunBonani Books. https://doi.org/10.18820/9781928424468

Do not sell or discard your books, notes or other learning materials once you have
completed a course. When you embark upon your career you will find that your memory is
not nearly as good as you thought it was --- and that you will need those materials
again. Start building up your future professional library and knowledge bank now. The
learning materials are not only meant to help you pass a test or exam, but also to assist
you in the future.
This book is dedicated to Antoinette, Dappie, Janine,
Dian, Mia and Reenen
 This book is dedicated to Antoinette, Dappie, Janine, PREFACE
Dian, Mia and Reenen
Until a few decades ago, most people equated human development with
child development. Even psychologists focused largely on the development
of the child, with the result that most of their theories and research involved
this segment of human development. This is understandable: for a long time
psychologists considered childhood as the most important, if not decisive,
part of development. However, this mode of thinking has since been debunked
and replaced with the realisation that adult development – from the end of
adolescence until the end of one’s life – plays an equally important role in
a person’s development. Currently, all developmental psychologists regard
adult development – a life span that could easily be four to five times longer
than that of childhood – as an important discipline in its own right. As life
expectancy is increasing more rapidly than at any other time in human history,
scientific knowledge about adult development and especially ageing will
become even more crucial.
http://www.psychologypublications.co.za Some younger students may wonder whether learning about adult
development is relevant for them. It definitely is. First, adult development is
about the ‘future you’. It is about the remarkable journey most of you have
already entered and the fascinating life journey that lies ahead of you. Second,
the information in the book should help you to understand all other adults
better, including those close to you such as your parents, grandparents, and
other older family members. Therefore, we believe that you will not only enjoy
studying this book, but also find it enriching.
Some clarifications:

Graphic design: Carrin Scott • The target audience of this book is primarily undergraduate students in
Printed by ABC Press, Cape Town psychology, education, social work, psychiatry, and related disciplines.
However, the nature and extent of Adult Development and Ageing also
makes the text suitable for use at postgraduate level (especially where
ISBN: 978-0-86886-857-8 this field was not a focus area in the undergraduate course). Furthermore,
the book contains valuable information that will be useful to anyone who
All rights reserved. has an interest in adult development.
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the • Information on various aspects of adult behaviour is available in
permission in writing from the copyright owners. Please submit a written request abundance in media such as the Internet, magazines, and newspapers.
to Prof Dap Louw at psychologypublications@gmail.com. However, this plethora of information has created a problem of its own: It
is very difficult to separate the wheat from the chaff. This is why one of the
main objectives of the book is to provide the reader with the most recent
Copyright © Dap Louw and Anet Louw, 2019 scientific information.
• We decided to add a special focus to the book — ageing. Ageing is an
II III
 integral part of human development but seems to be a topic that is often
ignored because of its negative emotional connotations. However, ageing
cannot be wished away. In fact, the better we understand this inevitable
part of life, the better we can adjust to it. This special focus on ageing is
also the main reason for including it in the title of this book.
• One of our most important aims is to make the book as relevant as
possible to the unique South African situation. It never ceases to amaze us
to see how many students, including those who enrol for psychology, are
trained for a profession in South Africa using international textbooks that
basically have limited relevance and therefore limited practical application
value (except for the students to pass their exams). Therefore, we went to
great lengths to trace and include local research data and South African
examples. This was no easy task, especially because some empirical data
and other information, for example, were part of unpublished reports and
theses or published in relatively unknown sources. However, the search
exceeded our expectations and we are happy and proud to share the results
with you. Nevertheless, a significant part of the book still relies heavily
on international and particularly Western research. There are mainly two
reasons for this. Firstly, it cannot be denied that there are certain ‘universal
truths’ (information or data that, to a greater or lesser degree, hold true
for most or all cultures). These universal truths have been uncovered
by international researchers, and it would be an academic omission to
disregard these important contributions. Secondly, many research areas
in adult development still lie fallow in South Africa, with the result that we
had no other option but to use international data. Thus, the editors would
like to encourage present and future researchers strongly to assist us in
improving the relevancy level in future editions by bringing empirical data
and other information on the South African situation to our attention. We
owe it to our students, colleagues and other interested parties to provide
them with relevant material.
• The authors are aware that the majority of students will be reading this
book in their second or even third language. We are equally aware that
many students bring with them a scholastic backlog, for whatever reason.
Thus, the book has been made as reader- and especially student-friendly
as possible. Therefore, the writing style and the language level have been
made as accessible as possible. For this purpose, we also incorporated
the services of a professional language editor. Furthermore, new concepts
and terms have been defined, while keywords have been printed in bold.
To assist students in their studies, additional information is provided in
inserts (boxes) to facilitate further understanding. These boxes include
IV
topics for critical thinking, a focus on interesting South African and
other research, or concentrate on the practical application of the issues
discussed. At the end of each major section, questions are provided to aid
the student to review the material.
• As far as terminology is concerned:
– Gender. Sexist writing is offensive and the authors have done their best
to avoid it. Their solution has been to use the plural form ‘they’. However,
in cases where the plural is inappropriate or unnatural, ‘he or she’ is used,
while ‘he’ and ‘she’ are often used alternately.
– Coloured. The authors acknowledge that the term ‘coloured’ is
offensive to some classified in this way. After consulting widely, it was
decided to retain the term for practical reasons. Most South African
research, including that of the Central Statistical Service and Government
departments, makes use of the category ‘Coloured’. By leaving out the
category altogether or by combining it with another category would
create unnecessary confusion.
– Racial differences. The current authors are against the (sometimes
unintentional) racist conveyance of information that is found often in the
media and unfortunately also in scientific sources. Especially in South
Africa, where science was employed during the years of apartheid in
an attempt to indicate discriminating differences between races, such
differences must be presented with great responsibility in the current
era. The authors pursued this aim. Several irrelevant references to race
differences in the previous edition have been removed. Where references
to race and ethnicity still appear, the aim is mainly to acknowledge and
indicate the rich and unique differences in our country – in the same way
in which other interesting differences (e.g. with regard to gender and
socio-economic status) are pointed out. It is of utmost importance that
readers and students accept the generally accepted fact – that differences
within one race are just as large as, and even larger, between races.
• The reference system of the American Psychological Association is used
by most psychologists. However, because some of their requirements
differ from language and other (e.g. statistical) principles in South Africa,
it was used only as a guideline in this book. However, we did strive to fulfil
the core aim of any reference system, namely to make it easy to trace
sources.
• Regarding the approach to the composition of the book: In a predecessor
of this text, Human Development, we followed a sequential life span
approach in the section on adult development. However, several reviewers
and colleagues found such an approach to be overlapping and superficial;
V
 integral part of human development but seems to be a topic that is often
ignored because of its negative emotional connotations. However, ageing
cannot be wished away. In fact, the better we understand this inevitable
part of life, the better we can adjust to it. This special focus on ageing is
also the main reason for including it in the title of this book.
• One of our most important aims is to make the book as relevant as
possible to the unique South African situation. It never ceases to amaze us
to see how many students, including those who enrol for psychology, are
trained for a profession in South Africa using international textbooks that
basically have limited relevance and therefore limited practical application
value (except for the students to pass their exams). Therefore, we went to
great lengths to trace and include local research data and South African
examples. This was no easy task, especially because some empirical data
and other information, for example, were part of unpublished reports and
theses or published in relatively unknown sources. However, the search
exceeded our expectations and we are happy and proud to share the results
with you. Nevertheless, a significant part of the book still relies heavily
on international and particularly Western research. There are mainly two
reasons for this. Firstly, it cannot be denied that there are certain ‘universal
truths’ (information or data that, to a greater or lesser degree, hold true
for most or all cultures). These universal truths have been uncovered
by international researchers, and it would be an academic omission to
disregard these important contributions. Secondly, many research areas
in adult development still lie fallow in South Africa, with the result that we
had no other option but to use international data. Thus, the editors would
like to encourage present and future researchers strongly to assist us in
improving the relevancy level in future editions by bringing empirical data
and other information on the South African situation to our attention. We
owe it to our students, colleagues and other interested parties to provide
them with relevant material.
• The authors are aware that the majority of students will be reading this
book in their second or even third language. We are equally aware that
many students bring with them a scholastic backlog, for whatever reason.
Thus, the book has been made as reader- and especially student-friendly
as possible. Therefore, the writing style and the language level have been
made as accessible as possible. For this purpose, we also incorporated
the services of a professional language editor. Furthermore, new concepts
and terms have been defined, while keywords have been printed in bold.
To assist students in their studies, additional information is provided in
inserts (boxes) to facilitate further understanding. These boxes include
IV
topics for critical thinking, a focus on interesting South African and
other research, or concentrate on the practical application of the issues
discussed. At the end of each major section, questions are provided to aid
the student to review the material.
• As far as terminology is concerned:
– Gender. Sexist writing is offensive and the authors have done their best
to avoid it. Their solution has been to use the plural form ‘they’. However,
in cases where the plural is inappropriate or unnatural, ‘he or she’ is used,
while ‘he’ and ‘she’ are often used alternately.
– Coloured. The authors acknowledge that the term ‘coloured’ is
offensive to some classified in this way. After consulting widely, it was
decided to retain the term for practical reasons. Most South African
research, including that of the Central Statistical Service and Government
departments, makes use of the category ‘Coloured’. By leaving out the
category altogether or by combining it with another category would
create unnecessary confusion.
– Racial differences. The current authors are against the (sometimes
unintentional) racist conveyance of information that is found often in the
media and unfortunately also in scientific sources. Especially in South
Africa, where science was employed during the years of apartheid in
an attempt to indicate discriminating differences between races, such
differences must be presented with great responsibility in the current
era. The authors pursued this aim. Several irrelevant references to race
differences in the previous edition have been removed. Where references
to race and ethnicity still appear, the aim is mainly to acknowledge and
indicate the rich and unique differences in our country – in the same way
in which other interesting differences (e.g. with regard to gender and
socio-economic status) are pointed out. It is of utmost importance that
readers and students accept the generally accepted fact – that differences
within one race are just as large as, and even larger, between races.
• The reference system of the American Psychological Association is used
by most psychologists. However, because some of their requirements
differ from language and other (e.g. statistical) principles in South Africa,
it was used only as a guideline in this book. However, we did strive to fulfil
the core aim of any reference system, namely to make it easy to trace
sources.
• Regarding the approach to the composition of the book: In a predecessor
of this text, Human Development, we followed a sequential life span
approach in the section on adult development. However, several reviewers
and colleagues found such an approach to be overlapping and superficial;
V
 therefore, we changed to the thematic approach by discussing adult
life span development and ageing within the framework of each of the
following major areas of development: physical development, cognitive
development, personality development, and social development. Many
international textbooks also follow this approach on adult development.

Finally, every work can be improved. Of course, the present text is no

exception. Therefore, we would appreciate any recommendations and
comments from colleagues, students, and other readers. Most importantly,
it is our wish that you will find this book as enriching as we did in writing it.
IMPORTANT NOTE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The following should always be kept in mind as you read this book: The media,
and even some textbooks, unfortunately tend to present human development
This book would not have been published had it not been for the support as if all individuals develop according to a specific formula. Such information
and feedback of various colleagues over the years. We cannot thank them is often seen as “normal” and inevitably as more acceptable. However,
such a presentation or viewpoint contradicts one of the most important
enough. We would like to pay special tribute to Proff. Lily Gerdes, Werner
principles in psychology – every person is unique. Therefore, students and
Meyer and Dorette van Ede who were part of the editorial team in the past. others interested in human behaviour should continually realise that research
We also express our sincere gratitude to the University of the Free State for and similar information on human beings refer primarily to ‘averages’ or
the use of its academic facilities and general support. guidelines. Special caution should be taken not to label individuals who do not
meet these predetermined formulas or expectations. The uniqueness of the
The essential role of our wonderful support staff cannot be overestimated: individual should be respected, encouraged, and nurtured. Disregarding this
characteristic could easily lead to the wasting of unique and valuable potential.
– Hesma van Tonder: Research librarian, also responsible for the index and
list of references.
– Carrin Scott: Graphic designer
– Danie Steyl: Language editor
– Jaco van Tonder: Cartoonist

By far the majority of the photos in this book were obtained from Shutterstock. The authors
went to great lengths to obtain permission to use some of the other material appearing in
this publication. However, in some cases, it proved impossible to trace copyright holders,
or copyright holders had not responded to the authors’ correspondence by the time of
going to print. Human error could also occasionally have crept in with regard to possible
errors and omissions. Therefore, the authors would be most grateful for information that
would enable them to rectify any such omission or errors in future editions. In the interim,
they apologise for any unintentional infringements.

Dap Louw and Anet Louw

Department of Psychology
University of the Free State
Bloemfontein

VI VII
 therefore, we changed to the thematic approach by discussing adult
life span development and ageing within the framework of each of the
following major areas of development: physical development, cognitive
development, personality development, and social development. Many
international textbooks also follow this approach on adult development.

Finally, every work can be improved. Of course, the present text is no

exception. Therefore, we would appreciate any recommendations and
comments from colleagues, students, and other readers. Most importantly,
it is our wish that you will find this book as enriching as we did in writing it.
IMPORTANT NOTE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The following should always be kept in mind as you read this book: The media,
and even some textbooks, unfortunately tend to present human development
This book would not have been published had it not been for the support as if all individuals develop according to a specific formula. Such information
and feedback of various colleagues over the years. We cannot thank them is often seen as “normal” and inevitably as more acceptable. However,
such a presentation or viewpoint contradicts one of the most important
enough. We would like to pay special tribute to Proff. Lily Gerdes, Werner
principles in psychology – every person is unique. Therefore, students and
Meyer and Dorette van Ede who were part of the editorial team in the past. others interested in human behaviour should continually realise that research
We also express our sincere gratitude to the University of the Free State for and similar information on human beings refer primarily to ‘averages’ or
the use of its academic facilities and general support. guidelines. Special caution should be taken not to label individuals who do not
meet these predetermined formulas or expectations. The uniqueness of the
The essential role of our wonderful support staff cannot be overestimated: individual should be respected, encouraged, and nurtured. Disregarding this
characteristic could easily lead to the wasting of unique and valuable potential.
– Hesma van Tonder: Research librarian, also responsible for the index and
list of references.
– Carrin Scott: Graphic designer
– Danie Steyl: Language editor
– Jaco van Tonder: Cartoonist

By far the majority of the photos in this book were obtained from Shutterstock. The authors
went to great lengths to obtain permission to use some of the other material appearing in
this publication. However, in some cases, it proved impossible to trace copyright holders,
or copyright holders had not responded to the authors’ correspondence by the time of
going to print. Human error could also occasionally have crept in with regard to possible
errors and omissions. Therefore, the authors would be most grateful for information that
would enable them to rectify any such omission or errors in future editions. In the interim,
they apologise for any unintentional infringements.

Dap Louw and Anet Louw

Department of Psychology
University of the Free State
Bloemfontein

VI VII
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1 BASIC CONCEPTS OF ADULT DEVELOPMENT AND AGEING .................3
1.1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................4
1.1.1 Substages of adulthood ...........................................................................................8
1.1.2 Perspectives on age .................................................................................................9
1.1.3 The demographics of the human population ................................................. 12
1.1.4 Well-being ................................................................................................................ 18
1.2 A LIFE-SPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE .................................................. 22
1.3 THE FORCES AND INFLUENCES OF DEVELOPMENT ......................................... 24
1.4 DEBATES, ISSUES AND MODELS OF DEVELOPMENT ....................................... 26
1.5 DOMAINS OF DEVELOPMENT..................................................................................... 31
1.6 RESEARCH IN ADULT DEVELOPMENT.................................................................... 33
1.6.1 Kinds of research ................................................................................................... 33
1.6.2 Methods of gathering information .................................................................. 34
CHAPTER 4 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ...................................................................201
1.6.3 General research designs ................................................................................... 38
1.6.4 Research designs for studying adult development.................................... 42
1.6.5 Cross-cultural research ....................................................................................... 46
1.6.6 Conducting research on the Internet ............................................................. 48
1.6.7 Research ethics ..................................................................................................... 50
CHAPTER 2 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT AND SEXUALITY ........................................... 55
2.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 56
2.2 BIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF AGEING........................................................................ 58
2.2.1 Programmed ageing theories ........................................................................... 59
2.2.2 Error theories ......................................................................................................... 61
2.3 SPECIFIC PHYSICAL CHANGES ................................................................................. 64
2.3.1 The brain .................................................................................................................. 64
2.3.2 The senses.............................................................................................................. 66
2.3.3 Muscle strength ..................................................................................................... 71
2.3.4 Stamina ....................................................................................................................73
2.3.5 Physical appearance ............................................................................................73
2.3.6 Height and weight ................................................................................................74
2.3.7 Internal organs ...................................................................................................... 76
2.3.8 Physical health .......................................................................................................77
2.3.9 Climacteric and menopause ............................................................................. 85
2.4 SEXUALITY ....................................................................................................................... 89
2.4.1 International research........................................................................................... 91
2.4.2 South African research....................................................................................... 93
CHAPTER 5 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................ 276
2.4.3 Sexual behaviour patterns in adulthood ...................................................... 97
2.4.4 Sexual orientation ...............................................................................................101
VIII
CHAPTER 3 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT .........................................................................107
3.1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................108
3.2 BASIC COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS: INFORMATION PROCESSING AND
MEMORY .......................................................................................................................... 110
3.2.1 Information processing .......................................................................................110
3.2.2 Memory .................................................................................................................120
3.3 HIGHER COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS: INTELLIGENCE, PROBLEM-SOLVING
DECISION-MAKING, AND LANGUAGE ...................................................................138
3.3.1 Intelligence ............................................................................................................138
3.3.2 Problem solving and decision making ..........................................................151
3.3.3 Language .............................................................................................................. 157
3.3.4 Expertise, wisdom, and creativity .................................................................166
3.3.5 Factors that may affect cognitive development in adulthood .............183
3.3.6 Redefining adult cognitive development: Theoretical perspectives...188
4.1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................202
4.2 BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ADULT PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ... 204
4.2.1 Personality traits................................................................................................ 204
4.2.2 The five-factor theory and the five-factor model....................................205
4.2.3 Personality traits: stability and change .......................................................210
4.2.4 South African research on personality traits ............................................. 215
4.2.5 Conclusions on the biological (trait) approach.........................................219
4.3 CONTEXTUAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL APPROACHES TO ADULT
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ..............................................................................222
4.3.1 Erik Erikson: Psychosocial development ..................................................... 222
4.3.2 Personality development: An African perspective.................................. 227
4.3.3 The neo-socioanalytic model of personality.............................................. 231
4.4 TRANSACTIONAL APPROACHES TO PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ....... 235
4.4.1 Behavioural genetics ......................................................................................... 235
4.4.2 The social-genomic model ............................................................................. 238
4.4.3 Summary of the transactional approach ...................................................240
4.5 IMPORTANT PERSONALITY CHARACTERISTICS AND THEIR EFFECT ON
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT .............................................................................242
4.5.1 The self-concept .................................................................................................242
4.5.2 Identity ................................................................................................................. 255
4.5.3 Emotions ..............................................................................................................264
4.5.4 Life stories ...........................................................................................................270
5.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 278
5.2 ADULT RELATIONSHIPS .......................................................................................... 279
5.2.1 Intimacy ................................................................................................................. 279
5.2.2 Love .......................................................................................................................280
IX
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1 BASIC CONCEPTS OF ADULT DEVELOPMENT AND AGEING .................3
1.1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................4
1.1.1 Substages of adulthood ...........................................................................................8
1.1.2 Perspectives on age .................................................................................................9
1.1.3 The demographics of the human population ................................................. 12
1.1.4 Well-being ................................................................................................................ 18
1.2 A LIFE-SPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE .................................................. 22
1.3 THE FORCES AND INFLUENCES OF DEVELOPMENT ......................................... 24
1.4 DEBATES, ISSUES AND MODELS OF DEVELOPMENT ....................................... 26
1.5 DOMAINS OF DEVELOPMENT..................................................................................... 31
1.6 RESEARCH IN ADULT DEVELOPMENT.................................................................... 33
1.6.1 Kinds of research ................................................................................................... 33
1.6.2 Methods of gathering information .................................................................. 34
CHAPTER 4 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ...................................................................201
1.6.3 General research designs ................................................................................... 38
1.6.4 Research designs for studying adult development.................................... 42
1.6.5 Cross-cultural research ....................................................................................... 46
1.6.6 Conducting research on the Internet ............................................................. 48
1.6.7 Research ethics ..................................................................................................... 50
CHAPTER 2 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT AND SEXUALITY ........................................... 55
2.1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 56
2.2 BIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF AGEING........................................................................ 58
2.2.1 Programmed ageing theories ........................................................................... 59
2.2.2 Error theories ......................................................................................................... 61
2.3 SPECIFIC PHYSICAL CHANGES ................................................................................. 64
2.3.1 The brain .................................................................................................................. 64
2.3.2 The senses.............................................................................................................. 66
2.3.3 Muscle strength ..................................................................................................... 71
2.3.4 Stamina ....................................................................................................................73
2.3.5 Physical appearance ............................................................................................73
2.3.6 Height and weight ................................................................................................74
2.3.7 Internal organs ...................................................................................................... 76
2.3.8 Physical health .......................................................................................................77
2.3.9 Climacteric and menopause ............................................................................. 85
2.4 SEXUALITY ....................................................................................................................... 89
2.4.1 International research........................................................................................... 91
2.4.2 South African research....................................................................................... 93
CHAPTER 5 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT ................................................................................ 276
2.4.3 Sexual behaviour patterns in adulthood ...................................................... 97
2.4.4 Sexual orientation ...............................................................................................101
VIII
CHAPTER 3 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT .........................................................................107
3.1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................108
3.2 BASIC COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS: INFORMATION PROCESSING AND
MEMORY .......................................................................................................................... 110
3.2.1 Information processing .......................................................................................110
3.2.2 Memory .................................................................................................................120
3.3 HIGHER COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS: INTELLIGENCE, PROBLEM-SOLVING
DECISION-MAKING, AND LANGUAGE ...................................................................138
3.3.1 Intelligence ............................................................................................................138
3.3.2 Problem solving and decision making ..........................................................151
3.3.3 Language .............................................................................................................. 157
3.3.4 Expertise, wisdom, and creativity .................................................................166
3.3.5 Factors that may affect cognitive development in adulthood .............183
3.3.6 Redefining adult cognitive development: Theoretical perspectives...188
4.1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................202
4.2 BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ADULT PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ... 204
4.2.1 Personality traits................................................................................................ 204
4.2.2 The five-factor theory and the five-factor model....................................205
4.2.3 Personality traits: stability and change .......................................................210
4.2.4 South African research on personality traits ............................................. 215
4.2.5 Conclusions on the biological (trait) approach.........................................219
4.3 CONTEXTUAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL APPROACHES TO ADULT
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ..............................................................................222
4.3.1 Erik Erikson: Psychosocial development ..................................................... 222
4.3.2 Personality development: An African perspective.................................. 227
4.3.3 The neo-socioanalytic model of personality.............................................. 231
4.4 TRANSACTIONAL APPROACHES TO PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT ....... 235
4.4.1 Behavioural genetics ......................................................................................... 235
4.4.2 The social-genomic model ............................................................................. 238
4.4.3 Summary of the transactional approach ...................................................240
4.5 IMPORTANT PERSONALITY CHARACTERISTICS AND THEIR EFFECT ON
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT .............................................................................242
4.5.1 The self-concept .................................................................................................242
4.5.2 Identity ................................................................................................................. 255
4.5.3 Emotions ..............................................................................................................264
4.5.4 Life stories ...........................................................................................................270
5.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 278
5.2 ADULT RELATIONSHIPS .......................................................................................... 279
5.2.1 Intimacy ................................................................................................................. 279
5.2.2 Love .......................................................................................................................280
IX
 5.2.3 Attachment........................................................................................................285
5.2.4 Social networks.................................................................................................288
5.3 LIFESTYLE CHOICES.................................................................................................. 300
5.3.1 Marital and non-marital lifestyles................................................................ 300
5.3.2 Family lifestyles and relationships................................................................341
5.4 WORK AND LEISURE.................................................................................................386
5.4.1 The importance of work.................................................................................. 387
5.4.2 The career cycle................................................................................................389
5.4.3 Women’s career cycle.....................................................................................399
5.4.4 Leisure and recreation.................................................................................... 401

CHAPTER 6 SUCCESSFUL AGEING AND MENTAL HEALTH...................................... 404

6.1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 406
6.2 SUCCESSFUL AGEING...............................................................................................407
6.2.1 Factors that may affect successful ageing............................................... 409
6.3 OLD AGE AND MENTAL HEALTH...........................................................................433
6.3.1 Mood disorders..................................................................................................439
6.3.2 Anxiety disorders.............................................................................................442
6.3.3 Dementia............................................................................................................ 444
6.3.4 Parkinson’s disease..........................................................................................448
6.3.5 Delirium.............................................................................................................. 450
6.3.6 Sleep disorders..................................................................................................451
6.3.7 Substance abuse...............................................................................................453
6.3.8 Hypochondriasis...............................................................................................458
6.4 AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE ON MENTAL HEALTH DISORDERS.................459

CHAPTER 7 DEATH AND GRIEF..........................................................................................462

7.1 INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................ 464
7.2 WHAT IS DEATH?........................................................................................................466
7.3 DEATH ANXIETY..........................................................................................................469
7.4 STAGES OF DYING...................................................................................................... 474
7.5 THE RIGHT TO DIE....................................................................................................... 477
7.6 GRIEF, BEREAVEMENT, AND MOURNING............................................................489
7.7 SPECIFIC LOSSES........................................................................................................495
7.7.1 The loss of a child...............................................................................................495
7.7.2 The loss of a spouse or life partner..............................................................497
7.7.3 The loss of an elderly parent..........................................................................499

REFERENCES............................................................................................................................. 504

INDEX.............................................................................................................................................551

X XI
 5.2.3 Attachment........................................................................................................285
5.2.4 Social networks.................................................................................................288
5.3 LIFESTYLE CHOICES.................................................................................................. 300
5.3.1 Marital and non-marital lifestyles................................................................ 300
5.3.2 Family lifestyles and relationships................................................................341
5.4 WORK AND LEISURE.................................................................................................386
5.4.1 The importance of work.................................................................................. 387
5.4.2 The career cycle................................................................................................389
5.4.3 Women’s career cycle.....................................................................................399
5.4.4 Leisure and recreation.................................................................................... 401

CHAPTER 6 SUCCESSFUL AGEING AND MENTAL HEALTH...................................... 404

6.1 INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 406
6.2 SUCCESSFUL AGEING...............................................................................................407
6.2.1 Factors that may affect successful ageing............................................... 409
6.3 OLD AGE AND MENTAL HEALTH...........................................................................433
6.3.1 Mood disorders..................................................................................................439
6.3.2 Anxiety disorders.............................................................................................442
6.3.3 Dementia............................................................................................................ 444
6.3.4 Parkinson’s disease..........................................................................................448
6.3.5 Delirium.............................................................................................................. 450
6.3.6 Sleep disorders..................................................................................................451
6.3.7 Substance abuse...............................................................................................453
6.3.8 Hypochondriasis...............................................................................................458
6.4 AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE ON MENTAL HEALTH DISORDERS.................459

CHAPTER 7 DEATH AND GRIEF..........................................................................................462

7.1 INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................ 464
7.2 WHAT IS DEATH?........................................................................................................466
7.3 DEATH ANXIETY..........................................................................................................469
7.4 STAGES OF DYING...................................................................................................... 474
7.5 THE RIGHT TO DIE....................................................................................................... 477
7.6 GRIEF, BEREAVEMENT, AND MOURNING............................................................489
7.7 SPECIFIC LOSSES........................................................................................................495
7.7.1 The loss of a child...............................................................................................495
7.7.2 The loss of a spouse or life partner..............................................................497
7.7.3 The loss of an elderly parent..........................................................................499

REFERENCES............................................................................................................................. 504

INDEX.............................................................................................................................................551

X XI
2
The road of life can only reveal itself as it is travelled.
Anonymous
1
Basic Concepts of Adult
Development and Ageing
3
2
The road of life can only reveal itself as it is travelled.
Anonymous
1
Basic Concepts of Adult
Development and Ageing
3
 You cannot predict the outcome of human development.
All you can do is create the conditions under which it will hopefully
flourish. (Adapted) Ken Robinson
Imizi ayifani, ifana ngeentlanti kuphela (Family homesteads are not
similar, only cattle kraals are. Meaning: People are not the same).
Xhosa saying
In youth we learn; in age we understand. Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach
How old would you say you are if you didn’t know how old you were?
Satchel Paige
Adulthood was invented to repair the wounds of childhood.
Joy Browne
Mejo ha e rutanwe, ho rutanwa ditlhare. (Every man is the creator of
his own destiny.) Sesotho saying
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Before we begin with our interesting journey to discover and investigate
the psychological characteristics of adult development and ageing, let us
first read the following short biographies of three famous South Africans:
Thulisile Nomkhosi “Thuli” Madonsela is a South African advocate
who served as the Public Protector of South Africa from 2009 to 2016.
After her term had expired, she accepted a professorship at the University
of Stellenbosch.
In 2014 the influential Time magazine
included her in the annual list of the 100
most influential people in the world. In
2012, she was honoured with South Africa’s
most Influential Women Award. Apart from
completing her LLB degree at the University
of the Witwatersrand, she also received
honorary doctoral degrees from several
other universities. She was a member of the
team who drafted the final Constitution of
South Africa and served as a member of the
Thuli Madonsela South African Law Reform Commission.
Thuli Madonsela was born in Johannes-
burg Her father was an informal trader and her mother a domestic worker
and ‘unofficial social worker’. She grew up in Soweto. As an adolescent
she felt socially awkward, plagued by a nagging feeling of being unloved
4 5
and ugly (Madonsela, 2012). She was even teased about her physical
appearance. The fact that she had two sisters whose beauty was talked
about did not help either. However, she derived emotional security from her
academic achievements for which she was always praised and supported.
This made her feel significant and loved. One of her well-known sayings stems
from her background: “Sometimes we feel like and regret being odd balls, yet
it is our uniqueness that makes each of us fit for our individual purpose in life.”
Thuli Madonsela raised her two children, a boy and a girl, as a single
parent. Her husband died when the children were very young.
Elon Musk is a South African engineer and entrepreneur who now lives
in the USA and who is regarded as one of the greatest and most prolific
modern inventors. For example, in 2012 his company, SpaceX, became the
first private company to send spacecraft to the International Space Station
and return cargo to Earth. His company, SolarCity, is the largest solar provider
in the USA. He has received numerous scientific and other awards for his
ideas and inventions that have brought about huge scientific breakthroughs
in technologies such as space travel, renewable
energy and commercial electric cars.
He was born in Pretoria where he also
completed his high school career. His childhood
was not a happy one. His parents divorced
when he was in primary school. He did not fit
in well and was regarded as a ‘nerdish know-it-
all’. He was also smaller and younger than most
of his peers. He became a target of bullies. One
incident was so serious that he had to spend
nearly two weeks in hospital where his father
did not recognise him at first. This attack still
Elon Musk causes him trouble with his breathing.
At the age of 10 Elon’s father bought him
a computer. Elon escaped into this new world which put him on the path to
fame and richness beyond his wildest dreams. After completion of his school
career he left for Canada and then the USA where he became a household
name. In fact, in 2013 at the age of only 42 the respected Time magazine
rated him as one of the 100 most influential people in the world. He is also
regarded as one of the 100 richest persons on earth.
Wayde van Niekerk is a South African athlete and world record holder,
world champion and Olympic champion in the 400 metres. In 2016 he stole
the spotlight at the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro with a phenomenal
men’s 400m victory, breaking the 17-year-old world record. He was named
 You cannot predict the outcome of human development.
All you can do is create the conditions under which it will hopefully
flourish. (Adapted) Ken Robinson
Imizi ayifani, ifana ngeentlanti kuphela (Family homesteads are not
similar, only cattle kraals are. Meaning: People are not the same).
Xhosa saying
In youth we learn; in age we understand. Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach
How old would you say you are if you didn’t know how old you were?
Satchel Paige
Adulthood was invented to repair the wounds of childhood.
Joy Browne
Mejo ha e rutanwe, ho rutanwa ditlhare. (Every man is the creator of
his own destiny.) Sesotho saying
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Before we begin with our interesting journey to discover and investigate
the psychological characteristics of adult development and ageing, let us
first read the following short biographies of three famous South Africans:
Thulisile Nomkhosi “Thuli” Madonsela is a South African advocate
who served as the Public Protector of South Africa from 2009 to 2016.
After her term had expired, she accepted a professorship at the University
of Stellenbosch.
In 2014 the influential Time magazine
included her in the annual list of the 100
most influential people in the world. In
2012, she was honoured with South Africa’s
most Influential Women Award. Apart from
completing her LLB degree at the University
of the Witwatersrand, she also received
honorary doctoral degrees from several
other universities. She was a member of the
team who drafted the final Constitution of
South Africa and served as a member of the
Thuli Madonsela South African Law Reform Commission.
Thuli Madonsela was born in Johannes-
burg Her father was an informal trader and her mother a domestic worker
and ‘unofficial social worker’. She grew up in Soweto. As an adolescent
she felt socially awkward, plagued by a nagging feeling of being unloved
4 5
and ugly (Madonsela, 2012). She was even teased about her physical
appearance. The fact that she had two sisters whose beauty was talked
about did not help either. However, she derived emotional security from her
academic achievements for which she was always praised and supported.
This made her feel significant and loved. One of her well-known sayings stems
from her background: “Sometimes we feel like and regret being odd balls, yet
it is our uniqueness that makes each of us fit for our individual purpose in life.”
Thuli Madonsela raised her two children, a boy and a girl, as a single
parent. Her husband died when the children were very young.
Elon Musk is a South African engineer and entrepreneur who now lives
in the USA and who is regarded as one of the greatest and most prolific
modern inventors. For example, in 2012 his company, SpaceX, became the
first private company to send spacecraft to the International Space Station
and return cargo to Earth. His company, SolarCity, is the largest solar provider
in the USA. He has received numerous scientific and other awards for his
ideas and inventions that have brought about huge scientific breakthroughs
in technologies such as space travel, renewable
energy and commercial electric cars.
He was born in Pretoria where he also
completed his high school career. His childhood
was not a happy one. His parents divorced
when he was in primary school. He did not fit
in well and was regarded as a ‘nerdish know-it-
all’. He was also smaller and younger than most
of his peers. He became a target of bullies. One
incident was so serious that he had to spend
nearly two weeks in hospital where his father
did not recognise him at first. This attack still
Elon Musk causes him trouble with his breathing.
At the age of 10 Elon’s father bought him
a computer. Elon escaped into this new world which put him on the path to
fame and richness beyond his wildest dreams. After completion of his school
career he left for Canada and then the USA where he became a household
name. In fact, in 2013 at the age of only 42 the respected Time magazine
rated him as one of the 100 most influential people in the world. He is also
regarded as one of the 100 richest persons on earth.
Wayde van Niekerk is a South African athlete and world record holder,
world champion and Olympic champion in the 400 metres. In 2016 he stole
the spotlight at the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro with a phenomenal
men’s 400m victory, breaking the 17-year-old world record. He was named
the best male athlete of the Olympic Games. The fact that his coach was a
74-year-old grandmother (Anna “Tannie Ans” Botha) also made headlines all
over the world.
Wayde was born and raised in Cape Town.
He was a premature baby, weighing just over
1kg. The medical opinion was that he could die
(apparently he had only 24 hours to live) or
could be disabled. He beat the odds easily, as
the record shows.
He excelled as an athlete at school. At
home, however, it was not as rosy. For example,
his parents were divorced. Wayde and his
mother, also an outstanding athlete in her
days, moved from Cape Town to Bloemfontein
Wayde van Niekerk when he was 12. He attended the well-known
Grey College, where everyone described him
as a ‘good and solid guy’. He was especially known for his modesty. He went
on to study marketing at the University of the Free State.
Regardless of his achievements, fame and financial worth he is still
known for his humbleness. He is also very religious and often speaks about
the importance of religion in his life.
Although these three cases of famous South Africans were picked at
random, it is striking that not one of these famous people had an easy or
model childhood. This gives hope to millions of people who come from
similar and even worse circumstances. South African and world history is
studded with examples of outstanding sportspeople, scientists and leaders in
all fields who did not excel during their childhood years, but who developed
into achievers only during adulthood.
However, it is equally true that many people do not succeed in escaping
from their traumatic background. On the other hand, some others from a
positive upbringing also do not nearly measure up to expectations. The
opposite is also true: Many people from a solid background do become
very successful. In this regard there are numerous examples of people who
continue to develop positively throughout their lives and whose potential
does not seem to become depleted, not even during late adulthood or old
age. Our former president, Nelson Mandela, is a good example: he was not
only President of South Africa until he was 81 years old, but during that time
was voted as the most popular political leader in the world; that is, apart from
receiving the Nobel Peace Prize and numerous other international awards,
including more than 50 honorary doctoral degrees.
6 7
This uniqueness of individuals is not only a golden rule in psychology
but also especially true in developmental psychology - and should always
be kept in mind. However, there are broad indicators or criteria that could
be used as guidelines to determine whether behaviour or development falls
within ‘average’ limits. Therefore it is the primary goal of this book to provide
an overview of the most important changes and adjustments that take place
during the development and ageing of the ‘average’ adult.
Unfortunately, it is also true that for a long time, psychologists largely
ignored the developmental potential of the adult years. In fact, psychologists
started conducting serious research on adult development about 50 years
ago. Until then, research had focused mainly on child development. However,
present-day psychologists accept that psychological development continues
beyond childhood and throughout life, and that individuals have the potential
to develop and grow psychologically in response to the demands of their
adult roles up to the end of their lives.
Why then was psychological development during adulthood, which may
constitute 75% of one’s life span, neglected for so long?
A major reason was that most early psychologists and other scientists
believed that an adult’s personality was mainly determined by experiences
during his or her childhood and that adulthood was characterised largely
by stagnancy and decline. For example, the famous English poet William
Wordsworth (1770-1850) reflected this
viewpoint by stating, “The child is the father
of man.” Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), the
father of psychoanalysis, firmly established
this perspective with his stance that an
individual’s personality is shaped in the early
childhood years. The influential writings of
not only Freud and his followers, but also
of various other schools of thought
created an assumption that the individual’s
personality is well-defined when he or she
reaches adulthood, and therefore, further
developmental stages are unlikely and even
Freud believed that development
impossible (Schaie & Willis, 2015). From beyond childhood is unlikely
this perspective, it is understandable that
psychologists have rather focused their
attention and research on development during the childhood years, while
research concerning adulthood has largely addressed pathology (such as
mental health), rather than normal psychological development.
the best male athlete of the Olympic Games. The fact that his coach was a
74-year-old grandmother (Anna “Tannie Ans” Botha) also made headlines all
over the world.
Wayde was born and raised in Cape Town.
He was a premature baby, weighing just over
1kg. The medical opinion was that he could die
(apparently he had only 24 hours to live) or
could be disabled. He beat the odds easily, as
the record shows.
He excelled as an athlete at school. At
home, however, it was not as rosy. For example,
his parents were divorced. Wayde and his
mother, also an outstanding athlete in her
days, moved from Cape Town to Bloemfontein
Wayde van Niekerk when he was 12. He attended the well-known
Grey College, where everyone described him
as a ‘good and solid guy’. He was especially known for his modesty. He went
on to study marketing at the University of the Free State.
Regardless of his achievements, fame and financial worth he is still
known for his humbleness. He is also very religious and often speaks about
the importance of religion in his life.
Although these three cases of famous South Africans were picked at
random, it is striking that not one of these famous people had an easy or
model childhood. This gives hope to millions of people who come from
similar and even worse circumstances. South African and world history is
studded with examples of outstanding sportspeople, scientists and leaders in
all fields who did not excel during their childhood years, but who developed
into achievers only during adulthood.
However, it is equally true that many people do not succeed in escaping
from their traumatic background. On the other hand, some others from a
positive upbringing also do not nearly measure up to expectations. The
opposite is also true: Many people from a solid background do become
very successful. In this regard there are numerous examples of people who
continue to develop positively throughout their lives and whose potential
does not seem to become depleted, not even during late adulthood or old
age. Our former president, Nelson Mandela, is a good example: he was not
only President of South Africa until he was 81 years old, but during that time
was voted as the most popular political leader in the world; that is, apart from
receiving the Nobel Peace Prize and numerous other international awards,
including more than 50 honorary doctoral degrees.
6 7
This uniqueness of individuals is not only a golden rule in psychology
but also especially true in developmental psychology - and should always
be kept in mind. However, there are broad indicators or criteria that could
be used as guidelines to determine whether behaviour or development falls
within ‘average’ limits. Therefore it is the primary goal of this book to provide
an overview of the most important changes and adjustments that take place
during the development and ageing of the ‘average’ adult.
Unfortunately, it is also true that for a long time, psychologists largely
ignored the developmental potential of the adult years. In fact, psychologists
started conducting serious research on adult development about 50 years
ago. Until then, research had focused mainly on child development. However,
present-day psychologists accept that psychological development continues
beyond childhood and throughout life, and that individuals have the potential
to develop and grow psychologically in response to the demands of their
adult roles up to the end of their lives.
Why then was psychological development during adulthood, which may
constitute 75% of one’s life span, neglected for so long?
A major reason was that most early psychologists and other scientists
believed that an adult’s personality was mainly determined by experiences
during his or her childhood and that adulthood was characterised largely
by stagnancy and decline. For example, the famous English poet William
Wordsworth (1770-1850) reflected this
viewpoint by stating, “The child is the father
of man.” Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), the
father of psychoanalysis, firmly established
this perspective with his stance that an
individual’s personality is shaped in the early
childhood years. The influential writings of
not only Freud and his followers, but also
of various other schools of thought
created an assumption that the individual’s
personality is well-defined when he or she
reaches adulthood, and therefore, further
developmental stages are unlikely and even
Freud believed that development
impossible (Schaie & Willis, 2015). From beyond childhood is unlikely
this perspective, it is understandable that
psychologists have rather focused their
attention and research on development during the childhood years, while
research concerning adulthood has largely addressed pathology (such as
mental health), rather than normal psychological development.
 Fortunately, in time, psychologists began to realise not only that
psychological development continues throughout life, but also that adults
do not have to be helpless victims of their childhood years. Another factor
that enhanced this point of view was that, owing to progress primarily in the
medical field, the life expectancy of people began to increase significantly.
This led to an escalation in especially the ageing population, which in
turn required the attention of a wide variety of scientific fields, including
psychology. The new demands of a growing and ageing population gave
rise to a new and important scientific discipline, namely gerontology; which
can be defined as the multidisciplinary study of old age and the ageing
process. Gerontologists thus include psychologists, medical scientists,
sociologists and researchers from various related disciplines. The specific
branch of psychology that deals with the multiple aspects of normal and
abnormal psychological changes that occur in the later years of life is called
geropsychology (also gerontological psychology or geriatric psychology;
geriatrics is a branch of medicine that deals with the problems and diseases
of old age).
1.1.1 Substages of adulthood
The study of adulthood soon brought a few issues to light. Firstly, it became
clear that, because adulthood could easily stretch over 50 years, it is
characterised by continuing changes in basically all areas of functioning.
Therefore it was decided to divide adulthood into substages, namely:
– early adulthood (approximately ages 20 to 39),
– middle adulthood (approximately ages 40 to 59), and
– late adulthood (approximately age 60 to death). Late adulthood
is often divided into three subcategories: oldest-old (85 and older),
old-old (75-84)and young-old (65-74) (Cannon, 2015; Bergen et al.,
2016).
Secondly, although the above classification is used widely (especially for
practical purposes), psychologists have been unanimous in their viewpoint
that these categories should not be used too rigidly. They agree that age is a
relative concept and that it can be defined from different perspectives. (See
Box 1.1 in this regard.)
8 9
Box 1.1 Defining old age in Africa
As mentioned, age is a relative concept that should be seen in the context of several
factors, especially culture. Therefore, it is not surprising that different countries and
societies have different viewpoints and contexts regarding defining old age. For
example, although most developed countries accept the chronological age of 60 to 65
as the criterion for an elderly person, the onset of old age could vary between the 50s
to 70s in other countries. A main reason for these different perspectives is attributed
to cultural diversities.
In traditional African cultures, the age group of about 50 to 59 is often viewed as
those who are entering old age. However, one should take into account that the use
of chronological age in these cultures could pose a problem as official records of birth
dates frequently do not exist. Also, in many countries, factors such as poverty and
the absence of medical care lead to a struggle to survive, with premature ageing as
an inevitable result. Therefore, it is understandable that other factors are often used
as criteria for old age, for example, the loss of previous roles (e.g. where demanding
physical activity is involved) and acquiring new social roles (e.g. the care and education
of the next generation).
1.1.2 Perspectives on age
Age is a very relative concept and determining a person’s age depends
largely on one’s perspective and definition of age, or the type of age to which
one is referring. The following are the most important perspectives in this
regard:
• Chronological age indicates the number of years that have passed
since a person’s birth. Although chronological age is used widely as a
measure in psychological research, most developmental psychologists
agree that chronological age is a criterion that has little meaning in itself.
It is merely an indicator that time has passed, just as centimetres are an
indicator of a person’s height. While there is a correlation (relationship)
between these factors, it does not mean that time causes developmental
changes, just as centimetres do not cause height. What is important
though, is the extent to which development has taken place during the
chronological life span. During this time, developmental changes can
vary significantly among individuals of the same chronological age.
Moreover, the rate of development can differ from one developmental
area to another in the same individual; for example, the young adult who
is intellectually mature but emotionally immature. Equally important,
especially in the multicultural South African context, is the influence
of cultural factors to determine a person’s age. For example, although
 Fortunately, in time, psychologists began to realise not only that
psychological development continues throughout life, but also that adults
do not have to be helpless victims of their childhood years. Another factor
that enhanced this point of view was that, owing to progress primarily in the
medical field, the life expectancy of people began to increase significantly.
This led to an escalation in especially the ageing population, which in
turn required the attention of a wide variety of scientific fields, including
psychology. The new demands of a growing and ageing population gave
rise to a new and important scientific discipline, namely gerontology; which
can be defined as the multidisciplinary study of old age and the ageing
process. Gerontologists thus include psychologists, medical scientists,
sociologists and researchers from various related disciplines. The specific
branch of psychology that deals with the multiple aspects of normal and
abnormal psychological changes that occur in the later years of life is called
geropsychology (also gerontological psychology or geriatric psychology;
geriatrics is a branch of medicine that deals with the problems and diseases
of old age).
1.1.1 Substages of adulthood
The study of adulthood soon brought a few issues to light. Firstly, it became
clear that, because adulthood could easily stretch over 50 years, it is
characterised by continuing changes in basically all areas of functioning.
Therefore it was decided to divide adulthood into substages, namely:
– early adulthood (approximately ages 20 to 39),
– middle adulthood (approximately ages 40 to 59), and
– late adulthood (approximately age 60 to death). Late adulthood
is often divided into three subcategories: oldest-old (85 and older),
old-old (75-84)and young-old (65-74) (Cannon, 2015; Bergen et al.,
2016).
Secondly, although the above classification is used widely (especially for
practical purposes), psychologists have been unanimous in their viewpoint
that these categories should not be used too rigidly. They agree that age is a
relative concept and that it can be defined from different perspectives. (See
Box 1.1 in this regard.)
8 9
Box 1.1 Defining old age in Africa
As mentioned, age is a relative concept that should be seen in the context of several
factors, especially culture. Therefore, it is not surprising that different countries and
societies have different viewpoints and contexts regarding defining old age. For
example, although most developed countries accept the chronological age of 60 to 65
as the criterion for an elderly person, the onset of old age could vary between the 50s
to 70s in other countries. A main reason for these different perspectives is attributed
to cultural diversities.
In traditional African cultures, the age group of about 50 to 59 is often viewed as
those who are entering old age. However, one should take into account that the use
of chronological age in these cultures could pose a problem as official records of birth
dates frequently do not exist. Also, in many countries, factors such as poverty and
the absence of medical care lead to a struggle to survive, with premature ageing as
an inevitable result. Therefore, it is understandable that other factors are often used
as criteria for old age, for example, the loss of previous roles (e.g. where demanding
physical activity is involved) and acquiring new social roles (e.g. the care and education
of the next generation).
1.1.2 Perspectives on age
Age is a very relative concept and determining a person’s age depends
largely on one’s perspective and definition of age, or the type of age to which
one is referring. The following are the most important perspectives in this
regard:
• Chronological age indicates the number of years that have passed
since a person’s birth. Although chronological age is used widely as a
measure in psychological research, most developmental psychologists
agree that chronological age is a criterion that has little meaning in itself.
It is merely an indicator that time has passed, just as centimetres are an
indicator of a person’s height. While there is a correlation (relationship)
between these factors, it does not mean that time causes developmental
changes, just as centimetres do not cause height. What is important
though, is the extent to which development has taken place during the
chronological life span. During this time, developmental changes can
vary significantly among individuals of the same chronological age.
Moreover, the rate of development can differ from one developmental
area to another in the same individual; for example, the young adult who
is intellectually mature but emotionally immature. Equally important,
especially in the multicultural South African context, is the influence
of cultural factors to determine a person’s age. For example, although
 childhood stretches until age 18 according to the legal definition, in
some cultures in South Africa children as young as 13 are accepted into
adulthood through initiation rites and ceremonies.
• Psychological age refers to the ability of a person to adjust to the
environment and to cope with the associated challenges, as compared
to individuals of the same age. For example, a 40-year-old man who
still lives with his mother, cannot hold down a job and is unable to enter
into a long-lasting and meaningful relationship, is most probably much
younger psychologically than his peers.
• Social age is determined by the degree to which the person’s role in a
society meets the expectations and perceptions of that society. These
expectations are influenced strongly by the norms and expectations
of the specific society, which in turn, to a large extent, are dictated
by factors such as culture, gender, race and ethnicity. For example, a
woman who has her first child in her forties will be seen as having a
much younger social age than her peers who gave birth for the first time
in their twenties. One reason is that she has to fulfil a social role and
associated obligations expected of a much younger woman. Similarly,
according to the norms in most societies, a 25- year-old widow will have
a much older social age due to the perceptions of society. Social age
could also be regarded as a synonym for cultural age, especially when
the above-mentioned expectations have to meet specific culturally
determined criteria, such as having undergone an initiation ceremony.
• Biological age is the physical condition of a person, in comparison with
her or his peer group. Relativity also applies to this factor: For example,
a health-conscious 50-year-old man can be in a significantly better
physical condition than a 30-year-old who neglects his health. Of course,
people can also feel older than they really are. Although this is usually
associated with older people, recent research has indicated that even
among 38-year-olds, some participants’ biological age was more than
20 years older than their birth certificate indicated (Moffitt et al., 2016).
Psychological age, social age and biological age are often used as a unit
to determine an individual’s functional age; that is, the total ability of an
individual to function effectively in his or her environment.
Gerontologists often distinguish between primary, secondary and
tertiary ageing. Primary ageing refers to typical (normal) ageing, such
as gradual physical deterioration. It is universal, inevitable and caused by
inborn biological factors. Secondary ageing (or impaired ageing) is physical
or psychological deterioration accelerated by disease (such as Alzheimer’s
10
or Parkinson’s disease which will be discussed later) or external factors
such as stress or an unhealthy lifestyle. Therefore secondary ageing is not
a universal part of the ageing process and is often preventable. Tertiary
ageing is the process of terminal decline that occurs in the time (months,
weeks, or days) before death. It is characterised by a significant increase of
physical and cognitive deterioration in a relatively short period after which
the individual dies. Tertiary ageing is not primarily related to age, but rather
signifies the approach of death.
Primary, secondary and tertiary ageing refer to processes that
accumulate over time and eventually cause a person’s death. Currently, many
gerontologists believe that despite the changes in the body that lead to loss,
ageing can also involve gains (such as wisdom and expertise). The term
optimal ageing refers to age-related changes that improve the individual’s
functioning. These may reflect the preventative or compensatory measures
that adults take to counter the toll that ageing would normally take on
their physical and psychological functioning (such as maintaining a socially,
cognitively, and physically active and healthy lifestyle). However, some
individuals do not even make special efforts to alter their own ageing, but
for reasons not entirely clear, seem to age at a slower rate than their peers.
On the other hand, as could be expected, throughout life, age-related losses
due to primary, secondary and tertiary ageing may overtake age-related
gains (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
The relativity and subjectivity of age have also led to the coining of two
concepts: personal age and the ageless self. Personal age is how a person
perceives and experiences his or her own age. It is interesting to note that
adults and especially older people mostly report feeling younger than their
actual age (Hayslip et al., 2007; Mirucka et al., 2016). For example, all of us
have probably experienced the fact that people in their 60s, 70s or even
80s do not want to go to a retirement home because “I’m not that old!” or
“There are too many old people there”. In fact, it is not uncommon to hear
adults reporting that they feel 10, 20 and even 30 years younger than their
chronological age. In this regard it seems that older adults report larger gaps
between their actual age and how old they feel than younger adults do, while
adults who feel younger are more educated and healthier and they are also
more active in the community (Institute on Aging, 2016). This experience
by adults that the self (the ‘core’ of the personality) remains basically the
same, regardless of biological and chronological ageing, is referred to as the
ageless self. It is also noteworthy that older people who feel younger than
their chronological age have a reduced mortality (Rippon & Steptoe, 2015).
Concerning gender differences in the experience of age, it is under-
11
 childhood stretches until age 18 according to the legal definition, in
some cultures in South Africa children as young as 13 are accepted into
adulthood through initiation rites and ceremonies.
• Psychological age refers to the ability of a person to adjust to the
environment and to cope with the associated challenges, as compared
to individuals of the same age. For example, a 40-year-old man who
still lives with his mother, cannot hold down a job and is unable to enter
into a long-lasting and meaningful relationship, is most probably much
younger psychologically than his peers.
• Social age is determined by the degree to which the person’s role in a
society meets the expectations and perceptions of that society. These
expectations are influenced strongly by the norms and expectations
of the specific society, which in turn, to a large extent, are dictated
by factors such as culture, gender, race and ethnicity. For example, a
woman who has her first child in her forties will be seen as having a
much younger social age than her peers who gave birth for the first time
in their twenties. One reason is that she has to fulfil a social role and
associated obligations expected of a much younger woman. Similarly,
according to the norms in most societies, a 25- year-old widow will have
a much older social age due to the perceptions of society. Social age
could also be regarded as a synonym for cultural age, especially when
the above-mentioned expectations have to meet specific culturally
determined criteria, such as having undergone an initiation ceremony.
• Biological age is the physical condition of a person, in comparison with
her or his peer group. Relativity also applies to this factor: For example,
a health-conscious 50-year-old man can be in a significantly better
physical condition than a 30-year-old who neglects his health. Of course,
people can also feel older than they really are. Although this is usually
associated with older people, recent research has indicated that even
among 38-year-olds, some participants’ biological age was more than
20 years older than their birth certificate indicated (Moffitt et al., 2016).
Psychological age, social age and biological age are often used as a unit
to determine an individual’s functional age; that is, the total ability of an
individual to function effectively in his or her environment.
Gerontologists often distinguish between primary, secondary and
tertiary ageing. Primary ageing refers to typical (normal) ageing, such
as gradual physical deterioration. It is universal, inevitable and caused by
inborn biological factors. Secondary ageing (or impaired ageing) is physical
or psychological deterioration accelerated by disease (such as Alzheimer’s
10
or Parkinson’s disease which will be discussed later) or external factors
such as stress or an unhealthy lifestyle. Therefore secondary ageing is not
a universal part of the ageing process and is often preventable. Tertiary
ageing is the process of terminal decline that occurs in the time (months,
weeks, or days) before death. It is characterised by a significant increase of
physical and cognitive deterioration in a relatively short period after which
the individual dies. Tertiary ageing is not primarily related to age, but rather
signifies the approach of death.
Primary, secondary and tertiary ageing refer to processes that
accumulate over time and eventually cause a person’s death. Currently, many
gerontologists believe that despite the changes in the body that lead to loss,
ageing can also involve gains (such as wisdom and expertise). The term
optimal ageing refers to age-related changes that improve the individual’s
functioning. These may reflect the preventative or compensatory measures
that adults take to counter the toll that ageing would normally take on
their physical and psychological functioning (such as maintaining a socially,
cognitively, and physically active and healthy lifestyle). However, some
individuals do not even make special efforts to alter their own ageing, but
for reasons not entirely clear, seem to age at a slower rate than their peers.
On the other hand, as could be expected, throughout life, age-related losses
due to primary, secondary and tertiary ageing may overtake age-related
gains (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
The relativity and subjectivity of age have also led to the coining of two
concepts: personal age and the ageless self. Personal age is how a person
perceives and experiences his or her own age. It is interesting to note that
adults and especially older people mostly report feeling younger than their
actual age (Hayslip et al., 2007; Mirucka et al., 2016). For example, all of us
have probably experienced the fact that people in their 60s, 70s or even
80s do not want to go to a retirement home because “I’m not that old!” or
“There are too many old people there”. In fact, it is not uncommon to hear
adults reporting that they feel 10, 20 and even 30 years younger than their
chronological age. In this regard it seems that older adults report larger gaps
between their actual age and how old they feel than younger adults do, while
adults who feel younger are more educated and healthier and they are also
more active in the community (Institute on Aging, 2016). This experience
by adults that the self (the ‘core’ of the personality) remains basically the
same, regardless of biological and chronological ageing, is referred to as the
ageless self. It is also noteworthy that older people who feel younger than
their chronological age have a reduced mortality (Rippon & Steptoe, 2015).
Concerning gender differences in the experience of age, it is under-
11
standable that women tend to be more anxious about growing old and Table 1.1 Population growth: World, Africa and South Africa
experience themselves as ‘old’ than is the case with men. Most societies Year World Africa South Africa
place a much higher value on women’s physical appearance and reproductive 1 200 million Unknown Unknown
abilities than they do on men. However, the overall life satisfaction and mental 1000 275 million Unknown 300 000
health of women improve with age (Haug, 2013; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2010).
1500 450 million Unknown 600 000
They feel more competent and confident, have a more positive body image,
1700 1 billion 100 million 1 million
feel less lonely, while rates of depression, anxiety and suicide decrease.
1950 2,5 billion 228 million 14 million
Regardless of how psychologists and other social scientists define
2001 6,1 billion 814 million 45 million
adulthood or how it is perceived by the individual, it should always be taken
into account that all such definitions are subject to the legislation of a country. 2030 8,5 billion 1,3 billion 51 million
Therefore, the legal definition will always be the determining criterion, 2050 9,7 billion 2 billion 56 million
despite the fact that it does not consider the individual’s psychological or Adapted from United Nations, 2015; Feinstein, 2005; Rosenberg, 2007
physical maturity. In South Africa, the age limit for legal maturity, the age
As these statistics demonstrate, by only indicating population growth
at which one is considered to be legally old enough to make one’s own
without telling more about the characteristics of the people, they do not say
decisions, is 18 years. A person can then vote, apply for a driver’s licence,
much. Therefore, a broad overview of the main and relevant demographics
and sign legal documents independently of one’s parents or guardian;
of the world population is presented next. To make the statistics more
for example, if one wants to buy a car, a house, or get married. Until 2007
digestible, the present world population was reduced to 100; with all existing
however, one had to be 21 years old to enjoy these legal privileges. The
ratios still the same, it would look approximately as indicated in Table 1.2
change from 21 to 18 was brought about to be in line with the international
(note that this is a rough estimate). Statistics regarding South Africa are
trend (Smith, 2008).
presented in Table 1.3.
1.1.3 The demographics of the human population Table 1.2 World population reduced to 100
Catagory No of people Characteristics
No area or topic can be studied without interpreting it in its context; that
Adults/children 74 Adults
is, the environment, conditions or circumstances in which a phenomenon or 26 Children
an event occurs. One such context that provides an important informative
Geographical 60 Asian
background to the study of adult development is the demographic context. distribution 15 African
(Demography is the statistical study of human populations concerning 11 Europeans
factors and characteristics such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, social class, 9 Latin American & Carribbean
5 North American
education, income, marriage, family structures, crime, births and deaths.)
Gender 50 Female
Therefore, the main demographics of the world and the South African 50 Male
population will be discussed briefly in the following sections.
Religion 33 Christian
The dramatic increase in the world’s human population is one of the 2 Muslim
outstanding demographic characteristics of history. Table 1.1 illustrates this 14 Hindu
growth. 7 Buddhist
12 Other religions
12 Atheism
Qualifications 7 Tertiary education
17 Illiterate
Miscellaneous 15 Malnourished
13 Without clean water
22 Without electricity
12 100 People org, 2016; United Nations, 2015 13
standable that women tend to be more anxious about growing old and Table 1.1 Population growth: World, Africa and South Africa
experience themselves as ‘old’ than is the case with men. Most societies Year World Africa South Africa
place a much higher value on women’s physical appearance and reproductive 1 200 million Unknown Unknown
abilities than they do on men. However, the overall life satisfaction and mental 1000 275 million Unknown 300 000
health of women improve with age (Haug, 2013; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2010).
1500 450 million Unknown 600 000
They feel more competent and confident, have a more positive body image,
1700 1 billion 100 million 1 million
feel less lonely, while rates of depression, anxiety and suicide decrease.
1950 2,5 billion 228 million 14 million
Regardless of how psychologists and other social scientists define
2001 6,1 billion 814 million 45 million
adulthood or how it is perceived by the individual, it should always be taken
into account that all such definitions are subject to the legislation of a country. 2030 8,5 billion 1,3 billion 51 million
Therefore, the legal definition will always be the determining criterion, 2050 9,7 billion 2 billion 56 million
despite the fact that it does not consider the individual’s psychological or Adapted from United Nations, 2015; Feinstein, 2005; Rosenberg, 2007
physical maturity. In South Africa, the age limit for legal maturity, the age
As these statistics demonstrate, by only indicating population growth
at which one is considered to be legally old enough to make one’s own
without telling more about the characteristics of the people, they do not say
decisions, is 18 years. A person can then vote, apply for a driver’s licence,
much. Therefore, a broad overview of the main and relevant demographics
and sign legal documents independently of one’s parents or guardian;
of the world population is presented next. To make the statistics more
for example, if one wants to buy a car, a house, or get married. Until 2007
digestible, the present world population was reduced to 100; with all existing
however, one had to be 21 years old to enjoy these legal privileges. The
ratios still the same, it would look approximately as indicated in Table 1.2
change from 21 to 18 was brought about to be in line with the international
(note that this is a rough estimate). Statistics regarding South Africa are
trend (Smith, 2008).
presented in Table 1.3.
1.1.3 The demographics of the human population Table 1.2 World population reduced to 100
Catagory No of people Characteristics
No area or topic can be studied without interpreting it in its context; that
Adults/children 74 Adults
is, the environment, conditions or circumstances in which a phenomenon or 26 Children
an event occurs. One such context that provides an important informative
Geographical 60 Asian
background to the study of adult development is the demographic context. distribution 15 African
(Demography is the statistical study of human populations concerning 11 Europeans
factors and characteristics such as age, gender, race, ethnicity, social class, 9 Latin American & Carribbean
5 North American
education, income, marriage, family structures, crime, births and deaths.)
Gender 50 Female
Therefore, the main demographics of the world and the South African 50 Male
population will be discussed briefly in the following sections.
Religion 33 Christian
The dramatic increase in the world’s human population is one of the 2 Muslim
outstanding demographic characteristics of history. Table 1.1 illustrates this 14 Hindu
growth. 7 Buddhist
12 Other religions
12 Atheism
Qualifications 7 Tertiary education
17 Illiterate
Miscellaneous 15 Malnourished
13 Without clean water
22 Without electricity
12 100 People org, 2016; United Nations, 2015 13
Table 1.3 South Africa: Population reduced to 100 Table 1.4 Population age 60+: Percentage of total population
Catagory No of people Characteristics Year World Africa South Africa
Gender 49 Male 1950 8,1 5,3 6,0
51 Female
2015 12,3 5,4 7,7
Age 30 Younger than 15
2030 12,3 6,3 10,5
5 Older than 65
Language 20 Zulu 2050 21,5 8,9 15,4
16 Xhosa United Nations, 2015
14 Afrikaans
8 Tswana The gradual ageing of the world’s populations, especially of those
8 English
9 Sepedi older than 60, probably will be one of the most outstanding demographic
8 Sesotho trends of the 21st century. In fact, the chronological age category of late
5 Xitsonga
adulthood will be the only category in many populations, including that
Racial division 79 Black
9 White
of South Africa, which will show a significant and sharp increase. This is
9 Coloured regardless of the projected high mortality rate due to factors such as AIDS.
3 Indian Because an older population puts additional strain on a government (for
Infrastructure 85 Homes have electricity example, in terms of physical and mental health care, housing and financial
90 Homes have a television
43 Homes with a motor vehicle needs) many countries may find it difficult to manage. This is especially true
36 Homes with a washing machine for developing countries that will host approximately 75% of the world’s
96 Use cell phones
population older than 60 in the near future.
Employment 69 Employed full time or part time
25 Unemployed and looking for work However, older persons should never be seen as a burden. They make
36 People living in relative poverty important contributions to development; for example, by supporting their
Education 76 Do not have matric offspring financially and materially; through the upbringing and social
8 Have a degree nurturing of grandchildren; by providing care for the sick, disabled and frail
StatsSA, 2011
household members and performing valuable community service. Therefore,
the important contribution of older people should not be underestimated.
The most important changes and trends that have occurred over the
On the contrary: The potential older person has been largely neglected, and
ages are the following (Pelser, 2005; SA Survey 2016; United Nations, 2015):
communities that do not utilise this largely unexploited resource will be
• A gradual ageing of the world population. From a psychological significantly poorer in most respects.
viewpoint, this is probably the most important trend. It means that • A decline in population growth rate. The decline in the growth rate in
psychologists should focus much more on late adulthood as a field where most countries in the world has been described as potentially one of the
research and professional services will be needed increasingly and urgently. biggest crises of the 21st century. This decline is shown in Table 1.5.
Psychology as a profession not only should acknowledge that this area has
Table 1.5 Population growth rate (%)
been neglected, but also should plan to make the same valuable contributions
in this field as in various other fields. The importance and urgency of this Year World Africa South Africa
statement becomes clear when one considers the statistics in Table 1.4 (also 1950-1955 1,77 2,08 2,34
see Pew Research Centre, 2014). 2000-2005 1,24 2,48 1,48
2010-2015 1,18 2,55 1,08
United Nations, 2015

14 15
Table 1.3 South Africa: Population reduced to 100 Table 1.4 Population age 60+: Percentage of total population
Catagory No of people Characteristics Year World Africa South Africa
Gender 49 Male 1950 8,1 5,3 6,0
51 Female
2015 12,3 5,4 7,7
Age 30 Younger than 15
2030 12,3 6,3 10,5
5 Older than 65
Language 20 Zulu 2050 21,5 8,9 15,4
16 Xhosa United Nations, 2015
14 Afrikaans
8 Tswana The gradual ageing of the world’s populations, especially of those
8 English
9 Sepedi older than 60, probably will be one of the most outstanding demographic
8 Sesotho trends of the 21st century. In fact, the chronological age category of late
5 Xitsonga
adulthood will be the only category in many populations, including that
Racial division 79 Black
9 White
of South Africa, which will show a significant and sharp increase. This is
9 Coloured regardless of the projected high mortality rate due to factors such as AIDS.
3 Indian Because an older population puts additional strain on a government (for
Infrastructure 85 Homes have electricity example, in terms of physical and mental health care, housing and financial
90 Homes have a television
43 Homes with a motor vehicle needs) many countries may find it difficult to manage. This is especially true
36 Homes with a washing machine for developing countries that will host approximately 75% of the world’s
96 Use cell phones
population older than 60 in the near future.
Employment 69 Employed full time or part time
25 Unemployed and looking for work However, older persons should never be seen as a burden. They make
36 People living in relative poverty important contributions to development; for example, by supporting their
Education 76 Do not have matric offspring financially and materially; through the upbringing and social
8 Have a degree nurturing of grandchildren; by providing care for the sick, disabled and frail
StatsSA, 2011
household members and performing valuable community service. Therefore,
the important contribution of older people should not be underestimated.
The most important changes and trends that have occurred over the
On the contrary: The potential older person has been largely neglected, and
ages are the following (Pelser, 2005; SA Survey 2016; United Nations, 2015):
communities that do not utilise this largely unexploited resource will be
• A gradual ageing of the world population. From a psychological significantly poorer in most respects.
viewpoint, this is probably the most important trend. It means that • A decline in population growth rate. The decline in the growth rate in
psychologists should focus much more on late adulthood as a field where most countries in the world has been described as potentially one of the
research and professional services will be needed increasingly and urgently. biggest crises of the 21st century. This decline is shown in Table 1.5.
Psychology as a profession not only should acknowledge that this area has
Table 1.5 Population growth rate (%)
been neglected, but also should plan to make the same valuable contributions
in this field as in various other fields. The importance and urgency of this Year World Africa South Africa
statement becomes clear when one considers the statistics in Table 1.4 (also 1950-1955 1,77 2,08 2,34
see Pew Research Centre, 2014). 2000-2005 1,24 2,48 1,48
2010-2015 1,18 2,55 1,08
United Nations, 2015

14 15
 These statistics are given special meaning when considering that the
population replacement rate (the ability of each generation to replace
itself) averages about 2,1. Various factors contribute to this situation; for
example, greater access to and use of contraceptives (especially condoms,
which are strongly recommended in the fight against AIDS), the decline in
life expectancy at birth due to factors such as AIDS and the modern trend
in various traditional countries that allows women much greater freedom of
choice, also concerning pregnancy.
An important consequence of a falling growth rate is the increase in the
numbers of the elderly. This confirms not only the ageing of populations, but
also that the focus of psychologists, as already mentioned, should have a
strong geropsychological perspective.
• Increased urbanisation and migration patterns. There are three important
trends as far as migration is concerned. Migration refers to the act whereby
people relocate from one place to another. The move is permanent or for a
relatively long period of time. Emigration means moving from a place, while
immigration refers to moving to a place.
Firstly, the urbanisation (moving to cities) of populations is a growing
trend. At present, 54% of the world’s population lives in urban areas, a
proportion that is expected to increase to 66% by 2050 (United Nations,
2014). This is especially true for less developed countries where, in many
cases, they already experience problems of providing basic services for
medical and mental health, sanitation, clean water and waste removal. Table
1.6 illustrates this migration trend. The projected situation regarding South
Africa is especially alarming.
Urbanisation is often associated with a lack of basic services
16
Table 1.6 Urbanisation trends
Period World Africa South Africa
1950 29,6 14,0 42,2
2000 46,6 34,5 56,9
2015 65,4 40,4 64,8
2030 60,0 47,1 71,3
United Nations, 2014
Secondly, there is migration of highly skilled labour from certain countries;
a worldwide tendency towards emigrating from developing countries to
developed countries. South Africa is one of the countries that have continued
to lose a highly skilled labour force especially since the 1990s. No reliable
statistics exist for all South African groups, but it is generally accepted that
members especially of the white population (who are particularly highly
skilled in various scientific and technological areas), have emigrated to other
countries. It goes without saying that a shortage of highly skilled labour could
have a serious effect on many areas of a society.
Thirdly, there is the problem of illegal immigration, the unlawful relocation
that usually takes place from a developing to a (more) developed country, which
is an increasing international phenomenon. For example, for several years since
the mid 1990s, the number of illegal immigrants in the USA has surpassed the
number of legal immigrants (Passel, 2005). However, illegal immigration is a
criminal offence, and as such, it is extremely difficult to determine an accurate
assessment of the problem. Most experts estimate that there are between
500 000 and 1 million illegal immigrants in South Africa (StatsSA, 2015).
Whatever the case may be, the negative effect of illegal immigration is an
accepted fact. It is associated especially with an increase in crime and the
taking of jobs that could have been filled by members of the local population.
This, in turn, easily leads to xenophobia, the unjustified hostility, fear, distrust
or aggressive behaviour toward foreigners, strangers or anything perceived
as unfamiliar or different. In recent years xenophobia has led to the deaths of
many people in South Africa (Solomon & Kosaka, 2014).
Xenophobia has led to the deaths of many people in South Africa
17
 These statistics are given special meaning when considering that the
population replacement rate (the ability of each generation to replace
itself) averages about 2,1. Various factors contribute to this situation; for
example, greater access to and use of contraceptives (especially condoms,
which are strongly recommended in the fight against AIDS), the decline in
life expectancy at birth due to factors such as AIDS and the modern trend
in various traditional countries that allows women much greater freedom of
choice, also concerning pregnancy.
An important consequence of a falling growth rate is the increase in the
numbers of the elderly. This confirms not only the ageing of populations, but
also that the focus of psychologists, as already mentioned, should have a
strong geropsychological perspective.
• Increased urbanisation and migration patterns. There are three important
trends as far as migration is concerned. Migration refers to the act whereby
people relocate from one place to another. The move is permanent or for a
relatively long period of time. Emigration means moving from a place, while
immigration refers to moving to a place.
Firstly, the urbanisation (moving to cities) of populations is a growing
trend. At present, 54% of the world’s population lives in urban areas, a
proportion that is expected to increase to 66% by 2050 (United Nations,
2014). This is especially true for less developed countries where, in many
cases, they already experience problems of providing basic services for
medical and mental health, sanitation, clean water and waste removal. Table
1.6 illustrates this migration trend. The projected situation regarding South
Africa is especially alarming.
Urbanisation is often associated with a lack of basic services
16
Table 1.6 Urbanisation trends
Period World Africa South Africa
1950 29,6 14,0 42,2
2000 46,6 34,5 56,9
2015 65,4 40,4 64,8
2030 60,0 47,1 71,3
United Nations, 2014
Secondly, there is migration of highly skilled labour from certain countries;
a worldwide tendency towards emigrating from developing countries to
developed countries. South Africa is one of the countries that have continued
to lose a highly skilled labour force especially since the 1990s. No reliable
statistics exist for all South African groups, but it is generally accepted that
members especially of the white population (who are particularly highly
skilled in various scientific and technological areas), have emigrated to other
countries. It goes without saying that a shortage of highly skilled labour could
have a serious effect on many areas of a society.
Thirdly, there is the problem of illegal immigration, the unlawful relocation
that usually takes place from a developing to a (more) developed country, which
is an increasing international phenomenon. For example, for several years since
the mid 1990s, the number of illegal immigrants in the USA has surpassed the
number of legal immigrants (Passel, 2005). However, illegal immigration is a
criminal offence, and as such, it is extremely difficult to determine an accurate
assessment of the problem. Most experts estimate that there are between
500 000 and 1 million illegal immigrants in South Africa (StatsSA, 2015).
Whatever the case may be, the negative effect of illegal immigration is an
accepted fact. It is associated especially with an increase in crime and the
taking of jobs that could have been filled by members of the local population.
This, in turn, easily leads to xenophobia, the unjustified hostility, fear, distrust
or aggressive behaviour toward foreigners, strangers or anything perceived
as unfamiliar or different. In recent years xenophobia has led to the deaths of
many people in South Africa (Solomon & Kosaka, 2014).
Xenophobia has led to the deaths of many people in South Africa
17
1.1.4 Well-being Financial/political Corruption 67%
Unemployment 58%
Well-being, in short, refers to the quality of life of an individual or group. More Crime & violence 53%
precisely it refers to a state of good physical and mental health, as well as a Poverty & social inequality 31%
sense of accomplishment, personal fulfilment and a general satisfaction with Education 23%
Inflation 18%
life. Well-being is one of the corner stones of positive psychology, a relatively
Taxes 13%
new and popular main branch of psychology that focuses on well-being and Healthcare 10%
optimal functioning. Positive psychology was established to complement Moral decline 9%
(some would say ‘as a reaction against’) the traditional overemphasis of Immigration control 7%
psychology on ‘abnormal psychology’ and mental disorders. In fact, the view Threats against the environment 3%
of positive psychologists is that optimising (improving) the lives of ‘normal’ Climate change 2%
Rise of extremism 1%
people is just as important as the treatment of mental disorders. As this book
Terrorism 1%
focuses primarily on normal adult development, the concept of well-being is an Maintaining social programmes 1%
integral part of the chapters to follow. The following graphic information will Access to credit 1%
provide you with a background for these discussions: Childhood obesity *
The histogram in Figure 1.1 gives an indication of the variables that people in Adapted from Ipsos South Africa, 2016
various countries indicate as having a significant effect on their well-being. Top Figure 1.2 Life circumstances that influence well-being in South Africa
of the list are unemployment, financial/political corruption, poverty and social
inequality, and crime and violence. It should be pointed out, however, that according to a recent worldwide
survey in which the general personal happiness of people in 155 countries
Unemployment 38% was determined (Helliwell et al., 2017), South Africa was ranked at number
Financial/political Corruption 33%
101 and the seventh happiest country in Africa. This is unfortunately a very
Poverty & social inequality 33%
Crime & violence 30% poor reflection on the general well-being of South Africans who have been
Healthcare 22% burdened with stressors such as poverty, high crime rates, corruption and
Terrorism 21% poor service delivery.
Education 19% An aspect that makes the study of age and adulthood more complex,
Taxes 16%
Immigration control 14%
interesting and challenging, is that there are conflicting and changing
Moral decline 14% reports on the question whether most present-day adults are mentally and
Inflation 11% financially better off than their parents were. For example, according to an
Rise of extremism 10% extensive research project published in England in 2007, people over 50 were
Maintaining social programmes 10%
Threats against the environment 9%
more ambitious, financially more secure, less stressed, ate more healthily,
Climate change 8% and had better prospects in later life than their parents did (Government
Childhood obesity 3% News Network, 2007). Such research findings have led to the viewpoint that
Access to credit 2% “50 is the new 30”. This means that the 50-year-olds in most respects have
Adapted from Ipsos South Africa, 2016
the same capacities and characteristics than those of 30-year-old people of
Figure 1.1 Life circumstances that influence well-being worldwide
a generation or two ago.
The histogram in Figure 1.2 reflects the life circumstances that influence However, recent research shows a changing trend concerning certain
well-being of South Africans. It is interesting that South Africans regard the aspects. For example, in England are indications that millennials (the age
same four mentioned aspects (unemployment, financial/political corruption, group who entered adulthood at the beginning of the new millennium)
poverty and social inequality, and crime and violence) as the most important, could be the first generation to earn less than their parents could in their
although in a different sequence of importance. lifetime (Resolution Foundation, 2016). A world wide survey also indicated
18 19
1.1.4 Well-being Financial/political Corruption 67%
Unemployment 58%
Well-being, in short, refers to the quality of life of an individual or group. More Crime & violence 53%
precisely it refers to a state of good physical and mental health, as well as a Poverty & social inequality 31%
sense of accomplishment, personal fulfilment and a general satisfaction with Education 23%
Inflation 18%
life. Well-being is one of the corner stones of positive psychology, a relatively
Taxes 13%
new and popular main branch of psychology that focuses on well-being and Healthcare 10%
optimal functioning. Positive psychology was established to complement Moral decline 9%
(some would say ‘as a reaction against’) the traditional overemphasis of Immigration control 7%
psychology on ‘abnormal psychology’ and mental disorders. In fact, the view Threats against the environment 3%
of positive psychologists is that optimising (improving) the lives of ‘normal’ Climate change 2%
Rise of extremism 1%
people is just as important as the treatment of mental disorders. As this book
Terrorism 1%
focuses primarily on normal adult development, the concept of well-being is an Maintaining social programmes 1%
integral part of the chapters to follow. The following graphic information will Access to credit 1%
provide you with a background for these discussions: Childhood obesity *
The histogram in Figure 1.1 gives an indication of the variables that people in Adapted from Ipsos South Africa, 2016
various countries indicate as having a significant effect on their well-being. Top Figure 1.2 Life circumstances that influence well-being in South Africa
of the list are unemployment, financial/political corruption, poverty and social
inequality, and crime and violence. It should be pointed out, however, that according to a recent worldwide
survey in which the general personal happiness of people in 155 countries
Unemployment 38% was determined (Helliwell et al., 2017), South Africa was ranked at number
Financial/political Corruption 33%
101 and the seventh happiest country in Africa. This is unfortunately a very
Poverty & social inequality 33%
Crime & violence 30% poor reflection on the general well-being of South Africans who have been
Healthcare 22% burdened with stressors such as poverty, high crime rates, corruption and
Terrorism 21% poor service delivery.
Education 19% An aspect that makes the study of age and adulthood more complex,
Taxes 16%
Immigration control 14%
interesting and challenging, is that there are conflicting and changing
Moral decline 14% reports on the question whether most present-day adults are mentally and
Inflation 11% financially better off than their parents were. For example, according to an
Rise of extremism 10% extensive research project published in England in 2007, people over 50 were
Maintaining social programmes 10%
Threats against the environment 9%
more ambitious, financially more secure, less stressed, ate more healthily,
Climate change 8% and had better prospects in later life than their parents did (Government
Childhood obesity 3% News Network, 2007). Such research findings have led to the viewpoint that
Access to credit 2% “50 is the new 30”. This means that the 50-year-olds in most respects have
Adapted from Ipsos South Africa, 2016
the same capacities and characteristics than those of 30-year-old people of
Figure 1.1 Life circumstances that influence well-being worldwide
a generation or two ago.
The histogram in Figure 1.2 reflects the life circumstances that influence However, recent research shows a changing trend concerning certain
well-being of South Africans. It is interesting that South Africans regard the aspects. For example, in England are indications that millennials (the age
same four mentioned aspects (unemployment, financial/political corruption, group who entered adulthood at the beginning of the new millennium)
poverty and social inequality, and crime and violence) as the most important, could be the first generation to earn less than their parents could in their
although in a different sequence of importance. lifetime (Resolution Foundation, 2016). A world wide survey also indicated
18 19
that the younger generation in many countries, in comparison with their The aforementioned overview is not only interesting; it is also a wake-up call
parents’ generation, is not as positive about the future as believed by many for the Government and experts in different areas to plan effectively to provide
(Ipsos Mori, 2014). Table 1.7 provides information in this regard. the necessary resources, facilities, supporting programmes and services. As we
describe the various psychological dimensions of adulthood in the next chapters, it
Table 1.7 Generation comparison about future will become clear that psychologists as experts in the field of human development
and behaviour could make a significant contribution in combating many
To what extent, if at all, do you feel that your generation will have had a better
or worse life than your parents’ generation, or will it be about the same? of the complications and challenges that will accompany these demographic
changes.
Country Better About the same Worse
China 82 10 8
Brazil 52 21 27 REVIEW THIS SECTION
India 51 17 32 1. The study of adult development is a relatively new field in developmental
Turkey 50 17 33 psychology. What contributed to neglect in this area? Which factors led to a
change in this view?
Japan 47 26 27
Russia 42 29 29 2. Identify the substages of adulthood.

South Africa 42 18 40 3. Define the following:

gerontology primary ageing
Argentina 40 33 27 geropsychology secondary ageing
Australia 40 26 34 chronological age tertiary ageing
psychological age optimal ageing
South Korea 40 25 35
social age personal age
Sweden 40 31 29 cultural age the ageless self
Germany 38 31 31 biological age the legal definition of age
functional age legal maturity
Britain 36 24 40
4. How may the ageing of the population and a decline in population growth rate
Poland 35 24 41
affect adult development?
Italy 34 17 49
5. What effects could increased urbanisation and migration patterns have on the
Canada 33 29 38 demographics of South African adults?
USA 29 25 46 6. What is meant by well-being? On which branch of psychology is well-being based?
Spain 25 24 51 How does the well-being of South Africans compare to that of other countries?
France 25 20 55
Ipsos Mori, 2014
Belgium 24 27 49

It is noteworthy that South Africa is doing relatively well, regardless of

the pessimism that South Africans often express. However, such findings
should be interpreted with care. For example, political and economic factors
could have a significant effect on feelings of optimism and could cause
optimism scores to change considerably in a relatively short time.

20 21
that the younger generation in many countries, in comparison with their The aforementioned overview is not only interesting; it is also a wake-up call
parents’ generation, is not as positive about the future as believed by many for the Government and experts in different areas to plan effectively to provide
(Ipsos Mori, 2014). Table 1.7 provides information in this regard. the necessary resources, facilities, supporting programmes and services. As we
describe the various psychological dimensions of adulthood in the next chapters, it
Table 1.7 Generation comparison about future will become clear that psychologists as experts in the field of human development
and behaviour could make a significant contribution in combating many
To what extent, if at all, do you feel that your generation will have had a better
or worse life than your parents’ generation, or will it be about the same? of the complications and challenges that will accompany these demographic
changes.
Country Better About the same Worse
China 82 10 8
Brazil 52 21 27 REVIEW THIS SECTION
India 51 17 32 1. The study of adult development is a relatively new field in developmental
Turkey 50 17 33 psychology. What contributed to neglect in this area? Which factors led to a
change in this view?
Japan 47 26 27
Russia 42 29 29 2. Identify the substages of adulthood.

South Africa 42 18 40 3. Define the following:

gerontology primary ageing
Argentina 40 33 27 geropsychology secondary ageing
Australia 40 26 34 chronological age tertiary ageing
psychological age optimal ageing
South Korea 40 25 35
social age personal age
Sweden 40 31 29 cultural age the ageless self
Germany 38 31 31 biological age the legal definition of age
functional age legal maturity
Britain 36 24 40
4. How may the ageing of the population and a decline in population growth rate
Poland 35 24 41
affect adult development?
Italy 34 17 49
5. What effects could increased urbanisation and migration patterns have on the
Canada 33 29 38 demographics of South African adults?
USA 29 25 46 6. What is meant by well-being? On which branch of psychology is well-being based?
Spain 25 24 51 How does the well-being of South Africans compare to that of other countries?
France 25 20 55
Ipsos Mori, 2014
Belgium 24 27 49

It is noteworthy that South Africa is doing relatively well, regardless of

the pessimism that South Africans often express. However, such findings
should be interpreted with care. For example, political and economic factors
could have a significant effect on feelings of optimism and could cause
optimism scores to change considerably in a relatively short time.

20 21
1.2 A LIFE-SPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE
Since we view development as a life-long process that begins before birth
and ends with death, a major perspective of this book is the life-span
developmental approach. The basic premise
of this approach is that human development
takes place over the entire life span and
all age groups are equally important.
At every age, various developmental
processes are at work and each period has
its own characteristics and own value. For
example, the early phases of development
(e.g. childhood and adolescence) are
characterised by rapid age-related increases
in physical growth and abilities, while during
the later stages (e.g. young and middle
adulthood), physical growth slows down,
Paul Baltes
but certain abilities continue to develop as
people adapt to the environment. Paul Baltes (1939-2006), a leader in the
study of life-span developmental psychology, identified the following key
features of this approach, which also provide a framework from which to
study adult development (Baltes, 1987, 2003; Baltes et al., 2006):
• Development is multidimensional and multidirectional. Development
occurs in various dimensions (e.g. on physical, cognitive and personality
levels), but could also affect multiple aspects simultaneously. For
example, personality, cognitions and social functioning can all be
changing at the same time, since any area of development is tied
intricately to other areas of development. However, development
may also occur in different directions: We may improve in some
areas, remain stable in others and decline in others. This implies that
developmental processes increase and decrease throughout the life-
span, since we both grow and decline: As people lose in one area (e.g.
some intellectual capacities such as processing speed) they may gain
in another (e.g. wisdom).
• Development shows plasticity. Plasticity refers to the ability to change.
This implies that many aspects of development can be modified or
altered and that at any point people’s experiences could change their
course of development. For example, young people entering adulthood
with substance-abuse problems can overcome them and become
22
responsible, successful adults. In addition, many abilities such as
memory, strength and endurance can be improved significantly with
training and practice, even late in life. Therefore, development is not
cast in stone; nevertheless, the potential for change does have limits.
• Development is embedded in history. Development occurs in a given
cultural-historical context. Individuals not only respond to their social-
cultural environments, but also interact with and actively influence
them. For example, people who grew up during the apartheid era had
different factors influencing their development and would respond
differently to their environment than those growing up in the post-
apartheid era would. People who function in a Western-orientated
individualistic society will have different views than those functioning
in a traditional African communal society, or those in a process of
enculturation where both views are incorporated.
• Development occurs in context. A person’s development is influenced
by an interaction of biological, social and environmental factors. Some
of these influences are also experienced by other individuals, such as
age-related changes. Others we share because of the similar times we
live in, such as historical and social changes, while others are uniquely
experienced influences not shared by others, such as unexpected
events. Therefore, how we develop over the years is shaped by a
variety of influences, the entire context of who we are and where we
are in time.
• Development is multidisciplinary. Development is influenced by multiple
factors; therefore, no single perspective can explain the complexities of
development adequately. Many disciplines play a role in conceptualising
and influencing development. For example, the biological (medical)
fields address the ageing process at the organismic, molecular, cellular
and neurological levels; psychology addresses adult development and
ageing from the socio-emotional, personality and cognitive domains,
while sociology examines demographical and social structural forces
such as the effect of socio-economic factors, social changes and political
and social policies.
The life-span developmental perspective emphasises that human
development takes a life time to complete. It helps us to understand in
what way our many experiences influence our development. It also points
out that no one part of life is any more or less important than the other
(Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
23
1.2 A LIFE-SPAN DEVELOPMENTAL PERSPECTIVE
Since we view development as a life-long process that begins before birth
and ends with death, a major perspective of this book is the life-span
developmental approach. The basic premise
of this approach is that human development
takes place over the entire life span and
all age groups are equally important.
At every age, various developmental
processes are at work and each period has
its own characteristics and own value. For
example, the early phases of development
(e.g. childhood and adolescence) are
characterised by rapid age-related increases
in physical growth and abilities, while during
the later stages (e.g. young and middle
adulthood), physical growth slows down,
Paul Baltes
but certain abilities continue to develop as
people adapt to the environment. Paul Baltes (1939-2006), a leader in the
study of life-span developmental psychology, identified the following key
features of this approach, which also provide a framework from which to
study adult development (Baltes, 1987, 2003; Baltes et al., 2006):
• Development is multidimensional and multidirectional. Development
occurs in various dimensions (e.g. on physical, cognitive and personality
levels), but could also affect multiple aspects simultaneously. For
example, personality, cognitions and social functioning can all be
changing at the same time, since any area of development is tied
intricately to other areas of development. However, development
may also occur in different directions: We may improve in some
areas, remain stable in others and decline in others. This implies that
developmental processes increase and decrease throughout the life-
span, since we both grow and decline: As people lose in one area (e.g.
some intellectual capacities such as processing speed) they may gain
in another (e.g. wisdom).
• Development shows plasticity. Plasticity refers to the ability to change.
This implies that many aspects of development can be modified or
altered and that at any point people’s experiences could change their
course of development. For example, young people entering adulthood
with substance-abuse problems can overcome them and become
22
responsible, successful adults. In addition, many abilities such as
memory, strength and endurance can be improved significantly with
training and practice, even late in life. Therefore, development is not
cast in stone; nevertheless, the potential for change does have limits.
• Development is embedded in history. Development occurs in a given
cultural-historical context. Individuals not only respond to their social-
cultural environments, but also interact with and actively influence
them. For example, people who grew up during the apartheid era had
different factors influencing their development and would respond
differently to their environment than those growing up in the post-
apartheid era would. People who function in a Western-orientated
individualistic society will have different views than those functioning
in a traditional African communal society, or those in a process of
enculturation where both views are incorporated.
• Development occurs in context. A person’s development is influenced
by an interaction of biological, social and environmental factors. Some
of these influences are also experienced by other individuals, such as
age-related changes. Others we share because of the similar times we
live in, such as historical and social changes, while others are uniquely
experienced influences not shared by others, such as unexpected
events. Therefore, how we develop over the years is shaped by a
variety of influences, the entire context of who we are and where we
are in time.
• Development is multidisciplinary. Development is influenced by multiple
factors; therefore, no single perspective can explain the complexities of
development adequately. Many disciplines play a role in conceptualising
and influencing development. For example, the biological (medical)
fields address the ageing process at the organismic, molecular, cellular
and neurological levels; psychology addresses adult development and
ageing from the socio-emotional, personality and cognitive domains,
while sociology examines demographical and social structural forces
such as the effect of socio-economic factors, social changes and political
and social policies.
The life-span developmental perspective emphasises that human
development takes a life time to complete. It helps us to understand in
what way our many experiences influence our development. It also points
out that no one part of life is any more or less important than the other
(Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
23
1.3 THE FORCES AND INFLUENCES OF DEVELOPMENT
From the discussion above, it is clear that different forces shape
development. According to Baltes, it is important to understand that
development is constructed through biological, sociocultural, biological
and individual factors working together. These interactive forces are the
following (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015):
• Biological forces. These forces include all the biological, physical and
physiological related factors that affect development, such as changes
in physical appearance, changes in organ, perceptual and reproductive
systems, as well as health-related factors.
• Psychological forces. These forces include all internal perceptual,
cognitive, emotional and personality factors that affect development.
Collectively, these are the characteristics that we notice about people
as unique individuals.
• Sociocultural forces. These forces refer to interpersonal, societal,
ethnic, gender and cultural forces that provide the overall contexts in
which we develop.
• Life-cycle forces. These are forces that affect the course of development
and may be a combination of biological, psychological and sociocultural
forces that affect people at different points of their lives.
All of the above-mentioned forces are interrelated and combine to
influence people’s development. Some of these influences are common
to all or most individuals; others are unique to a specific individual. Paul
Baltes and his colleagues (2006) identified the following sets of influences
that could affect development:
■ Normative age-graded influences. These are experiences caused
by biological, psychological and sociocultural forces and are usually
associated with chronological age. Biological forces during adulthood
include menopause, which signifies the end of the childbearing period,
and age-related impairments in vision, hearing and reaction speed.
Psychological forces include adjustments in family life such as the
responsibility of socialising the next generation and adjusting to the
‘empty nest’ when children start leaving home, adjusting to retirement
and to the loss of a spouse. Sociocultural forces include the time of
first marriage and the birth of the first child, establishing a career and
ending a career through retirement. When these events occur at an
24
age considered appropriate by the specific culture, the development
is considered ‘on time’ in terms of the social clock. However, the
boundaries of the chronological-social clock have become broader in
recent decades. For example, it is not uncommon for young people
to extend their training, thereby also postponing the establishment of
a career, entering into marriage and starting a family. It is also not
uncommon for an older adult to either advance or postpone retirement
beyond the expected retirement age.
■ Normative history-graded influences. These influences result from
events that most people in a specific culture experience at the same
time. These events may be biological (such as the AIDS epidemic),
psychological (such as stereotypes resulting from political ideologies,
attitudes towards women or the aged) or sociocultural (such as changing
attitudes towards sexuality, divorce or childrearing practices, changes
in governmental policies that affect health and education, caring
practices for the aged, or adjustment to societal crime and violence).
History-graded influences not only may affect the members of a
specific culture or geographical area, but also could have a world-wide
influence. For example, World War I and II and the Great Depression in
the 1930s had a tremendous influence on the psychological, social and
economic adjustment of nations and individuals. More recent examples
are globalisation which causes pressures and upheavals associated
with living in a ‘global village’, and information and communication
technologies that have a profound effect on the way people currently
gather information and communicate.
■ Non-normative influences. These influences result from random or rare
events that may affect a particular individual, but are not experienced
by most people. These may be favourable events such as winning
a contest, a lottery or an election, or being promoted at work; or
unfavourable ones, such as an accident, contracting a life-threatening
or debilitating illness, or losing one’s job. The unpredictability of
these events makes them unique and could change the course of
one’s life in an instant. For example, think of the profound effect on
Nelson Mandela’s life, serving a 27-year jail sentence for his political
convictions.
Although described separately, normative, history-graded and non-
normative influences do not occur in separate vacuums. In fact, they
may affect one another as life-cycle forces. For example, history-graded
influences such as information and communication technologies may
25
1.3 THE FORCES AND INFLUENCES OF DEVELOPMENT
From the discussion above, it is clear that different forces shape
development. According to Baltes, it is important to understand that
development is constructed through biological, sociocultural, biological
and individual factors working together. These interactive forces are the
following (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015):
• Biological forces. These forces include all the biological, physical and
physiological related factors that affect development, such as changes
in physical appearance, changes in organ, perceptual and reproductive
systems, as well as health-related factors.
• Psychological forces. These forces include all internal perceptual,
cognitive, emotional and personality factors that affect development.
Collectively, these are the characteristics that we notice about people
as unique individuals.
• Sociocultural forces. These forces refer to interpersonal, societal,
ethnic, gender and cultural forces that provide the overall contexts in
which we develop.
• Life-cycle forces. These are forces that affect the course of development
and may be a combination of biological, psychological and sociocultural
forces that affect people at different points of their lives.
All of the above-mentioned forces are interrelated and combine to
influence people’s development. Some of these influences are common
to all or most individuals; others are unique to a specific individual. Paul
Baltes and his colleagues (2006) identified the following sets of influences
that could affect development:
■ Normative age-graded influences. These are experiences caused
by biological, psychological and sociocultural forces and are usually
associated with chronological age. Biological forces during adulthood
include menopause, which signifies the end of the childbearing period,
and age-related impairments in vision, hearing and reaction speed.
Psychological forces include adjustments in family life such as the
responsibility of socialising the next generation and adjusting to the
‘empty nest’ when children start leaving home, adjusting to retirement
and to the loss of a spouse. Sociocultural forces include the time of
first marriage and the birth of the first child, establishing a career and
ending a career through retirement. When these events occur at an
24
age considered appropriate by the specific culture, the development
is considered ‘on time’ in terms of the social clock. However, the
boundaries of the chronological-social clock have become broader in
recent decades. For example, it is not uncommon for young people
to extend their training, thereby also postponing the establishment of
a career, entering into marriage and starting a family. It is also not
uncommon for an older adult to either advance or postpone retirement
beyond the expected retirement age.
■ Normative history-graded influences. These influences result from
events that most people in a specific culture experience at the same
time. These events may be biological (such as the AIDS epidemic),
psychological (such as stereotypes resulting from political ideologies,
attitudes towards women or the aged) or sociocultural (such as changing
attitudes towards sexuality, divorce or childrearing practices, changes
in governmental policies that affect health and education, caring
practices for the aged, or adjustment to societal crime and violence).
History-graded influences not only may affect the members of a
specific culture or geographical area, but also could have a world-wide
influence. For example, World War I and II and the Great Depression in
the 1930s had a tremendous influence on the psychological, social and
economic adjustment of nations and individuals. More recent examples
are globalisation which causes pressures and upheavals associated
with living in a ‘global village’, and information and communication
technologies that have a profound effect on the way people currently
gather information and communicate.
■ Non-normative influences. These influences result from random or rare
events that may affect a particular individual, but are not experienced
by most people. These may be favourable events such as winning
a contest, a lottery or an election, or being promoted at work; or
unfavourable ones, such as an accident, contracting a life-threatening
or debilitating illness, or losing one’s job. The unpredictability of
these events makes them unique and could change the course of
one’s life in an instant. For example, think of the profound effect on
Nelson Mandela’s life, serving a 27-year jail sentence for his political
convictions.
Although described separately, normative, history-graded and non-
normative influences do not occur in separate vacuums. In fact, they
may affect one another as life-cycle forces. For example, history-graded
influences such as information and communication technologies may
25
affect the different age cohorts (groups) differently. These technologies
may be viewed by older adults as a means of communication and accessing
information only, while adolescents and young adults, in addition, may use
these technologies as a means of relaxation, social networking, venting
frustrations and establishing identities, to such an extent that they may
seem inseparable from their cell phones. This behaviour may be a source
of irritation to older adults, often resulting in conflict between generations.
Although non-normative life events are by definition not related to age,
their influence on development may depend on the age at which they occur.
Developing cancer at age 20 will have a different effect from developing
it at age 70; divorce will have a very different effect on a person at age 25
than it will have at age 65. Even events that are considered normative may
have different effects at different ages, or may even be considered non-
normative if they occur at an unexpected or uncommon age. For example,
retiring at age 35 or becoming a parent for the first time at age 70 will
have a profoundly different effect on the individual than retiring at age 65
and having one’s first child at age 30.
In summary, all three of these influences play a role in development,
both separately and in combination. Because of its complexity, it is
understandable why Paul Baltes believed that life-span development
requires knowledge across the various disciplines.
1.4 DEBATES, ISSUES AND MODELS OF DEVELOPMENT
In our description of development thus far, it has become increasingly
clear that many forces play a role in development. However, some
debates continue to recur in discussions on development. These issues
often concern the relative contributions of nature (hereditary, genetic and
biological factors) and nurture (environmental factors and experience), the
interaction between biological and environmental factors, and people’s
own contribution towards their development. Other debates, intrinsically
related to the above, concerns whether change occurs more gradually, or
sporadically and in stages and whether the ageing process is universal to
all people or whether it is culturally and contextually bound.
• The nature-nurture-interactionist-reciprocity debate. During the late
19th and early 20th centuries, researchers argued that human development
to a large extent is related to biological processes within the individual,
while the environment has minimum effect. This position was contested by
the emergence of behaviourism in the mid-20th century. The behaviourists
26
took a nurture approach, stating that a person’s development is entirely
dependent on environmental influences and experiences. However, this
nature-nurture debate took a different turn in the later part of the 20th
century, as findings from research increasingly indicated that neither
nature nor nurture could account for individual differences on its own.
Researchers therefore proposed that
genetic and environmental factors interact
(work together) to influence a person’s
development. In fact, findings from behaviour
genetic studies not only emphasised the
interaction between nature and nurture, but
also acknowledged the difficulty in ascribing
the relative importance of either (Bergman
& Plomin, 1996). This is especially true of
older adults, where nature and nurture
have interacted over a period. This makes it
particularly difficult to disentangle the major
Nature versus Nuture contributory source. As people mature, their
variability becomes more noticeable: Some
people remain healthy and physically active and cognitively intact well
into their later years, while others may experience health problems and
physical and cognitive impairment relatively early during the ageing
process. In both these scenarios biological characteristics (genetic make-
up; genetic inheritance) may interact with environmental factors (life-style
choices; physical environment). The more current view is that each person
is genetically unique and has unique interactions with the environment;
therefore, both these forces have to be considered to explain people’s
behaviour or reactions to events.
In addition to this interactionist approach to development, researchers
also introduced the concept of reciprocity in development (Bronfenbrenner
& Ceci, 1994). According to this approach, people both influence and are
influenced by events in their lives. This approach therefore proposes that
individuals take an active role in their development and not a passive
role as mere recipients of their genetic endowment or environmental
circumstances, as proposed by the naturalists or nurturalists. This
implies that adults are not only products of their biological make-up and
experiences, but also shape their own experiences, both through active
interpretation of the events that occur to them and through the
actions they take. For example, a 60-year-old man who loses his leg due
to diabetes may interpret this event as an unchangeable, uncontrollable
27
affect the different age cohorts (groups) differently. These technologies
may be viewed by older adults as a means of communication and accessing
information only, while adolescents and young adults, in addition, may use
these technologies as a means of relaxation, social networking, venting
frustrations and establishing identities, to such an extent that they may
seem inseparable from their cell phones. This behaviour may be a source
of irritation to older adults, often resulting in conflict between generations.
Although non-normative life events are by definition not related to age,
their influence on development may depend on the age at which they occur.
Developing cancer at age 20 will have a different effect from developing
it at age 70; divorce will have a very different effect on a person at age 25
than it will have at age 65. Even events that are considered normative may
have different effects at different ages, or may even be considered non-
normative if they occur at an unexpected or uncommon age. For example,
retiring at age 35 or becoming a parent for the first time at age 70 will
have a profoundly different effect on the individual than retiring at age 65
and having one’s first child at age 30.
In summary, all three of these influences play a role in development,
both separately and in combination. Because of its complexity, it is
understandable why Paul Baltes believed that life-span development
requires knowledge across the various disciplines.
1.4 DEBATES, ISSUES AND MODELS OF DEVELOPMENT
In our description of development thus far, it has become increasingly
clear that many forces play a role in development. However, some
debates continue to recur in discussions on development. These issues
often concern the relative contributions of nature (hereditary, genetic and
biological factors) and nurture (environmental factors and experience), the
interaction between biological and environmental factors, and people’s
own contribution towards their development. Other debates, intrinsically
related to the above, concerns whether change occurs more gradually, or
sporadically and in stages and whether the ageing process is universal to
all people or whether it is culturally and contextually bound.
• The nature-nurture-interactionist-reciprocity debate. During the late
19th and early 20th centuries, researchers argued that human development
to a large extent is related to biological processes within the individual,
while the environment has minimum effect. This position was contested by
the emergence of behaviourism in the mid-20th century. The behaviourists
26
took a nurture approach, stating that a person’s development is entirely
dependent on environmental influences and experiences. However, this
nature-nurture debate took a different turn in the later part of the 20th
century, as findings from research increasingly indicated that neither
nature nor nurture could account for individual differences on its own.
Researchers therefore proposed that
genetic and environmental factors interact
(work together) to influence a person’s
development. In fact, findings from behaviour
genetic studies not only emphasised the
interaction between nature and nurture, but
also acknowledged the difficulty in ascribing
the relative importance of either (Bergman
& Plomin, 1996). This is especially true of
older adults, where nature and nurture
have interacted over a period. This makes it
particularly difficult to disentangle the major
Nature versus Nuture contributory source. As people mature, their
variability becomes more noticeable: Some
people remain healthy and physically active and cognitively intact well
into their later years, while others may experience health problems and
physical and cognitive impairment relatively early during the ageing
process. In both these scenarios biological characteristics (genetic make-
up; genetic inheritance) may interact with environmental factors (life-style
choices; physical environment). The more current view is that each person
is genetically unique and has unique interactions with the environment;
therefore, both these forces have to be considered to explain people’s
behaviour or reactions to events.
In addition to this interactionist approach to development, researchers
also introduced the concept of reciprocity in development (Bronfenbrenner
& Ceci, 1994). According to this approach, people both influence and are
influenced by events in their lives. This approach therefore proposes that
individuals take an active role in their development and not a passive
role as mere recipients of their genetic endowment or environmental
circumstances, as proposed by the naturalists or nurturalists. This
implies that adults are not only products of their biological make-up and
experiences, but also shape their own experiences, both through active
interpretation of the events that occur to them and through the
actions they take. For example, a 60-year-old man who loses his leg due
to diabetes may interpret this event as an unchangeable, uncontrollable
27
biological force. This person may become bedridden and become a burden
to his family, negatively affecting not only his own life, but also that of his
family and immediate environment. By contrast, another person may see
such an event as a challenge by changing his own way of movement (using
crutches, wheelchair or prosthesis) and adopting a positive attitude.
• The continuous-discontinuous debate. One aspect of this issue refers
to whether development occurs gradually, such as a gradual or continuous
unfolding of potential, or abruptly, or discontinuously in distinct stages,
where one stage is distinctly different from the next. The answer is that
both these processes may play a role in development. For example,
consider the gradual changes in appearance as people grow older; this
is a clear indication of a gradual, continuous developmental process. On
the other hand, the cessation of a female’s reproductive ability during her
middle years, is an indication of a discontinuous, stage-like developmental
process. However, this distinction is not clear cut. For example, when
taking physical changes on a day-to-day basis, the changes may seem
continuous (we hardly notice how people we see every day change with
age). Conversely, when viewed over many years, the same changes would
seem discontinuous (notice how your classmates, people who you haven’t
seen for many years, have almost changed unrecognisably at your 50th
matric reunion).
This links to another aspect, which concerns the question whether
people change or remain the same over time. For example, will the shy
person you knew in high school, still be shy as an older adult? As you may
predict, this is quite a difficult question to answer. All of us know people
who “haven’t changed at all” and others who have changed “beyond
recognition”. Why is this? For many gerontologists, considering whether
stability or change is foremost in adult development depends on which
aspect is being considered and which theoretical perspective is being
adopted. For example, although we may change in some aspects such as
physical features, others may be more difficult to detect or to prove. This
is especially true regarding personality traits, as we shall see in Chapter 4.
However, change and stability remain important concepts in development:
while stability is important to maintain a sense of continuity (that is, that
we are still the same person), the sense that we could change (especially
some undesirable characteristics or circumstance) is also important.
• The universality-context specific debate. This refers to the extent to
which developmental changes are common to all humans (universal) or
different across cultures, subcultures and individuals (context specific)
(Sigelman & Rider, 2014). Some theorists argue that development in
28
all people reflects the same basic process (e.g. cognitive development
proceeds from more concrete thinking in childhood to abstract thinking
in adulthood). From this perspective, development proceeds in certain
universal directions. Differences in development are viewed simply as
variations on a fundamental developmental process. Therefore all people
will reach the level of abstract thinking, although the nature of the abstract
thinking may be different, depending on the environment in which they
function (e.g. consider a person who has to function in a high tech urban
environment, as opposed to someone functioning in a traditional rural
environment).
Other theorists believe that development is far more complex and
varied and may not be just variations on a theme (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-
Fields, 2015). Proponents of this view believe that adult development
and ageing are intertwined with the context in which they occur. The
reasoning behind this view is that a person’s development is a product
of complex interactions between the individual and the environment.
These interactions are not fundamentally the same in all environments.
Even within a single culture, sequences of developmental change may
differ from subcultural group to subcultural group, from family to family
and even from individual to individual. Each environment has its own set
of unique procedures that shape development – thus resulting in many
pathways, or directions of development.
Even people of the same cultural group can experience adult development very differently
Three models of development emerged from these debates on
development, each placing a different emphasis on genetics, the
environment and the interaction thereof. These models address the bigger
question about what guides development (Whitbourne & Whitbourne,
2014). The essential elements of these models are summarised in Table 1.8.
■ The organismic model. Taken from the word ‘organism’, this model
proposes that people develop according to internally generated patterns
29
biological force. This person may become bedridden and become a burden
to his family, negatively affecting not only his own life, but also that of his
family and immediate environment. By contrast, another person may see
such an event as a challenge by changing his own way of movement (using
crutches, wheelchair or prosthesis) and adopting a positive attitude.
• The continuous-discontinuous debate. One aspect of this issue refers
to whether development occurs gradually, such as a gradual or continuous
unfolding of potential, or abruptly, or discontinuously in distinct stages,
where one stage is distinctly different from the next. The answer is that
both these processes may play a role in development. For example,
consider the gradual changes in appearance as people grow older; this
is a clear indication of a gradual, continuous developmental process. On
the other hand, the cessation of a female’s reproductive ability during her
middle years, is an indication of a discontinuous, stage-like developmental
process. However, this distinction is not clear cut. For example, when
taking physical changes on a day-to-day basis, the changes may seem
continuous (we hardly notice how people we see every day change with
age). Conversely, when viewed over many years, the same changes would
seem discontinuous (notice how your classmates, people who you haven’t
seen for many years, have almost changed unrecognisably at your 50th
matric reunion).
This links to another aspect, which concerns the question whether
people change or remain the same over time. For example, will the shy
person you knew in high school, still be shy as an older adult? As you may
predict, this is quite a difficult question to answer. All of us know people
who “haven’t changed at all” and others who have changed “beyond
recognition”. Why is this? For many gerontologists, considering whether
stability or change is foremost in adult development depends on which
aspect is being considered and which theoretical perspective is being
adopted. For example, although we may change in some aspects such as
physical features, others may be more difficult to detect or to prove. This
is especially true regarding personality traits, as we shall see in Chapter 4.
However, change and stability remain important concepts in development:
while stability is important to maintain a sense of continuity (that is, that
we are still the same person), the sense that we could change (especially
some undesirable characteristics or circumstance) is also important.
• The universality-context specific debate. This refers to the extent to
which developmental changes are common to all humans (universal) or
different across cultures, subcultures and individuals (context specific)
(Sigelman & Rider, 2014). Some theorists argue that development in
28
all people reflects the same basic process (e.g. cognitive development
proceeds from more concrete thinking in childhood to abstract thinking
in adulthood). From this perspective, development proceeds in certain
universal directions. Differences in development are viewed simply as
variations on a fundamental developmental process. Therefore all people
will reach the level of abstract thinking, although the nature of the abstract
thinking may be different, depending on the environment in which they
function (e.g. consider a person who has to function in a high tech urban
environment, as opposed to someone functioning in a traditional rural
environment).
Other theorists believe that development is far more complex and
varied and may not be just variations on a theme (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-
Fields, 2015). Proponents of this view believe that adult development
and ageing are intertwined with the context in which they occur. The
reasoning behind this view is that a person’s development is a product
of complex interactions between the individual and the environment.
These interactions are not fundamentally the same in all environments.
Even within a single culture, sequences of developmental change may
differ from subcultural group to subcultural group, from family to family
and even from individual to individual. Each environment has its own set
of unique procedures that shape development – thus resulting in many
pathways, or directions of development.
Even people of the same cultural group can experience adult development very differently
Three models of development emerged from these debates on
development, each placing a different emphasis on genetics, the
environment and the interaction thereof. These models address the bigger
question about what guides development (Whitbourne & Whitbourne,
2014). The essential elements of these models are summarised in Table 1.8.
■ The organismic model. Taken from the word ‘organism’, this model
proposes that people develop according to internally generated patterns
29
 of development. Development occurs in an orderly, stage-like fashion, and
is therefore viewed as discontinuous or abrupt. Each stage is qualitatively
different (i.e. distinctly different in type or kind) and usually more advanced
than the previous one. These stages occur universally, although the precise
timing of the stages may differ. People are seen to be involved actively in
their development and although environmental influences may not cause or
significantly alter development, they could accelerate or delay development
(e.g. when people follow a healthy or destructive lifestyle).
■ The mechanistic model. With reference to the word ‘machine’, this model
proposes that human behaviour results from external forces upon which
the individual reacts passively. Development throughout life occurs through
the individual’s exposure to events and experiences that offer new learning
opportunities. Development is seen as gradual or continuous and quantitative
in nature. This means that there are no distinct or identifiable stages;
development is a smooth, continuous set of progressions as individuals
acquire knowledge through new experiences. According to this view, human
development proceeds in a steadily positive direction until maturity, after
which a steady decline begins. Therefore, physically and psychologically, older
people will be in a less favourable position than younger adults.
■ The interactionist model. According to this model, both genetics
and the environment or context interact in complex ways towards the
individual’s development. The individual actively participates in his or
her own development through reciprocal relations with the environment.
Individual differences are recognised and development is viewed as
both multidirectional (there are many pathways in development) and
multidimensional (many processes are involved in development). The
principle of plasticity is also recognised, where development may be altered,
depending on the nature of the individual’s specific interactions in the
environment (e.g. a person undergoing corrective eye surgery to prevent
deteriorating eyesight and improving his or her independence).
Table 1.8 Models of person-environment interaction
Issues in Organismic Mechanistic Interactionist
development
Nature of change Qualitative Quantitative Multidirectional
Multidimensional
Contribution of Active Passive Active
individual
Main force in Internal (biological) External Reciprocal
development (environmental)
Theory of Biological theories Learning theories Ecological theories
development Stage theories
Adapted from Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014
30
As we continue our discussion of adult development and the ageing
process, you will notice that most of the theories discussed in this book
could be linked to either one of these models while the usefulness of the
concepts of multidimensionality, multidirectionality and plasticity will
become apparent.
1.5 DOMAINS OF DEVELOPMENT
In our discussions thus far, you may have come to the conclusion that adult
development is complex and that changes occur in several aspects of the
self. As you may have realised, these changes occur in the biological,
psychological and social domains. This book will also concentrate on these
domains of development. Therefore, for the purpose of covering all of the
aspects of adult development, the following domains will be discussed:
– Physical development. This concerns changes in the biological
systems and structures of the body such as sensory capacities, organ
and nervous systems, endocrine and immune systems, reproductive
systems and motor skills.
– Cognitive development. This includes changes in mental functioning
such as memory, intelligence, problem solving, creativity and wisdom.
– Personality development. This involves the unique way in which
individuals deal with the world, how they think about themselves and
how they express thoughts and emotions.
– Social development. This refers to changes in the person’s social
world. It encompasses the world of interpersonal relationships, social
roles, social networks and social responsibilities.
In addition to the above-mentioned areas of development, factors that
contribute to successful ageing and mental health in later life, will also
be discussed. This book will end with a discussion of death as the last
developmental stage in the life-cycle.
Although these domains will be dealt with separately in individual
chapters, they are interrelated and each aspect of development affects
the others. For example, physical and cognitive capacities may affect
one’s choice of occupation and contribute towards self-esteem, which
are important aspects of social and personality development; anxiety
about physical health or family matters may impair physical or intellectual
performance, while grief over a lost loved one may cause physical illness.
In addition, as we have seen, life-cycle forces that include both normative
31
 of development. Development occurs in an orderly, stage-like fashion, and
is therefore viewed as discontinuous or abrupt. Each stage is qualitatively
different (i.e. distinctly different in type or kind) and usually more advanced
than the previous one. These stages occur universally, although the precise
timing of the stages may differ. People are seen to be involved actively in
their development and although environmental influences may not cause or
significantly alter development, they could accelerate or delay development
(e.g. when people follow a healthy or destructive lifestyle).
■ The mechanistic model. With reference to the word ‘machine’, this model
proposes that human behaviour results from external forces upon which
the individual reacts passively. Development throughout life occurs through
the individual’s exposure to events and experiences that offer new learning
opportunities. Development is seen as gradual or continuous and quantitative
in nature. This means that there are no distinct or identifiable stages;
development is a smooth, continuous set of progressions as individuals
acquire knowledge through new experiences. According to this view, human
development proceeds in a steadily positive direction until maturity, after
which a steady decline begins. Therefore, physically and psychologically, older
people will be in a less favourable position than younger adults.
■ The interactionist model. According to this model, both genetics
and the environment or context interact in complex ways towards the
individual’s development. The individual actively participates in his or
her own development through reciprocal relations with the environment.
Individual differences are recognised and development is viewed as
both multidirectional (there are many pathways in development) and
multidimensional (many processes are involved in development). The
principle of plasticity is also recognised, where development may be altered,
depending on the nature of the individual’s specific interactions in the
environment (e.g. a person undergoing corrective eye surgery to prevent
deteriorating eyesight and improving his or her independence).
Table 1.8 Models of person-environment interaction
Issues in Organismic Mechanistic Interactionist
development
Nature of change Qualitative Quantitative Multidirectional
Multidimensional
Contribution of Active Passive Active
individual
Main force in Internal (biological) External Reciprocal
development (environmental)
Theory of Biological theories Learning theories Ecological theories
development Stage theories
Adapted from Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014
30
As we continue our discussion of adult development and the ageing
process, you will notice that most of the theories discussed in this book
could be linked to either one of these models while the usefulness of the
concepts of multidimensionality, multidirectionality and plasticity will
become apparent.
1.5 DOMAINS OF DEVELOPMENT
In our discussions thus far, you may have come to the conclusion that adult
development is complex and that changes occur in several aspects of the
self. As you may have realised, these changes occur in the biological,
psychological and social domains. This book will also concentrate on these
domains of development. Therefore, for the purpose of covering all of the
aspects of adult development, the following domains will be discussed:
– Physical development. This concerns changes in the biological
systems and structures of the body such as sensory capacities, organ
and nervous systems, endocrine and immune systems, reproductive
systems and motor skills.
– Cognitive development. This includes changes in mental functioning
such as memory, intelligence, problem solving, creativity and wisdom.
– Personality development. This involves the unique way in which
individuals deal with the world, how they think about themselves and
how they express thoughts and emotions.
– Social development. This refers to changes in the person’s social
world. It encompasses the world of interpersonal relationships, social
roles, social networks and social responsibilities.
In addition to the above-mentioned areas of development, factors that
contribute to successful ageing and mental health in later life, will also
be discussed. This book will end with a discussion of death as the last
developmental stage in the life-cycle.
Although these domains will be dealt with separately in individual
chapters, they are interrelated and each aspect of development affects
the others. For example, physical and cognitive capacities may affect
one’s choice of occupation and contribute towards self-esteem, which
are important aspects of social and personality development; anxiety
about physical health or family matters may impair physical or intellectual
performance, while grief over a lost loved one may cause physical illness.
In addition, as we have seen, life-cycle forces that include both normative
31
and non-normative changes could also affect people’s ageing process,
either favourably or unfavourably.
In the next section research methods in adult development will be
discussed.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is the basic principle of the life-span developmental approach?
2. Discuss the key features of the life-span developmental approach, as proposed by
Baltes and his colleagues.
3. Discuss the interactive forces that shape development.
4. Decide whether the following scenarios reflect multidirectionality, multidimensionality
or plasticity:
- a person who changes his lifestyle to combat a genetic heart disease
- a person who gradually loses her hearing and becomes socially isolated
- people who experience losses in reaction speed, but increases in knowledge
and wisdom.
5. Decide whether the following examples reflect the influence of history, context or
multiple disciplines on development:
- examining the social structural forces, organismic and socio-emotional factors
involved in the ageing process
- examining whether marriage or co-habitation (living together without getting
married) will have different effects on a person’s psycho-social development
- examining the influence of information technologies on the development of
young and older adults.
6. Discuss the following sets of influences that could affect development:
- normative age-graded influences
- normative history-graded influences
- non-normative influences
7. Decide whether the following influences are normative, non-normative or history
graded: Give a reason(s) for your answer:
- a person of 30, still living with his or her parents
- the influence of the apartheid system of government on South-Africans
- having a child at age 15
- a person who lost his legs due to a disease
8. How may age and culture reflect normative or non-normative influences?
9. Discuss the following debates and issues in development:
- the nature-nurture-interactionist-reciprocity debate
- the continuity-discontinuity debate
- the universality-context specific debate
10. Discuss the models of person-environment interaction that arose from these debates.
11. Taking the above models into account, which do you regard as the most relevant model
of development today? Give reasons for your answer.
12. Reflect on your own development thus far. Which forces, influences and issues may
have shaped you into the person you are?
32
1.6 RESEARCH IN ADULT DEVELOPMENT
Research is the proverbial life artery of any science. No science can exist
without research, because it is the only process that can be used to gather
reliable information in order to come to valid conclusions. Without research,
any science will become stagnant, lose credibility and eventually disappear.
Therefore, research is also a very important part of psychology and all its
subdisciplines, such as developmental psychology, which in turn, is divided
into child psychology and adult psychology.
Many of you already have a basic knowledge of research that you acquired
in your introductory psychology, child psychology and other courses. The
research methods used in adult development that will be discussed next
are the same or at least similar to the research methods to which you have
been introduced in these other courses, especially as far as child psychology
is concerned. Therefore, the outline and content of this section is based on
the present authors’ child and adolescent development text (Louw & Louw,
2014) and introductory text (Louw & Edwards, 1998). (Also see Cavanaugh
& Blanchard-Fields, 2015; Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014.)
1.6.1 Kinds of research
Research in psychology is usually divided into two categories: quantitative
and qualitative research.
Quantitative research developed from the natural sciences and,
very simply put, is a process in which mainly statistical data, for example
frequencies (i.e. how many times something occurs), are used to obtain
information and to make predictions concerning a specific topic. For
example, researchers may send questionnaires to 1000 students on campus
to determine how many of them engage in unprotected sex. From existing
statistical data on what the chances are of contracting HIV/AIDS if one
exercises unprotected sex, they will then use statistical techniques to predict
what percentage of students on campus have, or could contract, HIV/AIDS.
Qualitative research developed as a backlash against the quantitative
method which, it believes, reduces people to numbers without considering
either their feelings and thoughts, or the person as a unique individual.
Therefore, the qualitative method attempts to provide an in-depth
understanding of what people experience. By way of illustration: To know
how many students on campus regularly experience racism, by which groups,
and under what circumstances (information obtained through quantitative
research), is only one perspective of the problem; however, discovering
the inner emotions and thoughts of such students (information obtained
33
and non-normative changes could also affect people’s ageing process,
either favourably or unfavourably.
In the next section research methods in adult development will be
discussed.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is the basic principle of the life-span developmental approach?
2. Discuss the key features of the life-span developmental approach, as proposed by
Baltes and his colleagues.
3. Discuss the interactive forces that shape development.
4. Decide whether the following scenarios reflect multidirectionality, multidimensionality
or plasticity:
- a person who changes his lifestyle to combat a genetic heart disease
- a person who gradually loses her hearing and becomes socially isolated
- people who experience losses in reaction speed, but increases in knowledge
and wisdom.
5. Decide whether the following examples reflect the influence of history, context or
multiple disciplines on development:
- examining the social structural forces, organismic and socio-emotional factors
involved in the ageing process
- examining whether marriage or co-habitation (living together without getting
married) will have different effects on a person’s psycho-social development
- examining the influence of information technologies on the development of
young and older adults.
6. Discuss the following sets of influences that could affect development:
- normative age-graded influences
- normative history-graded influences
- non-normative influences
7. Decide whether the following influences are normative, non-normative or history
graded: Give a reason(s) for your answer:
- a person of 30, still living with his or her parents
- the influence of the apartheid system of government on South-Africans
- having a child at age 15
- a person who lost his legs due to a disease
8. How may age and culture reflect normative or non-normative influences?
9. Discuss the following debates and issues in development:
- the nature-nurture-interactionist-reciprocity debate
- the continuity-discontinuity debate
- the universality-context specific debate
10. Discuss the models of person-environment interaction that arose from these debates.
11. Taking the above models into account, which do you regard as the most relevant model
of development today? Give reasons for your answer.
12. Reflect on your own development thus far. Which forces, influences and issues may
have shaped you into the person you are?
32
1.6 RESEARCH IN ADULT DEVELOPMENT
Research is the proverbial life artery of any science. No science can exist
without research, because it is the only process that can be used to gather
reliable information in order to come to valid conclusions. Without research,
any science will become stagnant, lose credibility and eventually disappear.
Therefore, research is also a very important part of psychology and all its
subdisciplines, such as developmental psychology, which in turn, is divided
into child psychology and adult psychology.
Many of you already have a basic knowledge of research that you acquired
in your introductory psychology, child psychology and other courses. The
research methods used in adult development that will be discussed next
are the same or at least similar to the research methods to which you have
been introduced in these other courses, especially as far as child psychology
is concerned. Therefore, the outline and content of this section is based on
the present authors’ child and adolescent development text (Louw & Louw,
2014) and introductory text (Louw & Edwards, 1998). (Also see Cavanaugh
& Blanchard-Fields, 2015; Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014.)
1.6.1 Kinds of research
Research in psychology is usually divided into two categories: quantitative
and qualitative research.
Quantitative research developed from the natural sciences and,
very simply put, is a process in which mainly statistical data, for example
frequencies (i.e. how many times something occurs), are used to obtain
information and to make predictions concerning a specific topic. For
example, researchers may send questionnaires to 1000 students on campus
to determine how many of them engage in unprotected sex. From existing
statistical data on what the chances are of contracting HIV/AIDS if one
exercises unprotected sex, they will then use statistical techniques to predict
what percentage of students on campus have, or could contract, HIV/AIDS.
Qualitative research developed as a backlash against the quantitative
method which, it believes, reduces people to numbers without considering
either their feelings and thoughts, or the person as a unique individual.
Therefore, the qualitative method attempts to provide an in-depth
understanding of what people experience. By way of illustration: To know
how many students on campus regularly experience racism, by which groups,
and under what circumstances (information obtained through quantitative
research), is only one perspective of the problem; however, discovering
the inner emotions and thoughts of such students (information obtained
33
through qualitative research) provides us with such unique information that age’. Should one prefer the research question format it will be in question
the study would be poorer without it. It is often stated that quantitative form of course: ‘Are women older than 60 more prone to depression than
researchers obtain information about people, while qualitative researchers men of the same age are?’. The main goal of a hypothesis is to provide a
obtain information from people. guideline for the study, especially concerning the objectives and type of
Table 1.9 shows some of the most important differences between information needed.
quantitative and qualitative research. The next step is to decide how the information will be gathered. (In
research the term ‘data’ is usually used to refer to information gathered
Table 1.9 Main differences between quantitative and qualitative research
by means of research. Note that ‘data’ is the plural for the Latin ‘datum’,
Quantitative Qualitative although it is widely accepted that the term could be used as singular.) Two
1. Obtain information through numbers 1. Obtain information through words aspects are especially relevant: sampling and research methods.
2. Research process is largely objective 2. Research process is largely subjective
3. Large number of research participants 3. Small number of research participants 1.6.2.1 Sampling
with emphasis on averages, frequencies, with emphasis on individual emotions,
etc. thoughts, etc.
Sampling refers to the process in which a limited number of research
4. Data gathering done by more structured 4. Data gathering done by less structured
research instruments, e.g. psychological techniques, e.g. interviews and participants are selected in such a way that they are representative of the
tests and questionnaires observations total group from which they are selected. This enables the researcher to
5. Results largely generalisable 5. Results usually not generalisable generalise from the small to the total group. However, this is not nearly as easy
6. Attempt to control and structure 6. Relative absence of control and structure as it may sound. For example, should you want to investigate the attitudes of
research environment in research environment
South Africans towards mixed marriages, you will have to consider that there
7. Employ data analyses that rely on 7. Focus is on description and could be huge differences among the participants, for example regarding
statistical procedures interpretation of behaviour
Allwood, 2012; Louw & Kail, 2007
their race, age, gender, ethnicity, socio-economic status and type of exposure
to other races. Another example: We want to study students’ attitudes to
However, it should be taken into account that the aforementioned pre-marital sex and our university has 10 000 students. It is not possible to
differences between qualitative and quantitative research are not always as study every student; so we decide to limit our study to a small group of 100.
significant as they may seem. They overlap in several ways; for example, both The total of 10 000 students is called the population and the group of 100 is
kinds of research may make use of interviews and questionnaires, albeit that called the sample. There are many methods of sampling:
in the case of qualitative research, they may be less structured. Convenience sampling means taking the first 100 students that we
Mixed-method research has become very popular during the last few can conveniently find. However, this is unlikely to yield results that are
decades (Mertens et al., 2016). This means researchers use both quantitative representative of the population as a whole. If possible, we should not ask
and qualitative research methods in one study. This approach enables for volunteers because people who volunteer to take part in psychological
them to get the best of both worlds and thus obtain a much more research are not representative either. They tend to be better educated,
comprehensive picture of human behaviour. more intelligent, higher in need for social approval, more sociable, more
unconventional and less authoritarian than people in general (Gangule et al.,
1.6.2 Methods of gathering information 2015; Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1975). Instead we must use a sampling strategy
such as random sampling or stratified sampling. In random sampling, we
After a researcher has decided on the research topic, a hypothesis or research select students at random so that the sample is not biased. This could involve
question is formulated. A hypothesis is a tentative assumption (‘educated getting a list of all the students and getting someone to stick a pin into the
prediction’) about what the outcome of the study will be. It is usually in the list at random to get 100 names. In stratified sampling, we create a sample
form of a statement but could also be in question format, in which case it is that has the same characteristics as the population as a whole, that is, the
often called a research question. The following is an example of a hypothesis: same proportion of males and females, the same proportion of students from
‘Women older than 60 are more prone to depression than men of the same
34 35
through qualitative research) provides us with such unique information that age’. Should one prefer the research question format it will be in question
the study would be poorer without it. It is often stated that quantitative form of course: ‘Are women older than 60 more prone to depression than
researchers obtain information about people, while qualitative researchers men of the same age are?’. The main goal of a hypothesis is to provide a
obtain information from people. guideline for the study, especially concerning the objectives and type of
Table 1.9 shows some of the most important differences between information needed.
quantitative and qualitative research. The next step is to decide how the information will be gathered. (In
research the term ‘data’ is usually used to refer to information gathered
Table 1.9 Main differences between quantitative and qualitative research
by means of research. Note that ‘data’ is the plural for the Latin ‘datum’,
Quantitative Qualitative although it is widely accepted that the term could be used as singular.) Two
1. Obtain information through numbers 1. Obtain information through words aspects are especially relevant: sampling and research methods.
2. Research process is largely objective 2. Research process is largely subjective
3. Large number of research participants 3. Small number of research participants 1.6.2.1 Sampling
with emphasis on averages, frequencies, with emphasis on individual emotions,
etc. thoughts, etc.
Sampling refers to the process in which a limited number of research
4. Data gathering done by more structured 4. Data gathering done by less structured
research instruments, e.g. psychological techniques, e.g. interviews and participants are selected in such a way that they are representative of the
tests and questionnaires observations total group from which they are selected. This enables the researcher to
5. Results largely generalisable 5. Results usually not generalisable generalise from the small to the total group. However, this is not nearly as easy
6. Attempt to control and structure 6. Relative absence of control and structure as it may sound. For example, should you want to investigate the attitudes of
research environment in research environment
South Africans towards mixed marriages, you will have to consider that there
7. Employ data analyses that rely on 7. Focus is on description and could be huge differences among the participants, for example regarding
statistical procedures interpretation of behaviour
Allwood, 2012; Louw & Kail, 2007
their race, age, gender, ethnicity, socio-economic status and type of exposure
to other races. Another example: We want to study students’ attitudes to
However, it should be taken into account that the aforementioned pre-marital sex and our university has 10 000 students. It is not possible to
differences between qualitative and quantitative research are not always as study every student; so we decide to limit our study to a small group of 100.
significant as they may seem. They overlap in several ways; for example, both The total of 10 000 students is called the population and the group of 100 is
kinds of research may make use of interviews and questionnaires, albeit that called the sample. There are many methods of sampling:
in the case of qualitative research, they may be less structured. Convenience sampling means taking the first 100 students that we
Mixed-method research has become very popular during the last few can conveniently find. However, this is unlikely to yield results that are
decades (Mertens et al., 2016). This means researchers use both quantitative representative of the population as a whole. If possible, we should not ask
and qualitative research methods in one study. This approach enables for volunteers because people who volunteer to take part in psychological
them to get the best of both worlds and thus obtain a much more research are not representative either. They tend to be better educated,
comprehensive picture of human behaviour. more intelligent, higher in need for social approval, more sociable, more
unconventional and less authoritarian than people in general (Gangule et al.,
1.6.2 Methods of gathering information 2015; Rosenthal & Rosnow, 1975). Instead we must use a sampling strategy
such as random sampling or stratified sampling. In random sampling, we
After a researcher has decided on the research topic, a hypothesis or research select students at random so that the sample is not biased. This could involve
question is formulated. A hypothesis is a tentative assumption (‘educated getting a list of all the students and getting someone to stick a pin into the
prediction’) about what the outcome of the study will be. It is usually in the list at random to get 100 names. In stratified sampling, we create a sample
form of a statement but could also be in question format, in which case it is that has the same characteristics as the population as a whole, that is, the
often called a research question. The following is an example of a hypothesis: same proportion of males and females, the same proportion of students from
‘Women older than 60 are more prone to depression than men of the same
34 35
different faculties and years of study and the same proportion of different
languages and ethnic groups.
Now that you know how important representativeness is, how
representative do you think psychological (and other) research is in South
Africa? Unfortunately, the answer is not encouraging. For many decades
the primary focus of psychological research in South Africa was on whites,
just like most psychological research in the USA (on which most of our
prescribed textbooks are based) has been conducted on white, middle-
class and educated Americans (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
Fortunately, the situation in South Africa has changed significantly and many
research studies now reflect a much more representative and thus realistic
perspective, especially concerning groups and subgroups that were almost
totally ignored in the past. However, there is still a long way to go before we
can proverbially pat ourselves on the back in this regard.
1.6.2.2 Research methods to gather information
Another important decision in any research process is which research method
will be used for gathering information. Many different methods are available
and you will have to decide which method or methods (various methods
may be used in one research project) would best suit the proposed research
project. These research methods range from relatively simple procedures to
sophisticated techniques using highly refined tests or technical apparatus.
The following are some of the research methods most often used to gather
scientific information in developmental psychology:
(a) Systematic observation of behaviour
As the name implies, systematic observation involves watching people and
carefully recording (for example, by means of video or sound recordings, or
taking notes) what they do or say. Although this method is used mostly in
research with children, it is also used with adults. Two forms of systematic
observation are common:
Firstly, naturalistic observation is used where people are observed in
some natural or real-life situation such as on campus, as part of a sports
crowd, in a mall or in an old age home. Because people may act differently
when they know they are being watched, observers often do not make their
presence or intentions known. However, this is not always possible.
Secondly, in structured observation the researcher creates a setting
likely to elicit the behaviour that is being researched. For example, students
36
could be invited to visit a laboratory at a university where they are exposed
to various situations to determine (usually through a one-way mirror or
by video) how they would react in certain situations. The observations of
people’s behaviour by family members or colleagues, for example, may also
be used.
As will be discussed later (see 1.6.6), it is very important to remember that
it is unethical to make any recording of a person without his or her permission.
(b) Self-reports
The two most common forms of self-reports used by psychologists are
interviews and questionnaires. With all the sophisticated techniques
available, people sometimes neglect using one of the best ways to get
information: ask for it: that is, interview the person about whom you would
like to know more. Interviews are particularly reliable, especially when a
relationship of trust exists between the interviewer and interviewee and
when the interviewer has been trained in interviewing skills. Interviews are
particularly useful when the behaviour in which the psychologist is interested
cannot be observed directly and no other suitable technique is available. In
addition interviews are often used in the early stages of an investigation to
obtain preliminary information about the issue.
A questionnaire may be regarded as an interview in written form. More
specifically, it is a set of written questions to which people have to respond.
Self-report questionnaires are valuable tools to investigate people’s attitudes,
feelings and behaviours. Questionnaires may be used with individuals or
groups.
(c) Psychological tests
Psychological tests are instruments that have been compiled for the purpose
of measuring psychological qualities such as personality characteristics and
intelligence. A test consists of questions, statements, problems or pictures to
which the research participants must respond. It is important to distinguish
between popular non-scientific tests that appear freely on the Internet and
in magazines and psychological tests that are standardised. Standardisation
means that a psychological test has been compiled in such a way that it is
reliable, valid and has norms. Reliability refers to the fact that the results are
consistent over time; that is, that similar scores are obtained by the same
individuals when they are tested on different occasions. Validity requires
that a test should measure what it is supposed to measure. For example,
37
different faculties and years of study and the same proportion of different
languages and ethnic groups.
Now that you know how important representativeness is, how
representative do you think psychological (and other) research is in South
Africa? Unfortunately, the answer is not encouraging. For many decades
the primary focus of psychological research in South Africa was on whites,
just like most psychological research in the USA (on which most of our
prescribed textbooks are based) has been conducted on white, middle-
class and educated Americans (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
Fortunately, the situation in South Africa has changed significantly and many
research studies now reflect a much more representative and thus realistic
perspective, especially concerning groups and subgroups that were almost
totally ignored in the past. However, there is still a long way to go before we
can proverbially pat ourselves on the back in this regard.
1.6.2.2 Research methods to gather information
Another important decision in any research process is which research method
will be used for gathering information. Many different methods are available
and you will have to decide which method or methods (various methods
may be used in one research project) would best suit the proposed research
project. These research methods range from relatively simple procedures to
sophisticated techniques using highly refined tests or technical apparatus.
The following are some of the research methods most often used to gather
scientific information in developmental psychology:
(a) Systematic observation of behaviour
As the name implies, systematic observation involves watching people and
carefully recording (for example, by means of video or sound recordings, or
taking notes) what they do or say. Although this method is used mostly in
research with children, it is also used with adults. Two forms of systematic
observation are common:
Firstly, naturalistic observation is used where people are observed in
some natural or real-life situation such as on campus, as part of a sports
crowd, in a mall or in an old age home. Because people may act differently
when they know they are being watched, observers often do not make their
presence or intentions known. However, this is not always possible.
Secondly, in structured observation the researcher creates a setting
likely to elicit the behaviour that is being researched. For example, students
36
could be invited to visit a laboratory at a university where they are exposed
to various situations to determine (usually through a one-way mirror or
by video) how they would react in certain situations. The observations of
people’s behaviour by family members or colleagues, for example, may also
be used.
As will be discussed later (see 1.6.6), it is very important to remember that
it is unethical to make any recording of a person without his or her permission.
(b) Self-reports
The two most common forms of self-reports used by psychologists are
interviews and questionnaires. With all the sophisticated techniques
available, people sometimes neglect using one of the best ways to get
information: ask for it: that is, interview the person about whom you would
like to know more. Interviews are particularly reliable, especially when a
relationship of trust exists between the interviewer and interviewee and
when the interviewer has been trained in interviewing skills. Interviews are
particularly useful when the behaviour in which the psychologist is interested
cannot be observed directly and no other suitable technique is available. In
addition interviews are often used in the early stages of an investigation to
obtain preliminary information about the issue.
A questionnaire may be regarded as an interview in written form. More
specifically, it is a set of written questions to which people have to respond.
Self-report questionnaires are valuable tools to investigate people’s attitudes,
feelings and behaviours. Questionnaires may be used with individuals or
groups.
(c) Psychological tests
Psychological tests are instruments that have been compiled for the purpose
of measuring psychological qualities such as personality characteristics and
intelligence. A test consists of questions, statements, problems or pictures to
which the research participants must respond. It is important to distinguish
between popular non-scientific tests that appear freely on the Internet and
in magazines and psychological tests that are standardised. Standardisation
means that a psychological test has been compiled in such a way that it is
reliable, valid and has norms. Reliability refers to the fact that the results are
consistent over time; that is, that similar scores are obtained by the same
individuals when they are tested on different occasions. Validity requires
that a test should measure what it is supposed to measure. For example,
37
if you want to measure general intelligence, the test should not focus on
a specific area or even on a related characteristic, such as interest. A norm
is a statistical number (for example, an average) that makes it possible to
compare any individual’s test score with the achievement of a comparable
group. The availability of norms for psychological tests is a very important
problem, especially in multi-cultural countries such as South Africa. Many
tests used in South Africa were standardised in western cultures (mainly
the USA) and are therefore not appropriate for most cultural groups in this
country. For example, a member of one cultural group relatively easily may be
classified inaccurately as intellectually disabled if he or she has to respond to
questions that were compiled according to the norms of another culture. The
problem is aggravated when the questions are in a language other than the
testee’s mother tongue or have even been translated poorly. In South Africa,
it is regarded as unprofessional and unethical to use such tests. However,
when psychological tests meet the necessary scientific criteria, they may
provide the researcher with valuable information.
1.6.3 General research designs
What is the difference between the research methods that we have
just discussed and a research design? Let us use the building metaphor
(comparison): When a building contractor wants to build a building he
cannot just begin without having a clear purpose and an overall plan for the
building. He must also have an architect’s drawing and a time schedule, and
obtain permits. This resembles the design of a research project. The methods
that we have already discussed correspond with the specific techniques
the building contractor will use to build the building (that is, the practical
construction of the building).
Just like there are various methods of gathering information, there are
different acknowledged designs that can be used to conduct research.
Researchers can also be very innovative and come up with adapted or new
ways to do research. However, the following may be regarded as the main
designs used by developmental psychologists to do research.
1.6.3.1 Experimental research
In experimental research, it is possible for the researcher to control the
conditions in such a way that it is possible to determine to what extent a
given factor influences the behaviour to be investigated. A factor is usually
called a ‘variable’. As the name indicates, a variable refers to anything that
38
is changeable and can take on different numbers, quantities or values. To take
the variables age and IQ as examples: People’s ages could vary, for instance, 21,
35, 42, 55 or 67 or their IQs could vary; for instance it could be low (below 90),
average (90 – 110) or above average (more than 110). Differences in age and
differences in IQ may have different effects on behaviour. For example, younger
people, or people with higher intellectual ability may be better at information
processing than the elderly or people with lower intellectual ability.
In experimental research, an experimental and control group are
often used. The experimental group is exposed to a certain variable (e.g.
treatment) while the control group is not exposed to the variable (e.g.
receives another type of treatment or no treatment at all). Thus, should
researchers want to conduct an experiment to find out what the effect of a
specific training programme would be on the cognitive development of older
adults, they could divide a group of older adults into an experimental and a
control group. The experimental group would be subjected to the training
programme, but not the control group. In this case, the training programme
would be called the independent variable and cognitive development the
dependent variable. Therefore, in an experiment an independent variable is
any factor the researcher expects to cause change in another variable. The
dependent variable is the factor the researcher expects to be influenced by
the independent variable in an experiment.
Although the experimental method is a particularly good research
method because it allows researchers to identify and isolate factors
(variables) in order to investigate their effect on behaviour, it also has several
disadvantages. One major disadvantage is that many questions cannot
be investigated because of ethical objections. For instance, you may want
to investigate experimentally the effect of poor nutrition or long-lasting
isolation on adult cognitive development. Of course, It would be totally
unethical to subject the experimental group to poor nutrition or isolate
them for a relatively long time. Another problem stems from the difficulty
of generalising from experimentally obtained results to real-life situations
because the experimental situation is largely artificial and may differ
significantly from everyday life situations.
1.6.3.2 Correlational research
In correlational research the goal is to determine whether there is a correlation
(relationship) between variables. The goal is to describe the strength of the
relationship between two or more events or characteristics (variables).
For example, if you wish to determine whether there is a relationship
39
if you want to measure general intelligence, the test should not focus on
a specific area or even on a related characteristic, such as interest. A norm
is a statistical number (for example, an average) that makes it possible to
compare any individual’s test score with the achievement of a comparable
group. The availability of norms for psychological tests is a very important
problem, especially in multi-cultural countries such as South Africa. Many
tests used in South Africa were standardised in western cultures (mainly
the USA) and are therefore not appropriate for most cultural groups in this
country. For example, a member of one cultural group relatively easily may be
classified inaccurately as intellectually disabled if he or she has to respond to
questions that were compiled according to the norms of another culture. The
problem is aggravated when the questions are in a language other than the
testee’s mother tongue or have even been translated poorly. In South Africa,
it is regarded as unprofessional and unethical to use such tests. However,
when psychological tests meet the necessary scientific criteria, they may
provide the researcher with valuable information.
1.6.3 General research designs
What is the difference between the research methods that we have
just discussed and a research design? Let us use the building metaphor
(comparison): When a building contractor wants to build a building he
cannot just begin without having a clear purpose and an overall plan for the
building. He must also have an architect’s drawing and a time schedule, and
obtain permits. This resembles the design of a research project. The methods
that we have already discussed correspond with the specific techniques
the building contractor will use to build the building (that is, the practical
construction of the building).
Just like there are various methods of gathering information, there are
different acknowledged designs that can be used to conduct research.
Researchers can also be very innovative and come up with adapted or new
ways to do research. However, the following may be regarded as the main
designs used by developmental psychologists to do research.
1.6.3.1 Experimental research
In experimental research, it is possible for the researcher to control the
conditions in such a way that it is possible to determine to what extent a
given factor influences the behaviour to be investigated. A factor is usually
called a ‘variable’. As the name indicates, a variable refers to anything that
38
is changeable and can take on different numbers, quantities or values. To take
the variables age and IQ as examples: People’s ages could vary, for instance, 21,
35, 42, 55 or 67 or their IQs could vary; for instance it could be low (below 90),
average (90 – 110) or above average (more than 110). Differences in age and
differences in IQ may have different effects on behaviour. For example, younger
people, or people with higher intellectual ability may be better at information
processing than the elderly or people with lower intellectual ability.
In experimental research, an experimental and control group are
often used. The experimental group is exposed to a certain variable (e.g.
treatment) while the control group is not exposed to the variable (e.g.
receives another type of treatment or no treatment at all). Thus, should
researchers want to conduct an experiment to find out what the effect of a
specific training programme would be on the cognitive development of older
adults, they could divide a group of older adults into an experimental and a
control group. The experimental group would be subjected to the training
programme, but not the control group. In this case, the training programme
would be called the independent variable and cognitive development the
dependent variable. Therefore, in an experiment an independent variable is
any factor the researcher expects to cause change in another variable. The
dependent variable is the factor the researcher expects to be influenced by
the independent variable in an experiment.
Although the experimental method is a particularly good research
method because it allows researchers to identify and isolate factors
(variables) in order to investigate their effect on behaviour, it also has several
disadvantages. One major disadvantage is that many questions cannot
be investigated because of ethical objections. For instance, you may want
to investigate experimentally the effect of poor nutrition or long-lasting
isolation on adult cognitive development. Of course, It would be totally
unethical to subject the experimental group to poor nutrition or isolate
them for a relatively long time. Another problem stems from the difficulty
of generalising from experimentally obtained results to real-life situations
because the experimental situation is largely artificial and may differ
significantly from everyday life situations.
1.6.3.2 Correlational research
In correlational research the goal is to determine whether there is a correlation
(relationship) between variables. The goal is to describe the strength of the
relationship between two or more events or characteristics (variables).
For example, if you wish to determine whether there is a relationship
39

“Why do they switch on the seatbelt light? A correlation does not indicate causality. The
Every time they do that, it gets bumpy” sun does not rise because the cock crows!
between watching violent TV and aggressive behaviour, you will be doing
correlational research. However, an important note of caution – a correlation
does not necessarily imply a causal relationship (i.e. that the one factor
causes the other). For example, should you find a strong (high) correlation
between adults who watch violent sport such as boxing and their exhibition
of violent behaviour, there could be at least four explanations. The first
possibility actually speaks for itself: Watching violent TV may cause adults
to become violent themselves. The second possibility is, in fact, just the
opposite: Adults who are violent like watching violent TV. In other words,
they are not violent because they watch violent TV; they watch violent TV
because they are violent. A third possibility is that another variable or factor
that has not been investigated is responsible for both the violent behaviour
and the watching of violent TV. Let us consider, for instance, family or
interpersonal conflict as a third variable. If there is continuous conflict in
the family, some adults may try to escape from the unpleasant situation by
watching TV. They prefer violent programmes because these programmes
are full of action and tend to occupy their thinking (a way of escaping) more
than non-violent programmes. Furthermore, they exhibit violent behaviour
because they are acting out their anger, frustration and irritability about
the unpleasant family situation. A fourth possibility could simply be that
the person’s violent behaviour could have a genetic basis and that watching
violent TV or family conflict has not significantly contributed to his or her
violent behaviour. Supporters of this genetic viewpoint would add that
many people watch violent TV and are exposed to family conflict, yet do not
necessarily show any violent behaviour.
Although correlational research does not indicate causality, it remains
a valuable research method. In many cases it is impossible to use the
experimental method, as interference by the researcher to change a variable
would be unethical. For example, you cannot cause brain damage in adults
to determine its effect on their behaviour. In such cases, the researcher could
40
use the correlational method to determine whether there is a relationship
between brain damage and behaviour in adults who are already brain
damaged. Although such a relationship is not necessarily causal in nature, it
may at least identify a potential causal relationship.
1.6.3.3 Case studies
The case study method is an in-depth study of especially a single person
but it may also be of a single event, situation or other unit (e.g. a family).
It is particularly useful in the research of rare and unique cases where,
due to a lack of enough research participants, it is not possible to use the
experimental or correlational method. The information for a case study may
be obtained by using techniques such as interviews, psychological tests,
therapy sessions, prolonged observations and diaries. Examples of the
case study method would be if a researcher wishes to study a well-known
scientist, politician or sportsperson.
Therefore it goes without saying that the case study method may
contribute significantly to our knowledge. In fact, prominent figures such as
Freud and Piaget relied heavily on this method. Nevertheless, this method
also has its disadvantages. Firstly, as the subject of a case study is usually
unique, the findings cannot be generalised to other subjects. Secondly, the
results of a case study could be subjective and therefore not very reliable. For
example, case studies may have a strong retrospective component, meaning
that events of the past play an important role. As memory is not always
reliable, it is obvious that past events could be forgotten and even distorted.
Additionally, the researcher could deliberately or not deliberately study the
A sketch of the skull
of Phineas Gage, an
American construction
worker who survived
an accident in which
a large iron rod was
driven through his head.
He became a well-
known case study to
determine the effect of
brain damage.
41

“Why do they switch on the seatbelt light? A correlation does not indicate causality. The
Every time they do that, it gets bumpy” sun does not rise because the cock crows!
between watching violent TV and aggressive behaviour, you will be doing
correlational research. However, an important note of caution – a correlation
does not necessarily imply a causal relationship (i.e. that the one factor
causes the other). For example, should you find a strong (high) correlation
between adults who watch violent sport such as boxing and their exhibition
of violent behaviour, there could be at least four explanations. The first
possibility actually speaks for itself: Watching violent TV may cause adults
to become violent themselves. The second possibility is, in fact, just the
opposite: Adults who are violent like watching violent TV. In other words,
they are not violent because they watch violent TV; they watch violent TV
because they are violent. A third possibility is that another variable or factor
that has not been investigated is responsible for both the violent behaviour
and the watching of violent TV. Let us consider, for instance, family or
interpersonal conflict as a third variable. If there is continuous conflict in
the family, some adults may try to escape from the unpleasant situation by
watching TV. They prefer violent programmes because these programmes
are full of action and tend to occupy their thinking (a way of escaping) more
than non-violent programmes. Furthermore, they exhibit violent behaviour
because they are acting out their anger, frustration and irritability about
the unpleasant family situation. A fourth possibility could simply be that
the person’s violent behaviour could have a genetic basis and that watching
violent TV or family conflict has not significantly contributed to his or her
violent behaviour. Supporters of this genetic viewpoint would add that
many people watch violent TV and are exposed to family conflict, yet do not
necessarily show any violent behaviour.
Although correlational research does not indicate causality, it remains
a valuable research method. In many cases it is impossible to use the
experimental method, as interference by the researcher to change a variable
would be unethical. For example, you cannot cause brain damage in adults
to determine its effect on their behaviour. In such cases, the researcher could
40
use the correlational method to determine whether there is a relationship
between brain damage and behaviour in adults who are already brain
damaged. Although such a relationship is not necessarily causal in nature, it
may at least identify a potential causal relationship.
1.6.3.3 Case studies
The case study method is an in-depth study of especially a single person
but it may also be of a single event, situation or other unit (e.g. a family).
It is particularly useful in the research of rare and unique cases where,
due to a lack of enough research participants, it is not possible to use the
experimental or correlational method. The information for a case study may
be obtained by using techniques such as interviews, psychological tests,
therapy sessions, prolonged observations and diaries. Examples of the
case study method would be if a researcher wishes to study a well-known
scientist, politician or sportsperson.
Therefore it goes without saying that the case study method may
contribute significantly to our knowledge. In fact, prominent figures such as
Freud and Piaget relied heavily on this method. Nevertheless, this method
also has its disadvantages. Firstly, as the subject of a case study is usually
unique, the findings cannot be generalised to other subjects. Secondly, the
results of a case study could be subjective and therefore not very reliable. For
example, case studies may have a strong retrospective component, meaning
that events of the past play an important role. As memory is not always
reliable, it is obvious that past events could be forgotten and even distorted.
Additionally, the researcher could deliberately or not deliberately study the
A sketch of the skull
of Phineas Gage, an
American construction
worker who survived
an accident in which
a large iron rod was
driven through his head.
He became a well-
known case study to
determine the effect of
brain damage.
41
subject from his or her theoretical viewpoint and even ignore information
that does not support the viewpoint. For example, a researcher who is a
supporter of the biological perspective may focus on the role of biological
factors in development, while a supporter of contextual theories may focus
more on socio-cultural factors.
1.6.3.4 Meta-analysis
It often happens that numerous studies have been done on a particular topic,
but that the results are so contradictory, that no final conclusion can be
reached. In such cases, a researcher may make use of meta-analysis. This is a
research method where a statistical analysis is made of the results of existing
studies on the topic to determine whether greater clarity could be reached,
especially concerning the role of a specific variable. There are several topics
in psychology where the results of different studies have been inconsistent
or in conflict with one another; for example, the effect of age on intellectual
abilities or self-concept. Only when meta-analytic studies are conducted on
topics such as these, better understanding of the issue may be reached. As
the body of knowledge on a specific topic is growing constantly, it becomes
more common that research results are in conflict (think, for example, of
all the inconsistent findings in the medical field on what and what not to
eat). Therefore, it is understandable that meta-analysis is becoming an
increasingly popular research method in psychological research.
As in any other research method, meta-analysis is not without its
shortcomings. One of the biggest problems is that, as researchers have
not gathered the research data themselves, there is no guarantee that the
variables studied were defined in the same way in the different studies. The
consequence may then be that the researchers are under the impression that
they are researching the same variable, while this may not be the case. Think,
for instance, of how the concept of intelligence may be defined (totally)
differently by different researchers. Additionally, the original researchers
may have gathered and analysed the data in different ways. This will make
comparisons very difficult and even impossible.
1.6.4 Research designs for studying adult development
There are certain questions with which developmental psychologists in
particular are concerned. Firstly, there are questions about determinants
of development (factors that influence development). General research
designs such as experimental and correlational research are well-suited to
42
study such questions. Secondly, there are questions about developmental
changes (changes that accompany an increase in age). The study of
developmental change is more complex, as it is often difficult to distinguish
between different kinds of change; thus, various research designs have been
developed specifically for this purpose. Developmental psychologists are
interested mainly in changes that are the natural or ‘automatic’ result of an
increase in age. However, the changes that occur in people over the course
of time are not always the result of only an increase in age. Changes in the
individual may also be the result of physical, emotional or social changes.
Therefore, psychologists have developed various research designs to
overcome this problem. Next, some of the most important research designs
in this regard will be discussed.
1.6.4.1 The longitudinal design
When the longitudinal design is used, the same sample of people is
studied at different stages over a long period. Almost all aspects of behaviour
may be studied, while any method of gathering information and method of
research may be used in longitudinal research. More importantly, it is the
only way to answer questions on the continuity or discontinuity of behaviour.
For example, will characteristics such as aggression and extraversion (being
outgoing and sociable) observed in childhood continue into adulthood? To
answer this question, a large number of children will be assessed, for instance
every two years, to determine if the mentioned characteristics continue to
exist. Such a study will continue into adulthood and even into old age. A
variation of the longitudinal design is the prospective method. In this case,
the researchers sample a group of people before they develop a specific
type of behaviour or experience a particular event. An example is where
researchers want to study divorce and then sample only married couples
and then study those who later get divorced. Although valuable information
may be obtained by using the longitudinal design, it has disadvantages that
may overshadow its strengths, for example the following:
• Apart from the staggering financial implications of such long-term
research, the practical implications are abundant. For instance, to get
hold of all the participants every time, is a massive task.
• When people are given the same test or task many times, they may
become ‘test-wise’. Improved achievement over time that is attributed
to development may actually stem from practice with a particular test or
task (also called the practice effect). Changing the test or task from one
43
subject from his or her theoretical viewpoint and even ignore information
that does not support the viewpoint. For example, a researcher who is a
supporter of the biological perspective may focus on the role of biological
factors in development, while a supporter of contextual theories may focus
more on socio-cultural factors.
1.6.3.4 Meta-analysis
It often happens that numerous studies have been done on a particular topic,
but that the results are so contradictory, that no final conclusion can be
reached. In such cases, a researcher may make use of meta-analysis. This is a
research method where a statistical analysis is made of the results of existing
studies on the topic to determine whether greater clarity could be reached,
especially concerning the role of a specific variable. There are several topics
in psychology where the results of different studies have been inconsistent
or in conflict with one another; for example, the effect of age on intellectual
abilities or self-concept. Only when meta-analytic studies are conducted on
topics such as these, better understanding of the issue may be reached. As
the body of knowledge on a specific topic is growing constantly, it becomes
more common that research results are in conflict (think, for example, of
all the inconsistent findings in the medical field on what and what not to
eat). Therefore, it is understandable that meta-analysis is becoming an
increasingly popular research method in psychological research.
As in any other research method, meta-analysis is not without its
shortcomings. One of the biggest problems is that, as researchers have
not gathered the research data themselves, there is no guarantee that the
variables studied were defined in the same way in the different studies. The
consequence may then be that the researchers are under the impression that
they are researching the same variable, while this may not be the case. Think,
for instance, of how the concept of intelligence may be defined (totally)
differently by different researchers. Additionally, the original researchers
may have gathered and analysed the data in different ways. This will make
comparisons very difficult and even impossible.
1.6.4 Research designs for studying adult development
There are certain questions with which developmental psychologists in
particular are concerned. Firstly, there are questions about determinants
of development (factors that influence development). General research
designs such as experimental and correlational research are well-suited to
42
study such questions. Secondly, there are questions about developmental
changes (changes that accompany an increase in age). The study of
developmental change is more complex, as it is often difficult to distinguish
between different kinds of change; thus, various research designs have been
developed specifically for this purpose. Developmental psychologists are
interested mainly in changes that are the natural or ‘automatic’ result of an
increase in age. However, the changes that occur in people over the course
of time are not always the result of only an increase in age. Changes in the
individual may also be the result of physical, emotional or social changes.
Therefore, psychologists have developed various research designs to
overcome this problem. Next, some of the most important research designs
in this regard will be discussed.
1.6.4.1 The longitudinal design
When the longitudinal design is used, the same sample of people is
studied at different stages over a long period. Almost all aspects of behaviour
may be studied, while any method of gathering information and method of
research may be used in longitudinal research. More importantly, it is the
only way to answer questions on the continuity or discontinuity of behaviour.
For example, will characteristics such as aggression and extraversion (being
outgoing and sociable) observed in childhood continue into adulthood? To
answer this question, a large number of children will be assessed, for instance
every two years, to determine if the mentioned characteristics continue to
exist. Such a study will continue into adulthood and even into old age. A
variation of the longitudinal design is the prospective method. In this case,
the researchers sample a group of people before they develop a specific
type of behaviour or experience a particular event. An example is where
researchers want to study divorce and then sample only married couples
and then study those who later get divorced. Although valuable information
may be obtained by using the longitudinal design, it has disadvantages that
may overshadow its strengths, for example the following:
• Apart from the staggering financial implications of such long-term
research, the practical implications are abundant. For instance, to get
hold of all the participants every time, is a massive task.
• When people are given the same test or task many times, they may
become ‘test-wise’. Improved achievement over time that is attributed
to development may actually stem from practice with a particular test or
task (also called the practice effect). Changing the test or task from one
43
 session to the next solves the practice problem but evokes the following
question: How do we know that the different tests or tasks are of the
In a cross-sectional In a longitudinal
same standard? design, the same design, different
• Another problem is the constancy of the sample over the course of the individual is individuals are studied
research. Some people may drop out (called the drop-out effect) because examined at at different times.
different ages.
they move away, while others may simply lose interest and choose not to
continue. This is called selective attrition. This could reduce the number
The main advantage of the cross-sectional design is that in comparison
of participants in the group significantly. Furthermore, these ‘dropouts’
with the longitudinal design, it is much more time-saving as the researcher
are often significantly different from their more research-minded peers
does not have to wait for the research participants to grow older. This design
and this fact alone may distort the outcome. For example, a study may
also avoids other problems such as the effect of repeated practice and the
find that intelligence improves between 20 and 60 years. What actually
constancy of the sample.
may have happened, however, is that especially the lower performers
Despite these advantages, the cross-sectional design also has its
who found the testing too difficult gradually gave up the study. This
disadvantages. For example, it provides no information on how the same
automatically shrinks the group and eliminates the less intelligent
individuals change over time and what the continuity/discontinuity of their
performers from the group. When the group finally reaches 60 years,
characteristics is. However, the most serious problems of the cross-sectional
they may therefore not be representative of the ‘average’ 60-year-old
design result from the fact that different groups of individuals are used and
anymore. In addition, the drop-out effect among older participants is
compared with one another. The observed differences, therefore, may be the
exceptionally large.
result of coincidental differences between the groups that need not have
• A disadvantage, which is also applicable to other research designs, is
anything to do with age differences. Indeed, the fact that the groups represent
that the mere fact that people know they are being studied may bring
different cohorts (a group of people of the same age) means that their
about changes in them that would not be the result of an increase in age.
environmental influences differ from group to group. These environmental
For instance, if people know that they are being observed, this could
differences are potentially as important a cause of the observed differences
lead to changes in behaviour, such as older adults suddenly becoming
between the groups, as the age difference. These differences are called the
more active. This effect, called the measurement effect, is also known as
cohort effect and are also applicable to several other research designs.
the Hawthorne effect.
Cohort effects refer to the effects of history-related influence on research:
people born in one period of time are influenced by particular historical
Because of these and other problems with the longitudinal method,
and cultural conditions that could differ from those in another historical
researchers often use cross-sectional designs instead.
period. Let us take the example of measuring cognitive development by
means of computer literacy. You may find that the 20-year-olds do best,
1.6.4.2 The cross-sectional design
followed by the 40-year-olds, with the 60-year-olds doing the worst. (As
already mentioned, developmental psychologists are mainly interested in
In a cross-sectional study, persons of different age groups are studied
the changes that are the natural or ‘automatic’ result of an increase in age.)
together on a single occasion and the results of the different age groups are
Therefore, they could conclude that computer literacy decreases with age
then compared. Moreover, basically all aspects of behaviour may be studied
but the real reason for the differences, however, is that the 60-year-olds and
and any method of research may be used. For instance, you may wish to
even the 40-year-olds did not grow up with computers like the 20-year-
compare cognitive development as it is expressed in computer literacy at
olds did. An additional and external factor, namely that 20-year-olds were
different ages. You could then, for example, include three groups in your
exposed to computers from a very young age, was thus responsible for the
study: groups of 20-, 40- and 60-year-olds respectively and measure their
differences between the groups.
computer literacy on the same day. The basic assumption is that differences
Any change in habits, attitudes and general culture may cause people
between the groups could be attributed to the age effect.
to develop differently, but these differences cannot simply be attributed to
44 45
 session to the next solves the practice problem but evokes the following
question: How do we know that the different tests or tasks are of the
In a cross-sectional In a longitudinal
same standard? design, the same design, different
• Another problem is the constancy of the sample over the course of the individual is individuals are studied
research. Some people may drop out (called the drop-out effect) because examined at at different times.
different ages.
they move away, while others may simply lose interest and choose not to
continue. This is called selective attrition. This could reduce the number
The main advantage of the cross-sectional design is that in comparison
of participants in the group significantly. Furthermore, these ‘dropouts’
with the longitudinal design, it is much more time-saving as the researcher
are often significantly different from their more research-minded peers
does not have to wait for the research participants to grow older. This design
and this fact alone may distort the outcome. For example, a study may
also avoids other problems such as the effect of repeated practice and the
find that intelligence improves between 20 and 60 years. What actually
constancy of the sample.
may have happened, however, is that especially the lower performers
Despite these advantages, the cross-sectional design also has its
who found the testing too difficult gradually gave up the study. This
disadvantages. For example, it provides no information on how the same
automatically shrinks the group and eliminates the less intelligent
individuals change over time and what the continuity/discontinuity of their
performers from the group. When the group finally reaches 60 years,
characteristics is. However, the most serious problems of the cross-sectional
they may therefore not be representative of the ‘average’ 60-year-old
design result from the fact that different groups of individuals are used and
anymore. In addition, the drop-out effect among older participants is
compared with one another. The observed differences, therefore, may be the
exceptionally large.
result of coincidental differences between the groups that need not have
• A disadvantage, which is also applicable to other research designs, is
anything to do with age differences. Indeed, the fact that the groups represent
that the mere fact that people know they are being studied may bring
different cohorts (a group of people of the same age) means that their
about changes in them that would not be the result of an increase in age.
environmental influences differ from group to group. These environmental
For instance, if people know that they are being observed, this could
differences are potentially as important a cause of the observed differences
lead to changes in behaviour, such as older adults suddenly becoming
between the groups, as the age difference. These differences are called the
more active. This effect, called the measurement effect, is also known as
cohort effect and are also applicable to several other research designs.
the Hawthorne effect.
Cohort effects refer to the effects of history-related influence on research:
people born in one period of time are influenced by particular historical
Because of these and other problems with the longitudinal method,
and cultural conditions that could differ from those in another historical
researchers often use cross-sectional designs instead.
period. Let us take the example of measuring cognitive development by
means of computer literacy. You may find that the 20-year-olds do best,
1.6.4.2 The cross-sectional design
followed by the 40-year-olds, with the 60-year-olds doing the worst. (As
already mentioned, developmental psychologists are mainly interested in
In a cross-sectional study, persons of different age groups are studied
the changes that are the natural or ‘automatic’ result of an increase in age.)
together on a single occasion and the results of the different age groups are
Therefore, they could conclude that computer literacy decreases with age
then compared. Moreover, basically all aspects of behaviour may be studied
but the real reason for the differences, however, is that the 60-year-olds and
and any method of research may be used. For instance, you may wish to
even the 40-year-olds did not grow up with computers like the 20-year-
compare cognitive development as it is expressed in computer literacy at
olds did. An additional and external factor, namely that 20-year-olds were
different ages. You could then, for example, include three groups in your
exposed to computers from a very young age, was thus responsible for the
study: groups of 20-, 40- and 60-year-olds respectively and measure their
differences between the groups.
computer literacy on the same day. The basic assumption is that differences
Any change in habits, attitudes and general culture may cause people
between the groups could be attributed to the age effect.
to develop differently, but these differences cannot simply be attributed to
44 45
the age effect. Even in a time-span of 10 years, opinions about marriage,
tertiary education and sexual norms, for example, may change radically
and this could lead to far-reaching changes in lifestyle and living standards.
This, in turn, may cause members of separate cohorts to develop different
characteristics. Because of these problems, a third alternative design is
sometimes used, namely the sequential design.

1.6.4.3 The sequential design

In a sequential design, the longitudinal and cross-sectional designs are both

used in one study. The sequential design can be very complex, but in its
simpler form it means that different groups of people (cross-sectional) are
studied on various occasions (longitudinal), but only for a few years. For
example, should you want to determine whether there are developmental
changes in memory for stories, you could select three groups (a group of
25-year-olds, 40-year-olds and 60-year-olds, respectively) and study these Cross-cultural research is an important research design in developmental psychology
groups every six months for a period of two years. Although the sequential
design attempts to neutralise the weaknesses of the longitudinal and cross-
Africa has a very unfortunate history, as many researchers in the apartheid
sectional designs, it usually succeeds only in minimising them. However, it
era tended to focus on differences between the racial groups, as well as
does show how researchers become more innovative in their attempts to
on differences within cultures in South Africa. Because of methodological
reach reliable and valid answers regarding the development of adults.
flaws and subjective interpretations, the research results more often than
not favoured the white population. The tragic result was that the research,
1.6.5 Cross-cultural research
in essence, gave support to the apartheid government’s policy of ‘separate
development’, while it also confirmed whites’ belief that “we are different”
Cross-cultural research is often regarded as unique research that stands
(read: “superior”). This abuse of cross-cultural research was, however, not
loose and independent from mainstream psychology, but this perception
limited to South Africa; other countries such as the USA have similar histories.
is incorrect. Cross-cultural psychology and its methods are rooted firmly
Fortunately, subsequently South African psychologists have largely
in basic psychological methodology (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2011). In other
outgrown their past and have made significant contributions not only to
words, all the different kinds of research, methods of gathering information,
national, but also to international research data. In fact, with its unique
general research designs and developmental research designs that we have
history and multiculturalism, it is not far-fetched to state that South African
discussed, are also used in cross-cultural research. Moreover, cross-cultural
researchers could become world leaders in this area. In the process, an
research does not target only a specific area or areas; it is the proverbial
important goal of cross-cultural research is to identify both the similarities
golden thread that runs through psychology. This is especially true in
and differences between cultures, in order to take the necessary steps to
South Africa with its unique multicultural composition where cross-cultural
improve people’s lives.
research could be employed in basically all areas of psychology and in all
As has been pointed out, although cross-cultural researchers make use
spheres of life.
of the same research methods as mainstream psychology, it is also true that
One of the most important goals of cross-cultural research in psychology
they face unique challenges. For example, if the researcher is an outsider
is to discover principles that are universal to all (or most) cultures, as well as
to the cultural group being studied, he or she may not only be met with
principles that are unique or specific to certain cultures. Therefore, it is clear
suspicion, but may also elicit behavioural responses that are not ‘typical’
that it should not be an either/or situation: the focus should be on both the
of the group. These responses may then be interpreted wrongly as being
similarities and differences. In this regard, cross-cultural research in South
46 47
the age effect. Even in a time-span of 10 years, opinions about marriage,
tertiary education and sexual norms, for example, may change radically
and this could lead to far-reaching changes in lifestyle and living standards.
This, in turn, may cause members of separate cohorts to develop different
characteristics. Because of these problems, a third alternative design is
sometimes used, namely the sequential design.

1.6.4.3 The sequential design

In a sequential design, the longitudinal and cross-sectional designs are both

used in one study. The sequential design can be very complex, but in its
simpler form it means that different groups of people (cross-sectional) are
studied on various occasions (longitudinal), but only for a few years. For
example, should you want to determine whether there are developmental
changes in memory for stories, you could select three groups (a group of
25-year-olds, 40-year-olds and 60-year-olds, respectively) and study these Cross-cultural research is an important research design in developmental psychology
groups every six months for a period of two years. Although the sequential
design attempts to neutralise the weaknesses of the longitudinal and cross-
Africa has a very unfortunate history, as many researchers in the apartheid
sectional designs, it usually succeeds only in minimising them. However, it
era tended to focus on differences between the racial groups, as well as
does show how researchers become more innovative in their attempts to
on differences within cultures in South Africa. Because of methodological
reach reliable and valid answers regarding the development of adults.
flaws and subjective interpretations, the research results more often than
not favoured the white population. The tragic result was that the research,
1.6.5 Cross-cultural research
in essence, gave support to the apartheid government’s policy of ‘separate
development’, while it also confirmed whites’ belief that “we are different”
Cross-cultural research is often regarded as unique research that stands
(read: “superior”). This abuse of cross-cultural research was, however, not
loose and independent from mainstream psychology, but this perception
limited to South Africa; other countries such as the USA have similar histories.
is incorrect. Cross-cultural psychology and its methods are rooted firmly
Fortunately, subsequently South African psychologists have largely
in basic psychological methodology (Gardiner & Kosmitzki, 2011). In other
outgrown their past and have made significant contributions not only to
words, all the different kinds of research, methods of gathering information,
national, but also to international research data. In fact, with its unique
general research designs and developmental research designs that we have
history and multiculturalism, it is not far-fetched to state that South African
discussed, are also used in cross-cultural research. Moreover, cross-cultural
researchers could become world leaders in this area. In the process, an
research does not target only a specific area or areas; it is the proverbial
important goal of cross-cultural research is to identify both the similarities
golden thread that runs through psychology. This is especially true in
and differences between cultures, in order to take the necessary steps to
South Africa with its unique multicultural composition where cross-cultural
improve people’s lives.
research could be employed in basically all areas of psychology and in all
As has been pointed out, although cross-cultural researchers make use
spheres of life.
of the same research methods as mainstream psychology, it is also true that
One of the most important goals of cross-cultural research in psychology
they face unique challenges. For example, if the researcher is an outsider
is to discover principles that are universal to all (or most) cultures, as well as
to the cultural group being studied, he or she may not only be met with
principles that are unique or specific to certain cultures. Therefore, it is clear
suspicion, but may also elicit behavioural responses that are not ‘typical’
that it should not be an either/or situation: the focus should be on both the
of the group. These responses may then be interpreted wrongly as being
similarities and differences. In this regard, cross-cultural research in South
46 47
representative of the group. Communication also creates significant and
often insurmountable problems: in many cases, the researcher is not able
to speak the language of the cultural group being studied and has to make
use of an interpreter.
In turn, this may easily lead to misinterpretations, especially if the
interpreter is not fluent in the language of the researcher and does not have
knowledge of the professional-technical terms and concepts used in the
study. A related problem that frequently creates methodological problems
in countries such as South Africa is the use of foreign psychological tests,
which are more often than not unsuitable and irrelevant to the unique
South African situation. Many of the items (i.e. questions) in these tests are
so foreign to the research participants that they often misinterpret them.
Even the translation of the tests into the home language of the participants
does not always solve the problem. For example, it is very difficult, if not
impossible, to translate certain terms and concepts, especially when they are
not part of the culture being studied. Furthermore, the language of some
black cultural groups in South Africa tends towards elaborate descriptions
rather than brief, precise definitions of concepts which are common in
English, for example.
Nonetheless, cross-cultural research remains very exciting and
challenging, and is one of the research areas that may contribute most to
finding answers to the South African situation. Not only could the results
lead to a better understanding of one another, but also to the improvement
of the lives of many.
1.6.6 Conducting research on the Internet
Few devices in history have changed our lives and daily functioning like the
Internet. For some people, it is almost a complete substitute for life. This is
understandable, because in many life spheres, high-level daily functioning is
hardly possible without the Internet.
The Internet has also changed the ways in which research is conducted
significantly (Reips et al., 2015; Woods et al., 2015). In psychology, most
researchers make use of the Internet to do fundamental research such as
gathering literature, recruit participants, and collect empirical data. Doing
research on the Internet has several advantages, for example the following:
• It has almost replaced the traditional library, especially by broadening
the scope and availability of scientific resources dramatically.
• It creates opportunities to contact and discuss ideas with colleagues
worldwide, within minutes. This creates new insights and different
48
perspectives, which can add to the quality of the research.
• It creates opportunities for research collaboration that would have been
almost impossible otherwise. International collaboration is an example.
• It enables the researcher to gather much larger and representative
samples of participants than would have been possible otherwise.
• The Internet offers a very inexpensive and much less time-consuming
method of collecting research data. For example, travelling to interview
participants individually is now unnecessary.
• Internet data is at least as valid and reliable as data collected off-line
(Hewson, 2014).
However, the aforementioned advantages of conducting research on the
Internet does not mean that there are no pitfalls. The following are examples
usually mentioned in this regard:
■ It is asserted that Internet-based samples of research participants are not
as representative as for example, random sampling recruitment strategies
are, such as when participants are contacted at random (Maniacci &
Rogge, 2014). There are several reasons for this. In many experiments,
participants respond to advertisements placed by the researcher.
However, people who respond to these advertisement could be different
from those who do not respond, with the result that the sample is not
representative of the population investigated. An even more important
factor that is especially applicable in developing countries such as
South Africa is that a large number of people do not have access to the
Internet and are therefore excluded. This is particularly true for poor, less
educated and elderly people. Of course, the exclusion of such people will
also make the sample significantly less representative.
■ The lack of researcher management can also have an effect. This means
that the researcher has less direct management control over, and
knowledge of, participant behaviour (Hewson, 2003). In a traditional
interview, the researcher is present and can therefore make observations
of body language or tone of voice. In online research, the researcher
is ‘locked out’ and loses much of this information. For example, how
does the researcher know whether the participants have carried out
the procedure as instructed, or whether they were distracted or even
intoxicated?
Notwithstanding the fact that conducting research on the Internet is
still in its infancy, it holds tremendous promise. As technology advances,
researchers not only will be able to solve many of the present problems
and limitations, but also will have ever-increasing opportunities to employ
49
representative of the group. Communication also creates significant and
often insurmountable problems: in many cases, the researcher is not able
to speak the language of the cultural group being studied and has to make
use of an interpreter.
In turn, this may easily lead to misinterpretations, especially if the
interpreter is not fluent in the language of the researcher and does not have
knowledge of the professional-technical terms and concepts used in the
study. A related problem that frequently creates methodological problems
in countries such as South Africa is the use of foreign psychological tests,
which are more often than not unsuitable and irrelevant to the unique
South African situation. Many of the items (i.e. questions) in these tests are
so foreign to the research participants that they often misinterpret them.
Even the translation of the tests into the home language of the participants
does not always solve the problem. For example, it is very difficult, if not
impossible, to translate certain terms and concepts, especially when they are
not part of the culture being studied. Furthermore, the language of some
black cultural groups in South Africa tends towards elaborate descriptions
rather than brief, precise definitions of concepts which are common in
English, for example.
Nonetheless, cross-cultural research remains very exciting and
challenging, and is one of the research areas that may contribute most to
finding answers to the South African situation. Not only could the results
lead to a better understanding of one another, but also to the improvement
of the lives of many.
1.6.6 Conducting research on the Internet
Few devices in history have changed our lives and daily functioning like the
Internet. For some people, it is almost a complete substitute for life. This is
understandable, because in many life spheres, high-level daily functioning is
hardly possible without the Internet.
The Internet has also changed the ways in which research is conducted
significantly (Reips et al., 2015; Woods et al., 2015). In psychology, most
researchers make use of the Internet to do fundamental research such as
gathering literature, recruit participants, and collect empirical data. Doing
research on the Internet has several advantages, for example the following:
• It has almost replaced the traditional library, especially by broadening
the scope and availability of scientific resources dramatically.
• It creates opportunities to contact and discuss ideas with colleagues
worldwide, within minutes. This creates new insights and different
48
perspectives, which can add to the quality of the research.
• It creates opportunities for research collaboration that would have been
almost impossible otherwise. International collaboration is an example.
• It enables the researcher to gather much larger and representative
samples of participants than would have been possible otherwise.
• The Internet offers a very inexpensive and much less time-consuming
method of collecting research data. For example, travelling to interview
participants individually is now unnecessary.
• Internet data is at least as valid and reliable as data collected off-line
(Hewson, 2014).
However, the aforementioned advantages of conducting research on the
Internet does not mean that there are no pitfalls. The following are examples
usually mentioned in this regard:
■ It is asserted that Internet-based samples of research participants are not
as representative as for example, random sampling recruitment strategies
are, such as when participants are contacted at random (Maniacci &
Rogge, 2014). There are several reasons for this. In many experiments,
participants respond to advertisements placed by the researcher.
However, people who respond to these advertisement could be different
from those who do not respond, with the result that the sample is not
representative of the population investigated. An even more important
factor that is especially applicable in developing countries such as
South Africa is that a large number of people do not have access to the
Internet and are therefore excluded. This is particularly true for poor, less
educated and elderly people. Of course, the exclusion of such people will
also make the sample significantly less representative.
■ The lack of researcher management can also have an effect. This means
that the researcher has less direct management control over, and
knowledge of, participant behaviour (Hewson, 2003). In a traditional
interview, the researcher is present and can therefore make observations
of body language or tone of voice. In online research, the researcher
is ‘locked out’ and loses much of this information. For example, how
does the researcher know whether the participants have carried out
the procedure as instructed, or whether they were distracted or even
intoxicated?
Notwithstanding the fact that conducting research on the Internet is
still in its infancy, it holds tremendous promise. As technology advances,
researchers not only will be able to solve many of the present problems
and limitations, but also will have ever-increasing opportunities to employ
49
innovative methods and designs. Emerging hardware and software obtained from the participant’s next of kin or caregivers.
technology are beginning to enable the collection of original data using • Deception. If the research necessitates concealment or deception
sensors available on advanced mobile devices. For instance, some of these concerning the nature of the study, the researcher should ensure that
devices can monitor movement and activity precisely throughout the day; the person understands the reasons for the deception after the study is
others may be used to assess social proximity and patterns of interaction, concluded.
while custom sensors can be used to collect physiological data such as • Confidentiality. All information about participants in the research
blood pressure and heart rate remotely (Maniacci & Rogge, 2014). must be kept confidential. Participants should be informed of how
It is important to remember that although conducting research on the confidentiality will be maintained, for example, that names will not be
Internet poses new ethical challenges, the fundamental guidelines that are placed on test protocols, test protocols will be coded with a number and
discussed next will still have to be adhered to. stored separately from consent forms, and test protocols will be stored
safely and be accessible only to the researcher.
1.6.7 Research ethics • Informing participants. The researcher should clarify any misconceptions
that may arise on the part of the participant during the study. The
When psychologists conduct research with humans (and animals), they researcher should also report general findings to participants in terms
have to ensure that their research participants are protected against they can understand.
psychological and physical harm. This is especially true for older adults who
are often more vulnerable and sensitive. Research ethics are the guidelines
researchers have to follow to protect the rights of humans (and animals)
participating in the research. These guidelines are usually compiled by
professional organisations such as the Psychological Society of South Africa
(PsySSA), although some governmental and private agencies have their
own ethical guidelines. Therefore, an important step in any research is to
get approval from the Ethics Committee of the organisation under whose
auspices the research is to be done.
The following are examples of guidelines that will be found in most ethical
codes (Bukatko & Daehler, 2012). Also see American Psychological association,
2016):

• Non-harmful procedures. The researcher may not use any procedures

that could impose physical or psychological harm to the individual. In A researcher must obtain written informed consent
addition, the researcher should use the least stressful research method
whenever possible.
• Informed consent. The researcher should inform the participant of
all features of the research that might affect his or her willingness to
participate and should answer all questions in a way the participant can
comprehend. The researcher must obtain written consent (permission),
and the participant has the right to discontinue participation at any
time. Special issues may arise with older adult populations. For example,
research with individuals with dementia (such as Alzheimer’s disease
which affects cognitive abilities) could imply that consent may have to be

50 51
innovative methods and designs. Emerging hardware and software obtained from the participant’s next of kin or caregivers.
technology are beginning to enable the collection of original data using • Deception. If the research necessitates concealment or deception
sensors available on advanced mobile devices. For instance, some of these concerning the nature of the study, the researcher should ensure that
devices can monitor movement and activity precisely throughout the day; the person understands the reasons for the deception after the study is
others may be used to assess social proximity and patterns of interaction, concluded.
while custom sensors can be used to collect physiological data such as • Confidentiality. All information about participants in the research
blood pressure and heart rate remotely (Maniacci & Rogge, 2014). must be kept confidential. Participants should be informed of how
It is important to remember that although conducting research on the confidentiality will be maintained, for example, that names will not be
Internet poses new ethical challenges, the fundamental guidelines that are placed on test protocols, test protocols will be coded with a number and
discussed next will still have to be adhered to. stored separately from consent forms, and test protocols will be stored
safely and be accessible only to the researcher.
1.6.7 Research ethics • Informing participants. The researcher should clarify any misconceptions
that may arise on the part of the participant during the study. The
When psychologists conduct research with humans (and animals), they researcher should also report general findings to participants in terms
have to ensure that their research participants are protected against they can understand.
psychological and physical harm. This is especially true for older adults who
are often more vulnerable and sensitive. Research ethics are the guidelines
researchers have to follow to protect the rights of humans (and animals)
participating in the research. These guidelines are usually compiled by
professional organisations such as the Psychological Society of South Africa
(PsySSA), although some governmental and private agencies have their
own ethical guidelines. Therefore, an important step in any research is to
get approval from the Ethics Committee of the organisation under whose
auspices the research is to be done.
The following are examples of guidelines that will be found in most ethical
codes (Bukatko & Daehler, 2012). Also see American Psychological association,
2016):

• Non-harmful procedures. The researcher may not use any procedures

that could impose physical or psychological harm to the individual. In A researcher must obtain written informed consent
addition, the researcher should use the least stressful research method
whenever possible.
• Informed consent. The researcher should inform the participant of
all features of the research that might affect his or her willingness to
participate and should answer all questions in a way the participant can
comprehend. The researcher must obtain written consent (permission),
and the participant has the right to discontinue participation at any
time. Special issues may arise with older adult populations. For example,
research with individuals with dementia (such as Alzheimer’s disease
which affects cognitive abilities) could imply that consent may have to be

50 51
 REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is research? Why is it important to do research on adult development?
2. You have to research older adults’ memory functioning. Indicate how you will use
quantitative, qualitative and mixed-method research methods.
3. You have to study older adults’ eating habits. How would you gather data for your
research?
4. What are the qualities of a good psychological test?
5. You want to study the effect of physical exercise on older adults’ memory
functioning. How would you conduct this research using
- an experimental design?
- a correlational design?
6. Say you find that there is a correlation between physical exercise and memory
functioning, does it mean that physical exercise causes good memory functioning?
Could there be other explanations?
7. What are the advantages and disadvantages of
- experimental research?
- correlational research?
8. Under what circumstances would a case study method be used? What are the advantages
and disadvantages of the case study method?
9. In what circumstances would a meta-analysis be used as research method? What are
the advantages and disadvantages of this method?
10. What are the typical research questions in which a developmental psychologist would
be interested?
11. Compare the longitudinal, cross-sectional and sequential designs. What are the advantages
and disadvantages of each of these designs?
12. Discuss cross-cultural research.
13. Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of Internet research.
14. Discuss the ethics involved in doing research with adults.

52 53
 REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is research? Why is it important to do research on adult development?
2. You have to research older adults’ memory functioning. Indicate how you will use
quantitative, qualitative and mixed-method research methods.
3. You have to study older adults’ eating habits. How would you gather data for your
research?
4. What are the qualities of a good psychological test?
5. You want to study the effect of physical exercise on older adults’ memory
functioning. How would you conduct this research using
- an experimental design?
- a correlational design?
6. Say you find that there is a correlation between physical exercise and memory
functioning, does it mean that physical exercise causes good memory functioning?
Could there be other explanations?
7. What are the advantages and disadvantages of
- experimental research?
- correlational research?
8. Under what circumstances would a case study method be used? What are the advantages
and disadvantages of the case study method?
9. In what circumstances would a meta-analysis be used as research method? What are
the advantages and disadvantages of this method?
10. What are the typical research questions in which a developmental psychologist would
be interested?
11. Compare the longitudinal, cross-sectional and sequential designs. What are the advantages
and disadvantages of each of these designs?
12. Discuss cross-cultural research.
13. Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of Internet research.
14. Discuss the ethics involved in doing research with adults.

52 53
54
The body achieves what the mind believes.
2
Physical Development and
Sexuality
55
54
The body achieves what the mind believes.
2
Physical Development and
Sexuality
55
 You know you’re getting old when you stop to tie your shoes and
wonder what else you can do while you’re down there. George Burns
Growing physically older is an issue of mind over matter. If you don’t
mind, it doesn’t matter. Adapted from Mark Twain
Thirty-five is when you finally get your head together, but then your
body starts falling apart. Caryn Leschen
Time may be a great healer, but it’s a lousy beautician. Unknown
Middle age is when your classmates are so grey and wrinkled and
bald they don’t recognise you. Bennett Cerf
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The quotations above provide a glimpse into people’s reactions to a
changing body. In fact, physical development and change is a constant
feature of life. During the earlier life stages, individuals acquire new
capabilities and skills that enable them to perform new tasks and to
explore new environments. During middle and late adulthood, physical
changes continue to take place. However, most of these changes become
indicative of deterioration or even loss to which the person has to adjust
physically and psychologically.
Various physical changes take place during young, middle and
late adulthood
Physical development and changes have important psychological
implications. As we have seen in Chapter 1, physical development constitutes
an important force in the development of an individual. For example:
56
• The senses, such as the eye and the ear, detect or ‘capture’ the different
forms of stimuli from our bodies or from the environment in which we live.
The senses then send this information to the brain, where it is interpreted.
The inability of the senses to detect stimuli adequately could have a
significant effect on an individual’s functioning and even on the ability to
survive.
• The central nervous system, especially the brain, is responsible for the
interpretation of this incoming information. Therefore, it plays a crucial
role in all aspects of the cognitive functioning of an individual.
• The endocrine glands, which secrete hormones, play an important role
in a variety of developmental changes. For instance, hormones can affect
the sexual behaviour, metabolism and energy levels of individuals.
It is generally accepted that most of us reach the peak of our muscle
power, stamina, elasticity, agility, sensory perception, and other aspects of
physical development between 20 and 30 years of age. Thereafter, there is a
gradual decline, which usually becomes noticeable only after the age of 40.
As in the other developmental stages, individual differences regarding
physical development are also found during adulthood. For example, the
South African Wally Hayward was 80 years old when he completed the
gruelling Comrades Marathon in 1989. (The annual Comrades Marathon
between Durban and Pietermaritzburg, a distance of 90 kilometres, is known
worldwide for its body-sapping demands.) South African Deirdre Larkin (85)
is the holder of the half marathon world record in the 85+ category. Gary
Player, one of the best golf players the world has seen, still plays golf and
does more than 1000 sit-ups every day – at the age of 81. The South African
boxers, Sugarboy Malinga and ‘Baby Jake’ Matlala, were both 40 years
old when they were world champions in a sport where success is largely
determined by speed, power, and endurance. Both Francois Steyn and Johan
Ackerman played for the Springbok rugby team in 2007, the year they won
the World Cup. Steyn was only 19 years old, while Ackerman was 37: an age
difference of 18 years in a professional sport where extremely high demands
are placed on one’s physical condition. The international sports world also
abounds in examples of older persons who stood more than their own. For
example, Oscar Swahn of Sweden was 64 when he received a gold medal
as a marksman at the Olympic Games. (Eight years later, when he was 72,
he received a silver medal.) George Foreman of the USA was 45 when he
became the heavyweight boxing champion of the world, and Albert Milla
played World Cup soccer for Cameroon when he was 42.
From these examples, it is clear how scientifically dangerous it is to
57
 You know you’re getting old when you stop to tie your shoes and
wonder what else you can do while you’re down there. George Burns
Growing physically older is an issue of mind over matter. If you don’t
mind, it doesn’t matter. Adapted from Mark Twain
Thirty-five is when you finally get your head together, but then your
body starts falling apart. Caryn Leschen
Time may be a great healer, but it’s a lousy beautician. Unknown
Middle age is when your classmates are so grey and wrinkled and
bald they don’t recognise you. Bennett Cerf
2.1 INTRODUCTION
The quotations above provide a glimpse into people’s reactions to a
changing body. In fact, physical development and change is a constant
feature of life. During the earlier life stages, individuals acquire new
capabilities and skills that enable them to perform new tasks and to
explore new environments. During middle and late adulthood, physical
changes continue to take place. However, most of these changes become
indicative of deterioration or even loss to which the person has to adjust
physically and psychologically.
Various physical changes take place during young, middle and
late adulthood
Physical development and changes have important psychological
implications. As we have seen in Chapter 1, physical development constitutes
an important force in the development of an individual. For example:
56
• The senses, such as the eye and the ear, detect or ‘capture’ the different
forms of stimuli from our bodies or from the environment in which we live.
The senses then send this information to the brain, where it is interpreted.
The inability of the senses to detect stimuli adequately could have a
significant effect on an individual’s functioning and even on the ability to
survive.
• The central nervous system, especially the brain, is responsible for the
interpretation of this incoming information. Therefore, it plays a crucial
role in all aspects of the cognitive functioning of an individual.
• The endocrine glands, which secrete hormones, play an important role
in a variety of developmental changes. For instance, hormones can affect
the sexual behaviour, metabolism and energy levels of individuals.
It is generally accepted that most of us reach the peak of our muscle
power, stamina, elasticity, agility, sensory perception, and other aspects of
physical development between 20 and 30 years of age. Thereafter, there is a
gradual decline, which usually becomes noticeable only after the age of 40.
As in the other developmental stages, individual differences regarding
physical development are also found during adulthood. For example, the
South African Wally Hayward was 80 years old when he completed the
gruelling Comrades Marathon in 1989. (The annual Comrades Marathon
between Durban and Pietermaritzburg, a distance of 90 kilometres, is known
worldwide for its body-sapping demands.) South African Deirdre Larkin (85)
is the holder of the half marathon world record in the 85+ category. Gary
Player, one of the best golf players the world has seen, still plays golf and
does more than 1000 sit-ups every day – at the age of 81. The South African
boxers, Sugarboy Malinga and ‘Baby Jake’ Matlala, were both 40 years
old when they were world champions in a sport where success is largely
determined by speed, power, and endurance. Both Francois Steyn and Johan
Ackerman played for the Springbok rugby team in 2007, the year they won
the World Cup. Steyn was only 19 years old, while Ackerman was 37: an age
difference of 18 years in a professional sport where extremely high demands
are placed on one’s physical condition. The international sports world also
abounds in examples of older persons who stood more than their own. For
example, Oscar Swahn of Sweden was 64 when he received a gold medal
as a marksman at the Olympic Games. (Eight years later, when he was 72,
he received a silver medal.) George Foreman of the USA was 45 when he
became the heavyweight boxing champion of the world, and Albert Milla
played World Cup soccer for Cameroon when he was 42.
From these examples, it is clear how scientifically dangerous it is to
57
classify people according to rigid criteria such as age. Therefore, the golden
rule in psychology – every person is unique – should also be taken into
account as far as physical development is concerned. On the other hand,
it remains useful and convenient to have broad guidelines or averages that
could be used as a norm.
Deirdre Larkin ‘Baby Jake’ Matlala Gary Player Francois Steyn
Before we discuss the most important physical developments and
changes during adulthood, we shall first give a brief overview of some of the
prominent biological theories of ageing (theories that attribute the ageing
process to biological factors). Theories are attempts to organise and explain
certain phenomena. Biological theories of ageing concern developmental
changes that occur across the life span. The main questions that arise are:
Why do we change on a physical and biological level with age? What is the
nature of these changes? Could we enhance our physical development or
delay the changes?
2.2 BIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF AGEING
Although various psycho-social factors determine the functioning and
ageing of an individual, the fact remains that the body sets the limit of the
life span (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). However, why must people and
other organisms grow old and die? Overpopulation and lack of resources are
two logical answers.
Or possibly, it is just more efficient to sweep the older generations aside
to make room for younger people in order to ensure population vitality.
Or what about the following: being old and ‘full of years’ is actually the
ideal state, while being young is only an unpleasant hurdle that one must
suffer through to reach this ideal state. Maybe we are not even meant to
58
die – ageing is simply some terrible accident that has to be overcome and
corrected!
The question of why people grow old and die has been debated and
researched for centuries. This has resulted in various theories, but a definite
answer still evades us. Because most people assume that ageing has a
biological basis and that physical ageing is also more prominent than other
forms of ageing (e.g. emotional), by far the majority of these theories are
biologically based. However, the international expert Hayflick (1974, p. 88)
wrote: “There is probably no area of scientific inquiry that abounds with
as many untested or untestable theories as does the biology of aging.”
Although this was stated in 1974, the viewpoint is still true to a large extent.
In fact, hundreds of theories of ageing exist (Da Costa et al., 2016; Lipsky,
2015).
Biological theories of ageing include a variety of theories that address
the ageing process at organismic, molecular, and cellular levels. Most of
these theories fall into two general categories: programmed ageing theories
and error theories.
2.2.1 Programmed ageing theories
These theories are based on the assumption that ageing and death are
built into the genetic blueprint of all organisms. These theories propose a
variety of viewpoints regarding the ageing process, for instance that the
length of life is programmed genetically; that ageing is programmed to
begin after reproductive ability ends; that molecular changes cause cells
to age and lose their ability to divide and reproduce; that changes occur in
the hypothalamus, causing changes in the hormones that eventually bring
about ageing in the organism; and that loss of neurons in the brain cause
ageing.
An example of the programmed ageing theories is the genetic
programming theory. The following two explanations are offered for this
theory:
• One explanation of ageing according to this theory is that the cells of the
body age in accordance with a master genetic programme innate to every
specific species. This means that every species has its own programme of
ageing and life expectancy, subject only to minor individual differences.
For example, the approximate maximum life span for rats is 4 years,
sheep 15, cows 20, dogs 20, cats 30, rhinoceroses 40, chimpanzees 50,
elephants 70, whales 80 and human beings 120. Note that figures in this
59
classify people according to rigid criteria such as age. Therefore, the golden
rule in psychology – every person is unique – should also be taken into
account as far as physical development is concerned. On the other hand,
it remains useful and convenient to have broad guidelines or averages that
could be used as a norm.
Deirdre Larkin ‘Baby Jake’ Matlala Gary Player Francois Steyn
Before we discuss the most important physical developments and
changes during adulthood, we shall first give a brief overview of some of the
prominent biological theories of ageing (theories that attribute the ageing
process to biological factors). Theories are attempts to organise and explain
certain phenomena. Biological theories of ageing concern developmental
changes that occur across the life span. The main questions that arise are:
Why do we change on a physical and biological level with age? What is the
nature of these changes? Could we enhance our physical development or
delay the changes?
2.2 BIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF AGEING
Although various psycho-social factors determine the functioning and
ageing of an individual, the fact remains that the body sets the limit of the
life span (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). However, why must people and
other organisms grow old and die? Overpopulation and lack of resources are
two logical answers.
Or possibly, it is just more efficient to sweep the older generations aside
to make room for younger people in order to ensure population vitality.
Or what about the following: being old and ‘full of years’ is actually the
ideal state, while being young is only an unpleasant hurdle that one must
suffer through to reach this ideal state. Maybe we are not even meant to
58
die – ageing is simply some terrible accident that has to be overcome and
corrected!
The question of why people grow old and die has been debated and
researched for centuries. This has resulted in various theories, but a definite
answer still evades us. Because most people assume that ageing has a
biological basis and that physical ageing is also more prominent than other
forms of ageing (e.g. emotional), by far the majority of these theories are
biologically based. However, the international expert Hayflick (1974, p. 88)
wrote: “There is probably no area of scientific inquiry that abounds with
as many untested or untestable theories as does the biology of aging.”
Although this was stated in 1974, the viewpoint is still true to a large extent.
In fact, hundreds of theories of ageing exist (Da Costa et al., 2016; Lipsky,
2015).
Biological theories of ageing include a variety of theories that address
the ageing process at organismic, molecular, and cellular levels. Most of
these theories fall into two general categories: programmed ageing theories
and error theories.
2.2.1 Programmed ageing theories
These theories are based on the assumption that ageing and death are
built into the genetic blueprint of all organisms. These theories propose a
variety of viewpoints regarding the ageing process, for instance that the
length of life is programmed genetically; that ageing is programmed to
begin after reproductive ability ends; that molecular changes cause cells
to age and lose their ability to divide and reproduce; that changes occur in
the hypothalamus, causing changes in the hormones that eventually bring
about ageing in the organism; and that loss of neurons in the brain cause
ageing.
An example of the programmed ageing theories is the genetic
programming theory. The following two explanations are offered for this
theory:
• One explanation of ageing according to this theory is that the cells of the
body age in accordance with a master genetic programme innate to every
specific species. This means that every species has its own programme of
ageing and life expectancy, subject only to minor individual differences.
For example, the approximate maximum life span for rats is 4 years,
sheep 15, cows 20, dogs 20, cats 30, rhinoceroses 40, chimpanzees 50,
elephants 70, whales 80 and human beings 120. Note that figures in this
59
 regard depend on various factors and should be seen only as a broad
indication. It is interesting that the oldest verified age of a human is
122 years and 164 days: Jeanne Calment of France, who died in 1997.
• Another viewpoint that is perhaps more compelling relates to cell-
division. A cell can divide a limited number of times. For example, cells
from a human fetus can divide between 40 and 60 times. However,
cells of a human adult are capable of dividing only about 20 times
(Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015). This means that, as the individual
grows older, this ability of cells to divide decreases; therefore, the cells
deteriorate until the person dies. For what reason does the number of
cell divisions become limited? One theory suggests that telomeres,
the small tips of the chromosomes, play a major role and serve as a
biological clock, determining the life span of the cell (Hudson et al.,
2014). Telomeres contain an important enzyme called telomerase,
which is needed to replicate the telomeres and thus the cells. However,
telomeres are shortened with each cell division, and the result is that
telomeres eventually become so short and contain so little telomerase
that cell division cannot continue.
The genetic programming theory has an interesting link with cancer.
Cancer cells seem to be immortal: they do not stop dividing normally and
they have no upper limit as far as dividing is concerned (Foos & Clark, 2016).
One theory is that cancer
cells can keep the telomerase
level intact, which ordinary
cells cannot.
The genetic programming
theory is one of the most
popular biological theories of
ageing. One reason for this is
that it is logical and simple.
However, this does not mean
that the theory provides all
the answers. For example,
researchers have discovered
According to the genetic programming theory, telomeres
play a role in the ageing process that not all deteriorating cells
shorten with cell division
(Ferenec et al., 2005). Very important is that the essential cause-effect
question still has to be answered: Do shortened telomeres cause ageing, or
are they the effect (result) of ageing? Moreover, brain cells do not typically
60
divide but still deteriorate. Clearly, it seems that more research is needed
before the genetic programming theory can be accepted as the final answer.
2.2.2 Error theories
These theories are based on the assumption that ageing reflects unplanned
changes in an organism over time. This class of theories explains ageing
as a result of external or environmental factors that gradually damage the
internal cells and organs. For example, the stress of everyday life erodes
biochemical processes in the cells and interferes with their operation of
basic functions, while chemical reaction with oxygen causes unstable ‘free
radicals’ that unite with other molecules and interfere with their functioning.
The wear and tear, free radical, and cross-linking theories are probably the
best known examples of the error theories:
• The wear and tear theory. This theory argues that bodies age because of
constant use, more or less like machines, rather than being attributable to
an innate genetic programme. Decades of illnesses, injuries, and wear and
tear cause damage to the cells, tissues and organs. The inevitable result
is that the body becomes progressively less able to repair damaged and
worn-out components. Eventually, for example, we die of heart, kidney
and lung failure – diseases that we could resist when we were younger.
Note that environmental factors such as toxins, radiation and poor diet
can exacerbate (worsen) the wear and tear process. An example of the
wear and tear theory is osteoarthritis, where the cartilage protecting the
joints wears out and the joints become stiff and painful.
Although the wear and tear theory sounds very logical, it is not
supported as widely as would be expected. For example, critics point
out that if the theory were true, it would mean that we would contribute
to the wear and tear by doing regular and strenuous exercises. Thus,
we would live longer if we simply sit on a couch and watch TV! Another
point of criticism is that wear and tear could just as well be the result or
symptom of ageing, and not necessarily the cause of it. In other words, it
is possible that the ageing process (which is characterised by wear and
tear) is caused by other factors.
•
The free radical theory. The nucleus of an atom (the smallest part of
any material) is surrounded by a cloud of electrons, which could be
described as elementary particles. These electrons surround the nucleus
in pairs, but occasionally, an atom loses an electron, leaving the atom
with an unpaired electron (Nelson, 2008). The atom is then called a ‘free
61
 regard depend on various factors and should be seen only as a broad
indication. It is interesting that the oldest verified age of a human is
122 years and 164 days: Jeanne Calment of France, who died in 1997.
• Another viewpoint that is perhaps more compelling relates to cell-
division. A cell can divide a limited number of times. For example, cells
from a human fetus can divide between 40 and 60 times. However,
cells of a human adult are capable of dividing only about 20 times
(Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015). This means that, as the individual
grows older, this ability of cells to divide decreases; therefore, the cells
deteriorate until the person dies. For what reason does the number of
cell divisions become limited? One theory suggests that telomeres,
the small tips of the chromosomes, play a major role and serve as a
biological clock, determining the life span of the cell (Hudson et al.,
2014). Telomeres contain an important enzyme called telomerase,
which is needed to replicate the telomeres and thus the cells. However,
telomeres are shortened with each cell division, and the result is that
telomeres eventually become so short and contain so little telomerase
that cell division cannot continue.
The genetic programming theory has an interesting link with cancer.
Cancer cells seem to be immortal: they do not stop dividing normally and
they have no upper limit as far as dividing is concerned (Foos & Clark, 2016).
One theory is that cancer
cells can keep the telomerase
level intact, which ordinary
cells cannot.
The genetic programming
theory is one of the most
popular biological theories of
ageing. One reason for this is
that it is logical and simple.
However, this does not mean
that the theory provides all
the answers. For example,
researchers have discovered
According to the genetic programming theory, telomeres
play a role in the ageing process that not all deteriorating cells
shorten with cell division
(Ferenec et al., 2005). Very important is that the essential cause-effect
question still has to be answered: Do shortened telomeres cause ageing, or
are they the effect (result) of ageing? Moreover, brain cells do not typically
60
divide but still deteriorate. Clearly, it seems that more research is needed
before the genetic programming theory can be accepted as the final answer.
2.2.2 Error theories
These theories are based on the assumption that ageing reflects unplanned
changes in an organism over time. This class of theories explains ageing
as a result of external or environmental factors that gradually damage the
internal cells and organs. For example, the stress of everyday life erodes
biochemical processes in the cells and interferes with their operation of
basic functions, while chemical reaction with oxygen causes unstable ‘free
radicals’ that unite with other molecules and interfere with their functioning.
The wear and tear, free radical, and cross-linking theories are probably the
best known examples of the error theories:
• The wear and tear theory. This theory argues that bodies age because of
constant use, more or less like machines, rather than being attributable to
an innate genetic programme. Decades of illnesses, injuries, and wear and
tear cause damage to the cells, tissues and organs. The inevitable result
is that the body becomes progressively less able to repair damaged and
worn-out components. Eventually, for example, we die of heart, kidney
and lung failure – diseases that we could resist when we were younger.
Note that environmental factors such as toxins, radiation and poor diet
can exacerbate (worsen) the wear and tear process. An example of the
wear and tear theory is osteoarthritis, where the cartilage protecting the
joints wears out and the joints become stiff and painful.
Although the wear and tear theory sounds very logical, it is not
supported as widely as would be expected. For example, critics point
out that if the theory were true, it would mean that we would contribute
to the wear and tear by doing regular and strenuous exercises. Thus,
we would live longer if we simply sit on a couch and watch TV! Another
point of criticism is that wear and tear could just as well be the result or
symptom of ageing, and not necessarily the cause of it. In other words, it
is possible that the ageing process (which is characterised by wear and
tear) is caused by other factors.
•
The free radical theory. The nucleus of an atom (the smallest part of
any material) is surrounded by a cloud of electrons, which could be
described as elementary particles. These electrons surround the nucleus
in pairs, but occasionally, an atom loses an electron, leaving the atom
with an unpaired electron (Nelson, 2008). The atom is then called a ‘free
61
 radical’. These free radicals have been described as scavengers that
attack the structure of the cell membranes, thus causing cellular damage
and resulting dysfunction. Free radicals are continuously produced
over the life span and have been linked to dementia and other brain
changes associated with old age, heart disease, cancer, cataracts and the
formation of ‘ageing spots’ (the
darkening of the skin in certain
areas) (Erber, 2013; Saha et al.,
2016). The effect that probably
causes most concern is that
free radicals also damage
the DNA of normal cells. The
result is that the genetic Hands of elderly and young person. The older person’s less elastic skin with a leathery
code contained in the DNA appearance, illustrates the cross-linking theory.
becomes scrambled and the
body’s repairing mechanisms blocked because of the stiffening of the walls of the arteries, which do
simply cannot keep up with the not allow the normal passage of nutrients.
reparation. When free radicals Free radical molecule with one missing electron The basic rationale of cross-linking is accepted widely. However,
kill or damage enough cells in inside the human cell whether it is a primary cause of ageing still has to be established
an organism, the organism ages conclusively. At this stage, research results are too diverse to reach a
and eventually dies (Sigelman & Rider, 2015). definite conclusion while (just as in several other theories) we also do
• The cross-linking theory. This theory is based on the observation that not know whether cross-linking is a cause or merely a feature of ageing
with age, many body tissues become less flexible and therefore less (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
functional. The skin that becomes less elastic and takes on a leathery
appearance illustrates the rationale of this theory. Certain proteins Evidence for each of the aforementioned and other theories is mixed:
(nutrients that are necessary for the growth, maintenance and repair While some provide empirical evidence to our knowledge of the ageing
of the body) cross-link (bind or interact) and produce molecules (the process, others are more difficult to prove or have less substance. However,
smallest particle of a substance) in such a way that they make the body each theory may play a role in the process, although on its own, one
stiffer. These proteins are called collagen, which is partly responsible for particular theory is unlikely to account for the ageing process (Li, 2013;
wrinkled skin. In soft body tissue, collagen acts much like reinforcing Rathus, 2014). Based on present scientific evidence it is probably safest to
rods in concrete. The more collagen there is, the stiffer and therefore less conclude that the importance of the nature-nurture interaction could, in all
flexible and functional the tissue becomes. (You can actually see cross- likelihood, also be applied here: the maximum life expectancy of human
linking in action when you cut an apple in half and observe the reaction beings may be biologically determined, but other factors such a healthy
of the oxygen in the air with the glucose in the apple: it turns brown and lifestyle, availability of good medical care, and effective coping with stress
eventually becomes tough and less tasty.) will determine whether or not a particular individual achieves his or her
The number of cross-links increases as we grow older. As the muscles, potential maximum age.
arteries, and tissue become less flexible and effective, the functioning
of the body is affected negatively. For example, the stiffening of the
heart muscles forces the heart to work harder, with the result that the
possibility of a heart attack increases. Or metabolic processes can be

62 63
 radical’. These free radicals have been described as scavengers that
attack the structure of the cell membranes, thus causing cellular damage
and resulting dysfunction. Free radicals are continuously produced
over the life span and have been linked to dementia and other brain
changes associated with old age, heart disease, cancer, cataracts and the
formation of ‘ageing spots’ (the
darkening of the skin in certain
areas) (Erber, 2013; Saha et al.,
2016). The effect that probably
causes most concern is that
free radicals also damage
the DNA of normal cells. The
result is that the genetic Hands of elderly and young person. The older person’s less elastic skin with a leathery
code contained in the DNA appearance, illustrates the cross-linking theory.
becomes scrambled and the
body’s repairing mechanisms blocked because of the stiffening of the walls of the arteries, which do
simply cannot keep up with the not allow the normal passage of nutrients.
reparation. When free radicals Free radical molecule with one missing electron The basic rationale of cross-linking is accepted widely. However,
kill or damage enough cells in inside the human cell whether it is a primary cause of ageing still has to be established
an organism, the organism ages conclusively. At this stage, research results are too diverse to reach a
and eventually dies (Sigelman & Rider, 2015). definite conclusion while (just as in several other theories) we also do
• The cross-linking theory. This theory is based on the observation that not know whether cross-linking is a cause or merely a feature of ageing
with age, many body tissues become less flexible and therefore less (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
functional. The skin that becomes less elastic and takes on a leathery
appearance illustrates the rationale of this theory. Certain proteins Evidence for each of the aforementioned and other theories is mixed:
(nutrients that are necessary for the growth, maintenance and repair While some provide empirical evidence to our knowledge of the ageing
of the body) cross-link (bind or interact) and produce molecules (the process, others are more difficult to prove or have less substance. However,
smallest particle of a substance) in such a way that they make the body each theory may play a role in the process, although on its own, one
stiffer. These proteins are called collagen, which is partly responsible for particular theory is unlikely to account for the ageing process (Li, 2013;
wrinkled skin. In soft body tissue, collagen acts much like reinforcing Rathus, 2014). Based on present scientific evidence it is probably safest to
rods in concrete. The more collagen there is, the stiffer and therefore less conclude that the importance of the nature-nurture interaction could, in all
flexible and functional the tissue becomes. (You can actually see cross- likelihood, also be applied here: the maximum life expectancy of human
linking in action when you cut an apple in half and observe the reaction beings may be biologically determined, but other factors such a healthy
of the oxygen in the air with the glucose in the apple: it turns brown and lifestyle, availability of good medical care, and effective coping with stress
eventually becomes tough and less tasty.) will determine whether or not a particular individual achieves his or her
The number of cross-links increases as we grow older. As the muscles, potential maximum age.
arteries, and tissue become less flexible and effective, the functioning
of the body is affected negatively. For example, the stiffening of the
heart muscles forces the heart to work harder, with the result that the
possibility of a heart attack increases. Or metabolic processes can be

62 63
 Another significant change is that blood flow to the brain starts
REVIEW THIS SECTION decreasing. This implies a decrease in oxygen and glucose consumption,
1. How may physical changes have important psychological consequences for an with the result that there is often a decrease in cerebral metabolism and
individual? functioning (Salminen & Paul, 2014; Van der Merwe, 1996).
2. What do the general findings regarding age-related change indicate? Why may it For centuries, it was believed that our bodies cannot make new neurons.
be risky to use chronological age as an indicator of change? The brain specifically was seen as an organ that is unable to reproduce or
3. Discuss examples of theories of ageing: repair neurons. However, earlier research indicated that the reproduction of
- Programmed ageing theories adult brain cells, also called neurogenesis, does take place in many other
- Error theories species (Khamsi, 2007; Zupanc, 2006). In the 1990s, it was proved ultimately
4. Evaluate these theories. Does any single theory give a complete explanation of the that neurogenesis also takes place in the adult human brain (Erikson et al.,
ageing process? What may be the safest assumption regarding the theories of
1998), which was confirmed by later research (Migaud et al., 2016).
ageing?
However, because of the ageing
processes in especially the neurons
and neurotransmitters, signals may
2.3. SPECIFIC PHYSICAL CHANGES be conducted more slowly in old
age. Usually, these changes are so
As mentioned previously, various physical developments and changes have minimal that people do not notice
a significant effect on the lifestyle and general adjustment of adults and it, but because of these changes,
especially the elderly. Some of the specific developments and changes in the brain may function slightly less
this regard will be discussed next. well. For example, older people
may react and perform tasks
2.3.1 The brain somewhat more slowly, while some
Neurogenesis mental functions may be reduced
The growth of the brain continues into adolescence or early adulthood, as subtly. These include vocabulary,
brain size and weight reach their maximum during early adulthood. However, short-term memory, the ability to learn new material and the ability to recall
the weight of the brain begins to decline during middle-age and especially words (The Merck Manual of Health & Aging, 2005).
after age 50, because of the deterioration and the resulting decrease in the Does education affect the ageing of the brain in this regard? Interestingly,
number of neurons (nerve cells). The percentage of this loss varies from 10% the brains of well- and poorly educated elderly adults do not differ in areas
to 60%, depending on the methodology employed and the specific group of that are less involved in academic learning. However, research has indicated
neurons studied (Martinez-Pinilla et al., 2016). that adults between 60 and 90 with higher levels of education show
significantly less atrophy (deterioration) of the cerebral cortex (the grey
matter of the brain that involves, amongst others, higher order processes
such as thought and reasoning) than those with less schooling. This is
probably because more highly educated people are more inclined to use,
and thus stimulate, the cerebral cortex (see Boyd & Bee, 2006; Kim et al.,
2015).
Using neuro-imaging (brain scanning) techniques such as the MRI
(Magnetic Resonance Imaging), researchers have recently discovered
that brain activity in the prefrontal cortex is less lateralised (one-sided) in
Human brain cut in half Human brain from the side older adults than in younger adults when they are engaging in cognitive

64 65
 Another significant change is that blood flow to the brain starts
REVIEW THIS SECTION decreasing. This implies a decrease in oxygen and glucose consumption,
1. How may physical changes have important psychological consequences for an with the result that there is often a decrease in cerebral metabolism and
individual? functioning (Salminen & Paul, 2014; Van der Merwe, 1996).
2. What do the general findings regarding age-related change indicate? Why may it For centuries, it was believed that our bodies cannot make new neurons.
be risky to use chronological age as an indicator of change? The brain specifically was seen as an organ that is unable to reproduce or
3. Discuss examples of theories of ageing: repair neurons. However, earlier research indicated that the reproduction of
- Programmed ageing theories adult brain cells, also called neurogenesis, does take place in many other
- Error theories species (Khamsi, 2007; Zupanc, 2006). In the 1990s, it was proved ultimately
4. Evaluate these theories. Does any single theory give a complete explanation of the that neurogenesis also takes place in the adult human brain (Erikson et al.,
ageing process? What may be the safest assumption regarding the theories of
1998), which was confirmed by later research (Migaud et al., 2016).
ageing?
However, because of the ageing
processes in especially the neurons
and neurotransmitters, signals may
2.3. SPECIFIC PHYSICAL CHANGES be conducted more slowly in old
age. Usually, these changes are so
As mentioned previously, various physical developments and changes have minimal that people do not notice
a significant effect on the lifestyle and general adjustment of adults and it, but because of these changes,
especially the elderly. Some of the specific developments and changes in the brain may function slightly less
this regard will be discussed next. well. For example, older people
may react and perform tasks
2.3.1 The brain somewhat more slowly, while some
Neurogenesis mental functions may be reduced
The growth of the brain continues into adolescence or early adulthood, as subtly. These include vocabulary,
brain size and weight reach their maximum during early adulthood. However, short-term memory, the ability to learn new material and the ability to recall
the weight of the brain begins to decline during middle-age and especially words (The Merck Manual of Health & Aging, 2005).
after age 50, because of the deterioration and the resulting decrease in the Does education affect the ageing of the brain in this regard? Interestingly,
number of neurons (nerve cells). The percentage of this loss varies from 10% the brains of well- and poorly educated elderly adults do not differ in areas
to 60%, depending on the methodology employed and the specific group of that are less involved in academic learning. However, research has indicated
neurons studied (Martinez-Pinilla et al., 2016). that adults between 60 and 90 with higher levels of education show
significantly less atrophy (deterioration) of the cerebral cortex (the grey
matter of the brain that involves, amongst others, higher order processes
such as thought and reasoning) than those with less schooling. This is
probably because more highly educated people are more inclined to use,
and thus stimulate, the cerebral cortex (see Boyd & Bee, 2006; Kim et al.,
2015).
Using neuro-imaging (brain scanning) techniques such as the MRI
(Magnetic Resonance Imaging), researchers have recently discovered
that brain activity in the prefrontal cortex is less lateralised (one-sided) in
Human brain cut in half Human brain from the side older adults than in younger adults when they are engaging in cognitive

64 65
tasks (see Santrock, 2015). For example, when younger adults are given
the task of recognising words they have previously seen, they process the
information primarily in the right hemisphere, while older adults are more
likely to use both hemispheres, which could result in more imaginative or
creative processes.
A MRI scanner A MRI scan image of the brain
2.3.2 The senses
A sense is the physiological capacity of organisms that provides information
for perception or interpretation of the world around them. The sensory
nervous system forms part of the central nervous system and includes a sense
organ, sensory neurons, neural pathways and specific areas of the brain.
Commonly recognised sensory systems are those for sight (vision), hearing
(audition), taste (gustation), smell (olfaction) and touch (somatosensation).
2.3.2.1 Sight
Sight (vision) is at its best at approximately age 20 and after that remains
relatively constant until approximately age 40. Between 20 and 30 years of
age, visual acuity (sharpness) is enhanced, because pupils are larger in early
adulthood than during middle-age. This facilitates adjustment to strong or
dim light, and to sudden changes from dim light to bright light.
Vision begins to deteriorate with the onset of middle age. Because of
the gradual thickening of the lens, loss of lens elasticity, and increased lens
density, there is a decline in the process of accommodation (the ability of
the lens to change shape to focus and maintain an image on the retina).
This could lead to myopia or near-sightedness where distant objects appear
blurred, while close objects appear normal. Most people become farsighted, a
condition called presbyopia, in which one can see distant objects clearly, but
66
objects nearby may be blurry. Because the lens gradually loses its capacity
to accommodate to close objects, people in their middle years tend to hold a
book or newspaper at a greater distance from their eyes if they do not wear
glasses or contact lenses to compensate for this loss. Dark adaptation (i.e.
changing from a brightly lit to a dimly lit environment) also becomes slower.
For example, driving at night may become more difficult because of the glare
of oncoming traffic and the subsequent return to a dimly lit environment.
Among the elderly, peripheral vision (all that is visible to the eye outside the
central area of focus), depth vision, colour vision and adaptation to the dark
become poorer, while sensitivity to glare increases (DeLoss, 2015; Lefrançois,
1996).
Because of the deterioration of vision, at least 80% of 50-year-olds
need to wear glasses, especially reading glasses. The seriousness of vision
deterioration in older people is illustrated by the fact that about 80% of
people living with blindness are aged 50 and above (WHO, 2017).
As one grows older, especially after the age of 50, visual dysfunction
becomes more common. Some of the most common of these visual
dysfunctions are the following:
• Glaucoma, a group of eye diseases which result in damage to the optic
nerve and vision lens. It generally develops because of increasing pressure
of the ocular fluid inside the eye that does not drain normally, causing
visual defects and even blindness (Dictionary of Medical Terms, 2013).
However, if treated early it is possible to slow or stop the progression of
the disease with medication, laser treatment, or surgery. Glaucoma has
been called the “silent thief of sight” because the loss of vision usually
occurs slowly over a long period of time. Worldwide, glaucoma is the
second-leading cause of blindness.
• Cataracts, the loss of the transparency of the lens of the eye. This means
that the lens becomes cloudy, causing faded colours, blurry vision, as well
as trouble with bright lights and seeing at night. Cataracts often develop
slowly and can affect one or both eyes. Cataracts are most commonly
due to ageing but may be due to other factors such as physical trauma.
Risk factors such as illnesses (e.g. diabetes mellitus, a metabolic disorder
characterised by high blood sugar levels), alcohol, smoking, or prolonged
exposure to the sun may also play a role. Cataracts are the major cause
of blindness worldwide, especially in the developing world where even
children are affected. Glasses may improve eyesight, but in severe cases
surgery is recommended (Harvard Medical School, 2013).
67
tasks (see Santrock, 2015). For example, when younger adults are given
the task of recognising words they have previously seen, they process the
information primarily in the right hemisphere, while older adults are more
likely to use both hemispheres, which could result in more imaginative or
creative processes.
A MRI scanner A MRI scan image of the brain
2.3.2 The senses
A sense is the physiological capacity of organisms that provides information
for perception or interpretation of the world around them. The sensory
nervous system forms part of the central nervous system and includes a sense
organ, sensory neurons, neural pathways and specific areas of the brain.
Commonly recognised sensory systems are those for sight (vision), hearing
(audition), taste (gustation), smell (olfaction) and touch (somatosensation).
2.3.2.1 Sight
Sight (vision) is at its best at approximately age 20 and after that remains
relatively constant until approximately age 40. Between 20 and 30 years of
age, visual acuity (sharpness) is enhanced, because pupils are larger in early
adulthood than during middle-age. This facilitates adjustment to strong or
dim light, and to sudden changes from dim light to bright light.
Vision begins to deteriorate with the onset of middle age. Because of
the gradual thickening of the lens, loss of lens elasticity, and increased lens
density, there is a decline in the process of accommodation (the ability of
the lens to change shape to focus and maintain an image on the retina).
This could lead to myopia or near-sightedness where distant objects appear
blurred, while close objects appear normal. Most people become farsighted, a
condition called presbyopia, in which one can see distant objects clearly, but
66
objects nearby may be blurry. Because the lens gradually loses its capacity
to accommodate to close objects, people in their middle years tend to hold a
book or newspaper at a greater distance from their eyes if they do not wear
glasses or contact lenses to compensate for this loss. Dark adaptation (i.e.
changing from a brightly lit to a dimly lit environment) also becomes slower.
For example, driving at night may become more difficult because of the glare
of oncoming traffic and the subsequent return to a dimly lit environment.
Among the elderly, peripheral vision (all that is visible to the eye outside the
central area of focus), depth vision, colour vision and adaptation to the dark
become poorer, while sensitivity to glare increases (DeLoss, 2015; Lefrançois,
1996).
Because of the deterioration of vision, at least 80% of 50-year-olds
need to wear glasses, especially reading glasses. The seriousness of vision
deterioration in older people is illustrated by the fact that about 80% of
people living with blindness are aged 50 and above (WHO, 2017).
As one grows older, especially after the age of 50, visual dysfunction
becomes more common. Some of the most common of these visual
dysfunctions are the following:
• Glaucoma, a group of eye diseases which result in damage to the optic
nerve and vision lens. It generally develops because of increasing pressure
of the ocular fluid inside the eye that does not drain normally, causing
visual defects and even blindness (Dictionary of Medical Terms, 2013).
However, if treated early it is possible to slow or stop the progression of
the disease with medication, laser treatment, or surgery. Glaucoma has
been called the “silent thief of sight” because the loss of vision usually
occurs slowly over a long period of time. Worldwide, glaucoma is the
second-leading cause of blindness.
• Cataracts, the loss of the transparency of the lens of the eye. This means
that the lens becomes cloudy, causing faded colours, blurry vision, as well
as trouble with bright lights and seeing at night. Cataracts often develop
slowly and can affect one or both eyes. Cataracts are most commonly
due to ageing but may be due to other factors such as physical trauma.
Risk factors such as illnesses (e.g. diabetes mellitus, a metabolic disorder
characterised by high blood sugar levels), alcohol, smoking, or prolonged
exposure to the sun may also play a role. Cataracts are the major cause
of blindness worldwide, especially in the developing world where even
children are affected. Glasses may improve eyesight, but in severe cases
surgery is recommended (Harvard Medical School, 2013).
67

Glaucoma Cataracts
Visual dysfunctions may affect a person’s functioning on social, physical,
cognitive and psychological levels. For example, people may have trouble
reading and recognising faces. It may also result in increased risk of falling,
while depression is not uncommon.
2.3.2.2 Hearing
As in the case of vision, there is also a gradual decline in hearing (auditory)
acuity with increasing age. This is known as presbycusis, a progressive and
irreversible age-related hearing loss resulting from the degeneration of
structures in the inner ear or auditory nerves. The cause of presbycusis is a
combination of genetics, cumulative environmental exposures (such as loud
noise or toxic drugs and chemicals) and physiological changes related to
ageing (Basner et al., 2014; Stucken & Hong, 2014). Presbycusis is the most
common cause of hearing loss and is the second most common illness next
to arthritis in aged people.
The most characteristic symptom is the inability to hear high notes. Men
are generally affected more than women. Other primary symptoms are:
– sounds or speech becoming dull, muted or weakened
– the need for increased volume on television, radio, music and other audio
sources such as the telephone
– difficulty in understanding soft speech, such as whispering or the speech
of women and children
– difficulty in speech discrimination against background noise (the cocktail
party effect).
Secondary symptoms are hyperacusis, the sensitivity to certain volumes
and frequencies of sound, and tinnitus, the ringing, buzzing, hissing or other
sounds in the ear when no external sound is present.
68
Presbycusis usually occurs after age 50, but deterioration in hearing has
been found to start very early, from about the age of 18 years. Nonetheless, the
incidence of hearing problems among individuals in their middle-age seems
to be relatively low: Only about 5% of the general population experiences
significant hearing problems at age 50. This is opposed to approximately
25% to 40% over the age of 65, 50% of those over age 75, and 80% of those
over 85 years (Bance, 2007; Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
Loss of hearing affects basically all spheres of a person’s daily physical
and mental functioning. Therefore, people with hearing loss are faced with
numerous adjustments on educational, occupational, interpersonal, and
other levels. As far as psychological well-being is concerned, depression,
low self-esteem, irritation, social isolation and a general low quality of life
are not uncommon among people with a hearing impairment. These effects
seem to be stronger among the young (20–44 years) and the middle-
aged (45–64 years) than among older (65+ years) people (Tambs, 2004).
This is understandable, as life’s demands are usually fewer at a higher age.
Fortunately, recent advances in hearing aids and surgery have significantly
improved the lives of people with hearing impairments.
2.3.2.3 Taste, smell and touch
• The sense of taste. It is well documented that the sense of taste typically
becomes less sensitive with ageing due to the loss in sensitivity of the
taste buds. The mouth also produces less saliva, which can cause a dry
mouth, which in turn can affect the sense of taste. However, it is also
associated with heavy drinking, smoking, certain medications, nasal and
sinus problems, and poor oral hygiene. The loss of taste usually becomes
noticeable after approximately the age of 60, and is especially true
with regard to spices and salts. Most studies indicate that sweetness
perception is preserved best against the detrimental effects of ageing
(Giacalone et al., 2014). A diminished sense of taste can lead to poor
appetite and nutrition. In addition, a person suffering from a deficiency in
taste might unintentionally eat contaminated food that put them at risk
of food poisoning or other illnesses.
• The sense of smell. The effectiveness of the sense of smell decreases
significantly with ageing. About 30% of all adults older than 65 suffer from
some form of smell impairment, with almost 50% of people older than 80
having almost no ability to smell (see Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
This has important implications for safety issues, as such people are, for
example, less likely to respond to dangerous gas leaks, fire and smoke,
69

Glaucoma Cataracts
Visual dysfunctions may affect a person’s functioning on social, physical,
cognitive and psychological levels. For example, people may have trouble
reading and recognising faces. It may also result in increased risk of falling,
while depression is not uncommon.
2.3.2.2 Hearing
As in the case of vision, there is also a gradual decline in hearing (auditory)
acuity with increasing age. This is known as presbycusis, a progressive and
irreversible age-related hearing loss resulting from the degeneration of
structures in the inner ear or auditory nerves. The cause of presbycusis is a
combination of genetics, cumulative environmental exposures (such as loud
noise or toxic drugs and chemicals) and physiological changes related to
ageing (Basner et al., 2014; Stucken & Hong, 2014). Presbycusis is the most
common cause of hearing loss and is the second most common illness next
to arthritis in aged people.
The most characteristic symptom is the inability to hear high notes. Men
are generally affected more than women. Other primary symptoms are:
– sounds or speech becoming dull, muted or weakened
– the need for increased volume on television, radio, music and other audio
sources such as the telephone
– difficulty in understanding soft speech, such as whispering or the speech
of women and children
– difficulty in speech discrimination against background noise (the cocktail
party effect).
Secondary symptoms are hyperacusis, the sensitivity to certain volumes
and frequencies of sound, and tinnitus, the ringing, buzzing, hissing or other
sounds in the ear when no external sound is present.
68
Presbycusis usually occurs after age 50, but deterioration in hearing has
been found to start very early, from about the age of 18 years. Nonetheless, the
incidence of hearing problems among individuals in their middle-age seems
to be relatively low: Only about 5% of the general population experiences
significant hearing problems at age 50. This is opposed to approximately
25% to 40% over the age of 65, 50% of those over age 75, and 80% of those
over 85 years (Bance, 2007; Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
Loss of hearing affects basically all spheres of a person’s daily physical
and mental functioning. Therefore, people with hearing loss are faced with
numerous adjustments on educational, occupational, interpersonal, and
other levels. As far as psychological well-being is concerned, depression,
low self-esteem, irritation, social isolation and a general low quality of life
are not uncommon among people with a hearing impairment. These effects
seem to be stronger among the young (20–44 years) and the middle-
aged (45–64 years) than among older (65+ years) people (Tambs, 2004).
This is understandable, as life’s demands are usually fewer at a higher age.
Fortunately, recent advances in hearing aids and surgery have significantly
improved the lives of people with hearing impairments.
2.3.2.3 Taste, smell and touch
• The sense of taste. It is well documented that the sense of taste typically
becomes less sensitive with ageing due to the loss in sensitivity of the
taste buds. The mouth also produces less saliva, which can cause a dry
mouth, which in turn can affect the sense of taste. However, it is also
associated with heavy drinking, smoking, certain medications, nasal and
sinus problems, and poor oral hygiene. The loss of taste usually becomes
noticeable after approximately the age of 60, and is especially true
with regard to spices and salts. Most studies indicate that sweetness
perception is preserved best against the detrimental effects of ageing
(Giacalone et al., 2014). A diminished sense of taste can lead to poor
appetite and nutrition. In addition, a person suffering from a deficiency in
taste might unintentionally eat contaminated food that put them at risk
of food poisoning or other illnesses.
• The sense of smell. The effectiveness of the sense of smell decreases
significantly with ageing. About 30% of all adults older than 65 suffer from
some form of smell impairment, with almost 50% of people older than 80
having almost no ability to smell (see Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
This has important implications for safety issues, as such people are, for
example, less likely to respond to dangerous gas leaks, fire and smoke,
69
 and spoiled food, and may be less aware of body odours. A delicious-
smelling meal or pleasant aroma can improve one’s appetite and quality
of life; therefore, this aspect is also compromised increasingly as people
age, which may lead to loss of appetite and cause poor nutrition. As with
taste, smell can be affected by a number of factors such as smoking,
certain medications, poor nasal hygiene, nasal congestion, diseases
affecting the nose, nasal passageways or sinuses, as well as neurological
disease.
• The sense of touch. Touch is an important part of our daily experience,
influencing many of our activities and areas of development (Gallace,
2012; Gardner, 2001). Throughout life people use their sense of touch to
learn, protect themselves from harm, relate to others, and to experience
pleasure. The sense of touch allows a person to determine an object’s size,
shape, weight, texture and temperature, and whether the object causes
pain or pleasure. In this way, touch allows individuals to learn about
the environment and to change their behaviour accordingly. The skin is
the sensory organ for touch, and is the largest organ of the body. The
skin consists of many sensory neurons or nerve endings. Some sensory
neurons react to the location of touch on the skin, the amount of force
or pressure and its velocity (speed). Other sensory neurons react to an
object’s temperature and to the presence of chemicals on the skin.
The sense of touch steadily deteriorates as people get older, starting
around the age of 18, but the rate of loss is greater after than before the
age of 65 (Gescheider et al., 2009). People often experience substantial
decline in their ability to detect and discriminate touch stimuli such as
pressure, vibrations, spatial acuity, and pain and temperature. These
declines may have the following functional implications (Wickremaratchi
& Llewelyn, 2006):
– Speech articulation may be affected due to diminished sensitivity and
sense of vibration of the lip and palatal areas.
– Hand grip and tasks requiring fine manipulations may be affected
due to impaired spatial acuity at the fingertips.
– Postural stability (or sense of balance) may be affected because of
reduced foot tactile (touch) sense and feedback from the big toe.
– A diminished sense of pain and temperature may put older adults at
an increased risk of sustaining serious injuries, such as pressure sores,
skin ulcers, heat stroke, burns and hypothermia (abnormally low body
temperature).
Reasons for the age-related declines in the sense of touch may be
due to changes in the skin such as thinning and wear and tear on the
70
hands and feet. Other reasons may be that the density of nerve endings
in skin decreases, or that myelin (the insulating material that coats the
nerve fibres to get information quickly to the brain) breaks down. The
result is that the information gets to the brain more slowly (Tremblay
& Master, 2015). However, the decline in the sense of touch does not
occur in all individuals; some are affected more than others. For example,
people who lead a sedentary or inactive lifestyle, or people with arthritis,
diabetes or vascular disease may be more at risk than those who do not
have these additional challenges.
In summary, although the ageing process is unique for every individual,
most persons will experience some alteration in their sensory organs. Some
individuals may have problems with communication and social interactions,
making them feel isolated. Hearing and vision changes are familiar, whereas
the decline in other senses, though not so visibly dramatic, are equally
debilitating. Whether these changes are induced by ageing or by diseases
common to the ageing process, is unimportant. A proper understanding of the
situation, taking appropriate action, and a caring attitude from the members
of the family can greatly reduce the problems faced by the affected person.
2.3.3 Muscle strength
Muscle strength reaches a peak between ages 25 and 30 (Wilmore et al.,
2008). It then begins to decline slowly but significantly. The reason is that
muscles do not deteriorate only with regard to strength and elasticity, but
they are also gradually replaced by fat. Thus, there is a decline in the amount
of muscle fibre. More specifically, research indicates that muscle strength
declines in both men and women starting in the 40s and at a rate of about
8% to 10% decline per decade in both genders (Katzel & Steinbrenner,
2016). By the age of 80, the loss in strength could be as high as 40%,
and it appears to be more severe in the legs than in the hands and arms
(Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015). Loss of strength and muscle mass
may result in frailty, a syndrome characterised by weakness, weight loss,
exercise intolerance, immobility and incontinence, while balance, walking
performance and ability to respond to stressors may also be affected (Katzel
& Steinbrenner, 2016).
Together with the reduction in muscle power, there is also a decrease in
reaction speed. These changes increase the possibility of elderly persons
falling and hurting themselves; a danger of which younger people are not
always aware. For example, in the USA, about 25% of Americans older than 65
experience a serious fall every year (National Council on Aging, 2017). Kalula
71
 and spoiled food, and may be less aware of body odours. A delicious-
smelling meal or pleasant aroma can improve one’s appetite and quality
of life; therefore, this aspect is also compromised increasingly as people
age, which may lead to loss of appetite and cause poor nutrition. As with
taste, smell can be affected by a number of factors such as smoking,
certain medications, poor nasal hygiene, nasal congestion, diseases
affecting the nose, nasal passageways or sinuses, as well as neurological
disease.
• The sense of touch. Touch is an important part of our daily experience,
influencing many of our activities and areas of development (Gallace,
2012; Gardner, 2001). Throughout life people use their sense of touch to
learn, protect themselves from harm, relate to others, and to experience
pleasure. The sense of touch allows a person to determine an object’s size,
shape, weight, texture and temperature, and whether the object causes
pain or pleasure. In this way, touch allows individuals to learn about
the environment and to change their behaviour accordingly. The skin is
the sensory organ for touch, and is the largest organ of the body. The
skin consists of many sensory neurons or nerve endings. Some sensory
neurons react to the location of touch on the skin, the amount of force
or pressure and its velocity (speed). Other sensory neurons react to an
object’s temperature and to the presence of chemicals on the skin.
The sense of touch steadily deteriorates as people get older, starting
around the age of 18, but the rate of loss is greater after than before the
age of 65 (Gescheider et al., 2009). People often experience substantial
decline in their ability to detect and discriminate touch stimuli such as
pressure, vibrations, spatial acuity, and pain and temperature. These
declines may have the following functional implications (Wickremaratchi
& Llewelyn, 2006):
– Speech articulation may be affected due to diminished sensitivity and
sense of vibration of the lip and palatal areas.
– Hand grip and tasks requiring fine manipulations may be affected
due to impaired spatial acuity at the fingertips.
– Postural stability (or sense of balance) may be affected because of
reduced foot tactile (touch) sense and feedback from the big toe.
– A diminished sense of pain and temperature may put older adults at
an increased risk of sustaining serious injuries, such as pressure sores,
skin ulcers, heat stroke, burns and hypothermia (abnormally low body
temperature).
Reasons for the age-related declines in the sense of touch may be
due to changes in the skin such as thinning and wear and tear on the
70
hands and feet. Other reasons may be that the density of nerve endings
in skin decreases, or that myelin (the insulating material that coats the
nerve fibres to get information quickly to the brain) breaks down. The
result is that the information gets to the brain more slowly (Tremblay
& Master, 2015). However, the decline in the sense of touch does not
occur in all individuals; some are affected more than others. For example,
people who lead a sedentary or inactive lifestyle, or people with arthritis,
diabetes or vascular disease may be more at risk than those who do not
have these additional challenges.
In summary, although the ageing process is unique for every individual,
most persons will experience some alteration in their sensory organs. Some
individuals may have problems with communication and social interactions,
making them feel isolated. Hearing and vision changes are familiar, whereas
the decline in other senses, though not so visibly dramatic, are equally
debilitating. Whether these changes are induced by ageing or by diseases
common to the ageing process, is unimportant. A proper understanding of the
situation, taking appropriate action, and a caring attitude from the members
of the family can greatly reduce the problems faced by the affected person.
2.3.3 Muscle strength
Muscle strength reaches a peak between ages 25 and 30 (Wilmore et al.,
2008). It then begins to decline slowly but significantly. The reason is that
muscles do not deteriorate only with regard to strength and elasticity, but
they are also gradually replaced by fat. Thus, there is a decline in the amount
of muscle fibre. More specifically, research indicates that muscle strength
declines in both men and women starting in the 40s and at a rate of about
8% to 10% decline per decade in both genders (Katzel & Steinbrenner,
2016). By the age of 80, the loss in strength could be as high as 40%,
and it appears to be more severe in the legs than in the hands and arms
(Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015). Loss of strength and muscle mass
may result in frailty, a syndrome characterised by weakness, weight loss,
exercise intolerance, immobility and incontinence, while balance, walking
performance and ability to respond to stressors may also be affected (Katzel
& Steinbrenner, 2016).
Together with the reduction in muscle power, there is also a decrease in
reaction speed. These changes increase the possibility of elderly persons
falling and hurting themselves; a danger of which younger people are not
always aware. For example, in the USA, about 25% of Americans older than 65
experience a serious fall every year (National Council on Aging, 2017). Kalula
71
and his co-workers (2016) in South Africa found that the annual prevalence
rate of falling among a representative multi-ethnic community sample was
somewhat higher than 25%. They also found that a poor cognitive score was
a significant predictor for falling. Hip fractures resulting from these falls are
especially dangerous, and complications could lead to a 35% mortality rate
in the first year following a fall (Dave & Kalula, 2006). The main reason why
bone fractures are common in the elderly is that there is a loss in bone mass,
which means that bones become more brittle and therefore fracture more
easily.
However, research has shown that regular exercise and fitness can
counteract the deterioration of muscles to a great extent (Barbieri et al.,
2015; Zampieri et al., 2015). This in turn decreases the risk of falling and the
resulting injuries, increases the blood circulation and thus improves heart
and lung functions, and prevents arteriosclerosis, while the functioning of
the immune system may also be enhanced. The degree to which exercise and
fitness can contribute to counteracting muscle deterioration is illustrated
by research, which has shown that the handgrip power of 70-year-old men
who participated in sports was higher than 60% of 17- to 19-year-olds, and
that 70-year-old sportswomen were as flexible as the average adolescent
(O’Brien & Conger, 1991). Regular fitness exercises also have the important
additional advantage of increasing the general quality of life of the elderly,
creating a feeling of general well-being, increasing general psychological
functioning, and decreasing anxiety and depression.
Exercise and fitness can improve stamina and muscle strength
72
2.3.4 Stamina
Owing to changes in muscle power, as well as the less effective functioning of
the heart and lungs, stamina (endurance) decreases with age. Less oxygen is
available, and the heart disperses it slower through the bloodstream to the
muscles. A healthy 70-year-old can still run a marathon with proper training,
but it will take him or her at least an hour longer than would have been the
case at age 30. It is estimated that our stamina decreases by approximately
15% between ages 30 and 50, and then with a further 15% between ages 50
and 70 (Schulz & Ewen, 1993).
2.3.5 Physical appearance
The physical changes that take place during adulthood contribute to a
change in adults’ physical appearance. These changes are usually only minor
in the 20s, as the first significant changes usually become noticeable only
after the middle 30s and especially after the 40s. Physical changes that
contribute in this regard include the skin that becomes wrinkled and loose,
the thinning and greying of hair; slackening of the breasts in women, and
the appearance of longer, stiffer hair in the eyebrows, ears and nose in men.
Although changes in physical appearance occur in all life stages,
deterioration is nowhere as obvious as during late adulthood. The physical
changes that began during the middle years continue and increase in
intensity. For example, the skin becomes less elastic, more wrinkled, dry and
thin. ‘Ageing spots’ now also start making an appearance. Warts are now
also more common, while small blood vessels sometimes break and cause
small black and blue marks. Wounds tend to heal less quickly than they did
previously because the repair function of cells and blood vessels slows down.
Skin cells are also now replaced slower. Skin cells in an average 70-year-
old live only 46 days compared to approximately 100 days in a 30-year-old
(Turner & Helms, 1995). Hair progressively loses its gloss, becomes grey and
thinner (particularly in the case of males). The body posture may become
stooped, and the muscles may lose their elasticity, making movement slower
and more strenuous.
Adjustment to this changing appearance is not always easy and requires
the individual to reformulate his or her body image. This is especially true
in cases where the individual’s self-concept is based mainly on appearance
(e.g. actors or a person who regards his or her physical appearance as being
the main attraction for the opposite gender or the most important aspect
of their identity). Thus, middle age could be a traumatic phase. Therefore, it
73
and his co-workers (2016) in South Africa found that the annual prevalence
rate of falling among a representative multi-ethnic community sample was
somewhat higher than 25%. They also found that a poor cognitive score was
a significant predictor for falling. Hip fractures resulting from these falls are
especially dangerous, and complications could lead to a 35% mortality rate
in the first year following a fall (Dave & Kalula, 2006). The main reason why
bone fractures are common in the elderly is that there is a loss in bone mass,
which means that bones become more brittle and therefore fracture more
easily.
However, research has shown that regular exercise and fitness can
counteract the deterioration of muscles to a great extent (Barbieri et al.,
2015; Zampieri et al., 2015). This in turn decreases the risk of falling and the
resulting injuries, increases the blood circulation and thus improves heart
and lung functions, and prevents arteriosclerosis, while the functioning of
the immune system may also be enhanced. The degree to which exercise and
fitness can contribute to counteracting muscle deterioration is illustrated
by research, which has shown that the handgrip power of 70-year-old men
who participated in sports was higher than 60% of 17- to 19-year-olds, and
that 70-year-old sportswomen were as flexible as the average adolescent
(O’Brien & Conger, 1991). Regular fitness exercises also have the important
additional advantage of increasing the general quality of life of the elderly,
creating a feeling of general well-being, increasing general psychological
functioning, and decreasing anxiety and depression.
Exercise and fitness can improve stamina and muscle strength
72
2.3.4 Stamina
Owing to changes in muscle power, as well as the less effective functioning of
the heart and lungs, stamina (endurance) decreases with age. Less oxygen is
available, and the heart disperses it slower through the bloodstream to the
muscles. A healthy 70-year-old can still run a marathon with proper training,
but it will take him or her at least an hour longer than would have been the
case at age 30. It is estimated that our stamina decreases by approximately
15% between ages 30 and 50, and then with a further 15% between ages 50
and 70 (Schulz & Ewen, 1993).
2.3.5 Physical appearance
The physical changes that take place during adulthood contribute to a
change in adults’ physical appearance. These changes are usually only minor
in the 20s, as the first significant changes usually become noticeable only
after the middle 30s and especially after the 40s. Physical changes that
contribute in this regard include the skin that becomes wrinkled and loose,
the thinning and greying of hair; slackening of the breasts in women, and
the appearance of longer, stiffer hair in the eyebrows, ears and nose in men.
Although changes in physical appearance occur in all life stages,
deterioration is nowhere as obvious as during late adulthood. The physical
changes that began during the middle years continue and increase in
intensity. For example, the skin becomes less elastic, more wrinkled, dry and
thin. ‘Ageing spots’ now also start making an appearance. Warts are now
also more common, while small blood vessels sometimes break and cause
small black and blue marks. Wounds tend to heal less quickly than they did
previously because the repair function of cells and blood vessels slows down.
Skin cells are also now replaced slower. Skin cells in an average 70-year-
old live only 46 days compared to approximately 100 days in a 30-year-old
(Turner & Helms, 1995). Hair progressively loses its gloss, becomes grey and
thinner (particularly in the case of males). The body posture may become
stooped, and the muscles may lose their elasticity, making movement slower
and more strenuous.
Adjustment to this changing appearance is not always easy and requires
the individual to reformulate his or her body image. This is especially true
in cases where the individual’s self-concept is based mainly on appearance
(e.g. actors or a person who regards his or her physical appearance as being
the main attraction for the opposite gender or the most important aspect
of their identity). Thus, middle age could be a traumatic phase. Therefore, it
73
is understandable that people who live in a society that emphasises fitness,
youth, slenderness and beauty, spend millions of rand per year on various
chemical, pharmacological, surgical and other methods to fight the external
characteristics of ageing.
It is important to realise that one may feel a different age to one’s looks,
as though one is wearing a mask; the so-called “mask of aging” (Longino &
Powell, 2004, p. 206). That is, while external appearance changes with age,
the essential identity does not. Unless they are ill or depressed, old people
do not necessarily feel old in themselves. As mentioned in Chapter 1, there
is generally a significant difference between chronological age (with certain
accompanied age-related physical characteristics) and psychological-
emotional age. This is why many elderly people refer to the residents in
their own nursing home as “the old people”, for example, although there
may not be a large difference, if any at all, between their chronological ages.
As previously discussed, this is referred to as the ageless self.
2.3.6 Height and weight
Although there are significant changes with age, there are large individual
differences in height and weight. However, if one wants to consider averages,
the following are probably the most important changes in this regard:
On average, people lose about 0,65 cm to 1,30 cm every decade after
age 40 to 50. Losses increase in later years, with women generally losing
more than men (Berkley, 2015). This is due to the weakening of the muscles
and the resulting deterioration and compression of the bones in the spine.
One of the reasons for the significantly higher height loss in women is that
osteoporosis (bone disease) is more frequent in women after menopause.
(With osteoporosis, there is loss of bone mass and increased porosity
(absorbency) in the bone.)
Deterioration of
vertebral support
Osteoporosis
74
Adults’ weight tends to increase as they approach middle-age. Many
people are less active during this period, and there is a decrease in the
rate at which the resting body converts food into energy (this is the basal
metabolism, which slows down by about 3% every 10 years). The number
of calories adults require every day to maintain their present weight
declines by about 10% every 10 years; therefore, if they could reduce their
food intake accordingly, their weight would remain the same. However, the
typical pattern is to eat the same amount of food (perhaps even more) as
people enter middle-age. The result is the inability of the body to convert
food into energy, which means that body fat accumulates (in men usually
around the waist and in women usually around the hips). This is generally
known as ‘middle-age spread’. The increase in weight between age 20 and
50 varies between 10% and 15%. Although it is widely known that correct
eating habits and regular exercise can help to counteract this process, there
are now more overweight South Africans than ever before. In fact, a national
survey undertaken in all South African population groups revealed that more
than 30% of men and more than 50% of women were overweight or obese
(Puoane et al., 2002). Being overweight or obese demands adjustments in
order to avoid a variety of possible side-effects, including health problems,
social rejection, and discrimination in areas such as employment.
In many cases, weight levels off and then decreases from middle
adulthood to late adulthood (Foos & Clark, 2008). The ageing of tissue
and muscles results in weight loss as heavier muscle tissue is replaced by
less heavy fat. Older adults also tend to eat less than adults in their middle
adulthood years do.
Adults’ weight tends to increase as they approach middle-age
75
is understandable that people who live in a society that emphasises fitness,
youth, slenderness and beauty, spend millions of rand per year on various
chemical, pharmacological, surgical and other methods to fight the external
characteristics of ageing.
It is important to realise that one may feel a different age to one’s looks,
as though one is wearing a mask; the so-called “mask of aging” (Longino &
Powell, 2004, p. 206). That is, while external appearance changes with age,
the essential identity does not. Unless they are ill or depressed, old people
do not necessarily feel old in themselves. As mentioned in Chapter 1, there
is generally a significant difference between chronological age (with certain
accompanied age-related physical characteristics) and psychological-
emotional age. This is why many elderly people refer to the residents in
their own nursing home as “the old people”, for example, although there
may not be a large difference, if any at all, between their chronological ages.
As previously discussed, this is referred to as the ageless self.
2.3.6 Height and weight
Although there are significant changes with age, there are large individual
differences in height and weight. However, if one wants to consider averages,
the following are probably the most important changes in this regard:
On average, people lose about 0,65 cm to 1,30 cm every decade after
age 40 to 50. Losses increase in later years, with women generally losing
more than men (Berkley, 2015). This is due to the weakening of the muscles
and the resulting deterioration and compression of the bones in the spine.
One of the reasons for the significantly higher height loss in women is that
osteoporosis (bone disease) is more frequent in women after menopause.
(With osteoporosis, there is loss of bone mass and increased porosity
(absorbency) in the bone.)
Deterioration of
vertebral support
Osteoporosis
74
Adults’ weight tends to increase as they approach middle-age. Many
people are less active during this period, and there is a decrease in the
rate at which the resting body converts food into energy (this is the basal
metabolism, which slows down by about 3% every 10 years). The number
of calories adults require every day to maintain their present weight
declines by about 10% every 10 years; therefore, if they could reduce their
food intake accordingly, their weight would remain the same. However, the
typical pattern is to eat the same amount of food (perhaps even more) as
people enter middle-age. The result is the inability of the body to convert
food into energy, which means that body fat accumulates (in men usually
around the waist and in women usually around the hips). This is generally
known as ‘middle-age spread’. The increase in weight between age 20 and
50 varies between 10% and 15%. Although it is widely known that correct
eating habits and regular exercise can help to counteract this process, there
are now more overweight South Africans than ever before. In fact, a national
survey undertaken in all South African population groups revealed that more
than 30% of men and more than 50% of women were overweight or obese
(Puoane et al., 2002). Being overweight or obese demands adjustments in
order to avoid a variety of possible side-effects, including health problems,
social rejection, and discrimination in areas such as employment.
In many cases, weight levels off and then decreases from middle
adulthood to late adulthood (Foos & Clark, 2008). The ageing of tissue
and muscles results in weight loss as heavier muscle tissue is replaced by
less heavy fat. Older adults also tend to eat less than adults in their middle
adulthood years do.
Adults’ weight tends to increase as they approach middle-age
75
2.3.7 Internal organs oxygen consumption of fit elderly persons seems to equal or even exceed
that of many of their younger counterparts.
Several changes occur in the internal organs as one ages:
2.3.7.2 Other internal changes
2.3.7.1 Cardiovascular and respiratory systems
Several other changes also take place in the internal organs of older persons.
Although the weight of the heart, expressed as a percentage of the body For example:
weight, increases with age, it is thought by some that this is due to the
age-related reduction in overall body weight rather than to an increase in • The capacity of the bladder is reduced and the bladder muscles also
the weight and size of the heart as such (Van der Merwe, 1996). However, weaken. Thus, there is an increase in the frequency of urinating.
more recent research has indicated that, when adjusted for body weight
and gender, heart weight increases with increasing age (Kumar et al.,
2014). In addition, atrophy (deterioration) of the heart tissue takes place.
The aorta, the large artery which receives blood from the heart and whose
branches carry blood to all body parts, loses its elasticity. The hardening
and shrinking of the arteries also restrict the free blood flow in the body.
As a result, the heart has to work harder to accomplish less. The output of
the heart of a 75-year-old person is estimated at approximately 70% of that
of the average 30-year-old (Kart, 1990; Quarles et al., 2015). The heartbeat
remains about the same during adulthood and late adulthood, but there is
a significant change in the maximum heartbeat during exercise (Schulz &
Ewen, 1993). For example, at the age of 30, the heartbeat could be as high
as 200 beats per minute during intense activity. This maximum decreases to
approximately 170 heartbeats per minute at age 50 and 150 approximately
at 70 years. It also takes longer for the heart of an elderly person to return
to a resting state than it would at a younger age.
As with most aspects relating to the body, exercise and fitness may also • One of the most recognised consequences of ageing is a decline in the
play an important role in improving the cardiovascular health of the elderly effectiveness of the immune system, a situation that is worsened by
(Katzel & Steinbrenner, 2016). For example, fitness contributes to a decrease older persons’ poor response to vaccination (Montecino-Rodriguez et
in hypertension. Regular exercise can decrease the risk of initial and recurrent al., 2013). The result is an increase in various infections and illnesses such
heart attacks, while it could also make the satisfactory recovery after a heart as flu and colds, pneumonia, and cancer.
attack more likely (Macnair, 2007; Menezes et al., 2014).
As far as the lungs are concerned, the elasticity of the lungs declines 2.3.8 Physical health
with ageing. More specifically, our lungs mature between the ages of 20
and 25, but after the age of 35, their function declines and breathing can Generally speaking, adults younger than about 45 enjoy excellent or very
slowly become more difficult over time (American Lung Association, 2017). good health. Hospitalisation before this age is mostly because of an accident
This loss of lung elasticity in the elderly is known as senile emphysema or (sport) injury rather than illness. Nevertheless, it is important to pay
(Mercado et al., 2015). It has been found that the lung capacity decreases attention to the promotion of good health during early adulthood so that
significantly by approximately 40% between the ages of 20 and 70 years factors that might jeopardise it later in life can be avoided. Factors that have
(Zaugg & Lucchinetti, 2003). However, the lung capacity and therefore been identified by research in this regard include a balanced diet, regular

76 77
2.3.7 Internal organs oxygen consumption of fit elderly persons seems to equal or even exceed
that of many of their younger counterparts.
Several changes occur in the internal organs as one ages:
2.3.7.2 Other internal changes
2.3.7.1 Cardiovascular and respiratory systems
Several other changes also take place in the internal organs of older persons.
Although the weight of the heart, expressed as a percentage of the body For example:
weight, increases with age, it is thought by some that this is due to the
age-related reduction in overall body weight rather than to an increase in • The capacity of the bladder is reduced and the bladder muscles also
the weight and size of the heart as such (Van der Merwe, 1996). However, weaken. Thus, there is an increase in the frequency of urinating.
more recent research has indicated that, when adjusted for body weight
and gender, heart weight increases with increasing age (Kumar et al.,
2014). In addition, atrophy (deterioration) of the heart tissue takes place.
The aorta, the large artery which receives blood from the heart and whose
branches carry blood to all body parts, loses its elasticity. The hardening
and shrinking of the arteries also restrict the free blood flow in the body.
As a result, the heart has to work harder to accomplish less. The output of
the heart of a 75-year-old person is estimated at approximately 70% of that
of the average 30-year-old (Kart, 1990; Quarles et al., 2015). The heartbeat
remains about the same during adulthood and late adulthood, but there is
a significant change in the maximum heartbeat during exercise (Schulz &
Ewen, 1993). For example, at the age of 30, the heartbeat could be as high
as 200 beats per minute during intense activity. This maximum decreases to
approximately 170 heartbeats per minute at age 50 and 150 approximately
at 70 years. It also takes longer for the heart of an elderly person to return
to a resting state than it would at a younger age.
As with most aspects relating to the body, exercise and fitness may also • One of the most recognised consequences of ageing is a decline in the
play an important role in improving the cardiovascular health of the elderly effectiveness of the immune system, a situation that is worsened by
(Katzel & Steinbrenner, 2016). For example, fitness contributes to a decrease older persons’ poor response to vaccination (Montecino-Rodriguez et
in hypertension. Regular exercise can decrease the risk of initial and recurrent al., 2013). The result is an increase in various infections and illnesses such
heart attacks, while it could also make the satisfactory recovery after a heart as flu and colds, pneumonia, and cancer.
attack more likely (Macnair, 2007; Menezes et al., 2014).
As far as the lungs are concerned, the elasticity of the lungs declines 2.3.8 Physical health
with ageing. More specifically, our lungs mature between the ages of 20
and 25, but after the age of 35, their function declines and breathing can Generally speaking, adults younger than about 45 enjoy excellent or very
slowly become more difficult over time (American Lung Association, 2017). good health. Hospitalisation before this age is mostly because of an accident
This loss of lung elasticity in the elderly is known as senile emphysema or (sport) injury rather than illness. Nevertheless, it is important to pay
(Mercado et al., 2015). It has been found that the lung capacity decreases attention to the promotion of good health during early adulthood so that
significantly by approximately 40% between the ages of 20 and 70 years factors that might jeopardise it later in life can be avoided. Factors that have
(Zaugg & Lucchinetti, 2003). However, the lung capacity and therefore been identified by research in this regard include a balanced diet, regular

76 77
exercise, sufficient sleep, no smoking, moderate drinking or abstinence from Table 2.1. Estimated number of people (all ages) in the world living
alcohol, avoidance of drugs, a healthy sex life, the avoidance of promiscuity, with HIV
and coping effectively with stress. In an extensive South African study with World Region Number of people
participants 50 years and older, it was found that nearly 80% rated their Africa 25 500 000
health as moderate or good. Men reported very good or good health more Americas 3 400 000
often than women did. It seems that health declines relatively sharply after South-East Asia 3 500 000
the age of 70 (Phaswana-Mafuya et al., 2013). Europe 2 500 000
Eastern Mediterranean 330 000
Western Pacific 1 400 000
Global 36 700 000
World health Organisation, 2016

Table 2.2. HIV prevalence estimates and the number of people living
with HIV in South Africa, 2002–2016
Year Percentage of total poulation HIV poulation (in millions)
2002 10,3 4,72
2003 10,8 4,87
2004 10,7 5,00
“I’m so old I can laugh, cough, sneeze and pee at the same time. I believe they
call it multi-tasking!” 2005 10,8 5,13
2006 11,0 5,26
However, it is important to realise that socio-economic and cultural
2007 11,1 5,40
factors also affect a person’s health status. In South Africa, with its extremes
2008 11,3 5,56
of affluence and poverty, the incidence of certain diseases and mortality
2009 11,5 5,73
rates may vary considerably. Therefore, it is important to remember: “When
2010 11,8 5,89
it comes to health there is no typical older person” (Lindh et al., p. 752).
As indicated, health tends to deteriorate after the age of approximately 2011 11,8 6,07
45. Apart from general problems such as muscle and general body pains, 2012 12,0 6,27
indigestion, and sleeplessness, specific illnesses may now develop. However, 2013 12,2 6,47
all illnesses can also occur at an earlier age or may never occur at all. The 2014 12,4 6,67
following are examples of serious and often fatal illnesses that are prominent 2015 12,5 6,85
during adulthood and that could create significant stress and demand 2016 12,7 7,03
serious adjustments, thus significantly affecting the psychological well- Statistics South Africa, 2016
being, development and ageing of the individual:

2.3.8.1 HIV/AIDS
This illness has reached pandemic proportions in the world, and South
Africa has not escaped its disastrous consequences. This is reflected clearly
in Table 2.1 and Table 2.2
It is alarming that with only about 5% of the world’s population, Eastern
and Southern Africa is home to about 50% of the world’s population living
with HIV (UNICEF, 2016). South Africa has one of the largest HIV epidemics
in the world, with an estimated 7 million people living with HIV in 2015. In
the same year, there were 380,000 new infections, while 180,000 South

78 79
exercise, sufficient sleep, no smoking, moderate drinking or abstinence from Table 2.1. Estimated number of people (all ages) in the world living
alcohol, avoidance of drugs, a healthy sex life, the avoidance of promiscuity, with HIV
and coping effectively with stress. In an extensive South African study with World Region Number of people
participants 50 years and older, it was found that nearly 80% rated their Africa 25 500 000
health as moderate or good. Men reported very good or good health more Americas 3 400 000
often than women did. It seems that health declines relatively sharply after South-East Asia 3 500 000
the age of 70 (Phaswana-Mafuya et al., 2013). Europe 2 500 000
Eastern Mediterranean 330 000
Western Pacific 1 400 000
Global 36 700 000
World health Organisation, 2016

Table 2.2. HIV prevalence estimates and the number of people living
with HIV in South Africa, 2002–2016
Year Percentage of total poulation HIV poulation (in millions)
2002 10,3 4,72
2003 10,8 4,87
2004 10,7 5,00
“I’m so old I can laugh, cough, sneeze and pee at the same time. I believe they
call it multi-tasking!” 2005 10,8 5,13
2006 11,0 5,26
However, it is important to realise that socio-economic and cultural
2007 11,1 5,40
factors also affect a person’s health status. In South Africa, with its extremes
2008 11,3 5,56
of affluence and poverty, the incidence of certain diseases and mortality
2009 11,5 5,73
rates may vary considerably. Therefore, it is important to remember: “When
2010 11,8 5,89
it comes to health there is no typical older person” (Lindh et al., p. 752).
As indicated, health tends to deteriorate after the age of approximately 2011 11,8 6,07
45. Apart from general problems such as muscle and general body pains, 2012 12,0 6,27
indigestion, and sleeplessness, specific illnesses may now develop. However, 2013 12,2 6,47
all illnesses can also occur at an earlier age or may never occur at all. The 2014 12,4 6,67
following are examples of serious and often fatal illnesses that are prominent 2015 12,5 6,85
during adulthood and that could create significant stress and demand 2016 12,7 7,03
serious adjustments, thus significantly affecting the psychological well- Statistics South Africa, 2016
being, development and ageing of the individual:

2.3.8.1 HIV/AIDS
This illness has reached pandemic proportions in the world, and South
Africa has not escaped its disastrous consequences. This is reflected clearly
in Table 2.1 and Table 2.2
It is alarming that with only about 5% of the world’s population, Eastern
and Southern Africa is home to about 50% of the world’s population living
with HIV (UNICEF, 2016). South Africa has one of the largest HIV epidemics
in the world, with an estimated 7 million people living with HIV in 2015. In
the same year, there were 380,000 new infections, while 180,000 South

78 79
Africans died from AIDS-related illnesses. The prevalence varies markedly
between regions. For example, HIV prevalence is almost 40% in Kwazulu-
Natal compared with just less than 20% in the Northern Cape and the
Western Cape (Avert, 2017).
Although HIV/AIDS is a household term, relatively few people have
any meaningful knowledge of it. A brief summary follows (World Health
Organisation, 2016):
HIV is the abbreviation for the Human Immunodeficiency Virus that
targets the immune system and weakens people’s defence systems against
infections and some types of cancer. As the virus destroys and impairs
the function of immune cells, infected individuals gradually become
immunodeficient (develop a lack of immunity). The most advanced stage
of HIV infection is Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS), which
can take from 2 to 15 years to develop. This varies from person to person.
The symptoms of HIV vary, depending on the stage of infection. Though
people living with HIV tend to be most infectious in the first few months,
many are unaware of their status until later stages. The first few weeks after
initial infection, individuals may experience no symptoms or an influenza-
like illness including fever, headache, rash, or sore throat. As the infection
progressively weakens the immune system, an individual may develop
other signs and symptoms, such as swollen lymph nodes, weight loss, fever,
diarrhoea and cough. Without treatment, they could also develop severe
illnesses such as tuberculosis, pneumonia, meningitis and cancers. At this
point, a person is said to have AIDS. Therefore, people do not die from AIDS,
but from diseases caused by AIDS.
HIV can be transmitted via the exchange of a variety of body fluids
from infected individuals, such as blood (also transmission from a pregnant
woman to her unborn child through their shared blood circulation), breast
milk, semen, vaginal/anal secretions, sharing contaminated injecting
equipment, and blood transfusions. Individuals cannot become infected
through ordinary day-to-day contact such as kissing, hugging, shaking
hands, or sharing personal objects, food or water.
Although individuals suffering from HIV/AIDS have to deal with similar
adjustments and constraints as in the case of other chronic diseases, additional
factors hinder their fight against the disease. The fear of contracting an
incurable fatal disease, coupled with a high level of misinformation about
AIDS, has created a climate in which prejudice against people living with
HIV thrives. In many cases, having AIDS or being HIV positive can have a
negative effect on employment and housing opportunities, as well as social
relationships. Research in South Africa has revealed that only one third of
80
respondents who had revealed their HIV positive status were met with a
positive response in their communities. One in ten said that they had been
met with outright hostility and rejection (Steinberg et al., 2002). According
to another recent South African study, stigma is a major obstruction in
the fight against HIV/AIDS, presenting a significant barrier to testing and
treatment (Treves-Kagan et al., 2017). Disregarding the stigma and in an
effort to challenge the suspicion that surrounds HIV infection and AIDS,
various prominent community leaders have announced their HIV status.
For example, in 2000, Justice Edwin Cameron of the South African Appeal
Court announced that he was HIV positive; and when his son died of AIDS in
2005, Nelson Mandela publicised the cause of his death.
When the psychological effect of living with AIDS is taken into account, it
is understandable that persons with HIV/AIDS are at a higher risk for mental
health disorders (National Institute of Mental Health, 2016). According to a
review of published research on the mental health of HIV-infected adults in
Africa, almost all studies found that at least about 20% of HIV-infected adults
had some form of psychiatric disorder (Breuer et al., 2011). Depression seems
to be the most common individual problem, with about 5% to 20% of HIV/
AIDS patients in South Africa suffering from major depression (Chibanda
et al., 2014). (See Table 2.3 for the prevalence of mental disorders in South
Africans living with HIV/AIDS.) With the high prevalence of especially
depression, it is understandable that HIV-infected people are also more
likely to think about and actually commit suicide than do people who are
not infected. In fact, patients with HIV and AIDS are about 2 to 9 times more
likely to commit suicide (Gurm et al., 2015).
An important aspect that is often overshadowed by the effect of HIV/
AIDS on the individual is the effect and pervasiveness of the illness on
families and households (Schatz & Ogunmefun, 2007). The aforementioned
authors refer to various studies that indicate that especially the elderly are
often on the receiving end as the burden of financial, physical and emotional
care falls to them. The elderly are often left with high medical and funeral
expenses of the deceased, and with grandchildren (some who may be HIV
positive) for whom they now have to provide and care (see Ardington et al.,
2014). For example, according to a study of HIV-/AIDS-affected households
in South Africa, nearly 70% of such households had a lower financial income
because of HIV/AIDS, while almost 50% reported not having enough food
(Steinberg et al., 2002).
81
Africans died from AIDS-related illnesses. The prevalence varies markedly
between regions. For example, HIV prevalence is almost 40% in Kwazulu-
Natal compared with just less than 20% in the Northern Cape and the
Western Cape (Avert, 2017).
Although HIV/AIDS is a household term, relatively few people have
any meaningful knowledge of it. A brief summary follows (World Health
Organisation, 2016):
HIV is the abbreviation for the Human Immunodeficiency Virus that
targets the immune system and weakens people’s defence systems against
infections and some types of cancer. As the virus destroys and impairs
the function of immune cells, infected individuals gradually become
immunodeficient (develop a lack of immunity). The most advanced stage
of HIV infection is Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS), which
can take from 2 to 15 years to develop. This varies from person to person.
The symptoms of HIV vary, depending on the stage of infection. Though
people living with HIV tend to be most infectious in the first few months,
many are unaware of their status until later stages. The first few weeks after
initial infection, individuals may experience no symptoms or an influenza-
like illness including fever, headache, rash, or sore throat. As the infection
progressively weakens the immune system, an individual may develop
other signs and symptoms, such as swollen lymph nodes, weight loss, fever,
diarrhoea and cough. Without treatment, they could also develop severe
illnesses such as tuberculosis, pneumonia, meningitis and cancers. At this
point, a person is said to have AIDS. Therefore, people do not die from AIDS,
but from diseases caused by AIDS.
HIV can be transmitted via the exchange of a variety of body fluids
from infected individuals, such as blood (also transmission from a pregnant
woman to her unborn child through their shared blood circulation), breast
milk, semen, vaginal/anal secretions, sharing contaminated injecting
equipment, and blood transfusions. Individuals cannot become infected
through ordinary day-to-day contact such as kissing, hugging, shaking
hands, or sharing personal objects, food or water.
Although individuals suffering from HIV/AIDS have to deal with similar
adjustments and constraints as in the case of other chronic diseases, additional
factors hinder their fight against the disease. The fear of contracting an
incurable fatal disease, coupled with a high level of misinformation about
AIDS, has created a climate in which prejudice against people living with
HIV thrives. In many cases, having AIDS or being HIV positive can have a
negative effect on employment and housing opportunities, as well as social
relationships. Research in South Africa has revealed that only one third of
80
respondents who had revealed their HIV positive status were met with a
positive response in their communities. One in ten said that they had been
met with outright hostility and rejection (Steinberg et al., 2002). According
to another recent South African study, stigma is a major obstruction in
the fight against HIV/AIDS, presenting a significant barrier to testing and
treatment (Treves-Kagan et al., 2017). Disregarding the stigma and in an
effort to challenge the suspicion that surrounds HIV infection and AIDS,
various prominent community leaders have announced their HIV status.
For example, in 2000, Justice Edwin Cameron of the South African Appeal
Court announced that he was HIV positive; and when his son died of AIDS in
2005, Nelson Mandela publicised the cause of his death.
When the psychological effect of living with AIDS is taken into account, it
is understandable that persons with HIV/AIDS are at a higher risk for mental
health disorders (National Institute of Mental Health, 2016). According to a
review of published research on the mental health of HIV-infected adults in
Africa, almost all studies found that at least about 20% of HIV-infected adults
had some form of psychiatric disorder (Breuer et al., 2011). Depression seems
to be the most common individual problem, with about 5% to 20% of HIV/
AIDS patients in South Africa suffering from major depression (Chibanda
et al., 2014). (See Table 2.3 for the prevalence of mental disorders in South
Africans living with HIV/AIDS.) With the high prevalence of especially
depression, it is understandable that HIV-infected people are also more
likely to think about and actually commit suicide than do people who are
not infected. In fact, patients with HIV and AIDS are about 2 to 9 times more
likely to commit suicide (Gurm et al., 2015).
An important aspect that is often overshadowed by the effect of HIV/
AIDS on the individual is the effect and pervasiveness of the illness on
families and households (Schatz & Ogunmefun, 2007). The aforementioned
authors refer to various studies that indicate that especially the elderly are
often on the receiving end as the burden of financial, physical and emotional
care falls to them. The elderly are often left with high medical and funeral
expenses of the deceased, and with grandchildren (some who may be HIV
positive) for whom they now have to provide and care (see Ardington et al.,
2014). For example, according to a study of HIV-/AIDS-affected households
in South Africa, nearly 70% of such households had a lower financial income
because of HIV/AIDS, while almost 50% reported not having enough food
(Steinberg et al., 2002).
81
 is quite good if the cancer is discovered at an early stage. In South African
Table 2.3 Prevalence of mental disorders in a group of South Africans women, the leading cause of cancer deaths is cancer of the cervix (the lower
with AIDS part of the uterus in the human female reproductive system), followed by
Type of mental disorder Percentage tracheal/bronchial/lung cancer (Cancer Association of South Africa, 2014).
Major depression 11,1%
Minor depression 29,1% 2.3.8.5 Hypertension
Alcohol abuse disorder 12,9%
Hypertension is characterised by an abnormally high blood pressure in the
Alcohol dependence 2,9%
blood vessels of the body. (Therefore, the illness is also known as ‘high blood
Intermittent explosive disorder 3,9% pressure’.) The most important symptoms include headaches, dizziness and
Posttraumatic stress disorder (event: HIV) 4,2% tiredness. The risk of hypertension sufferers developing serious illnesses such
All other disorders Less than 2% as arteriosclerosis (hardening and thickening of the walls of the blood vessels,
Freeman et al., 2007 which are caused mainly by calcification), heart failure, stroke, kidney failure
and damage to the retina of the eye, is very high. With more than six million
2.3.8.2 Ischemic heart disease people living with high blood pressure, South Africa has one of the highest
rates of hypertension worldwide. Several community studies done by the South
This refers to heart problems that are caused by a lack of blood and therefore
African Medical Research Council showed that one out of every four people
an insufficient supply of oxygen to the heart. The illness is caused mainly by
between the ages of 15 and 64 suffer from high blood pressure (The Heart and
the thickening and hardening of the blood vessels, which obstruct normal
Stroke Foundation South Africa, 2016). In a sample of adults 50 years and older,
blood flow. Ischemic heart disease is the leading cause of death (nearly
the prevalence was 77% (males 74% and females 80%) (Peltzer & Phaswana-
20%) in South African men and women 60 years and older (Onen, 2013).
Mafuya, 2013). There are strong indications that severe stress experienced in
2.3.8.3 Stroke early life can lead to hypertension in later life (Alastalo et al., 2013).

This refers to a condition that occurs when blood flow to the brain is 2.3.8.6 Tuberculosis (TB)
obstructed due to the rupture or blockage of a blood vessel in the brain.
This is a disease that usually destroys the soft tissue of the lungs, resulting in
The symptoms are determined by the specific area that is affected and may
difficulty with breathing. However, it may occur in any part of the body. The
include paralysis. Stroke is the third largest cause of death and is a leading
disease is highly infectious and is usually spread when a TB patient coughs,
cause of disability in South Africa. Every hour 11 people in South Africa may
sneezes, or spits. Currently, South Africa ranks the third highest in the world
suffer a stroke (The Heart and Stroke Foundation South Africa, 2016).
in terms of TB burden, with an incidence rate that has increased by 400%
2.3.8.4 Cancer over the past 15 years. In South Africa, TB is a leading cause of death. As
in the case of HIV, there is a wide variation in TB prevalence across age,
Cancer is a general term that refers to any malignant growth that may lead to race, gender, socio-economic status and geographical location (National
the death of a person. The illness is caused by a wide variety of factors such Strategic Plan for HIV, STIS and TB 2012-2016; TB facts.org 2017).
as smoking, some diets (e.g. high-fat diets and diets low in fibre), sunlight,
X-rays and heredity. In South Africa, the cancer causing most deaths among 2.3.8.7 Diabetes mellitus
men is cancer of the trachea (‘windpipe’), bronchi (tubes going from the
Diabetes mellitus, usually referred to as diabetes, involves an abnormally
trachea to the lungs) and lungs. This is followed by cancer of the oesophagus
high blood glucose (sugar) level caused by the inability of the body to either
(the tube that carries food from the mouth to the stomach) and prostate
produce or respond to insulin properly. Insulin is a hormone necessary to
cancer. Excluding skin cancer, prostate cancer is the most common cancer
carry glucose from the bloodstream into the body cells, where it is used
in males, especially in those older than 65 (Louw, 2017). However, it has only
for energy. If there is too little insulin, blood glucose levels continue to rise,
the second highest mortality rate of all male cancers, because the prognosis
82 83
 is quite good if the cancer is discovered at an early stage. In South African
Table 2.3 Prevalence of mental disorders in a group of South Africans women, the leading cause of cancer deaths is cancer of the cervix (the lower
with AIDS part of the uterus in the human female reproductive system), followed by
Type of mental disorder Percentage tracheal/bronchial/lung cancer (Cancer Association of South Africa, 2014).
Major depression 11,1%
Minor depression 29,1% 2.3.8.5 Hypertension
Alcohol abuse disorder 12,9%
Hypertension is characterised by an abnormally high blood pressure in the
Alcohol dependence 2,9%
blood vessels of the body. (Therefore, the illness is also known as ‘high blood
Intermittent explosive disorder 3,9% pressure’.) The most important symptoms include headaches, dizziness and
Posttraumatic stress disorder (event: HIV) 4,2% tiredness. The risk of hypertension sufferers developing serious illnesses such
All other disorders Less than 2% as arteriosclerosis (hardening and thickening of the walls of the blood vessels,
Freeman et al., 2007 which are caused mainly by calcification), heart failure, stroke, kidney failure
and damage to the retina of the eye, is very high. With more than six million
2.3.8.2 Ischemic heart disease people living with high blood pressure, South Africa has one of the highest
rates of hypertension worldwide. Several community studies done by the South
This refers to heart problems that are caused by a lack of blood and therefore
African Medical Research Council showed that one out of every four people
an insufficient supply of oxygen to the heart. The illness is caused mainly by
between the ages of 15 and 64 suffer from high blood pressure (The Heart and
the thickening and hardening of the blood vessels, which obstruct normal
Stroke Foundation South Africa, 2016). In a sample of adults 50 years and older,
blood flow. Ischemic heart disease is the leading cause of death (nearly
the prevalence was 77% (males 74% and females 80%) (Peltzer & Phaswana-
20%) in South African men and women 60 years and older (Onen, 2013).
Mafuya, 2013). There are strong indications that severe stress experienced in
2.3.8.3 Stroke early life can lead to hypertension in later life (Alastalo et al., 2013).

This refers to a condition that occurs when blood flow to the brain is 2.3.8.6 Tuberculosis (TB)
obstructed due to the rupture or blockage of a blood vessel in the brain.
This is a disease that usually destroys the soft tissue of the lungs, resulting in
The symptoms are determined by the specific area that is affected and may
difficulty with breathing. However, it may occur in any part of the body. The
include paralysis. Stroke is the third largest cause of death and is a leading
disease is highly infectious and is usually spread when a TB patient coughs,
cause of disability in South Africa. Every hour 11 people in South Africa may
sneezes, or spits. Currently, South Africa ranks the third highest in the world
suffer a stroke (The Heart and Stroke Foundation South Africa, 2016).
in terms of TB burden, with an incidence rate that has increased by 400%
2.3.8.4 Cancer over the past 15 years. In South Africa, TB is a leading cause of death. As
in the case of HIV, there is a wide variation in TB prevalence across age,
Cancer is a general term that refers to any malignant growth that may lead to race, gender, socio-economic status and geographical location (National
the death of a person. The illness is caused by a wide variety of factors such Strategic Plan for HIV, STIS and TB 2012-2016; TB facts.org 2017).
as smoking, some diets (e.g. high-fat diets and diets low in fibre), sunlight,
X-rays and heredity. In South Africa, the cancer causing most deaths among 2.3.8.7 Diabetes mellitus
men is cancer of the trachea (‘windpipe’), bronchi (tubes going from the
Diabetes mellitus, usually referred to as diabetes, involves an abnormally
trachea to the lungs) and lungs. This is followed by cancer of the oesophagus
high blood glucose (sugar) level caused by the inability of the body to either
(the tube that carries food from the mouth to the stomach) and prostate
produce or respond to insulin properly. Insulin is a hormone necessary to
cancer. Excluding skin cancer, prostate cancer is the most common cancer
carry glucose from the bloodstream into the body cells, where it is used
in males, especially in those older than 65 (Louw, 2017). However, it has only
for energy. If there is too little insulin, blood glucose levels continue to rise,
the second highest mortality rate of all male cancers, because the prognosis
82 83
as glucose is not removed from the bloodstream (The Heart and Stroke
Foundation, South Africa, 2006). There are different types of diabetes, and
symptoms vary from individual to individual. In general, the most common
symptoms include visual disturbances, constant thirst, increased hunger and
frequent urinating. In the long term, complications such as visual problems,
kidney disease, neuropathy (gradual damaging of the nerves), gangrene
and heart disease could be the result. Psychological symptoms such as a
feeling of weakness and fatigue, depression, anxiety, irritability and even
serious psychiatric disorders, for instance where the person loses contact
with reality, are also common.
In addition to the above-mentioned illnesses, many other illnesses that are
not fatal but nonetheless cause significant suffering and hardship are prominent
during especially middle and late adulthood. A typical example is arthritis, an
inflammation of the joints that causes pain, loss of movement and flexibility.
In more serious cases, it can lead to malformation of the joints that can be so
serious that the person may be housebound. There are several types of arthritis.
One in seven South Africans has some form of arthritis, while some forms may
afflict even young adults (Arthritis Foundation of South Africa, 2008).
However, it is important to realise that not all patients with chronic or
even fatal diseases (including AIDS) experience significant adjustment
and/or psychological problems. Many such individuals develop effective
coping skills (sometimes with professional help) to manage their daily lives
effectively and without serious distress. (Table 2.4 provides an indication of
the leading causes of death for South African adults.)
2.3.9 Climacteric and menopause
Although the terms climacteric and menopause are closely related and
sometimes used synonymously, there is a distinct difference.
The climacteric, also known as perimenopause, refers to the transitional
period in middle-age during which a woman’s reproductive capacity ends
and ovulation stops. It usually begins in the 40s and is completed by age 50
to 55, although individual variations exist. It is characterised by physiological
and especially hormonal changes associated with the decrease in the
woman’s reproductive ability. Up to 90% of women experience a change in
menstrual patterns and sexual response during the climacteric (Alves et al.,
2015; Crooks & Baur, 2005).
The menopause, on the other hand, refers specifically to the cessation
of menstruation and the childbearing capacity in women. The menopause
occurs when the hormonal cycle of a woman changes because the ovaries
secrete less oestrogen.

Table 2.4 Leading causes of death for South Africa

Leading causes of death Number of deaths
1. HIV/AIDS 251,912 (40,6%)
2. Cerebrovascular disease 34,795 (5,6%)
3. Lower respiratory infections 31,672 (5,1%) Menstrual cycle: Graphic illustration of average
menstrual cycle days. Bleeding period (red colour),
4. Ischaemic heart disease 30,939 (5,0%) and ovulation (yellow) when egg is released and
5. Diabetes 24,634 (4,0%) fertile for 24 hours.

6. Tuberculosis 19,918 (3,2%)

7. Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
8. Diarrhoeal diseases
9. Hypertensive heart disease
10. Interpersonal violence
Top 10 causes
Total
Pillay-van Wyk et al. (2016)
15,759 (2,5%) Two hormones secreted by the pituitary gland are of particular
15,671 (2,5%) importance in the menstrual cycle: the follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH)
11,919 (1,9%) and the luteinising hormone (LH). Every menstrual cycle begins with a low
11,443 (1,8%) hormonal level, leading to the release of FSH, which stimulates the ovaries
448,661 (72,3%)
to secrete oestrogen. Subsequently, the oestrogen level rises gradually for
about 14 days. The pituitary gland then begins to secrete LH, which in turn
620,594 (100,0%)
activates the ovaries to produce both oestrogen and progesterone. Thus,

84 85
as glucose is not removed from the bloodstream (The Heart and Stroke
Foundation, South Africa, 2006). There are different types of diabetes, and
symptoms vary from individual to individual. In general, the most common
symptoms include visual disturbances, constant thirst, increased hunger and
frequent urinating. In the long term, complications such as visual problems,
kidney disease, neuropathy (gradual damaging of the nerves), gangrene
and heart disease could be the result. Psychological symptoms such as a
feeling of weakness and fatigue, depression, anxiety, irritability and even
serious psychiatric disorders, for instance where the person loses contact
with reality, are also common.
In addition to the above-mentioned illnesses, many other illnesses that are
not fatal but nonetheless cause significant suffering and hardship are prominent
during especially middle and late adulthood. A typical example is arthritis, an
inflammation of the joints that causes pain, loss of movement and flexibility.
In more serious cases, it can lead to malformation of the joints that can be so
serious that the person may be housebound. There are several types of arthritis.
One in seven South Africans has some form of arthritis, while some forms may
afflict even young adults (Arthritis Foundation of South Africa, 2008).
However, it is important to realise that not all patients with chronic or
even fatal diseases (including AIDS) experience significant adjustment
and/or psychological problems. Many such individuals develop effective
coping skills (sometimes with professional help) to manage their daily lives
effectively and without serious distress. (Table 2.4 provides an indication of
the leading causes of death for South African adults.)
2.3.9 Climacteric and menopause
Although the terms climacteric and menopause are closely related and
sometimes used synonymously, there is a distinct difference.
The climacteric, also known as perimenopause, refers to the transitional
period in middle-age during which a woman’s reproductive capacity ends
and ovulation stops. It usually begins in the 40s and is completed by age 50
to 55, although individual variations exist. It is characterised by physiological
and especially hormonal changes associated with the decrease in the
woman’s reproductive ability. Up to 90% of women experience a change in
menstrual patterns and sexual response during the climacteric (Alves et al.,
2015; Crooks & Baur, 2005).
The menopause, on the other hand, refers specifically to the cessation
of menstruation and the childbearing capacity in women. The menopause
occurs when the hormonal cycle of a woman changes because the ovaries
secrete less oestrogen.

Table 2.4 Leading causes of death for South Africa

Leading causes of death Number of deaths
1. HIV/AIDS 251,912 (40,6%)
2. Cerebrovascular disease 34,795 (5,6%)
3. Lower respiratory infections 31,672 (5,1%) Menstrual cycle: Graphic illustration of average
menstrual cycle days. Bleeding period (red colour),
4. Ischaemic heart disease 30,939 (5,0%) and ovulation (yellow) when egg is released and
5. Diabetes 24,634 (4,0%) fertile for 24 hours.

6. Tuberculosis 19,918 (3,2%)

7. Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease
8. Diarrhoeal diseases
9. Hypertensive heart disease
10. Interpersonal violence
Top 10 causes
Total
Pillay-van Wyk et al. (2016)
15,759 (2,5%) Two hormones secreted by the pituitary gland are of particular
15,671 (2,5%) importance in the menstrual cycle: the follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH)
11,919 (1,9%) and the luteinising hormone (LH). Every menstrual cycle begins with a low
11,443 (1,8%) hormonal level, leading to the release of FSH, which stimulates the ovaries
448,661 (72,3%)
to secrete oestrogen. Subsequently, the oestrogen level rises gradually for
about 14 days. The pituitary gland then begins to secrete LH, which in turn
620,594 (100,0%)
activates the ovaries to produce both oestrogen and progesterone. Thus,

84 85
the menstrual cycle is completed, only to begin all over again.
When menopause is reached, the levels of these hormones drop
gradually. As a reaction and as an attempt to activate the ovaries again, the
pituitary gland secretes exceptionally large quantities of FSH and LH. This
may produce an imbalance in the hormonal system. This imbalance underlies
the typical menopausal symptoms, which will be mentioned below. The
decrease in oestrogen eventually leads to the cessation of menstruation.
This usually occurs at approximately age 50, an age that is more or less the
same for women from all races and socio-economic circumstances (Cronjé,
2017).
The hormonal changes directly associated with menopause could result
in symptoms such as hot flushes and night sweating. Other symptoms
that are linked to the menopause are decreased sexual energy, anxiety,
emotional instability, depression, sleeplessness, poor memory, inability to
concentrate, and irritability. In many menopausal women, the mentioned
symptoms become so intense that they have to seek professional help
(Guthrie et al., 2003). It seems that these symptoms occur more often in
women who often suffered physical or psychological symptoms during
menstruation and pregnancy, or who exhibited psychosomatic symptoms
(physical symptoms such as pain and discomfort caused or made worse by
emotional or psychological factors such as stress and low self-acceptance)
before the onset of menopause. Treatment for menopausal symptoms is
available, although somewhat controversial at present. The main reason for
this controversy is that some researchers have found that the most popular
therapy for decades, hormone therapy (HT) or hormone replacement
therapy (HRT), increases the risk of heart attacks, strokes, blood clots and
breast cancer (Carroll, 2007). However, the South African Menopause Society
(Guidozzi, 2014, p. 542), consisting of prominent experts in the country,
stated, “Many of those data have since been reinterpreted and revisited ...
HRT will remain the treatment of choice for acute menopausal symptoms for
the immediate future”. (Also see Hodis & Mack, 2013.)
Some women experience no symptoms at all, although most women
report at least some of the mentioned symptoms. Furthermore, many
women feel ‘liberated’ and relieved that they do not have to be concerned
about contraception, pregnancy and menstruation any longer. Consequently,
they may also experience an increased sense of freedom in sexual intimacy
(Crooks & Baur, 2005).
Although the physiological changes associated with menopause are
universal, the way in which women perceive and experience menopause is
86
not. Two important factors that influence these perceptions and experiences
are culture and socio-economic factors. It seems that menopausal symptoms
are understood better by women in developed and well-resourced cultures
than by women in developing and under-resourced cultures (Friderichs &
Hall, 2005). For example, in a study with urban African women in Durban,
it was found that although 40% of the women experienced menopausal
symptoms, only 19% believed that hot flushes were connected to the
menopause (Mashiloane et al., 2002). This is significantly less than in
Westernised cultures. It could be hypothesised that women from rural areas
are even less knowledgeable. Another example is that the majority of older
women in the rural villages of the Vhembe district in the Limpopo Province
in South Africa had negative attitudes towards sexuality at menopause due
to values and cultural beliefs (Ramakuela et al., 2014). There was also strong
evidence that that the women did not link lack of sexual desire to hormonal
changes during menopause and therefore could not make informed choices
regarding their sexuality during menopause.
These differences in menopausal experience could probably be attributed
to the fact that women in well-resourced environments are often more
educated and more exposed to relevant resources such as health clinics
and the mass media than women in under-resourced areas are. In South
Africa, to a great extent, the relatively high rate of illiteracy, low educational
level, and poor socio-economic status among the majority of people are
responsible for the low levels of awareness of the menopause in certain
groups. The role of existing social norms should also not be underestimated.
For example, many women in cultures where fertility is highly valued may
perceive and experience the menopause more negatively, while in other
cultures where women receive more respect and gain more power as they
get older, menopause may be regarded as an indication that a woman has
reached a certain level of social status.
As far as cultural differences in the physiological symptoms of the
menopause are concerned, the data are often contradictory. It seems that
in most countries there are significant similarities concerning the core
symptoms of menopause (e.g. Obermeyer et al., 2007). In South Africa, a
study also showed that the symptoms reported by rural Xhosa women were
similar to those of white women (Friderichs & Hall, 2005). However, other
researchers have found significant differences regarding the symptoms
reported (see Melby et al., 2005; Ramakuela et al., 2014). For example,
although hot flushes are common in menopausal women in the USA, Canada
and Europe, this symptom is uncommon among women in Japan and many
87
the menstrual cycle is completed, only to begin all over again.
When menopause is reached, the levels of these hormones drop
gradually. As a reaction and as an attempt to activate the ovaries again, the
pituitary gland secretes exceptionally large quantities of FSH and LH. This
may produce an imbalance in the hormonal system. This imbalance underlies
the typical menopausal symptoms, which will be mentioned below. The
decrease in oestrogen eventually leads to the cessation of menstruation.
This usually occurs at approximately age 50, an age that is more or less the
same for women from all races and socio-economic circumstances (Cronjé,
2017).
The hormonal changes directly associated with menopause could result
in symptoms such as hot flushes and night sweating. Other symptoms
that are linked to the menopause are decreased sexual energy, anxiety,
emotional instability, depression, sleeplessness, poor memory, inability to
concentrate, and irritability. In many menopausal women, the mentioned
symptoms become so intense that they have to seek professional help
(Guthrie et al., 2003). It seems that these symptoms occur more often in
women who often suffered physical or psychological symptoms during
menstruation and pregnancy, or who exhibited psychosomatic symptoms
(physical symptoms such as pain and discomfort caused or made worse by
emotional or psychological factors such as stress and low self-acceptance)
before the onset of menopause. Treatment for menopausal symptoms is
available, although somewhat controversial at present. The main reason for
this controversy is that some researchers have found that the most popular
therapy for decades, hormone therapy (HT) or hormone replacement
therapy (HRT), increases the risk of heart attacks, strokes, blood clots and
breast cancer (Carroll, 2007). However, the South African Menopause Society
(Guidozzi, 2014, p. 542), consisting of prominent experts in the country,
stated, “Many of those data have since been reinterpreted and revisited ...
HRT will remain the treatment of choice for acute menopausal symptoms for
the immediate future”. (Also see Hodis & Mack, 2013.)
Some women experience no symptoms at all, although most women
report at least some of the mentioned symptoms. Furthermore, many
women feel ‘liberated’ and relieved that they do not have to be concerned
about contraception, pregnancy and menstruation any longer. Consequently,
they may also experience an increased sense of freedom in sexual intimacy
(Crooks & Baur, 2005).
Although the physiological changes associated with menopause are
universal, the way in which women perceive and experience menopause is
86
not. Two important factors that influence these perceptions and experiences
are culture and socio-economic factors. It seems that menopausal symptoms
are understood better by women in developed and well-resourced cultures
than by women in developing and under-resourced cultures (Friderichs &
Hall, 2005). For example, in a study with urban African women in Durban,
it was found that although 40% of the women experienced menopausal
symptoms, only 19% believed that hot flushes were connected to the
menopause (Mashiloane et al., 2002). This is significantly less than in
Westernised cultures. It could be hypothesised that women from rural areas
are even less knowledgeable. Another example is that the majority of older
women in the rural villages of the Vhembe district in the Limpopo Province
in South Africa had negative attitudes towards sexuality at menopause due
to values and cultural beliefs (Ramakuela et al., 2014). There was also strong
evidence that that the women did not link lack of sexual desire to hormonal
changes during menopause and therefore could not make informed choices
regarding their sexuality during menopause.
These differences in menopausal experience could probably be attributed
to the fact that women in well-resourced environments are often more
educated and more exposed to relevant resources such as health clinics
and the mass media than women in under-resourced areas are. In South
Africa, to a great extent, the relatively high rate of illiteracy, low educational
level, and poor socio-economic status among the majority of people are
responsible for the low levels of awareness of the menopause in certain
groups. The role of existing social norms should also not be underestimated.
For example, many women in cultures where fertility is highly valued may
perceive and experience the menopause more negatively, while in other
cultures where women receive more respect and gain more power as they
get older, menopause may be regarded as an indication that a woman has
reached a certain level of social status.
As far as cultural differences in the physiological symptoms of the
menopause are concerned, the data are often contradictory. It seems that
in most countries there are significant similarities concerning the core
symptoms of menopause (e.g. Obermeyer et al., 2007). In South Africa, a
study also showed that the symptoms reported by rural Xhosa women were
similar to those of white women (Friderichs & Hall, 2005). However, other
researchers have found significant differences regarding the symptoms
reported (see Melby et al., 2005; Ramakuela et al., 2014). For example,
although hot flushes are common in menopausal women in the USA, Canada
and Europe, this symptom is uncommon among women in Japan and many
87
other areas of Asia, as well as in a certain ethnic group (the Mayans) in
Mexico. Therefore, more research is needed to arrive at a final conclusion. In
the process, research methodological questions such as the following should
be answered: Do women in certain cultures really not experience symptoms
such as hot flushes, or is it rather the fact that they are too shy to talk about
something that is actually taboo in their culture? Another question comes to
mind: Do men experience menopause? See Box 2.1 in this regard.
Box 2.1. Is there a male menopause?
This question is asked because it is often referred to in the popular media. Strictly
speaking, the answer is ‘no’, as males do not menstruate. They also do not experience
the sharp drop in hormones that accompanies menopause in women. Nonetheless,
certain symptoms that resemble the female climacteric in some ways do occur in
some men. These symptoms include insomnia, anxiety, loss of energy, poor appetite,
decreased sexual desire, irritability and memory problems (Mayo Clinic, 2014; Sigelman
& Rider, 2015). These symptoms are caused by testosterone and are often referred to
as the male andropause. The symptoms are attributed to slowly decreasing levels of
testosterone: Between the ages of 40 and 70 years, testosterone levels decrease by
about 1% per year (Hoyer & Roodin, 2009). Note that the male does not lose his ability
to reproduce, as most men remain fertile until their death. Also, most cases of erectile
dysfunction (inability to achieve or sustain an erection for intercourse) are caused
by medical conditions such as diabetes mellitus and prostrate problems, but not by
lower hormone production. Erectile dysfunction among older men is often treatable by
medication such as Viagra (Sigelman & Rider, 2015).
Most mental health professionals believe that psychological factors such as stress
play a role in the so-called male andropause. The male climacteric corresponds with a
time in a man’s life that is often characterised by significant changes to which he has to
adjust. Several physical and mental symptoms compel the person to face the fact that
he is ageing: his children are leaving home; a career plateau and even a dead-end may
have been reached, while other vocational opportunities may have become limited;
a decrease in sexual interest and behaviour may be experienced, which could add to
disheartened feelings and less confidence.
88
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Discuss age related changes in the following bodily organs and systems, and
indicate how these changes may affect the individual on a psychological level:
– the brain
– the senses
– muscle strength
– internal organs
2. How does the ageing process affect stamina, physical appearance, and bodily
height and weight? How may these changes affect the individual?
3. Which health-related problems may become more prevalent in older people?
4. What effect does HIV/AIDS have on the individual? What do you think are the
reasons for the increase in the AIDS epidemic, despite all the information available?
5. What effect does HIV/AIDS have specifically with regard to the elderly?
6. Define the concepts climacteric and menopause. How are women affected
physically and psychologically? Do men also experience a ‘menopause’?
7. Refer to Chapter 1. Taking a life-span developmental perspective, indicate the effect
of physical development on the individual.
2.4 SEXUALITY
Sexuality includes all components and facets of human functioning. It is both
an integral component of, as well as a key contributor to well-being and the
quality of relationships in midlife and late life (Lodge et al., 2016; McCarthy
& Pierpaoli, 2015). However, because of the widely held view that sexuality
has a strong biological basis, it was decided to include it in this chapter on
physical development.
The biological basis of human sexuality becomes particularly evident
during puberty and adolescence when the reproductive organs and
associated external characteristics begin to develop. However, sexuality
and emotional intimacy begin to converge during early adulthood. This is in
contrast to adolescent sexuality, which tends to be more egocentric because
the individual’s identity is not yet fully developed (see Louw & Louw, 2014).
Owing to their identity development during adolescence, individuals are
still too uncertain of who they are and are therefore unable to give freely
of themselves in a love relationship. Therefore, the establishment of a
personal identity is a prerequisite for a mature adult sexual relationship that
is characterised by emotional intimacy and by caring and respect for the
other person. (Intimate relationships in adulthood will be discussed in more
detail in Chapter 5.)
89
other areas of Asia, as well as in a certain ethnic group (the Mayans) in
Mexico. Therefore, more research is needed to arrive at a final conclusion. In
the process, research methodological questions such as the following should
be answered: Do women in certain cultures really not experience symptoms
such as hot flushes, or is it rather the fact that they are too shy to talk about
something that is actually taboo in their culture? Another question comes to
mind: Do men experience menopause? See Box 2.1 in this regard.
Box 2.1. Is there a male menopause?
This question is asked because it is often referred to in the popular media. Strictly
speaking, the answer is ‘no’, as males do not menstruate. They also do not experience
the sharp drop in hormones that accompanies menopause in women. Nonetheless,
certain symptoms that resemble the female climacteric in some ways do occur in
some men. These symptoms include insomnia, anxiety, loss of energy, poor appetite,
decreased sexual desire, irritability and memory problems (Mayo Clinic, 2014; Sigelman
& Rider, 2015). These symptoms are caused by testosterone and are often referred to
as the male andropause. The symptoms are attributed to slowly decreasing levels of
testosterone: Between the ages of 40 and 70 years, testosterone levels decrease by
about 1% per year (Hoyer & Roodin, 2009). Note that the male does not lose his ability
to reproduce, as most men remain fertile until their death. Also, most cases of erectile
dysfunction (inability to achieve or sustain an erection for intercourse) are caused
by medical conditions such as diabetes mellitus and prostrate problems, but not by
lower hormone production. Erectile dysfunction among older men is often treatable by
medication such as Viagra (Sigelman & Rider, 2015).
Most mental health professionals believe that psychological factors such as stress
play a role in the so-called male andropause. The male climacteric corresponds with a
time in a man’s life that is often characterised by significant changes to which he has to
adjust. Several physical and mental symptoms compel the person to face the fact that
he is ageing: his children are leaving home; a career plateau and even a dead-end may
have been reached, while other vocational opportunities may have become limited;
a decrease in sexual interest and behaviour may be experienced, which could add to
disheartened feelings and less confidence.
88
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Discuss age related changes in the following bodily organs and systems, and
indicate how these changes may affect the individual on a psychological level:
– the brain
– the senses
– muscle strength
– internal organs
2. How does the ageing process affect stamina, physical appearance, and bodily
height and weight? How may these changes affect the individual?
3. Which health-related problems may become more prevalent in older people?
4. What effect does HIV/AIDS have on the individual? What do you think are the
reasons for the increase in the AIDS epidemic, despite all the information available?
5. What effect does HIV/AIDS have specifically with regard to the elderly?
6. Define the concepts climacteric and menopause. How are women affected
physically and psychologically? Do men also experience a ‘menopause’?
7. Refer to Chapter 1. Taking a life-span developmental perspective, indicate the effect
of physical development on the individual.
2.4 SEXUALITY
Sexuality includes all components and facets of human functioning. It is both
an integral component of, as well as a key contributor to well-being and the
quality of relationships in midlife and late life (Lodge et al., 2016; McCarthy
& Pierpaoli, 2015). However, because of the widely held view that sexuality
has a strong biological basis, it was decided to include it in this chapter on
physical development.
The biological basis of human sexuality becomes particularly evident
during puberty and adolescence when the reproductive organs and
associated external characteristics begin to develop. However, sexuality
and emotional intimacy begin to converge during early adulthood. This is in
contrast to adolescent sexuality, which tends to be more egocentric because
the individual’s identity is not yet fully developed (see Louw & Louw, 2014).
Owing to their identity development during adolescence, individuals are
still too uncertain of who they are and are therefore unable to give freely
of themselves in a love relationship. Therefore, the establishment of a
personal identity is a prerequisite for a mature adult sexual relationship that
is characterised by emotional intimacy and by caring and respect for the
other person. (Intimate relationships in adulthood will be discussed in more
detail in Chapter 5.)
89

A sexual relationship should be characterised by emotional intimacy and
respect for each other
Relatively little research has been conducted on human sexuality. One
reason for this is that many people feel that sexuality is such a personal
thing that they are reluctant to share intimate details with other people. The
result is that relatively few researchers are committed to conduct research
on sexuality, as relatively few people are willing to participate in such a
research project.
Several points of criticism are also levelled against data reported by
researchers: Firstly, the samples are not representative because relatively
few people are willing to participate. Generally, only individuals with a more
‘liberal’ attitude towards sex will participate in such a research project, with
the result that the attitudes of more sexually conservative individuals are not
documented. This implies that the research findings cannot be generalised
to the population. An example of unrepresentativeness of research data is
that of a researcher who uses readers of a specific sex magazine as research
participants. It is possible that readers of these magazines may be more
liberal and permissive regarding sexuality than individuals who do not read
such magazines.
Secondly, an issue in sex research is to what extent people are willing to
answer questions of this nature openly and honestly (even if their answers
are anonymous), as it concerns behaviour that is extremely personal in
nature and could evoke feelings of guilt and trauma.
Thirdly, although sexual behaviour has a strong biological basis, it is
equally true that, as we know by now, it could be influenced strongly by
environmental factors such as cultural and societal norms, customs and
90
values. This is particularly true for a country such as South Africa that is
widely recognised for its unique multicultural status. Thus, care should be
taken not to apply the results of a specific country, culture or any group to
another country, culture or group without reservation. Of course, this is true
for all research data on human behaviour.
Fourthly, it should be taken into account that research data on sexual
behaviour, as in most cases in psychology and related sciences, usually
report only averages. The result is that all variations from the average remain
unknown to the reader. Therefore, one of the golden rules in psychology,
namely that every individual is unique, should also always be applied here.
In the following sections, international and South African research on
sexuality will be discussed.
2.4.1 International research
Examples of international research on sexual behaviour are the following:
2.4.1.1 The Kinsey Reports
These reports, published in 1948 on men and in 1953 on women, were
regarded as the ‘Bible’ of sexual research for decades. The Kinsey Reports
brought interesting information to light; for example, concerning the
frequency of sexual intercourse, the incidence of extramarital sexual
activity and homosexuality. Incidentally, the latter two were reported to be
significantly higher than the then more conservative norms had led one to
expect.
However, the Kinsey Reports are no longer regarded as authoritative, for
two main reasons. Firstly, it is generally accepted that sexual norms have
changed worldwide to such an extent that it is highly questionable whether
the results of the Kinsey Reports are still relevant today. Secondly, the Kinsey
Reports are criticised on the grounds of faulty methodology (especially
concerning one-sided interpretations and non-representative samples of
participants). It is even alleged that some of the results are false and based
purely on speculation (Wildavsky, 1997). The main contribution of the Kinsey
Reports probably lies in the fact that they, to a large extent, opened the
research door to a ‘forbidden’ area and thus stimulated future research.
2.4.1.2 Australian Study of Health and Relationships
One of the most recent comprehensive studies on sexual attitudes was done
in Australia by De Visser et al. (2014) in a population-representative sample
91

A sexual relationship should be characterised by emotional intimacy and
respect for each other
Relatively little research has been conducted on human sexuality. One
reason for this is that many people feel that sexuality is such a personal
thing that they are reluctant to share intimate details with other people. The
result is that relatively few researchers are committed to conduct research
on sexuality, as relatively few people are willing to participate in such a
research project.
Several points of criticism are also levelled against data reported by
researchers: Firstly, the samples are not representative because relatively
few people are willing to participate. Generally, only individuals with a more
‘liberal’ attitude towards sex will participate in such a research project, with
the result that the attitudes of more sexually conservative individuals are not
documented. This implies that the research findings cannot be generalised
to the population. An example of unrepresentativeness of research data is
that of a researcher who uses readers of a specific sex magazine as research
participants. It is possible that readers of these magazines may be more
liberal and permissive regarding sexuality than individuals who do not read
such magazines.
Secondly, an issue in sex research is to what extent people are willing to
answer questions of this nature openly and honestly (even if their answers
are anonymous), as it concerns behaviour that is extremely personal in
nature and could evoke feelings of guilt and trauma.
Thirdly, although sexual behaviour has a strong biological basis, it is
equally true that, as we know by now, it could be influenced strongly by
environmental factors such as cultural and societal norms, customs and
90
values. This is particularly true for a country such as South Africa that is
widely recognised for its unique multicultural status. Thus, care should be
taken not to apply the results of a specific country, culture or any group to
another country, culture or group without reservation. Of course, this is true
for all research data on human behaviour.
Fourthly, it should be taken into account that research data on sexual
behaviour, as in most cases in psychology and related sciences, usually
report only averages. The result is that all variations from the average remain
unknown to the reader. Therefore, one of the golden rules in psychology,
namely that every individual is unique, should also always be applied here.
In the following sections, international and South African research on
sexuality will be discussed.
2.4.1 International research
Examples of international research on sexual behaviour are the following:
2.4.1.1 The Kinsey Reports
These reports, published in 1948 on men and in 1953 on women, were
regarded as the ‘Bible’ of sexual research for decades. The Kinsey Reports
brought interesting information to light; for example, concerning the
frequency of sexual intercourse, the incidence of extramarital sexual
activity and homosexuality. Incidentally, the latter two were reported to be
significantly higher than the then more conservative norms had led one to
expect.
However, the Kinsey Reports are no longer regarded as authoritative, for
two main reasons. Firstly, it is generally accepted that sexual norms have
changed worldwide to such an extent that it is highly questionable whether
the results of the Kinsey Reports are still relevant today. Secondly, the Kinsey
Reports are criticised on the grounds of faulty methodology (especially
concerning one-sided interpretations and non-representative samples of
participants). It is even alleged that some of the results are false and based
purely on speculation (Wildavsky, 1997). The main contribution of the Kinsey
Reports probably lies in the fact that they, to a large extent, opened the
research door to a ‘forbidden’ area and thus stimulated future research.
2.4.1.2 Australian Study of Health and Relationships
One of the most recent comprehensive studies on sexual attitudes was done
in Australia by De Visser et al. (2014) in a population-representative sample
91
of more than 20 000 men and women aged 16 to 69 years. Table 2.5 reflects 2.4.1.3 Durex Global Sex Report
the main findings.
In an international study including many countries, Durex (2012) (a company
Table 2.5 Sexual attitudes among Australian men and women involved in the manufacturing of condoms) interviewed nearly 30 000
Men Women people about their sexual attitudes and experiences. Some of the interesting
Statement findings were the following:
Agree Agree
– More than 80% said that sex is vital for general psychological and
Sex before marriage is acceptable 87,1 86,3
physical well-being.
An active sex life is important for my sense of – 54% were not completely satisfied with their sex life.
86,8 78,8
well-being
– 60% were willing to experiment in the bedroom.
If two people had oral sex, but not intercourse, I
68,3 68,2
would still be considered that they had sex
2.4.2 South African research
Having an affair when in a committed relationship is
83,7 81,5
always wrong
There is a serious lack of solid and extensive scientific research on sexual
Abortion is always wrong 20,2 14,8
behaviour in South Africa. The result is that the research data of other
Sex between two adult women is always wrong 16,7 12,9 countries (especially the USA) is often applied unconditionally to the unique
Sex between two adult men is always wrong 26,5 13,4 South African situation, or research on one particular South African group is
Pornography degrades the women shown in it 41,6 49,0 generalised to another local group without reservation. As mentioned before,
Pornography degrades the men shown in it 30,0 37,2 this is scientifically unacceptable, and several authors have warned against
Pornography can improve sexual relations among such generalisations, pointing out that many forms of sexual behaviour are
65,6 53,7
adults not universal (Wellings et al., 2006).
Sexual health education for adolescents increases the Fortunately, there has been a growing tendency over the last decade
31,0 16,4
likelihood of early sexual activity or two to conduct research on the sexual attitudes and behaviour of South
De Visser et al., 2014 Africans. The following are some important examples:

In this Australian study was general agreement that premarital sex was
acceptable (87%); that sex was important for well-being (83%); and that
sex outside a committed relationship was unacceptable (83%). Respondents
were accepting of homosexual behaviour and abortion, and few believed
that sex education encouraged earlier sexual activity. Attitudes that were
more liberal were associated with being female, English as home language,
homosexual or bisexual identity, not being religious, greater education,
and higher incomes. Respondents who expressed attitudes that were more
liberal had more diverse patterns of sexual experience. Predicted gender
differences were found in response to the jealousy-evoking scenario: Men
were more jealous of a partner having sex with someone else, and women
were more jealous of a partner forming an emotional attachment (De Visser
et al., 2014).
2.4.2.1 The Pfizer Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and Behaviours
Pfizer (2002), a large international pharmaceutical company, conducted
this study in 29 countries, interviewing 27 000 participants between the
ages of 40 and 80 years, of which 999 were South Africans. The South
African participants were selected randomly from 2 500 initial door-to-
door interviews. Of these interviews, the most representative group was
the English-speaking population of the country (32% men, 29% women),
followed by Afrikaans-speaking men (29%) and women (30%), and 20% for
both Zulu men and women (the rest included other SA language groups).
Among the South Africa participants, 58% of men and 30% of women
believed that sex played an important role in their overall lives, which was
respectively 8% and 1% higher than their global peers. The study indicated
the frequency of sexual intercourse of men and women respectively as
follows: less than once per month: 10% and 11%; 1-4 times per month: 34%

92 93
of more than 20 000 men and women aged 16 to 69 years. Table 2.5 reflects 2.4.1.3 Durex Global Sex Report
the main findings.
In an international study including many countries, Durex (2012) (a company
Table 2.5 Sexual attitudes among Australian men and women involved in the manufacturing of condoms) interviewed nearly 30 000
Men Women people about their sexual attitudes and experiences. Some of the interesting
Statement findings were the following:
Agree Agree
– More than 80% said that sex is vital for general psychological and
Sex before marriage is acceptable 87,1 86,3
physical well-being.
An active sex life is important for my sense of – 54% were not completely satisfied with their sex life.
86,8 78,8
well-being
– 60% were willing to experiment in the bedroom.
If two people had oral sex, but not intercourse, I
68,3 68,2
would still be considered that they had sex
2.4.2 South African research
Having an affair when in a committed relationship is
83,7 81,5
always wrong
There is a serious lack of solid and extensive scientific research on sexual
Abortion is always wrong 20,2 14,8
behaviour in South Africa. The result is that the research data of other
Sex between two adult women is always wrong 16,7 12,9 countries (especially the USA) is often applied unconditionally to the unique
Sex between two adult men is always wrong 26,5 13,4 South African situation, or research on one particular South African group is
Pornography degrades the women shown in it 41,6 49,0 generalised to another local group without reservation. As mentioned before,
Pornography degrades the men shown in it 30,0 37,2 this is scientifically unacceptable, and several authors have warned against
Pornography can improve sexual relations among such generalisations, pointing out that many forms of sexual behaviour are
65,6 53,7
adults not universal (Wellings et al., 2006).
Sexual health education for adolescents increases the Fortunately, there has been a growing tendency over the last decade
31,0 16,4
likelihood of early sexual activity or two to conduct research on the sexual attitudes and behaviour of South
De Visser et al., 2014 Africans. The following are some important examples:

In this Australian study was general agreement that premarital sex was
acceptable (87%); that sex was important for well-being (83%); and that
sex outside a committed relationship was unacceptable (83%). Respondents
were accepting of homosexual behaviour and abortion, and few believed
that sex education encouraged earlier sexual activity. Attitudes that were
more liberal were associated with being female, English as home language,
homosexual or bisexual identity, not being religious, greater education,
and higher incomes. Respondents who expressed attitudes that were more
liberal had more diverse patterns of sexual experience. Predicted gender
differences were found in response to the jealousy-evoking scenario: Men
were more jealous of a partner having sex with someone else, and women
were more jealous of a partner forming an emotional attachment (De Visser
et al., 2014).
2.4.2.1 The Pfizer Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and Behaviours
Pfizer (2002), a large international pharmaceutical company, conducted
this study in 29 countries, interviewing 27 000 participants between the
ages of 40 and 80 years, of which 999 were South Africans. The South
African participants were selected randomly from 2 500 initial door-to-
door interviews. Of these interviews, the most representative group was
the English-speaking population of the country (32% men, 29% women),
followed by Afrikaans-speaking men (29%) and women (30%), and 20% for
both Zulu men and women (the rest included other SA language groups).
Among the South Africa participants, 58% of men and 30% of women
believed that sex played an important role in their overall lives, which was
respectively 8% and 1% higher than their global peers. The study indicated
the frequency of sexual intercourse of men and women respectively as
follows: less than once per month: 10% and 11%; 1-4 times per month: 34%

92 93
and 40%; 5-8 times per month: 20% and 19%; 9-12 times per month:15% and Table 2.6 Health24 Survey
17%; 13-16 times per month: 7% and 5%; 17-20 times per month: 4% and 3%; 1. How important is sex in your life?
more than 20 times per month: 4% and 3%. It was also found that 54% of Males Females
South African men and 53% of South African women had experienced sexual Extremely 35,04% Extremely 30,41 %
difficulties for more than two months in the previous twelve months. These
Moderately 17,15% Moderately 22,37%
numbers were significantly higher than the global results of 42% percent for
men and 47% for women. Not at all 1,05% Not at all 2,01%
Slightly 2,22% Slightly 6,92%
2.4.2.2 The Health24 study Very 44,48% Very 38,28%
Other 0,05% Other N/A
Health24, a South African Internet health information provider, conducted 2. What feature of a person most affects whether you might fall in love with them?
research online on their Health24 website between mid-December 2007 and Males Females
the end of January 2008, attracting just under 11 000 entries. The majority Body 20,36% Body 7,10%
of the participants were urban adults, educated to Grade 12 level or higher Conversation 8,53% Conversation 14,76%
(one in four had tertiary education degrees or diplomas). Just under two-
Face 11,87% Face 4,44%
thirds were aged 25-49, with the remaining third falling on either side of
Personality 49,06% Personality 68,38%
this age group. About half had English or Afrikaans as their home language,
Status 0,69% Status 0,76%
while the balance was made up with the other national language groups in
South Africa. The results are shown in Table 2.6. Style 8,49% Style 3,54%

Health24 did a follow-up study in 2010. One of the interesting findings None of the above 1,00% None of the above 1,01%
was the significant differences in defining ‘having sex’. For example, some 3. How frequently do you fantasise about sex?
regarded oral sex and mutual masturbation as having sex, but others did Males Females
not. This illustrates how important it is to have clear definitions when one Monthly 3,54% Monthly 10,36%
does research, as different interpretations by the participants can have a Weekly 13,43% Weekly 35,16%
significant effect on the results. Other findings of the 2010 study include the Daily 50,85% Daily 47,24%
following: 74% of men and 72% of women find premarital sex acceptable;
Hourly 17,44% Hourly 5,10%
49% of men and 42% of women have cheated on their partners sexually;
More than hourly 14,74% More than hourly 2,15%
95% of men and 84% of women have watched pornography; and 74% of
men and 74% of women have had unprotected sex. 4. Do you believe the best sex happens with someone you love?
The most important criticism against the Health24 studies is that the Males Females
participants were not representative of the general South African population. No 29,55% No 20,44%
For example, many South Africans did not have access to the Internet and Yes 70,45% Yes 79,56%
could therefore not participate in the study. Therefore, it may be probable 5. Can you remember all the names of all the people you’ve ever had sex with?
that the results primarily reflect the sexual attitudes and behaviour of more Males Females
affluent and/or urbanised South Africans. Moreover, as mentioned before, No 25,02% No 8,48%
many people may feel uneasy or have objections to completing such a
Yes 49,41% Yes 75,61%
questionnaire on the Internet, thus leaving out a portion of the population
Mostly 23,99% Mostly 14,25%
that could have influenced the data significantly.
Not applicable 1,57% Not applicable 1,66%
However, taking the criticism into account, the data remain interesting,
especially as it does correlate with international data to a great extent.

94 95
and 40%; 5-8 times per month: 20% and 19%; 9-12 times per month:15% and Table 2.6 Health24 Survey
17%; 13-16 times per month: 7% and 5%; 17-20 times per month: 4% and 3%; 1. How important is sex in your life?
more than 20 times per month: 4% and 3%. It was also found that 54% of Males Females
South African men and 53% of South African women had experienced sexual Extremely 35,04% Extremely 30,41 %
difficulties for more than two months in the previous twelve months. These
Moderately 17,15% Moderately 22,37%
numbers were significantly higher than the global results of 42% percent for
men and 47% for women. Not at all 1,05% Not at all 2,01%
Slightly 2,22% Slightly 6,92%
2.4.2.2 The Health24 study Very 44,48% Very 38,28%
Other 0,05% Other N/A
Health24, a South African Internet health information provider, conducted 2. What feature of a person most affects whether you might fall in love with them?
research online on their Health24 website between mid-December 2007 and Males Females
the end of January 2008, attracting just under 11 000 entries. The majority Body 20,36% Body 7,10%
of the participants were urban adults, educated to Grade 12 level or higher Conversation 8,53% Conversation 14,76%
(one in four had tertiary education degrees or diplomas). Just under two-
Face 11,87% Face 4,44%
thirds were aged 25-49, with the remaining third falling on either side of
Personality 49,06% Personality 68,38%
this age group. About half had English or Afrikaans as their home language,
Status 0,69% Status 0,76%
while the balance was made up with the other national language groups in
South Africa. The results are shown in Table 2.6. Style 8,49% Style 3,54%

Health24 did a follow-up study in 2010. One of the interesting findings None of the above 1,00% None of the above 1,01%
was the significant differences in defining ‘having sex’. For example, some 3. How frequently do you fantasise about sex?
regarded oral sex and mutual masturbation as having sex, but others did Males Females
not. This illustrates how important it is to have clear definitions when one Monthly 3,54% Monthly 10,36%
does research, as different interpretations by the participants can have a Weekly 13,43% Weekly 35,16%
significant effect on the results. Other findings of the 2010 study include the Daily 50,85% Daily 47,24%
following: 74% of men and 72% of women find premarital sex acceptable;
Hourly 17,44% Hourly 5,10%
49% of men and 42% of women have cheated on their partners sexually;
More than hourly 14,74% More than hourly 2,15%
95% of men and 84% of women have watched pornography; and 74% of
men and 74% of women have had unprotected sex. 4. Do you believe the best sex happens with someone you love?
The most important criticism against the Health24 studies is that the Males Females
participants were not representative of the general South African population. No 29,55% No 20,44%
For example, many South Africans did not have access to the Internet and Yes 70,45% Yes 79,56%
could therefore not participate in the study. Therefore, it may be probable 5. Can you remember all the names of all the people you’ve ever had sex with?
that the results primarily reflect the sexual attitudes and behaviour of more Males Females
affluent and/or urbanised South Africans. Moreover, as mentioned before, No 25,02% No 8,48%
many people may feel uneasy or have objections to completing such a
Yes 49,41% Yes 75,61%
questionnaire on the Internet, thus leaving out a portion of the population
Mostly 23,99% Mostly 14,25%
that could have influenced the data significantly.
Not applicable 1,57% Not applicable 1,66%
However, taking the criticism into account, the data remain interesting,
especially as it does correlate with international data to a great extent.

94 95
6. Do you enjoy sex? 2.4.2.3 Research on university students
Males Females
All of the time 59,93% All of the time 28,51%
A number of researchers have conducted research on the sexual attitudes
and behaviour of university students, as well as to determine the influence
Most of the time 31,68% Most of the time 54,67%
of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. For example:
Never 0,13% Never 0,05%
Seldom
Some of the time
1,36%
6,90%
Seldom
Some of the time
1,77%
15,00%
• Peltzer (2005), from the Human Sciences Research Council in Pretoria,
conducted a study including more than 400 black male and female
7. Have you ever had sex with: third-year university students from a historically rural black university.
Males Females The mean age was 22,5 years. Results indicated that on average,
Both women and 3,00% Both women and 8,83% men had their first experience of sexual intercourse at 16,8 years and
men men women at 17,6 years. One third of the females and one quarter of the
Men only 2,22% Men only 90,48% males reported that they had felt pressurised with the first intercourse.
Women only 94,78% Women only 0,69% Men indicated having had a mean of 10 sexual partners. The average
8. Have you ever had unprotected sex with a partner you weren’t in a relationship for women was 3,5. Most men and many women also had concurrent
with? sexual relationships outside their steady relationships. There was a lack
Males Females of condom use (only about 50% of men used them), and most male and
No 45,48% No 67,36% female students (83%) indicated that they had never been worried that
Yes 54,52% Yes 32,64% they could contract HIV.
9. Do you find pornography arousing? • Mwaba and Naidoo (2005) from the University of the Western Cape
conducted research on 153 black, coloured and Indian students at a
Males Females
historically urban black university. The mean age was 19,7 years, and
Depends on the 31,60% Depends on the 42,17%
porn porn
about 75% were female. Fewer than half of the students approved of
premarital sex, more than 40% of the students said it was too difficult
No 7,74% No 15,83%
to abstain from sex until marriage, while 70% found sex between people
Yes 60,65% Yes 42,00%
in love acceptable. Nearly 60% had had sexual intercourse and about
10. Have you ever been sexually abused? 50% oral sex. Peer pressure to engage in sex seemed to play a role
Males Females in only about 20% of the students. By far the majority believed that
No 91,23% No 72,03% contraceptives, particularly condoms, should be used during intercourse.
Yes 8,77% Yes 27,97% Unfortunately, the researchers did not investigate subgroup differences
11. Is sex a source of conflict in your relationship? such as gender. The fact that significantly more females than males were
Males Females included in the study could have affected the results; probably giving
No 74,71% No 74,10% the data a more conservative trend than if an equal number of males had
been included.
Yes 25,29% Yes 25,90%

2.4.3 Sexual behaviour patterns in adulthood

It cannot be denied that present sexual behavioural patterns reflect much

greater permissiveness than in the past. The sexual behavioural patterns
and attitudes of especially young persons, such as university students, have

96 97
6. Do you enjoy sex? 2.4.2.3 Research on university students
Males Females
All of the time 59,93% All of the time 28,51%
A number of researchers have conducted research on the sexual attitudes
and behaviour of university students, as well as to determine the influence
Most of the time 31,68% Most of the time 54,67%
of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. For example:
Never 0,13% Never 0,05%
Seldom
Some of the time
1,36%
6,90%
Seldom
Some of the time
1,77%
15,00%
• Peltzer (2005), from the Human Sciences Research Council in Pretoria,
conducted a study including more than 400 black male and female
7. Have you ever had sex with: third-year university students from a historically rural black university.
Males Females The mean age was 22,5 years. Results indicated that on average,
Both women and 3,00% Both women and 8,83% men had their first experience of sexual intercourse at 16,8 years and
men men women at 17,6 years. One third of the females and one quarter of the
Men only 2,22% Men only 90,48% males reported that they had felt pressurised with the first intercourse.
Women only 94,78% Women only 0,69% Men indicated having had a mean of 10 sexual partners. The average
8. Have you ever had unprotected sex with a partner you weren’t in a relationship for women was 3,5. Most men and many women also had concurrent
with? sexual relationships outside their steady relationships. There was a lack
Males Females of condom use (only about 50% of men used them), and most male and
No 45,48% No 67,36% female students (83%) indicated that they had never been worried that
Yes 54,52% Yes 32,64% they could contract HIV.
9. Do you find pornography arousing? • Mwaba and Naidoo (2005) from the University of the Western Cape
conducted research on 153 black, coloured and Indian students at a
Males Females
historically urban black university. The mean age was 19,7 years, and
Depends on the 31,60% Depends on the 42,17%
porn porn
about 75% were female. Fewer than half of the students approved of
premarital sex, more than 40% of the students said it was too difficult
No 7,74% No 15,83%
to abstain from sex until marriage, while 70% found sex between people
Yes 60,65% Yes 42,00%
in love acceptable. Nearly 60% had had sexual intercourse and about
10. Have you ever been sexually abused? 50% oral sex. Peer pressure to engage in sex seemed to play a role
Males Females in only about 20% of the students. By far the majority believed that
No 91,23% No 72,03% contraceptives, particularly condoms, should be used during intercourse.
Yes 8,77% Yes 27,97% Unfortunately, the researchers did not investigate subgroup differences
11. Is sex a source of conflict in your relationship? such as gender. The fact that significantly more females than males were
Males Females included in the study could have affected the results; probably giving
No 74,71% No 74,10% the data a more conservative trend than if an equal number of males had
been included.
Yes 25,29% Yes 25,90%

2.4.3 Sexual behaviour patterns in adulthood

It cannot be denied that present sexual behavioural patterns reflect much

greater permissiveness than in the past. The sexual behavioural patterns
and attitudes of especially young persons, such as university students, have

96 97
changed dramatically over the last few decades. This seems to be true
for most countries in the world. Mainly, three findings stand out: Firstly,
the percentage of young unmarried people who have had intercourse has
increased dramatically. Secondly, the percentage of females who have had
sexual intercourse has increased more rapidly than in the case of males.
(However, males seem to have intercourse more frequently.) Thirdly, there
is a movement away from the double standards of the past when it was
more acceptable for males than for females to engage in premarital sexual
intercourse and many other forms of sexual behaviour that previously were
preserved for males.
A finding that has also been generally accepted by sexologists is that
there are certain differences in the sexuality of persons in early adulthood
and those in middle adulthood. Between the ages of approximately 46 and
55, most men and women become aware of a decline in their sexual interest
and activity. However, it should be taken into account that these are averages
and that great variability occurs. For example, there are many 55-year-olds
with a higher sexual frequency than many 25-year-olds. Furthermore, what
people in their middle-age lose in quantity, they make up with quality;
their sexual relationships are often more complete and satisfying, and the
foreplay more leisurely and imaginative. Sexual activity also tends to be
focused more on psychological intimacy than on physical intimacy. This is in
contrast with the youth, where ”Sex is fast and furious. It is ignited easily and
fizzles out like fireworks” (Kachadourian, 1987, p. 57).
Another important finding is that it seems that adults from countries
with more gender-equal sexual attitudes (e.g. the USA and other Western
countries) report higher levels of sexual satisfaction across multiple domains
than do societies or countries that do not embrace gender-equality. These
findings suggest that sexual attitudes may jeopardise sexual well-being
in different ways for men and women because of differential sociocultural
messages regarding sexual behaviour (Graf & Patrick, 2014). (See also Box
2.2 on gender differences in casual sex.)
There are several reasons why middle adulthood brings new sexual
satisfaction to many couples. For women, there is reduced fear of pregnancy
and, after menopause, little fear at all. Therefore, birth control can be safely
ignored. As this is the life stage where children usually leave home, privacy
and the possibility of free sexual expression is enhanced. (See also Box 2.3
on the effect of a hysterectomy on sexual functioning.)
98
Box 2.2 Gender differences in casual sex
The evidence is persuasive that men have a more positive attitude toward casual sex,
fantasise more than women about having sex with multiple, anonymous sexual partners
and desire a greater variety and number of sexual partners. To determine whether the
sexual and feminist revolutions have freed women to enjoy casual sex just as men have
always had, Campbell (2008) looked at whether women have adapted to casual sex by
examining their feelings following a night of casual sex (a one-night stand). A total of
nearly 2000 men and women who had experienced a one-night stand were asked to
rate both their positive and negative feelings the following morning. Overall, women’s
feelings were more negative than men’s. Eighty per cent of men, compared to 54% of
women, had overall positive feelings about the experience. Men were more likely than
women to want their friends to hear about it secretly. Men also reported greater sexual
satisfaction and contentment following the event, as well as a greater sense of well-
being and confidence about themselves. The predominantly negative feeling reported
by women was regret at having been ‘used’. Women were also more likely to feel that
they had let themselves down and were worried about the potential damage to their
reputation if other people found out. Contrary to popular belief, women did not seem
to view taking part in casual sex as a prelude to long-term relationships.
In a study among university students in the USA, it was also found that women face
more judgement than men when they are known to engage in casual sex, and they
also reported less interest in casual sex than men did. When asked if they disrespected
men and women who hook up or have sex with many people, both men and women
condemned the other sex more than they did their own (England & Bearak, 2014).
Interestingly, it seems that today’s university students do not have more casual
sex or more sexual partners than students in previous eras (Momto & Carey, 2014).
Unfortunately, no statistics for South Africa could be found.
Box 2.3 Hysterectomy and sexual functioning
Hysterectomy refers to the removal of the uterus. Some or all of the other reproductive
organs, including the ovaries, may be removed as well. The removal of the uterus means
that menstrual periods and the ability to have children comes to an end. The operation is
recommended for a variety of conditions, such as cancers of the uterus, non-cancerous
growths in the uterus, and excessive menstrual bleeding. Although many lay people
believe that a hysterectomy may result in sexual problems, researchers have found that
this is not the case (Pouwels et al., 2015; Qatawneh, 2013).
However, some women report that their sexual desire and orgasm improved after
the hysterectomy. It seems that this improvement has a strong psychological basis.
Many women who have suffered from prolonged or heavy bleeding or pelvic pain may
feel revitalised after being freed from these painful and frustrating conditions. The
fact that the fear of pregnancy is now gone, could also result in an improved sense
of well-being and quality of life, which in turn could lead to improved sexual relations.
On the other hand, premenopausal women who must undergo a hysterectomy for
health reasons may experience a sense of loss after a hysterectomy and even grief and
depression over the loss of their fertility. Additionally, because the uterus is associated
strongly with femininity, some may experience rejection and feelings of inferiority.
99
changed dramatically over the last few decades. This seems to be true
for most countries in the world. Mainly, three findings stand out: Firstly,
the percentage of young unmarried people who have had intercourse has
increased dramatically. Secondly, the percentage of females who have had
sexual intercourse has increased more rapidly than in the case of males.
(However, males seem to have intercourse more frequently.) Thirdly, there
is a movement away from the double standards of the past when it was
more acceptable for males than for females to engage in premarital sexual
intercourse and many other forms of sexual behaviour that previously were
preserved for males.
A finding that has also been generally accepted by sexologists is that
there are certain differences in the sexuality of persons in early adulthood
and those in middle adulthood. Between the ages of approximately 46 and
55, most men and women become aware of a decline in their sexual interest
and activity. However, it should be taken into account that these are averages
and that great variability occurs. For example, there are many 55-year-olds
with a higher sexual frequency than many 25-year-olds. Furthermore, what
people in their middle-age lose in quantity, they make up with quality;
their sexual relationships are often more complete and satisfying, and the
foreplay more leisurely and imaginative. Sexual activity also tends to be
focused more on psychological intimacy than on physical intimacy. This is in
contrast with the youth, where ”Sex is fast and furious. It is ignited easily and
fizzles out like fireworks” (Kachadourian, 1987, p. 57).
Another important finding is that it seems that adults from countries
with more gender-equal sexual attitudes (e.g. the USA and other Western
countries) report higher levels of sexual satisfaction across multiple domains
than do societies or countries that do not embrace gender-equality. These
findings suggest that sexual attitudes may jeopardise sexual well-being
in different ways for men and women because of differential sociocultural
messages regarding sexual behaviour (Graf & Patrick, 2014). (See also Box
2.2 on gender differences in casual sex.)
There are several reasons why middle adulthood brings new sexual
satisfaction to many couples. For women, there is reduced fear of pregnancy
and, after menopause, little fear at all. Therefore, birth control can be safely
ignored. As this is the life stage where children usually leave home, privacy
and the possibility of free sexual expression is enhanced. (See also Box 2.3
on the effect of a hysterectomy on sexual functioning.)
98
Box 2.2 Gender differences in casual sex
The evidence is persuasive that men have a more positive attitude toward casual sex,
fantasise more than women about having sex with multiple, anonymous sexual partners
and desire a greater variety and number of sexual partners. To determine whether the
sexual and feminist revolutions have freed women to enjoy casual sex just as men have
always had, Campbell (2008) looked at whether women have adapted to casual sex by
examining their feelings following a night of casual sex (a one-night stand). A total of
nearly 2000 men and women who had experienced a one-night stand were asked to
rate both their positive and negative feelings the following morning. Overall, women’s
feelings were more negative than men’s. Eighty per cent of men, compared to 54% of
women, had overall positive feelings about the experience. Men were more likely than
women to want their friends to hear about it secretly. Men also reported greater sexual
satisfaction and contentment following the event, as well as a greater sense of well-
being and confidence about themselves. The predominantly negative feeling reported
by women was regret at having been ‘used’. Women were also more likely to feel that
they had let themselves down and were worried about the potential damage to their
reputation if other people found out. Contrary to popular belief, women did not seem
to view taking part in casual sex as a prelude to long-term relationships.
In a study among university students in the USA, it was also found that women face
more judgement than men when they are known to engage in casual sex, and they
also reported less interest in casual sex than men did. When asked if they disrespected
men and women who hook up or have sex with many people, both men and women
condemned the other sex more than they did their own (England & Bearak, 2014).
Interestingly, it seems that today’s university students do not have more casual
sex or more sexual partners than students in previous eras (Momto & Carey, 2014).
Unfortunately, no statistics for South Africa could be found.
Box 2.3 Hysterectomy and sexual functioning
Hysterectomy refers to the removal of the uterus. Some or all of the other reproductive
organs, including the ovaries, may be removed as well. The removal of the uterus means
that menstrual periods and the ability to have children comes to an end. The operation is
recommended for a variety of conditions, such as cancers of the uterus, non-cancerous
growths in the uterus, and excessive menstrual bleeding. Although many lay people
believe that a hysterectomy may result in sexual problems, researchers have found that
this is not the case (Pouwels et al., 2015; Qatawneh, 2013).
However, some women report that their sexual desire and orgasm improved after
the hysterectomy. It seems that this improvement has a strong psychological basis.
Many women who have suffered from prolonged or heavy bleeding or pelvic pain may
feel revitalised after being freed from these painful and frustrating conditions. The
fact that the fear of pregnancy is now gone, could also result in an improved sense
of well-being and quality of life, which in turn could lead to improved sexual relations.
On the other hand, premenopausal women who must undergo a hysterectomy for
health reasons may experience a sense of loss after a hysterectomy and even grief and
depression over the loss of their fertility. Additionally, because the uterus is associated
strongly with femininity, some may experience rejection and feelings of inferiority.
99
 As far as late adulthood is concerned, it is a common myth that older
people are sexually inactive and are to all intents and purposes ‘sexless’. In
fact, media often portrays older people’s sexuality as either non-existent,
unacceptable, or the subject of humour, and this contributes to wider social
myths and stereotypes about sex and older people (Tarzia et al., 2013).
Although there is a decrease in most cases, sexual needs, interest and
capacity remain very much alive, even at a very advanced age. In a South
African study, the following prevalence of sexual activity was found: 73%
for ages 57-64; 53% for ages 65-74; and 26% for ages 75-85 (Geffen, 2014).
However, there are indications that a more accepting and positive attitude
towards sexuality in later life is developing. As may be expected, cultural
differences exist in people’s attitudes towards sexuality in the later years
(see, for example, Box 2.4).
Box 2.4 Sexuality and ageing in Uganda
Ugandan people still regard sexuality for older people as taboo. While the majority
of older adults regard a good sexual relationship as important to quality of life, the
quantity of interpersonal relationships is even more important. Cultural biases have
tended to stereotype older people as asexual, devoid of feelings or emotion. This is
because a woman’s sexuality is often linked to the ability to bear children, and for
women, their concept of themselves as sexual beings may also be tied to their ability to
reproduce, which they lose after menopause. However, men’s sexuality is not expected
to change in a lifetime. In her study, Okiria (2014) found that men feel that women
should give up sexual activity earlier than they should, because it is shameful for
ageing women to be sexually active. Women themselves feel that beyond the age of
40-45 years, when they start experiencing body changes including menopause, sexual
activity should be ruled out. Despite the assumption that traditional African women are
not supposed to discuss their sexuality, the women in this study were very open about
sharing their experiences.
Similar to many other geropsychological aspects, there is a positive
correlation between the degree of sexual activity during old age and earlier
life stages. This means that people who were sexually more active during
their younger years tend to be more active during old age (in other words,
the rank order remains the same). It was also found that a positive self-
concept has a significant influence on the sexual behaviour of middle-aged
and older adults (Ekundayo et al., 2015). Furthermore, an earlier study
indicated that 98% of the 70-year-olds and 93% of the 80- to 90-year-old
respondents stated that they were still interested in sex. The overall finding
was that “the life stories (of the respondents) reveal the decades after 50
to be far more exciting and far more fulfilling than is commonly supposed”
100
(Brechner, 1985, p. 22).
Nevertheless, there does seem to be an age-related decline in sexual
activity during the later years of life. For example, in a recent study, Lindau
and her co-workers (2007) from the University of Chicago, found the
following prevalence of sexual activity among adults: a prevalence rate
of 73% in respondents who were 57 to 64 years old; a prevalence rate of
53% in respondents who were 65 to 74 years old; and a prevalence rate of
26% in respondents who were 75 to 85 years old. More men than women in
all the mentioned age groups reported sexual activity. On the other hand,
about half of both sexually active men and women reported at least one
bothersome sexual problem. The most prevalent sexual problems among
women were low desire (43%), difficulty with vaginal lubrication (39%), and
an inability to reach orgasm (34%), whereas among men, the most prevalent
sexual problems were erectile difficulties (37%). Both men and women who
rated their health as poor were less likely to be sexually active and more
likely to report sexual problems. Especially diabetes and hypertension seem
to play a role in these sexual concerns.
It is also true that elderly people who wish to express themselves sexually
might do this not only by means of intercourse, but also in a wide variety
of ways, including daydreaming, dressing up, looking for emotional and
intellectual intimacy, stroking, caressing and kissing (Mahieu & Gastmans,
2015). As Rathus (2014, p. 354) puts it, “If older people fine tune their
expectations, they may find themselves leading some of their most sexually
fulfilling years.”
In conclusion: An impressive number of studies have found a correlation
between the frequency of sex and greater personal happiness (Jarrett, 2017).
There are various pleasurable activities, of course, but many of them do not
have the long-term emotional benefits of sex, especially in a stable adult
relationship. Debrot and her colleagues (2017) found that more sex leads
to more happiness because it promotes affection. In this regard, they found
that the participants regarded the cuddling, love, security and affection that
accompany sex as very important. They also emphasised that sex promotes a
stronger and more positive emotional bond with their partners. Debrot et al.
also believe that sexual activity could compensate for the faded well-being
in partners who experience difficulties to exchange affection adequately.
2.4.4 Sexual orientation
There are few, if any, topics in the field of sexuality that are so clouded in both
controversy and sensitivity than sexual orientation. As sexual orientation
plays such an integral role in the development of all individuals, and research
101
 As far as late adulthood is concerned, it is a common myth that older
people are sexually inactive and are to all intents and purposes ‘sexless’. In
fact, media often portrays older people’s sexuality as either non-existent,
unacceptable, or the subject of humour, and this contributes to wider social
myths and stereotypes about sex and older people (Tarzia et al., 2013).
Although there is a decrease in most cases, sexual needs, interest and
capacity remain very much alive, even at a very advanced age. In a South
African study, the following prevalence of sexual activity was found: 73%
for ages 57-64; 53% for ages 65-74; and 26% for ages 75-85 (Geffen, 2014).
However, there are indications that a more accepting and positive attitude
towards sexuality in later life is developing. As may be expected, cultural
differences exist in people’s attitudes towards sexuality in the later years
(see, for example, Box 2.4).
Box 2.4 Sexuality and ageing in Uganda
Ugandan people still regard sexuality for older people as taboo. While the majority
of older adults regard a good sexual relationship as important to quality of life, the
quantity of interpersonal relationships is even more important. Cultural biases have
tended to stereotype older people as asexual, devoid of feelings or emotion. This is
because a woman’s sexuality is often linked to the ability to bear children, and for
women, their concept of themselves as sexual beings may also be tied to their ability to
reproduce, which they lose after menopause. However, men’s sexuality is not expected
to change in a lifetime. In her study, Okiria (2014) found that men feel that women
should give up sexual activity earlier than they should, because it is shameful for
ageing women to be sexually active. Women themselves feel that beyond the age of
40-45 years, when they start experiencing body changes including menopause, sexual
activity should be ruled out. Despite the assumption that traditional African women are
not supposed to discuss their sexuality, the women in this study were very open about
sharing their experiences.
Similar to many other geropsychological aspects, there is a positive
correlation between the degree of sexual activity during old age and earlier
life stages. This means that people who were sexually more active during
their younger years tend to be more active during old age (in other words,
the rank order remains the same). It was also found that a positive self-
concept has a significant influence on the sexual behaviour of middle-aged
and older adults (Ekundayo et al., 2015). Furthermore, an earlier study
indicated that 98% of the 70-year-olds and 93% of the 80- to 90-year-old
respondents stated that they were still interested in sex. The overall finding
was that “the life stories (of the respondents) reveal the decades after 50
to be far more exciting and far more fulfilling than is commonly supposed”
100
(Brechner, 1985, p. 22).
Nevertheless, there does seem to be an age-related decline in sexual
activity during the later years of life. For example, in a recent study, Lindau
and her co-workers (2007) from the University of Chicago, found the
following prevalence of sexual activity among adults: a prevalence rate
of 73% in respondents who were 57 to 64 years old; a prevalence rate of
53% in respondents who were 65 to 74 years old; and a prevalence rate of
26% in respondents who were 75 to 85 years old. More men than women in
all the mentioned age groups reported sexual activity. On the other hand,
about half of both sexually active men and women reported at least one
bothersome sexual problem. The most prevalent sexual problems among
women were low desire (43%), difficulty with vaginal lubrication (39%), and
an inability to reach orgasm (34%), whereas among men, the most prevalent
sexual problems were erectile difficulties (37%). Both men and women who
rated their health as poor were less likely to be sexually active and more
likely to report sexual problems. Especially diabetes and hypertension seem
to play a role in these sexual concerns.
It is also true that elderly people who wish to express themselves sexually
might do this not only by means of intercourse, but also in a wide variety
of ways, including daydreaming, dressing up, looking for emotional and
intellectual intimacy, stroking, caressing and kissing (Mahieu & Gastmans,
2015). As Rathus (2014, p. 354) puts it, “If older people fine tune their
expectations, they may find themselves leading some of their most sexually
fulfilling years.”
In conclusion: An impressive number of studies have found a correlation
between the frequency of sex and greater personal happiness (Jarrett, 2017).
There are various pleasurable activities, of course, but many of them do not
have the long-term emotional benefits of sex, especially in a stable adult
relationship. Debrot and her colleagues (2017) found that more sex leads
to more happiness because it promotes affection. In this regard, they found
that the participants regarded the cuddling, love, security and affection that
accompany sex as very important. They also emphasised that sex promotes a
stronger and more positive emotional bond with their partners. Debrot et al.
also believe that sexual activity could compensate for the faded well-being
in partners who experience difficulties to exchange affection adequately.
2.4.4 Sexual orientation
There are few, if any, topics in the field of sexuality that are so clouded in both
controversy and sensitivity than sexual orientation. As sexual orientation
plays such an integral role in the development of all individuals, and research
101
and discussions are usually focused on heterosexual orientation (the major
sexual orientation), it is important that it should receive the necessary
attention. The American Psychological Association (2017) provides the
following overview of sexual orientation:
2.4.4.1 What is sexual orientation?
Sexual orientation refers to an enduring pattern of emotional, romantic,
and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both sexes. People express
their sexual orientation through their behaviour with others, including such
simple actions as holding hands or kissing. In addition to sexual behaviour,
these bonds include nonsexual physical affection between partners, shared
goals and values, mutual support, and ongoing commitment.
Findings on the prevalence of different sexual orientations differ. By
far most people are heterosexual, with the findings of numerous studies
worldwide that varies between 1% and 10% regarding non-heterosexual
orientations. About one in four people (27%) in South Africa reported
having a friend or family member who is homosexual, and more than half
the population (55%) said that they would “accept” a gay family member
(The Other Foundation, 2016).
Research over several decades has demonstrated that sexual orientation
ranges along a continuum, from exclusive attraction to the opposite sex to
exclusive attraction to the same sex. However, usually, sexual orientation
is discussed in terms of three categories: heterosexual (having emotional,
romantic, or sexual attractions to members of the opposite sex), homosexual
(having emotional, romantic, or sexual attractions to members of one’s own
sex), and bisexual (having emotional, romantic, or sexual attractions to both
sexes).
Mental health professionals do not regard homosexuality as a mental disorder
102
This range of behaviour and attractions has been described in various
cultures and nations throughout the world. Many cultures use identity labels
to describe people who express these attractions. The most frequent labels
are lesbian (women attracted to women), gay (men attracted to men), and
bisexual (men or women attracted to both sexes). The abbreviation LGBT
(lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) is often used as an umbrella term
for all non-heterosexual orientations.
Sexual orientation is distinct from other components of sex and
gender, including biological sex (the anatomical, physiological, and genetic
characteristics associated with being male or female), gender identity (the
psychological sense of being male or female), and social gender role (the
cultural norms that define feminine and masculine behaviour).
It is important to know that by far the majority of individuals state that
they had little or no choice regarding their sexual orientation. (For example,
this is why, when a heterosexual asks a homosexual when he/she decided to
be homosexual, the homosexual person will usually answer, “I don’t know,
but when did you decide to become heterosexual?”)
2.4.4.2 What causes a person to have a particular sexual
orientation?
There is no consensus among scientists about the exact reasons why an
individual develops a heterosexual, bisexual, gay, or lesbian orientation.
Although much research has examined the possible genetic, hormonal,
developmental, social and cultural influences on sexual orientation, no findings
have emerged that permit scientists to conclude that sexual orientation is
determined by any particular factor or factors. However, although most hold
the opinion that nature and nurture both play complex roles, there is an
indication that genetic/biological factors may play a more important role
than previously thought (Academy of Science in South Africa, 2015; Ginicola
et al., 2017). This viewpoint is strengthened by the fact that homosexual
behaviour has been observed from 450 to 1500 species, ranging from
primates to fish and insects (Bagemihl, 2000; Ferydooni, 2012). However, in
this regard, LeVay (1996, p. 207) states, “Although homosexual behaviour
is very common in the animal world, it seems to be very uncommon that
individual animals have a long-lasting predisposition to engage in such
behaviour to the exclusion of heterosexual activities. Thus, a homosexual
orientation, if one can speak of such thing in animals, seems to be a rarity.”
103
and discussions are usually focused on heterosexual orientation (the major
sexual orientation), it is important that it should receive the necessary
attention. The American Psychological Association (2017) provides the
following overview of sexual orientation:
2.4.4.1 What is sexual orientation?
Sexual orientation refers to an enduring pattern of emotional, romantic,
and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both sexes. People express
their sexual orientation through their behaviour with others, including such
simple actions as holding hands or kissing. In addition to sexual behaviour,
these bonds include nonsexual physical affection between partners, shared
goals and values, mutual support, and ongoing commitment.
Findings on the prevalence of different sexual orientations differ. By
far most people are heterosexual, with the findings of numerous studies
worldwide that varies between 1% and 10% regarding non-heterosexual
orientations. About one in four people (27%) in South Africa reported
having a friend or family member who is homosexual, and more than half
the population (55%) said that they would “accept” a gay family member
(The Other Foundation, 2016).
Research over several decades has demonstrated that sexual orientation
ranges along a continuum, from exclusive attraction to the opposite sex to
exclusive attraction to the same sex. However, usually, sexual orientation
is discussed in terms of three categories: heterosexual (having emotional,
romantic, or sexual attractions to members of the opposite sex), homosexual
(having emotional, romantic, or sexual attractions to members of one’s own
sex), and bisexual (having emotional, romantic, or sexual attractions to both
sexes).
Mental health professionals do not regard homosexuality as a mental disorder
102
This range of behaviour and attractions has been described in various
cultures and nations throughout the world. Many cultures use identity labels
to describe people who express these attractions. The most frequent labels
are lesbian (women attracted to women), gay (men attracted to men), and
bisexual (men or women attracted to both sexes). The abbreviation LGBT
(lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) is often used as an umbrella term
for all non-heterosexual orientations.
Sexual orientation is distinct from other components of sex and
gender, including biological sex (the anatomical, physiological, and genetic
characteristics associated with being male or female), gender identity (the
psychological sense of being male or female), and social gender role (the
cultural norms that define feminine and masculine behaviour).
It is important to know that by far the majority of individuals state that
they had little or no choice regarding their sexual orientation. (For example,
this is why, when a heterosexual asks a homosexual when he/she decided to
be homosexual, the homosexual person will usually answer, “I don’t know,
but when did you decide to become heterosexual?”)
2.4.4.2 What causes a person to have a particular sexual
orientation?
There is no consensus among scientists about the exact reasons why an
individual develops a heterosexual, bisexual, gay, or lesbian orientation.
Although much research has examined the possible genetic, hormonal,
developmental, social and cultural influences on sexual orientation, no findings
have emerged that permit scientists to conclude that sexual orientation is
determined by any particular factor or factors. However, although most hold
the opinion that nature and nurture both play complex roles, there is an
indication that genetic/biological factors may play a more important role
than previously thought (Academy of Science in South Africa, 2015; Ginicola
et al., 2017). This viewpoint is strengthened by the fact that homosexual
behaviour has been observed from 450 to 1500 species, ranging from
primates to fish and insects (Bagemihl, 2000; Ferydooni, 2012). However, in
this regard, LeVay (1996, p. 207) states, “Although homosexual behaviour
is very common in the animal world, it seems to be very uncommon that
individual animals have a long-lasting predisposition to engage in such
behaviour to the exclusion of heterosexual activities. Thus, a homosexual
orientation, if one can speak of such thing in animals, seems to be a rarity.”
103
2.4.4.3 Is homosexuality a mental disorder?
A psychological state is considered a mental disorder only if it causes
significant distress or disability. Although originally classified as such,
since 1973, lesbian, gay and bisexual orientations are no longer regarded
as mental disorders in the Western world. Research has found no inherent
association between any of these sexual orientations and psychopathology.
Both heterosexual behaviour and homosexual behaviour are normal aspects
of human sexuality and both have been documented in many different
cultures and historical eras. Despite the persistence of stereotypes that
portray lesbian, gay and bisexual people as disturbed, several decades of
research and clinical experience have led all mainstream medical and mental
health organisations to conclude that these orientations represent normal
forms of human experience.
2.4.4.4 What about therapy intended to change sexual
orientation from homosexual to heterosexual?
Mental health professionals generally express concerns about therapies that
claim to modify sexual orientation. The Academy of Science of South Africa
(2015, p. 63) states, “There is no evidence that same-sex orientation can be
changed through ‘conversion’ or ‘reparative’ therapy. Given the documented
dangers of such therapy and its direct conflict with medical ethics, these
interventions are contra-indicated.”
Helpful responses of a therapist treating an individual who is troubled
about her or his same-sex attractions include helping that person to cope
actively with social prejudices against homosexuality, successfully resolve
issues associated with and resulting from internal conflicts, and actively lead
a happy and satisfying life.
2.4.4.5 What is the nature of same-sex relationships?
Just as in the case of heterosexual people, homosexual people want
and have committed relationships. In fact, studies have found same-sex
and heterosexual couples to be equivalent to each other with regard to
relationship satisfaction, commitment and durable relationships. In 2006,
South Africa legalised same-sex marriage. However, same-sex relationships
are still illegal in more than 70 countries (Academy of Science of South
Africa, 2015).
104
2.4.4.6 What is a transgender person?
Transgender is a general term for persons whose gender identity, gender
expression, or behaviour does not conform to that typically associated
with the sex to which they were assigned at birth. Transgender people are
sometimes called transsexual if they desire medical assistance to change
from one sex to another. Such people will often describe themselves as ‘being
born in the wrong body’. Surgery to change the appearance of the external
genitals is known as sex reassignment surgery. Surgery and hormonal
treatments for gender reassignment are available for both male and female
transsexuals. The Transgender Clinic at Groote Schuur Hospital in Cape Town
has a waiting list of many years for gender reassignment surgery.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. How does human sexuality relate to all the domains of human functioning?
2. Why is research on human sexuality so difficult? What points of criticism are levelled
against data reported by researchers?
3. Discuss the major findings from international research regarding the following:
– Kinsey Reports
– Australian Study of Health and Relationships
– Durex Global Sex Report
4. Discuss the major findings of the following South African research:
– Pfizer study of Sexual Attitudes and Behaviour
– Health24 survey
– Research studies conducted at various universities
5. Discuss the sexual behaviour patterns in adulthood:
– How have the sexual behavioural patterns of young adults changed over the
decades?
– What are the changes in sexual behaviour between young adulthood and middle
adulthood?
– How is sexuality affected in late adulthood?
6. What is sexual orientation? What causes a specific sexual orientation? Is homosexuality
a mental disorder? Should a person’s sexual orientation be changed through therapeutic
intervention? What should the nature of a therapeutic intervention be in this regard?
Do same-sex relationships differ from opposite-sex relationships?
7. Define the following:
– heterosexual
– homosexual
– bisexual
– transgender
– transsexual
105
2.4.4.3 Is homosexuality a mental disorder?
A psychological state is considered a mental disorder only if it causes
significant distress or disability. Although originally classified as such,
since 1973, lesbian, gay and bisexual orientations are no longer regarded
as mental disorders in the Western world. Research has found no inherent
association between any of these sexual orientations and psychopathology.
Both heterosexual behaviour and homosexual behaviour are normal aspects
of human sexuality and both have been documented in many different
cultures and historical eras. Despite the persistence of stereotypes that
portray lesbian, gay and bisexual people as disturbed, several decades of
research and clinical experience have led all mainstream medical and mental
health organisations to conclude that these orientations represent normal
forms of human experience.
2.4.4.4 What about therapy intended to change sexual
orientation from homosexual to heterosexual?
Mental health professionals generally express concerns about therapies that
claim to modify sexual orientation. The Academy of Science of South Africa
(2015, p. 63) states, “There is no evidence that same-sex orientation can be
changed through ‘conversion’ or ‘reparative’ therapy. Given the documented
dangers of such therapy and its direct conflict with medical ethics, these
interventions are contra-indicated.”
Helpful responses of a therapist treating an individual who is troubled
about her or his same-sex attractions include helping that person to cope
actively with social prejudices against homosexuality, successfully resolve
issues associated with and resulting from internal conflicts, and actively lead
a happy and satisfying life.
2.4.4.5 What is the nature of same-sex relationships?
Just as in the case of heterosexual people, homosexual people want
and have committed relationships. In fact, studies have found same-sex
and heterosexual couples to be equivalent to each other with regard to
relationship satisfaction, commitment and durable relationships. In 2006,
South Africa legalised same-sex marriage. However, same-sex relationships
are still illegal in more than 70 countries (Academy of Science of South
Africa, 2015).
104
2.4.4.6 What is a transgender person?
Transgender is a general term for persons whose gender identity, gender
expression, or behaviour does not conform to that typically associated
with the sex to which they were assigned at birth. Transgender people are
sometimes called transsexual if they desire medical assistance to change
from one sex to another. Such people will often describe themselves as ‘being
born in the wrong body’. Surgery to change the appearance of the external
genitals is known as sex reassignment surgery. Surgery and hormonal
treatments for gender reassignment are available for both male and female
transsexuals. The Transgender Clinic at Groote Schuur Hospital in Cape Town
has a waiting list of many years for gender reassignment surgery.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. How does human sexuality relate to all the domains of human functioning?
2. Why is research on human sexuality so difficult? What points of criticism are levelled
against data reported by researchers?
3. Discuss the major findings from international research regarding the following:
– Kinsey Reports
– Australian Study of Health and Relationships
– Durex Global Sex Report
4. Discuss the major findings of the following South African research:
– Pfizer study of Sexual Attitudes and Behaviour
– Health24 survey
– Research studies conducted at various universities
5. Discuss the sexual behaviour patterns in adulthood:
– How have the sexual behavioural patterns of young adults changed over the
decades?
– What are the changes in sexual behaviour between young adulthood and middle
adulthood?
– How is sexuality affected in late adulthood?
6. What is sexual orientation? What causes a specific sexual orientation? Is homosexuality
a mental disorder? Should a person’s sexual orientation be changed through therapeutic
intervention? What should the nature of a therapeutic intervention be in this regard?
Do same-sex relationships differ from opposite-sex relationships?
7. Define the following:
– heterosexual
– homosexual
– bisexual
– transgender
– transsexual
105
 Cognitive processes such as information processing, memory, intelligence,

106
problem solving, decision-making, language and creativity
should be the focus of Psychology.
3
Cognitive Development
107
 Cognitive processes such as information processing, memory, intelligence,

106
problem solving, decision-making, language and creativity
should be the focus of Psychology.
3
Cognitive Development
107
 I never met anyone who didn’t have a very smart child. What
happens to these children, you wonder, when they reach adulthood?
Fran Lebowitz
By the time a man realises that maybe his father was right, he usually
has a son who thinks he’s wrong. Charles Wadsworth
In youth, we learn; in age, we understand. Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach
The intellect is always fooled by the heart. Francois De La Rochefoucauld
Wisdom doesn’t necessarily come with age. Sometimes, age just
shows up all by itself. Tom Wilson
A young person knows the rules, but the old person knows the
exception. Oliver Wendell Holmes
The day the child realises that all the adults are imperfect, he
becomes an adolescent; the day he forgives them, he becomes an
adult; the day he forgives himself, he becomes wise. Alden Nowlan
3.1. INTRODUCTION
The popular concepts of a ‘senior moment’ and ‘you can’t teach an old dog
new tricks’ are intended to be humorous reflections of adults’ reference
to a temporary memory lapse or an inability to learn new material or
skills. However, they may be related to a more deep-rooted anxiety that
many older individuals have about general cognitive decline as they age.
Cognition refers to the ability to learn, remember, solve problems, and
be knowledgeable about the world. These cognitive skills are important
not only in managing everyday life (e.g. job performance, driving, social
interactions, health care and enjoyment of leisure activities), but also in
terms of the way people view themselves (e.g. the extent to which they
are able to perform these activities). Therefore, it is understandable that
as individuals age, they may become concerned about their continued
abilities to adapt to and cope with the demands of everyday life.
This concern may have been made worse by early researchers and
theorists who concluded that because of biological deterioration, most
cognitive abilities inevitably decline as people age. For example, Sigmund
Freud, the well-known psychoanalyst, made the pronouncement when
he was 48 years old that “near or above the age of fifty the elasticity of
mental processes on which the psychoanalytic treatment depends, is as a
rule, lacking” (Freud, 1905, p. 264). David Wechsler (1958, p. 135), a well-
known expert in the field of intelligence testing, wrote the following in the
108
1950s: “Nearly all studies have shown that most human abilities decline
progressively after reaching a peak somewhere between ages 18 and 25.”
Freud’s ageism is especially poignant, since he himself demonstrated
an extraordinary mental agility in his capacity to continue to revise and
develop his theories until he died in his eighties (Terry, 2008). Owing to
the refinement of research methodologies, Wechsler’s pessimistic view
has been challenged to a large extent. Researchers have discovered that
cognitive development is an extremely complex process and that there are
no simple answers to the question whether cognitions generally decline
as we age. However, the controversy continues with some researchers
indicating that a general cognitive decline and slowing is an age-related
phenomenon, while others maintain that this is not necessarily true (Dirk
& Schmiedek, 2016).
Therefore, the resulting question is where we currently stand regarding
this dispute. To comment on this, we need to consider the following issues:
– Do cognitive skills change as we age?
– If so, what is the extent of these changes?
– Do all cognitive abilities change at the same rate?
– If there is a decline in general cognitive ability, do all people
experience this?
– Can something be done to delay these changes or inhibit them
altogether?
Do cognitive skills change as we age?
To obtain more clarity on these questions, in this chapter, the basic
cognitive functions, such as information processing and memory, and
the higher cognitive functions, such as intelligence, problem solving and
109
 I never met anyone who didn’t have a very smart child. What
happens to these children, you wonder, when they reach adulthood?
Fran Lebowitz
By the time a man realises that maybe his father was right, he usually
has a son who thinks he’s wrong. Charles Wadsworth
In youth, we learn; in age, we understand. Marie von Ebner-Eschenbach
The intellect is always fooled by the heart. Francois De La Rochefoucauld
Wisdom doesn’t necessarily come with age. Sometimes, age just
shows up all by itself. Tom Wilson
A young person knows the rules, but the old person knows the
exception. Oliver Wendell Holmes
The day the child realises that all the adults are imperfect, he
becomes an adolescent; the day he forgives them, he becomes an
adult; the day he forgives himself, he becomes wise. Alden Nowlan
3.1. INTRODUCTION
The popular concepts of a ‘senior moment’ and ‘you can’t teach an old dog
new tricks’ are intended to be humorous reflections of adults’ reference
to a temporary memory lapse or an inability to learn new material or
skills. However, they may be related to a more deep-rooted anxiety that
many older individuals have about general cognitive decline as they age.
Cognition refers to the ability to learn, remember, solve problems, and
be knowledgeable about the world. These cognitive skills are important
not only in managing everyday life (e.g. job performance, driving, social
interactions, health care and enjoyment of leisure activities), but also in
terms of the way people view themselves (e.g. the extent to which they
are able to perform these activities). Therefore, it is understandable that
as individuals age, they may become concerned about their continued
abilities to adapt to and cope with the demands of everyday life.
This concern may have been made worse by early researchers and
theorists who concluded that because of biological deterioration, most
cognitive abilities inevitably decline as people age. For example, Sigmund
Freud, the well-known psychoanalyst, made the pronouncement when
he was 48 years old that “near or above the age of fifty the elasticity of
mental processes on which the psychoanalytic treatment depends, is as a
rule, lacking” (Freud, 1905, p. 264). David Wechsler (1958, p. 135), a well-
known expert in the field of intelligence testing, wrote the following in the
108
1950s: “Nearly all studies have shown that most human abilities decline
progressively after reaching a peak somewhere between ages 18 and 25.”
Freud’s ageism is especially poignant, since he himself demonstrated
an extraordinary mental agility in his capacity to continue to revise and
develop his theories until he died in his eighties (Terry, 2008). Owing to
the refinement of research methodologies, Wechsler’s pessimistic view
has been challenged to a large extent. Researchers have discovered that
cognitive development is an extremely complex process and that there are
no simple answers to the question whether cognitions generally decline
as we age. However, the controversy continues with some researchers
indicating that a general cognitive decline and slowing is an age-related
phenomenon, while others maintain that this is not necessarily true (Dirk
& Schmiedek, 2016).
Therefore, the resulting question is where we currently stand regarding
this dispute. To comment on this, we need to consider the following issues:
– Do cognitive skills change as we age?
– If so, what is the extent of these changes?
– Do all cognitive abilities change at the same rate?
– If there is a decline in general cognitive ability, do all people
experience this?
– Can something be done to delay these changes or inhibit them
altogether?
Do cognitive skills change as we age?
To obtain more clarity on these questions, in this chapter, the basic
cognitive functions, such as information processing and memory, and
the higher cognitive functions, such as intelligence, problem solving and
109
language, will be considered. Issues regarding expertise, wisdom and
creativity will also be addressed, as well as factors that may affect cognitive
development. Lastly, we shall focus on current models and theories to explain
adult cognitive development.
3.2 BASIC COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS:
INFORMATION PROCESSING AND MEMORY
3.2.1 Information processing
Information processing theory focuses on the processes of thought. This
means that information processing theorists are interested in not only how
the mind works before a response is given, but also in the many ways in
which a response might be given. For example, a person may hear a sound
and may either run away from or approach the source of the sound based
on the way in which the particular sound is analysed and interpreted. The
underlying theoretical basis of information processing is that the specific
aspects of the process (such as attention and memory) largely explain the
specific response or action such as the type of problem-solving strategy (i.e.
how a situation is handled).
The computer is often used as an analogy to explain how information-
processing tasks, such as remembering and decision making, are carried out.
Just as a computer follows various steps to process incoming data to a stage
where it produces the required output, the human cognitive system also
proceeds through a series of steps: The information (or ’data‘) is entered
into the brain through the various sensory routes, such as the smell, taste,
visual, auditory and tactile (touch) senses (i.e. the input stage), where it is
encoded and interpreted or analysed by means of various brain reactions,
connections and memories (i.e. the processing stage). The cognitive process
concludes with some form of response or reaction (i.e. the output stage).
The computer is often used as an analogy to explain information processing
110
The possible influence of ageing on these steps or cognitive processes is
discussed in the following sections.
3.2.1.1 Sensory input
The first step in information processing is sensory input, in which the brain
receives information from the environment via the senses. As we have seen
in the previous chapter, sensory acuity tends to decline with age and may
affect various levels of the individual’s functioning. Although many people
who experience declines in sensory acuity take corrective action (such as
in using glasses and hearing aids), more subtle sensory deficits that often
are not even noticed by the individual may also impair cognition (Harada et
al., 2013). For example, people may be unaware that they are becoming less
adept at ‘reading’ other’s facial expressions or hearing emotional content in
speech, which may affect their understanding of social interactions. Therefore,
the hypothesis is that a decline in sensory acuity leads to a decline in sensory
input; therefore, cognitive functioning or output will be compromised. Studies
in this regard indicated the following (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012):
• A significant positive correlation was found between sensory abilities
and cognitive functioning (i.e. the poorer the quality of sensory input, the
poorer the quality of cognitive output).
• Sensory decline correlates significantly with cognitive changes. However,
the size of the correlation is small, indicating that other factors probably
also play a key role.
• Sensory decline correlates with a decline in some cognitive abilities but
not in others.
• No correlation was found between sensory acuity and cognitive change.
What do these findings indicate? In general, sensory changes appear to
be a useful indicator of cognitive change, but only at a relatively broad level,
with much of the variance (discrepancy or difference) left unexplained. This
is often labelled as a general ageing effect, which means that the effect
is known to be linked to the effects of the ageing process, but the precise
nature is largely unknown.
Explanations for the discrepancy in research findings could be any or a
combination of the following factors:
■ Differences in sampling, research methods and techniques of analysis
used could lead to differences in findings.
■ Most of the research methods are correlational in nature; therefore,
111
language, will be considered. Issues regarding expertise, wisdom and
creativity will also be addressed, as well as factors that may affect cognitive
development. Lastly, we shall focus on current models and theories to explain
adult cognitive development.
3.2 BASIC COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS:
INFORMATION PROCESSING AND MEMORY
3.2.1 Information processing
Information processing theory focuses on the processes of thought. This
means that information processing theorists are interested in not only how
the mind works before a response is given, but also in the many ways in
which a response might be given. For example, a person may hear a sound
and may either run away from or approach the source of the sound based
on the way in which the particular sound is analysed and interpreted. The
underlying theoretical basis of information processing is that the specific
aspects of the process (such as attention and memory) largely explain the
specific response or action such as the type of problem-solving strategy (i.e.
how a situation is handled).
The computer is often used as an analogy to explain how information-
processing tasks, such as remembering and decision making, are carried out.
Just as a computer follows various steps to process incoming data to a stage
where it produces the required output, the human cognitive system also
proceeds through a series of steps: The information (or ’data‘) is entered
into the brain through the various sensory routes, such as the smell, taste,
visual, auditory and tactile (touch) senses (i.e. the input stage), where it is
encoded and interpreted or analysed by means of various brain reactions,
connections and memories (i.e. the processing stage). The cognitive process
concludes with some form of response or reaction (i.e. the output stage).
The computer is often used as an analogy to explain information processing
110
The possible influence of ageing on these steps or cognitive processes is
discussed in the following sections.
3.2.1.1 Sensory input
The first step in information processing is sensory input, in which the brain
receives information from the environment via the senses. As we have seen
in the previous chapter, sensory acuity tends to decline with age and may
affect various levels of the individual’s functioning. Although many people
who experience declines in sensory acuity take corrective action (such as
in using glasses and hearing aids), more subtle sensory deficits that often
are not even noticed by the individual may also impair cognition (Harada et
al., 2013). For example, people may be unaware that they are becoming less
adept at ‘reading’ other’s facial expressions or hearing emotional content in
speech, which may affect their understanding of social interactions. Therefore,
the hypothesis is that a decline in sensory acuity leads to a decline in sensory
input; therefore, cognitive functioning or output will be compromised. Studies
in this regard indicated the following (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012):
• A significant positive correlation was found between sensory abilities
and cognitive functioning (i.e. the poorer the quality of sensory input, the
poorer the quality of cognitive output).
• Sensory decline correlates significantly with cognitive changes. However,
the size of the correlation is small, indicating that other factors probably
also play a key role.
• Sensory decline correlates with a decline in some cognitive abilities but
not in others.
• No correlation was found between sensory acuity and cognitive change.
What do these findings indicate? In general, sensory changes appear to
be a useful indicator of cognitive change, but only at a relatively broad level,
with much of the variance (discrepancy or difference) left unexplained. This
is often labelled as a general ageing effect, which means that the effect
is known to be linked to the effects of the ageing process, but the precise
nature is largely unknown.
Explanations for the discrepancy in research findings could be any or a
combination of the following factors:
■ Differences in sampling, research methods and techniques of analysis
used could lead to differences in findings.
■ Most of the research methods are correlational in nature; therefore,
111
 only a link between sensory acuity and cognitive functioning could be
established. As we have seen in Chapter 1, a correlation or link between
two variables does not necessarily indicate that the one causes the other.
■ Factors such as intelligence, occupation, health and lifestyle factors,
rather than sensory ageing as such, may affect cognitive output in later
life.
■ Other variables in the input stage of information processing, such as
attention, memory and speed of processing, may also affect cognitive
output.
3.2.1.2 Attention
Large amounts of information enter the sensory register (i.e. the physiological
point or sensory organ such as the eyes, ears, mouth, nose and skin where
information such as sight, sound, taste, smell and touch enters the sensory
information system). This is the first step in information processing. To
process the information, the individual needs to pay attention to the incoming
sensory stimulus. Attention is the state in which cognitive resources are
focused on certain aspects of the environment rather than on others, while
the central nervous system is in a state of readiness to respond to stimuli
(American Psychological Association, 2015). Although attention is often a
short-lived cognitive state (e.g. who of us will be able to draw a R2-coin from
memory even though we practically handle it every day?), it is a necessary
step to subsequent and more detailed and complex analysis of incoming
information. For example, the inability to focus attention can have serious
consequences for children and for adults (think for example of the effect of
attention deficit disorder on a variety of psychological developments), while
a lapse in attention at a crucial moment of decision-making, such as missing
an important piece of information or not noticing that the car ahead of you
has slowed down, can be disastrous.
A lapse in attention could be disastrous
112
Attention is important in everyday life, especially when cognitive
resources must be utilised to focus on some target or goal and when further
cognitive operations, such as memory tasks or problem solving, have to be
performed. Attentional skills are strongly correlated with other cognitive
skills (Howieson, 2015). Therefore, declines in attention can have far-reaching
effects on a person’s ability to function adequately and efficiently in everyday
life (Glisky, 2007).
Multiple processes are involved in attention, which manifests itself in
different levels of attention (Blanchet, 2016; Hartley & Maquestiaux, 2016;
Santrock, 2015; Stuart-Hamilton, 2012):
• Sustained attention. This refers to the ability to concentrate on a task
without being distracted. The ability to sustain attention seems to be
quite well preserved in later life. Although there is some decline with
age, it is difficult to determine the exact nature and extent of the decline,
as different measures of sustained attention yield different patterns of
change.
• Selective attention. This is the ability to concentrate on a task while
there are other distracting stimuli present. Many situations in life require
selective attention; for example, screening out perceptual noise (e.g.
concentrating on one’s studies while a party is going on in the room next
door), or tasks requiring visual search (e.g. looking for a particular brand
of washing powder on a shelf in a supermarket that contains a whole range
of washing powders). Although studies yield different results (largely due
to differences in which aspect of selective attention is being measured),
there is ample evidence to suggest that older adults exhibit a decline
in selective attention. For example, while the ability to select relevant
information is well preserved in ageing, older adults tend to experience
more difficulty in ignoring or suppressing irrelevant or unimportant
information. They also show a decline in suppressing perceptual noise.
However, older adults seem to employ additional neural connectivity to
perform the task at the same level as young adults (Geerligs et al., 2014).
• Switching attention. This refers to alternating attention between two or
more tasks. More specifically, individuals must carry out two different
tasks, shifting between them according to some rule (e.g. alternate tasks
such as reading a recipe and executing the steps provided), or follow a
cue (e.g. follow the prompts on your cell phone or computer and execute
these commands). This switching or shifting of attention reflects the
demands of holding two sets of task rules in working memory (see the
discussion on working memory later in this section) and managing their
113
 only a link between sensory acuity and cognitive functioning could be
established. As we have seen in Chapter 1, a correlation or link between
two variables does not necessarily indicate that the one causes the other.
■ Factors such as intelligence, occupation, health and lifestyle factors,
rather than sensory ageing as such, may affect cognitive output in later
life.
■ Other variables in the input stage of information processing, such as
attention, memory and speed of processing, may also affect cognitive
output.
3.2.1.2 Attention
Large amounts of information enter the sensory register (i.e. the physiological
point or sensory organ such as the eyes, ears, mouth, nose and skin where
information such as sight, sound, taste, smell and touch enters the sensory
information system). This is the first step in information processing. To
process the information, the individual needs to pay attention to the incoming
sensory stimulus. Attention is the state in which cognitive resources are
focused on certain aspects of the environment rather than on others, while
the central nervous system is in a state of readiness to respond to stimuli
(American Psychological Association, 2015). Although attention is often a
short-lived cognitive state (e.g. who of us will be able to draw a R2-coin from
memory even though we practically handle it every day?), it is a necessary
step to subsequent and more detailed and complex analysis of incoming
information. For example, the inability to focus attention can have serious
consequences for children and for adults (think for example of the effect of
attention deficit disorder on a variety of psychological developments), while
a lapse in attention at a crucial moment of decision-making, such as missing
an important piece of information or not noticing that the car ahead of you
has slowed down, can be disastrous.
A lapse in attention could be disastrous
112
Attention is important in everyday life, especially when cognitive
resources must be utilised to focus on some target or goal and when further
cognitive operations, such as memory tasks or problem solving, have to be
performed. Attentional skills are strongly correlated with other cognitive
skills (Howieson, 2015). Therefore, declines in attention can have far-reaching
effects on a person’s ability to function adequately and efficiently in everyday
life (Glisky, 2007).
Multiple processes are involved in attention, which manifests itself in
different levels of attention (Blanchet, 2016; Hartley & Maquestiaux, 2016;
Santrock, 2015; Stuart-Hamilton, 2012):
• Sustained attention. This refers to the ability to concentrate on a task
without being distracted. The ability to sustain attention seems to be
quite well preserved in later life. Although there is some decline with
age, it is difficult to determine the exact nature and extent of the decline,
as different measures of sustained attention yield different patterns of
change.
• Selective attention. This is the ability to concentrate on a task while
there are other distracting stimuli present. Many situations in life require
selective attention; for example, screening out perceptual noise (e.g.
concentrating on one’s studies while a party is going on in the room next
door), or tasks requiring visual search (e.g. looking for a particular brand
of washing powder on a shelf in a supermarket that contains a whole range
of washing powders). Although studies yield different results (largely due
to differences in which aspect of selective attention is being measured),
there is ample evidence to suggest that older adults exhibit a decline
in selective attention. For example, while the ability to select relevant
information is well preserved in ageing, older adults tend to experience
more difficulty in ignoring or suppressing irrelevant or unimportant
information. They also show a decline in suppressing perceptual noise.
However, older adults seem to employ additional neural connectivity to
perform the task at the same level as young adults (Geerligs et al., 2014).
• Switching attention. This refers to alternating attention between two or
more tasks. More specifically, individuals must carry out two different
tasks, shifting between them according to some rule (e.g. alternate tasks
such as reading a recipe and executing the steps provided), or follow a
cue (e.g. follow the prompts on your cell phone or computer and execute
these commands). This switching or shifting of attention reflects the
demands of holding two sets of task rules in working memory (see the
discussion on working memory later in this section) and managing their
113
 application. Although older adults are slower than younger adults are at
some of these tasks, they do not make more errors than younger adults do.
• Divided attention is required when the individual has to attend to and
process more than one source of information at the same time. A typical
example is driving: While managing the vehicle, one simultaneously also
has to follow the road signs or instructions along the road or on the
GPS. Age-related effects on attentional processes become more obvious
when cognitive or daily life tasks require multiple or divided attentional
skills, for both younger and older adults. However, the more difficult the
competing tasks are, the less effectively older adults divide attention
than younger adults do.
• Executive attention involves aspects of thinking that include the planning
of actions, allocating attention to goals, detecting and compensating for
errors, monitoring progress on tasks, and dealing with new or difficult
circumstances. Older adults in particular are affected in novel (new or
unusual), complex tasks that require more than one attentional process
and performing high-level cognitive activities involving memory,
reasoning, language, problem-solving and planning.
Therefore, tasks involving attention require the individual to focus
or select cognitive resources for a specific task or stimulus input. Various
theories have been proposed to explain the possible decline or change in the
attentional processes during the ageing process:
■ The attentional resources theory. Attentional resources refer to the
amount of attention available to perform cognitive tasks that require
effort and where the ability to distribute attention is under the control
of the individual. This theory proposes that the availability of attentional
capacity and efficient distribution of attentional resources decline with
age. This is especially true for some complex cognitive tasks as well as
everyday multitasking situations that require attention to be divided
between two or more sources (Blanchet, 2016).
■ The inhibitory deficit theory. This theory focuses on the ability to ignore
or suppress irrelevant/interrupting information or stimuli (distracters)
and to focus on relevant stimuli or goals (targets). While it seems that
the ability to select relevant information is preserved, older adults’ ability
to block out irrelevant stimuli tends to be affected negatively (Geerligs
et al., 2014). This implies that if attention to distracters is not inhibited,
some attentional resources will be wasted on unimportant stimuli, with
the result that too little attentional capacity will remain to process the
important target stimuli. This could result in the slowing of responses,
114
increases in slips of action and thought, and difficulties in remembering
details. However, it seems that inhibitory efficiency also may be related
to other factors. For example, as with the attentional resources theory,
task complexity may play a role. As tasks become more complex, the
sources of distraction are likely to be more extensive, thus affecting the
performance of older adults, often slowing responses and increasing
errors in a wide range of tasks. However, older adults also tend to
encode the distractive information more than younger adults do. This
information may actually help them perform well in new tasks, especially
when it is relevant to the new task (Hasher, 2016). Additionally, it seems
that inhibitory efficiency changes throughout the course of the day. At
times of peak circadian arousal (wakefulness), people generally function
at their highest level of efficiency with optimal control over distracting
thoughts or stimuli. This suggests that both older and younger adults’
inhibitory functioning may be influenced by their alertness. For older
adults, this peak seems to be in the morning, and for many younger
adults in the afternoon/evening (Hasher, 2016).
■ The neurological approach. According to the neurological approach,
a decline in frontal lobe functioning, which is associated strongly with
executive functioning such as planning and the selection of important
stimuli from distracting stimuli, may also play a role in attentional
processes. Essentially, it seems that older adults lose the accuracy and
speed of functioning necessary to maintain control over attentional
processes. More generally, there seems to be a failure in the brain to
screen neural signals effectively from one another. However, although
frontal lobes may play an important
role in age differences in many
cognitive tasks, they are rarely
the only area of the brain that is
involved significantly. Other areas
of the brain, such as the parietal
and temporal lobes, may also play a
role. Moreover, each of the different
areas of the brain may contribute
something to the age-related
change, in conjunction with other
ageing changes (Stuart-Hamilton,
2012).
The frontal lobes play a role in attention
115
 application. Although older adults are slower than younger adults are at
some of these tasks, they do not make more errors than younger adults do.
• Divided attention is required when the individual has to attend to and
process more than one source of information at the same time. A typical
example is driving: While managing the vehicle, one simultaneously also
has to follow the road signs or instructions along the road or on the
GPS. Age-related effects on attentional processes become more obvious
when cognitive or daily life tasks require multiple or divided attentional
skills, for both younger and older adults. However, the more difficult the
competing tasks are, the less effectively older adults divide attention
than younger adults do.
• Executive attention involves aspects of thinking that include the planning
of actions, allocating attention to goals, detecting and compensating for
errors, monitoring progress on tasks, and dealing with new or difficult
circumstances. Older adults in particular are affected in novel (new or
unusual), complex tasks that require more than one attentional process
and performing high-level cognitive activities involving memory,
reasoning, language, problem-solving and planning.
Therefore, tasks involving attention require the individual to focus
or select cognitive resources for a specific task or stimulus input. Various
theories have been proposed to explain the possible decline or change in the
attentional processes during the ageing process:
■ The attentional resources theory. Attentional resources refer to the
amount of attention available to perform cognitive tasks that require
effort and where the ability to distribute attention is under the control
of the individual. This theory proposes that the availability of attentional
capacity and efficient distribution of attentional resources decline with
age. This is especially true for some complex cognitive tasks as well as
everyday multitasking situations that require attention to be divided
between two or more sources (Blanchet, 2016).
■ The inhibitory deficit theory. This theory focuses on the ability to ignore
or suppress irrelevant/interrupting information or stimuli (distracters)
and to focus on relevant stimuli or goals (targets). While it seems that
the ability to select relevant information is preserved, older adults’ ability
to block out irrelevant stimuli tends to be affected negatively (Geerligs
et al., 2014). This implies that if attention to distracters is not inhibited,
some attentional resources will be wasted on unimportant stimuli, with
the result that too little attentional capacity will remain to process the
important target stimuli. This could result in the slowing of responses,
114
increases in slips of action and thought, and difficulties in remembering
details. However, it seems that inhibitory efficiency also may be related
to other factors. For example, as with the attentional resources theory,
task complexity may play a role. As tasks become more complex, the
sources of distraction are likely to be more extensive, thus affecting the
performance of older adults, often slowing responses and increasing
errors in a wide range of tasks. However, older adults also tend to
encode the distractive information more than younger adults do. This
information may actually help them perform well in new tasks, especially
when it is relevant to the new task (Hasher, 2016). Additionally, it seems
that inhibitory efficiency changes throughout the course of the day. At
times of peak circadian arousal (wakefulness), people generally function
at their highest level of efficiency with optimal control over distracting
thoughts or stimuli. This suggests that both older and younger adults’
inhibitory functioning may be influenced by their alertness. For older
adults, this peak seems to be in the morning, and for many younger
adults in the afternoon/evening (Hasher, 2016).
■ The neurological approach. According to the neurological approach,
a decline in frontal lobe functioning, which is associated strongly with
executive functioning such as planning and the selection of important
stimuli from distracting stimuli, may also play a role in attentional
processes. Essentially, it seems that older adults lose the accuracy and
speed of functioning necessary to maintain control over attentional
processes. More generally, there seems to be a failure in the brain to
screen neural signals effectively from one another. However, although
frontal lobes may play an important
role in age differences in many
cognitive tasks, they are rarely
the only area of the brain that is
involved significantly. Other areas
of the brain, such as the parietal
and temporal lobes, may also play a
role. Moreover, each of the different
areas of the brain may contribute
something to the age-related
change, in conjunction with other
ageing changes (Stuart-Hamilton,
2012).
The frontal lobes play a role in attention
115
 As mentioned, several explanations are offered for the loss of
attentional abilities in older adults. However, none of the theories seems
to provide a clear answer, and it is possible that the decline is attributable
to several factors that may or may not be related to one another. For
example, the decline may be due to a general decline, a decline specific to
the task, or to older adults being more cautious to perform the task. Most
of the studies performed are also laboratory experiments with their own
methodological flaws, such as a lack of clarity on operational definitions
(e.g. concepts are defined and therefore measured differently by various
researchers). In addition, attention is a multifaceted construct, consisting
of many facets and processes. Therefore, change in attentional function
is not a uniform picture of increasing impairment. In fact, losses in some
facets are accompanied by constancies in others (Hartley & Maquestiaux,
2016).
3.2.1.3 Information processing speed
Once information has entered the brain via the senses and the individual
has given attention to it, the information is processed. Information
processing speed refers to the amount of time it takes a person to
process a stimulus, prepare a response, and then react to the stimulus.
The ability to process information quickly is advantageous in various
cognitive tasks and many areas of everyday life where decision and action
have to be taken within limited periods. Therefore, it is important to take
a closer look at the speed at which individuals process information,
since this could affect their general cognitive functioning. Information
processing speed is generally measured by an individual’s reaction time.
Therefore, reaction time is a measure of how long it takes a person to
respond to a stimulus.
Reaction times of people get slower as they grow older
116
It is a well-established fact that the reaction times of people
become slower as they grow older. Reaction time is at its peak in young
adulthood, then gradually begins to decline during the third decade, and
more dramatically during the seventh and eighth decades (Keil, 2014).
Some of the theories attempting to explain this phenomenon are the
following (Dirk & Schmiedek, 2016; Li et al., 2010; Pollock & Allen, 2016):
• The generalised slowing hypothesis. According to this hypothesis,
age-related slowing is a general phenomenon apparent in any given
task – from initial encoding to response execution – and could be
considered a fundamental characteristic of the central nervous
system. Several reasons have been proposed, one of which is the
neural noise hypothesis. Neural noise refers to irrelevant activity
from residual (left-over) neural activity from previous processing.
This interference or distraction, together with age-related changes
in the sense organs, progressive loss of brain cells, and poorer
cerebral blood flow, may cause information to be brought more
slowly into the nervous system, which causes a delay in the ability
to produce a response. Another reason may reflect changes in
neurotransmission. This is caused by either a loss of neurons,
a slowing of synaptic communication, or a loss of information at
each synaptic transmission. Age-related deficiencies in dopamine
neurotransmission have received much attention. Indications are
that this could lead to poor input to the frontal cortex, thereby
affecting a range of cognitive functions, including processing speed.
The speed of neural transmission can affect reaction time
117
 As mentioned, several explanations are offered for the loss of
attentional abilities in older adults. However, none of the theories seems
to provide a clear answer, and it is possible that the decline is attributable
to several factors that may or may not be related to one another. For
example, the decline may be due to a general decline, a decline specific to
the task, or to older adults being more cautious to perform the task. Most
of the studies performed are also laboratory experiments with their own
methodological flaws, such as a lack of clarity on operational definitions
(e.g. concepts are defined and therefore measured differently by various
researchers). In addition, attention is a multifaceted construct, consisting
of many facets and processes. Therefore, change in attentional function
is not a uniform picture of increasing impairment. In fact, losses in some
facets are accompanied by constancies in others (Hartley & Maquestiaux,
2016).
3.2.1.3 Information processing speed
Once information has entered the brain via the senses and the individual
has given attention to it, the information is processed. Information
processing speed refers to the amount of time it takes a person to
process a stimulus, prepare a response, and then react to the stimulus.
The ability to process information quickly is advantageous in various
cognitive tasks and many areas of everyday life where decision and action
have to be taken within limited periods. Therefore, it is important to take
a closer look at the speed at which individuals process information,
since this could affect their general cognitive functioning. Information
processing speed is generally measured by an individual’s reaction time.
Therefore, reaction time is a measure of how long it takes a person to
respond to a stimulus.
Reaction times of people get slower as they grow older
116
It is a well-established fact that the reaction times of people
become slower as they grow older. Reaction time is at its peak in young
adulthood, then gradually begins to decline during the third decade, and
more dramatically during the seventh and eighth decades (Keil, 2014).
Some of the theories attempting to explain this phenomenon are the
following (Dirk & Schmiedek, 2016; Li et al., 2010; Pollock & Allen, 2016):
• The generalised slowing hypothesis. According to this hypothesis,
age-related slowing is a general phenomenon apparent in any given
task – from initial encoding to response execution – and could be
considered a fundamental characteristic of the central nervous
system. Several reasons have been proposed, one of which is the
neural noise hypothesis. Neural noise refers to irrelevant activity
from residual (left-over) neural activity from previous processing.
This interference or distraction, together with age-related changes
in the sense organs, progressive loss of brain cells, and poorer
cerebral blood flow, may cause information to be brought more
slowly into the nervous system, which causes a delay in the ability
to produce a response. Another reason may reflect changes in
neurotransmission. This is caused by either a loss of neurons,
a slowing of synaptic communication, or a loss of information at
each synaptic transmission. Age-related deficiencies in dopamine
neurotransmission have received much attention. Indications are
that this could lead to poor input to the frontal cortex, thereby
affecting a range of cognitive functions, including processing speed.
The speed of neural transmission can affect reaction time
117
 tasks; they only become slower. In fact, automatic responses (those skills
• Age-complexity hypothesis. In general, the complexity of a task affects
that are well rehearsed though a lifetime of accumulated knowledge) are
how quickly people respond. With simple tasks, there is little difference
relatively unaffected by age. In certain instances, older adults may even
between younger and older adults’ reaction times. For both younger
outperform younger adults (Pollock & Allen, 2016). In addition, a decrease
and older adults, the more complex the task, the slower the response
in information processing speed does not hold for all individuals and may
will be. However, as tasks increase in complexity, the difference between
vary between groups (i.e. younger and older adults). Furthermore, although
younger and older adults’ reaction times also increases: Older adults
reaction time is important, this is not the most important factor in intellectual
become disproportionately slow as the complexity of the task increases.
change. Conversely, although declining processing speed may be related to
Since complex tasks require more extensive processing at a central level
biological factors (functional, anatomical, and neuromodulatory changes in
(an attentional control system; see 3.2.1.4 for a more detailed explanation
the brain), the role of contextual and environmental influences as well as
of the central executive), the differences noted between younger and
experience and training should not be excluded in explanatory models for
older adults’ reaction times could be related to age-related differences
age-related slowing (Dirk & Schmiedek, 2016).
at the level of central processing.
• The diffusion model. This model takes several important aspects of
performance into account and thereby provides a comprehensive picture REVIEW THIS SECTION
of the processes at work in information processing. Three parameters are
1. What is cognition?
described in this model: Drift rate refers to the rate of accumulation of
2. Why may individuals be concerned about cognitive ageing?
information over time. Larger drift rates indicate faster accumulation of
information and therefore higher efficiency in responding. For example, 3. What were David Wechsler and Sigmund Freud’s views about cognitive capacities
as we age? How are these views challenged?
in recognition tasks, well-remembered items would have larger drift rates
than items that are not well remembered would. Boundary separation 4. What are the current controversies regarding cognitive ageing? What issues need
to be considered?
describes an individual’s response conservativeness. This reflects a
5. What are the assumptions of the information processing theory? In what way is
person’s need for more information to generate a response. For example,
the computer used as an analogy in the processing of information?
some individuals may prefer accuracy to speed of responding. The third
6. What is sensory input? How is sensory input affected by age? What may account
parameter is called non-decision time, which refers to the sensorimotor for the discrepancies in research findings?
processes necessary for sensory encoding as well as motor response
7. What is the importance of attention in processing information? Why is attention
preparation and execution. Comparing old-old adults (75-90) with important in everyday life?
young-old (60-75) and younger adults, results indicate that the effects
8. Discuss the different levels of attention, and how the ageing process may affect
of ageing cannot be attributed to a single slowing factor. However, them.
for most tasks, motor performance (non-decision time) and response 9. What is information processing speed? Why is this ability important in everyday
cautiousness (boundary separation) contribute quite substantially to life? How is processing speed assessed?
older adults’ slower reaction time compared to that of younger adults. 10. Discuss the proposed theories that attempt to explain a decline in processing
Therefore, older adults are slower than younger adults are because they speed as individuals age.
set more conservative response criteria, taking great care not to make 11. Do older adults necessarily become disadvantaged because of a decline in
mistakes. Regarding the drift rate, age-related differences have been processing speed? Is a decline in processing speed true for all ageing adults? What
found, depending on the type of task. For example, older adults show factors may play a role in the variability of the decline of processing speed?
lower drift rates for tasks in which the perceptual information is limited
(i.e. in tasks for which they have less accumulated information).

However, it should be noted that older adults do not become

disadvantaged or less efficient during any particular component of processing
118 119
 tasks; they only become slower. In fact, automatic responses (those skills
• Age-complexity hypothesis. In general, the complexity of a task affects
that are well rehearsed though a lifetime of accumulated knowledge) are
how quickly people respond. With simple tasks, there is little difference
relatively unaffected by age. In certain instances, older adults may even
between younger and older adults’ reaction times. For both younger
outperform younger adults (Pollock & Allen, 2016). In addition, a decrease
and older adults, the more complex the task, the slower the response
in information processing speed does not hold for all individuals and may
will be. However, as tasks increase in complexity, the difference between
vary between groups (i.e. younger and older adults). Furthermore, although
younger and older adults’ reaction times also increases: Older adults
reaction time is important, this is not the most important factor in intellectual
become disproportionately slow as the complexity of the task increases.
change. Conversely, although declining processing speed may be related to
Since complex tasks require more extensive processing at a central level
biological factors (functional, anatomical, and neuromodulatory changes in
(an attentional control system; see 3.2.1.4 for a more detailed explanation
the brain), the role of contextual and environmental influences as well as
of the central executive), the differences noted between younger and
experience and training should not be excluded in explanatory models for
older adults’ reaction times could be related to age-related differences
age-related slowing (Dirk & Schmiedek, 2016).
at the level of central processing.
• The diffusion model. This model takes several important aspects of
performance into account and thereby provides a comprehensive picture REVIEW THIS SECTION
of the processes at work in information processing. Three parameters are
1. What is cognition?
described in this model: Drift rate refers to the rate of accumulation of
2. Why may individuals be concerned about cognitive ageing?
information over time. Larger drift rates indicate faster accumulation of
information and therefore higher efficiency in responding. For example, 3. What were David Wechsler and Sigmund Freud’s views about cognitive capacities
as we age? How are these views challenged?
in recognition tasks, well-remembered items would have larger drift rates
than items that are not well remembered would. Boundary separation 4. What are the current controversies regarding cognitive ageing? What issues need
to be considered?
describes an individual’s response conservativeness. This reflects a
5. What are the assumptions of the information processing theory? In what way is
person’s need for more information to generate a response. For example,
the computer used as an analogy in the processing of information?
some individuals may prefer accuracy to speed of responding. The third
6. What is sensory input? How is sensory input affected by age? What may account
parameter is called non-decision time, which refers to the sensorimotor for the discrepancies in research findings?
processes necessary for sensory encoding as well as motor response
7. What is the importance of attention in processing information? Why is attention
preparation and execution. Comparing old-old adults (75-90) with important in everyday life?
young-old (60-75) and younger adults, results indicate that the effects
8. Discuss the different levels of attention, and how the ageing process may affect
of ageing cannot be attributed to a single slowing factor. However, them.
for most tasks, motor performance (non-decision time) and response 9. What is information processing speed? Why is this ability important in everyday
cautiousness (boundary separation) contribute quite substantially to life? How is processing speed assessed?
older adults’ slower reaction time compared to that of younger adults. 10. Discuss the proposed theories that attempt to explain a decline in processing
Therefore, older adults are slower than younger adults are because they speed as individuals age.
set more conservative response criteria, taking great care not to make 11. Do older adults necessarily become disadvantaged because of a decline in
mistakes. Regarding the drift rate, age-related differences have been processing speed? Is a decline in processing speed true for all ageing adults? What
found, depending on the type of task. For example, older adults show factors may play a role in the variability of the decline of processing speed?
lower drift rates for tasks in which the perceptual information is limited
(i.e. in tasks for which they have less accumulated information).

However, it should be noted that older adults do not become

disadvantaged or less efficient during any particular component of processing
118 119
 3.2.2 Memory
Memory is an essential step in processing incoming stimuli, information
and experiences. Memory refers to the ability to encode, store and
retrieve information and experiences. Encoding is the process of getting
information into the memory system. Storage involves the way in
which information is represented and kept in memory, while retrieval is
the accessing of information from the memory system. Memory is an
essential capacity in our cognitive functioning, whether we have to make
immediate or later use of the information encoded from our environment.
For example, functioning in academic settings and in everyday life
would be difficult, if not impossible, without the ability to remember.
In addition, memory failures can cause inconvenience, embarrassment
and even danger. People are also largely defined by their memories. This
is perhaps the reason why many people, especially older people, feel
threatened when they experience lapses in memory. For many people,
memory lapses may be the most concerning and troublesome aspect
of cognitive change. Older adults often complain that their memory is
not as good as it used to be. Many complain that they have increased
difficulty in finding words, remembering names, recalling where they
have put items, or what they want to do next. They often worry that this
is the beginning of Alzheimer’s disease. (As will be discussed in Chapter
6, memory impairment is one of the major symptoms of this disease.)
However, some memory declines are normal processes of ageing (e.g.
due to changes in brain structures or functioning), while others may be
due to pathology (e.g. diseases) generally more typical in older than in
younger people (Berger, 2014; Keil, 2014).
Lapses in memory increase with age
120
It is often believed that memory is a homogeneous skill – that everything
is memorised in the same way. However, the more psychologists study
memory, the more they realise that memory is not one function but many,
each with a specific pattern of decline as we age. This implies that different
types of memories (e.g. for words, pictures, or physical skills) are stored
in different sections of the brain. Memory systems behave in different
ways; for example, ‘verbal’ or ‘visual’ memories represent anatomically and
functionally distinct systems.
3.2.2.1 Memory and ageing
Given the number of different systems of memory, it can be assumed that
not all memory domains show the same pattern of age-related decline. Some
memory systems may be affected more by age effects than others may be,
while some may remain intact or even improve as people age. Therefore,
the effects of ageing are highly dependent on the type of memory task
(Kikomoto & Mayr, 2017; Willis & Boron, 2015). In this section, the effects
of the ageing process on the different domains or systems of memory are
considered. Memory systems can be differentiated by their (i) processing
requirements; (ii) temporal characteristics; (iii) types of memory; and (iv)
stimulus domains.
(i) Processing requirements
As mentioned earlier, to remember information, it has to be encoded (the
process of getting information into memory) and retrieved (the process of
getting the information out). There is considerable debate within psychology
as to whether memories are lost through inefficient encoding or inefficient
retrieval (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). The inefficient encoding hypothesis
postulates that memories that are encoded inefficiently will be lost because
they cannot be retrieved (much as a library book that was placed on the
wrong shelf and cannot be found in its rightful place). The inefficient
retrieval hypothesis argues that memories are lost because although they
are stored properly, the search for them is inefficient.
Research indicates an age-related decline in both encoding and retrieval
processes (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015; Park & Festini, 2017). A
reason for this is that adults’ spontaneous use of encoding and retrieval
strategies (anything that people use to make the task of encoding or
retrieval easier) during the learning of new information declines with age.
Certainly, if information is not encoded well, it is less likely to be accessible
to be retrieved later. Poorer encoding, at least partially, could be the reason
121
 3.2.2 Memory
Memory is an essential step in processing incoming stimuli, information
and experiences. Memory refers to the ability to encode, store and
retrieve information and experiences. Encoding is the process of getting
information into the memory system. Storage involves the way in
which information is represented and kept in memory, while retrieval is
the accessing of information from the memory system. Memory is an
essential capacity in our cognitive functioning, whether we have to make
immediate or later use of the information encoded from our environment.
For example, functioning in academic settings and in everyday life
would be difficult, if not impossible, without the ability to remember.
In addition, memory failures can cause inconvenience, embarrassment
and even danger. People are also largely defined by their memories. This
is perhaps the reason why many people, especially older people, feel
threatened when they experience lapses in memory. For many people,
memory lapses may be the most concerning and troublesome aspect
of cognitive change. Older adults often complain that their memory is
not as good as it used to be. Many complain that they have increased
difficulty in finding words, remembering names, recalling where they
have put items, or what they want to do next. They often worry that this
is the beginning of Alzheimer’s disease. (As will be discussed in Chapter
6, memory impairment is one of the major symptoms of this disease.)
However, some memory declines are normal processes of ageing (e.g.
due to changes in brain structures or functioning), while others may be
due to pathology (e.g. diseases) generally more typical in older than in
younger people (Berger, 2014; Keil, 2014).
Lapses in memory increase with age
120
It is often believed that memory is a homogeneous skill – that everything
is memorised in the same way. However, the more psychologists study
memory, the more they realise that memory is not one function but many,
each with a specific pattern of decline as we age. This implies that different
types of memories (e.g. for words, pictures, or physical skills) are stored
in different sections of the brain. Memory systems behave in different
ways; for example, ‘verbal’ or ‘visual’ memories represent anatomically and
functionally distinct systems.
3.2.2.1 Memory and ageing
Given the number of different systems of memory, it can be assumed that
not all memory domains show the same pattern of age-related decline. Some
memory systems may be affected more by age effects than others may be,
while some may remain intact or even improve as people age. Therefore,
the effects of ageing are highly dependent on the type of memory task
(Kikomoto & Mayr, 2017; Willis & Boron, 2015). In this section, the effects
of the ageing process on the different domains or systems of memory are
considered. Memory systems can be differentiated by their (i) processing
requirements; (ii) temporal characteristics; (iii) types of memory; and (iv)
stimulus domains.
(i) Processing requirements
As mentioned earlier, to remember information, it has to be encoded (the
process of getting information into memory) and retrieved (the process of
getting the information out). There is considerable debate within psychology
as to whether memories are lost through inefficient encoding or inefficient
retrieval (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). The inefficient encoding hypothesis
postulates that memories that are encoded inefficiently will be lost because
they cannot be retrieved (much as a library book that was placed on the
wrong shelf and cannot be found in its rightful place). The inefficient
retrieval hypothesis argues that memories are lost because although they
are stored properly, the search for them is inefficient.
Research indicates an age-related decline in both encoding and retrieval
processes (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015; Park & Festini, 2017). A
reason for this is that adults’ spontaneous use of encoding and retrieval
strategies (anything that people use to make the task of encoding or
retrieval easier) during the learning of new information declines with age.
Certainly, if information is not encoded well, it is less likely to be accessible
to be retrieved later. Poorer encoding, at least partially, could be the reason
121
why older adults perform less well than younger adults do in memory recall.
Conversely, if people do not use retrieval cues to remember information,
recalling information may be more difficult. In fact, some researchers believe
that retrieval problems resulting from the less spontaneous use of retrieval
strategies are mostly responsible for the age-related decline in memory.
Evidence from cognitive neuroscience also indicates age differences in
encoding and retrieval, and suggests that older adults process information
differently than younger adults do due to changes in neural networking.
Patterns of neural decline with ageing seem to be larger for retrieval than
they are for encoding.
However, the type of task also has an effect on adults’ memory
performance and whether age differences are found. For example, consider
the presentation of material (organised information is much easier to learn
than randomly presented information); how fast information is presented
(slower may be better); how familiar people are with information (familiarity
may be easier); and whether information must be recalled (i.e. remembering
information without hints or clues) or recognised (selecting previously
learned information from among several items) (recognition is usually
better). In addition, consider the fact that memory processes are usually
tested in laboratories and may not reflect older adults’ performance in
everyday memory tasks.
(ii) The temporal characteristics of memory
The temporal characteristics of memory refer to the length of time (or
memory span) over which memories are retained. In this regard, memories
are identified as working memory (WM) (previously called short-term
memory) and long-term memory (LTM).
Working memory is described as the workplace of the mind. It acts as
a temporary buffer for information or events perceived very recently, and it
lasts for a few seconds at most. Working memory assists to simultaneously
passively store and actively manipulate information necessary in activities
such as learning, reasoning and comprehension (Verhaeghen, 2016). Working
memory is regarded as an umbrella term for many similar short-term storage
and processing procedures relating to a wide range of cognitive skills and
fields of knowledge. Therefore, working memory plays an active, critical, and
central role in encoding, storage, and retrieval. The passive storage aspect
of working memory is often referred to as short-term memory or primary
memory.
The multicomponent model of working memory (Baddeley, 2012)
identifies four components in working memory: the phonological loop, the
122
visuospatial scratch pad, the episodic buffer of the long-term memory, and
the central executive (see Fig. 3.1). Auditory memory (i.e. sound- and speech-
based information) goes to the phonological loop. This information can
be rehearsed by repeating the material several times (like when you try to
remember a telephone number and have no means to write it down). Memory
for information that you see is maintained in the visuospatial scratch pad
and is used to manipulate visual and spatial images (like trying to remember
your way to a specific lecture hall on campus). The third component, the
episodic buffer, is responsible for recalling information that is already in
the long-term memory by bringing it temporarily into working memory. The
fourth component, the central executive (an attentional control system),
is responsible for deciding how to allocate cognitive resources to specific
operations, for example for language and other auditory-based information
(e.g. to remember a name or a tune) or to manipulate visual and spatial
images (e.g. to read a map). The central executive also helps to coordinate
concurrent processing – that is when the individual has to maintain a memory
while performing another attention-demanding task at the same time. For
example, in reading this paragraph, it is necessary to keep in mind what
you have just read in order to make sense of what is currently being read
– this means that something has to be remembered while another mental
operation is taking place.
Visuospatial
scratch pad
Input via Episodic
Central
sensory buffer: Long
memory Executive term memory
Rehearsal
Phonological
loop
Figure 3.1. The multicomponent model of working memory
Adapted from Santrock, 2015 123
why older adults perform less well than younger adults do in memory recall.
Conversely, if people do not use retrieval cues to remember information,
recalling information may be more difficult. In fact, some researchers believe
that retrieval problems resulting from the less spontaneous use of retrieval
strategies are mostly responsible for the age-related decline in memory.
Evidence from cognitive neuroscience also indicates age differences in
encoding and retrieval, and suggests that older adults process information
differently than younger adults do due to changes in neural networking.
Patterns of neural decline with ageing seem to be larger for retrieval than
they are for encoding.
However, the type of task also has an effect on adults’ memory
performance and whether age differences are found. For example, consider
the presentation of material (organised information is much easier to learn
than randomly presented information); how fast information is presented
(slower may be better); how familiar people are with information (familiarity
may be easier); and whether information must be recalled (i.e. remembering
information without hints or clues) or recognised (selecting previously
learned information from among several items) (recognition is usually
better). In addition, consider the fact that memory processes are usually
tested in laboratories and may not reflect older adults’ performance in
everyday memory tasks.
(ii) The temporal characteristics of memory
The temporal characteristics of memory refer to the length of time (or
memory span) over which memories are retained. In this regard, memories
are identified as working memory (WM) (previously called short-term
memory) and long-term memory (LTM).
Working memory is described as the workplace of the mind. It acts as
a temporary buffer for information or events perceived very recently, and it
lasts for a few seconds at most. Working memory assists to simultaneously
passively store and actively manipulate information necessary in activities
such as learning, reasoning and comprehension (Verhaeghen, 2016). Working
memory is regarded as an umbrella term for many similar short-term storage
and processing procedures relating to a wide range of cognitive skills and
fields of knowledge. Therefore, working memory plays an active, critical, and
central role in encoding, storage, and retrieval. The passive storage aspect
of working memory is often referred to as short-term memory or primary
memory.
The multicomponent model of working memory (Baddeley, 2012)
identifies four components in working memory: the phonological loop, the
122
visuospatial scratch pad, the episodic buffer of the long-term memory, and
the central executive (see Fig. 3.1). Auditory memory (i.e. sound- and speech-
based information) goes to the phonological loop. This information can
be rehearsed by repeating the material several times (like when you try to
remember a telephone number and have no means to write it down). Memory
for information that you see is maintained in the visuospatial scratch pad
and is used to manipulate visual and spatial images (like trying to remember
your way to a specific lecture hall on campus). The third component, the
episodic buffer, is responsible for recalling information that is already in
the long-term memory by bringing it temporarily into working memory. The
fourth component, the central executive (an attentional control system),
is responsible for deciding how to allocate cognitive resources to specific
operations, for example for language and other auditory-based information
(e.g. to remember a name or a tune) or to manipulate visual and spatial
images (e.g. to read a map). The central executive also helps to coordinate
concurrent processing – that is when the individual has to maintain a memory
while performing another attention-demanding task at the same time. For
example, in reading this paragraph, it is necessary to keep in mind what
you have just read in order to make sense of what is currently being read
– this means that something has to be remembered while another mental
operation is taking place.
Visuospatial
scratch pad
Input via Episodic
Central
sensory buffer: Long
memory Executive term memory
Rehearsal
Phonological
loop
Figure 3.1. The multicomponent model of working memory
Adapted from Santrock, 2015 123
 However, information does not remain in working memory forever
because the vast majority of information is of value only at the time and
becomes redundant after a while. In fact, a crucial feature of the working
memory is its capacity limit. Depending on the task, the memory store can
hold on average between four and seven items. For example, the average
adult can hold between five and nine verbal items in working memory, but
fewer visual items can be retained (Cockroft, 2015). The capacity limit of
working memory (thus, the short-term memory system) is important in
clearing the memory system of irrelevant information. For example, in a
mental arithmetic task, remembering numbers is necessary when executing
the task, but will be both an irritation and a waste of memory space if one
keeps on remembering them afterwards. However, some information needs
to be held in working memory to keep information active. This is usually
accomplished by using encoding techniques such as rehearsal or making
a meaningful connection between the information in working memory and
information already known (Cowan, 2014).
How is working memory affected by age? The bulk of research indicates
that working memory capacity declines with age. Small age differences are
already found in short-term memory tasks that rely on passive storage of
information. Significantly larger age-related deficits are apparent in working
memory when information must be processed and reorganised actively.
These deficits may vary across tasks; for example, the age-related decline
is greater in spatial working memory than it is in verbal working memory
(Verhaeghen, 2016).
Some of the deficits in working memory may be attributable to age-
related slowing in processing speed, especially regarding tasks that are more
complex. This may limit the amount of information that can be activated in
working memory, since older adults may have more trouble than younger
adults may to coordinate all the elements. Second, failures in clearing the
working memory of information that is no longer relevant to the current
task (as suggested by the inhibitory deficit hypothesis) may cause clutter
in older adults’ working memory. This limits its functional capacity. Third,
older adults may experience a decline in the ability to update the contents
of working memory flexibly (McCabe & Loaiza, 2016).
Deficits in working memory have negative consequences for higher-
order cognition, especially episodic memory and reasoning (as we shall see
later in our discussions). On the question whether working memory can be
trained, research indicates contradictory findings: Some researchers found
benefits of such training and that it may even transfer to other aspects of
cognition, while others found no benefit at all. Clearly, more research in this
regard is needed (e.g. Covey et al., 2018; Reddick et al., 2015).
Long-term memory refers to the ability to retain memory for longer
periods, ranging from a few seconds to a few hours to several decades.
124
Everyday life is full of examples of the functioning of the long-term memory
system, such as remembering routines, performing in an exam, summarising
information, recounting an event, or remembering an appointment. Some
information such as one’s name and those of one’s loved ones or native
language may never be lost, probably because of its importance to one, and/
or may be very well rehearsed. However, information can be lost from long-
term memory especially if it becomes less important, has been replaced, is
rehearsed infrequently, or due to a neurological disorder, such as dementia.
Memories are affected by the importance of the event (e.g.
the first free elections in South Africa in 1994)
Working memory interacts with long-term memory by transmitting
information to long-term memory for longer storage (Marton & Eichorn,
2014; Nyberg & Eriksson, 2016). Long-term memory has a relatively large
capacity store where information can be kept for long periods. Since there
are age-related deficits in working memory, a logical deduction is that there
will also be deficits in long-term memory. The reason for this is that much
of the information passing into long-term memory must first be processed
by working memory, and any defects in working memory may be reflected
in long-term memory. A reason for this may be that older adults engage
in encoding and retrieval strategies that are less effective, with the result
that their recall may suffer. However, this may be true of new information.
Therefore, the question is how other aspects or types of long-term memory
may be affected.
(iii) Types of memory
Research has suggested that long-term memory is not a unitary construct,
but consists of distinct, functionally different multiple systems and is served
125
 However, information does not remain in working memory forever
because the vast majority of information is of value only at the time and
becomes redundant after a while. In fact, a crucial feature of the working
memory is its capacity limit. Depending on the task, the memory store can
hold on average between four and seven items. For example, the average
adult can hold between five and nine verbal items in working memory, but
fewer visual items can be retained (Cockroft, 2015). The capacity limit of
working memory (thus, the short-term memory system) is important in
clearing the memory system of irrelevant information. For example, in a
mental arithmetic task, remembering numbers is necessary when executing
the task, but will be both an irritation and a waste of memory space if one
keeps on remembering them afterwards. However, some information needs
to be held in working memory to keep information active. This is usually
accomplished by using encoding techniques such as rehearsal or making
a meaningful connection between the information in working memory and
information already known (Cowan, 2014).
How is working memory affected by age? The bulk of research indicates
that working memory capacity declines with age. Small age differences are
already found in short-term memory tasks that rely on passive storage of
information. Significantly larger age-related deficits are apparent in working
memory when information must be processed and reorganised actively.
These deficits may vary across tasks; for example, the age-related decline
is greater in spatial working memory than it is in verbal working memory
(Verhaeghen, 2016).
Some of the deficits in working memory may be attributable to age-
related slowing in processing speed, especially regarding tasks that are more
complex. This may limit the amount of information that can be activated in
working memory, since older adults may have more trouble than younger
adults may to coordinate all the elements. Second, failures in clearing the
working memory of information that is no longer relevant to the current
task (as suggested by the inhibitory deficit hypothesis) may cause clutter
in older adults’ working memory. This limits its functional capacity. Third,
older adults may experience a decline in the ability to update the contents
of working memory flexibly (McCabe & Loaiza, 2016).
Deficits in working memory have negative consequences for higher-
order cognition, especially episodic memory and reasoning (as we shall see
later in our discussions). On the question whether working memory can be
trained, research indicates contradictory findings: Some researchers found
benefits of such training and that it may even transfer to other aspects of
cognition, while others found no benefit at all. Clearly, more research in this
regard is needed (e.g. Covey et al., 2018; Reddick et al., 2015).
Long-term memory refers to the ability to retain memory for longer
periods, ranging from a few seconds to a few hours to several decades.
124
Everyday life is full of examples of the functioning of the long-term memory
system, such as remembering routines, performing in an exam, summarising
information, recounting an event, or remembering an appointment. Some
information such as one’s name and those of one’s loved ones or native
language may never be lost, probably because of its importance to one, and/
or may be very well rehearsed. However, information can be lost from long-
term memory especially if it becomes less important, has been replaced, is
rehearsed infrequently, or due to a neurological disorder, such as dementia.
Memories are affected by the importance of the event (e.g.
the first free elections in South Africa in 1994)
Working memory interacts with long-term memory by transmitting
information to long-term memory for longer storage (Marton & Eichorn,
2014; Nyberg & Eriksson, 2016). Long-term memory has a relatively large
capacity store where information can be kept for long periods. Since there
are age-related deficits in working memory, a logical deduction is that there
will also be deficits in long-term memory. The reason for this is that much
of the information passing into long-term memory must first be processed
by working memory, and any defects in working memory may be reflected
in long-term memory. A reason for this may be that older adults engage
in encoding and retrieval strategies that are less effective, with the result
that their recall may suffer. However, this may be true of new information.
Therefore, the question is how other aspects or types of long-term memory
may be affected.
(iii) Types of memory
Research has suggested that long-term memory is not a unitary construct,
but consists of distinct, functionally different multiple systems and is served
125
by different brain structures (Light, 2016). Therefore, the different types
of memory will be affected differently by age. Several types of memory
have been distinguished within the long-term memory (Small et al., 2016;
Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014; Willis & Boron, 2015):
• Explicit and implicit memory. Explicit memory (also called declarative
memory) refers to the conscious and intentional retrieval of information that
was stored or learned deliberately (such as the telephone number of a loved
one). Implicit memory (or non-declarative memory) involves the retrieval of
information without conscious or intentional recollection. Implicit memory
is much like getting into a routine – we do things from memory but we do
not have to think about them (e.g. brushing one’s teeth). Implicit memory is
important in everyday life and is used, for example, in making judgements,
forming opinions, and understanding language. In these instances, people
draw upon memories that have not been stored explicitly as fact.
Research on implicit memory indicates no significant age difference to
only a slight decline, while findings on explicit memory show significant
decline. This could be interpreted in two ways. Firstly, the implicit and
explicit memory systems may be associated with different regions of
the brain that are differentially impaired by ageing. Secondly, different
processing resources may be involved: Implicit memory tasks rely on
automatic processes, while explicit memory tasks require processing that is
more demanding and effortful.
Linked to implicit-explicit memory, is procedural memory. Procedural
memory underlies the acquisition of skills and other aspects of knowledge
that are not directly accessible to consciousness and whose presence can
be demonstrated only indirectly by action (e.g. walking, typing, driving
and reading). Initially, learning these skills may require effort (learning to
read, drive a car, play a musical instrument, or riding a bicycle; therefore,
applying explicit memory skills) but later, especially with practice, become
quite automatic (implicit memory skills). Once a skill has become part of
procedural memory, it can be carried out relatively automatically, requiring
fewer attentional resources. In contrast to other types of knowledge,
procedural knowledge is largely unaffected by age. This is reflected by
the fact that we can still adequately perform skills that we may not have
practised in years. The incredible resilience of procedural memory explains
why your 85-year-old aunt, who was a musician, can still beautifully play the
piano, but may not remember all the family members’ names. The reason
why procedural memory remains robust even in old age may be that the
information in procedural memory resides in a different region of the brain.
126
When a complex skill is first learned, the frontal lobes are heavily involved.
After having accomplished that skill thoroughly, this knowledge becomes
automatic and migrates to a lower brain centre, which clears the frontal
cortex for mastering other higher-level thinking tasks.
Age-related decline in procedural memory is insignificant
• Semantic and episodic memory. Semantic and episodic memory is closely
related to declarative (explicit) memory. Semantic memory is a store of facts
such as general knowledge or academic learning. It includes a person’s fields
of expertise and “everyday knowledge”, such as accumulated knowledge
about people, places and things. Episodic memories are memories for events
(episodes) of personal experiences; it is typically the knowledge acquired at a
specific time and place. From an anatomical perspective, episodic memory is
situated more prominently in the temporal lobe, whereas semantic memory
often is distributed across multiple cortical areas.
Semantic memory seems to survive ageing to a large extent. Memory
for facts and information (i.e. general knowledge) and vocabulary seems
to be unaffected by age, and in general, older adults are just as good as, if
not better than, younger adults at recalling facts held in semantic memory.
Semantic memory typically does not overburden working memory;
therefore, older adults can draw upon experience in word meanings and
general world knowledge. However, age changes in semantic memory may
occur if it becomes difficult to access and retrieve information. A reason
for this is that the knowledge in semantic memory is not used regularly
(e.g. learning a foreign language at school or university, but not using it any
further). A second reason is a momentary retrieval failure for information
that is otherwise accessible or well known. A typical example is the tip-
of-the-tongue phenomenon or word-finding deficit. Older adults report
experiencing this phenomenon more often than younger adults do.
Episodic memory on the other hand, seems to decline markedly with
127
by different brain structures (Light, 2016). Therefore, the different types
of memory will be affected differently by age. Several types of memory
have been distinguished within the long-term memory (Small et al., 2016;
Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014; Willis & Boron, 2015):
• Explicit and implicit memory. Explicit memory (also called declarative
memory) refers to the conscious and intentional retrieval of information that
was stored or learned deliberately (such as the telephone number of a loved
one). Implicit memory (or non-declarative memory) involves the retrieval of
information without conscious or intentional recollection. Implicit memory
is much like getting into a routine – we do things from memory but we do
not have to think about them (e.g. brushing one’s teeth). Implicit memory is
important in everyday life and is used, for example, in making judgements,
forming opinions, and understanding language. In these instances, people
draw upon memories that have not been stored explicitly as fact.
Research on implicit memory indicates no significant age difference to
only a slight decline, while findings on explicit memory show significant
decline. This could be interpreted in two ways. Firstly, the implicit and
explicit memory systems may be associated with different regions of
the brain that are differentially impaired by ageing. Secondly, different
processing resources may be involved: Implicit memory tasks rely on
automatic processes, while explicit memory tasks require processing that is
more demanding and effortful.
Linked to implicit-explicit memory, is procedural memory. Procedural
memory underlies the acquisition of skills and other aspects of knowledge
that are not directly accessible to consciousness and whose presence can
be demonstrated only indirectly by action (e.g. walking, typing, driving
and reading). Initially, learning these skills may require effort (learning to
read, drive a car, play a musical instrument, or riding a bicycle; therefore,
applying explicit memory skills) but later, especially with practice, become
quite automatic (implicit memory skills). Once a skill has become part of
procedural memory, it can be carried out relatively automatically, requiring
fewer attentional resources. In contrast to other types of knowledge,
procedural knowledge is largely unaffected by age. This is reflected by
the fact that we can still adequately perform skills that we may not have
practised in years. The incredible resilience of procedural memory explains
why your 85-year-old aunt, who was a musician, can still beautifully play the
piano, but may not remember all the family members’ names. The reason
why procedural memory remains robust even in old age may be that the
information in procedural memory resides in a different region of the brain.
126
When a complex skill is first learned, the frontal lobes are heavily involved.
After having accomplished that skill thoroughly, this knowledge becomes
automatic and migrates to a lower brain centre, which clears the frontal
cortex for mastering other higher-level thinking tasks.
Age-related decline in procedural memory is insignificant
• Semantic and episodic memory. Semantic and episodic memory is closely
related to declarative (explicit) memory. Semantic memory is a store of facts
such as general knowledge or academic learning. It includes a person’s fields
of expertise and “everyday knowledge”, such as accumulated knowledge
about people, places and things. Episodic memories are memories for events
(episodes) of personal experiences; it is typically the knowledge acquired at a
specific time and place. From an anatomical perspective, episodic memory is
situated more prominently in the temporal lobe, whereas semantic memory
often is distributed across multiple cortical areas.
Semantic memory seems to survive ageing to a large extent. Memory
for facts and information (i.e. general knowledge) and vocabulary seems
to be unaffected by age, and in general, older adults are just as good as, if
not better than, younger adults at recalling facts held in semantic memory.
Semantic memory typically does not overburden working memory;
therefore, older adults can draw upon experience in word meanings and
general world knowledge. However, age changes in semantic memory may
occur if it becomes difficult to access and retrieve information. A reason
for this is that the knowledge in semantic memory is not used regularly
(e.g. learning a foreign language at school or university, but not using it any
further). A second reason is a momentary retrieval failure for information
that is otherwise accessible or well known. A typical example is the tip-
of-the-tongue phenomenon or word-finding deficit. Older adults report
experiencing this phenomenon more often than younger adults do.
Episodic memory on the other hand, seems to decline markedly with
127
advancing age. Although adults of all ages, including young adults, report
episodic memory complaints, longitudinal research has suggested that
episodic memory decline begins in the 60s. Impairments in episodic memory
involve both encoding and retrieving information. Older adults seem to be
both slower and less accurate in performing episodic memory tasks, and
while they may be able to recall the main points of an event, their memory
for details seems to worsen.
Some aspects of episodic memory are considered to be non-content
attributes (i.e. not containing specific facts) of the particular episode or
event that has occurred. These attributes supplement information in the
episode, but in most instances, there is no conscious effort to remember
them. Examples are source memory (remembering when, where, and
from whom information was acquired), temporal memory (remembering
whether one event occurred more recently than another did) and frequency-
of-occurrence memory (remembering how frequently a specific event
occurred). Older adults show small deficits in these attributes. Changes may
be related to changes in working memory and frontal lobe functioning.
Although semantic and episodic memory are often contrasted with each
other, the two skills seem to be correlated and may even become more
strongly related in later life, although each retains its unique properties. This
is perhaps not surprising, since changes in episodic memory are viewed
as a good guide to general changes in cognitive skills and other memory
processes such as working memory.
• Remote memory involves recalling information from the distant past.
Older people often report that, while their memory is poor for what happened
recently, they have very clear recollections of what happened a long time
ago. However, this is a popular myth and not supported by research. In
general, information stored and not accessed from remote memory becomes
increasingly difficult to retrieve with passing years. Furthermore, assessing
reports of remote memories is problematic for the following reasons: (1)
Personal memories recalled from the distant past are usually those that are
highly salient to the person (that is, they stand out and are not typical of
everyday-to-be-remembered memories); (2) Remote events are more likely
to have been rehearsed and recounted frequently; (3) Remote memories
may be subject to unconscious distortion and embellishment. This could
mean that older people are mistaken in their impressions of generally
presented remote memories (e.g. people may forget details and add their
own (incorrect) facts to enhance or “colour in” their recollections).
• Autobiographical memory is long-term memory for one’s own personal
life experiences (Lodi-Smith & Goodsell, 2016). Autobiographical memory
128
is primarily a form of episodic memory but also involves semantic memory.
The episodic component of autobiographical memory is the recollection of
temporal and spatial memories (e.g. the what, when, and where of birthday
parties, holidays and graduations). The semantic component consists of
knowledge and facts of one’s past (e.g. personal characteristics) without
having to remember exactly what or when things occurred. Autobiographical
memory remains relatively intact in the face of healthy ageing, although
memories do become more general and less detailed with age. Concerning
the vividness of recall, some memories are clearer than others, and earlier
memories tend to be less vivid than later ones. In addition, people are
generally affected by how emotionally charged or important the event was
– the more intense the feelings or the greater the importance, the greater
the vividness.
A number of different phenomena underlie autobiographical memory,
depending on the point in the life span a person is recalling. For example,
memories from the very early years (before age 3) are relatively non-existent
and are referred to as childhood amnesia. Possible mechanisms responsible
for this phenomenon are the following: First, the brain may not be developed
enough to encode early experiences fully for long-term retrieval. Second, the
linguistic sophistication necessary to form verbal memory and language-
related retrieval cues is lacking in the early years. Third, infants and very young
children lack the self-awareness around which to form autobiographical
memory. Another example of the link between autobiographical recall and
life span is the so-called reminiscence peak or reminiscence bump. This
refers to the phenomenon that most autobiographical memories seem to
come from when the individual was between 10 and 30 years old, since this
is the time when most key life events (e.g. first sexual experiences, tertiary
studies, employment, marriage, parenthood) took place. This is typically the
time when people form their identities and the age at which self-awareness
is emerging and maturing.
What distinguishes memorable events from those that are not? What
makes a moment we will remember for the rest of our lives? It is often believed
that highly traumatic or surprising and unexpected events are the ones that
are etched in memory. Memories for personally traumatic or unexpected
events are called flashbulb memories. The theory of flashbulb memory
emerged from observations that people could give detailed accounts of
such events even years after the event. Therefore, it was suggested that our
memories might function more optimally under such conditions. However,
this assumption has been disproven largely. When researchers are able to
test what people claim they remember against independent records of the
129
advancing age. Although adults of all ages, including young adults, report
episodic memory complaints, longitudinal research has suggested that
episodic memory decline begins in the 60s. Impairments in episodic memory
involve both encoding and retrieving information. Older adults seem to be
both slower and less accurate in performing episodic memory tasks, and
while they may be able to recall the main points of an event, their memory
for details seems to worsen.
Some aspects of episodic memory are considered to be non-content
attributes (i.e. not containing specific facts) of the particular episode or
event that has occurred. These attributes supplement information in the
episode, but in most instances, there is no conscious effort to remember
them. Examples are source memory (remembering when, where, and
from whom information was acquired), temporal memory (remembering
whether one event occurred more recently than another did) and frequency-
of-occurrence memory (remembering how frequently a specific event
occurred). Older adults show small deficits in these attributes. Changes may
be related to changes in working memory and frontal lobe functioning.
Although semantic and episodic memory are often contrasted with each
other, the two skills seem to be correlated and may even become more
strongly related in later life, although each retains its unique properties. This
is perhaps not surprising, since changes in episodic memory are viewed
as a good guide to general changes in cognitive skills and other memory
processes such as working memory.
• Remote memory involves recalling information from the distant past.
Older people often report that, while their memory is poor for what happened
recently, they have very clear recollections of what happened a long time
ago. However, this is a popular myth and not supported by research. In
general, information stored and not accessed from remote memory becomes
increasingly difficult to retrieve with passing years. Furthermore, assessing
reports of remote memories is problematic for the following reasons: (1)
Personal memories recalled from the distant past are usually those that are
highly salient to the person (that is, they stand out and are not typical of
everyday-to-be-remembered memories); (2) Remote events are more likely
to have been rehearsed and recounted frequently; (3) Remote memories
may be subject to unconscious distortion and embellishment. This could
mean that older people are mistaken in their impressions of generally
presented remote memories (e.g. people may forget details and add their
own (incorrect) facts to enhance or “colour in” their recollections).
• Autobiographical memory is long-term memory for one’s own personal
life experiences (Lodi-Smith & Goodsell, 2016). Autobiographical memory
128
is primarily a form of episodic memory but also involves semantic memory.
The episodic component of autobiographical memory is the recollection of
temporal and spatial memories (e.g. the what, when, and where of birthday
parties, holidays and graduations). The semantic component consists of
knowledge and facts of one’s past (e.g. personal characteristics) without
having to remember exactly what or when things occurred. Autobiographical
memory remains relatively intact in the face of healthy ageing, although
memories do become more general and less detailed with age. Concerning
the vividness of recall, some memories are clearer than others, and earlier
memories tend to be less vivid than later ones. In addition, people are
generally affected by how emotionally charged or important the event was
– the more intense the feelings or the greater the importance, the greater
the vividness.
A number of different phenomena underlie autobiographical memory,
depending on the point in the life span a person is recalling. For example,
memories from the very early years (before age 3) are relatively non-existent
and are referred to as childhood amnesia. Possible mechanisms responsible
for this phenomenon are the following: First, the brain may not be developed
enough to encode early experiences fully for long-term retrieval. Second, the
linguistic sophistication necessary to form verbal memory and language-
related retrieval cues is lacking in the early years. Third, infants and very young
children lack the self-awareness around which to form autobiographical
memory. Another example of the link between autobiographical recall and
life span is the so-called reminiscence peak or reminiscence bump. This
refers to the phenomenon that most autobiographical memories seem to
come from when the individual was between 10 and 30 years old, since this
is the time when most key life events (e.g. first sexual experiences, tertiary
studies, employment, marriage, parenthood) took place. This is typically the
time when people form their identities and the age at which self-awareness
is emerging and maturing.
What distinguishes memorable events from those that are not? What
makes a moment we will remember for the rest of our lives? It is often believed
that highly traumatic or surprising and unexpected events are the ones that
are etched in memory. Memories for personally traumatic or unexpected
events are called flashbulb memories. The theory of flashbulb memory
emerged from observations that people could give detailed accounts of
such events even years after the event. Therefore, it was suggested that our
memories might function more optimally under such conditions. However,
this assumption has been disproven largely. When researchers are able to
test what people claim they remember against independent records of the
129
actual event, people are often wrong. Although the essence of an event is
remembered, memory of the details may decline over time. However, highly
emotional events may be remembered better than unemotional ones.
Testing the accuracy of autobiographical memory is difficult, largely
because for most autobiographical memories, there are no independent
records against which accuracy can be tested. The same reasons that apply
for the accuracy of remote memory also apply for autobiographical memory.
In addition, there are methodological flaws, such as the operationalisation
of autobiographical memory (that is, how it should be tested), confounding
variables (e.g. the effect of recounting events over the years and possible
distortion of the memory), and the participants’ censoring of their own
memories (i.e. reporting only some while deliberately leaving out others).
The errors and influences on autobiographical memory help to explain why
eyewitness memory is often unreliable. In addition, people are also prone
to false memories, the recall of items or events that did not occur. Over
time, people may believe that certain events had occurred to them, which in
fact did not, but they gradually incorporate them into their autobiographical
memories. Older adults seem to have more difficulty in correctly identifying
information as false and tend to be more susceptible to misleading
information.
However, apart from instances where the accuracy of autobiographical
memories is of central concern, such as its role in criminal cases, the
accuracy of autobiographical memories may not always be a central
problem, particularly at an individual level. In fact, throughout adulthood,
autobiographical memories play an important role in identity development
by integrating the various life experiences with the person’s identity,
thereby providing both purpose and unity. Certain narratives (or life stories)
may indicate psychological health; for example, when telling a redemption
story in which the story moves from a low point to a high point, or narrating
stories in a manner showing ownership of an experience. In addition,
autobiographical recall is a highly social behaviour. Reminiscing, the recalling
of autobiographical memories of others, is one of the central ways in which
we learn about others, and it plays an important role in many interpersonal
relationships. It seems that older adults use autobiographical memories to
connect not only to the self, but also to others and to provide guidance for
future generations.
• Retrospective memory and prospective memory. Retrospective
memory refers to the recall of information from the distant or remote past.
This includes both factual and autobiographical information. Prospective
memory involves remembering something in the future, such as an action
130
or event. Compare the task of describing what happened in last night’s
episode of your favourite television show to a friend, to remembering to
set the recorder to record next week’s episode. The first incidence calls
for retrospective memory, while the second calls for prospective memory.
Prospective memory depends on monitoring both event and time cues. In
event-based prospective memory, the individual attempts to remember to
do something, such as getting milk and bread. In time-based prospective
memory, the individual attempts to remember to do something at a particular
time, such as stopping for bread and milk after work. Daily life is full of
examples of prospective memory, such as remembering to pick up one’s
children after school, remembering a friend’s birthday, and remembering a
dentist’s appointment.
As we have already seen, there are some age-related deficits in
retrospective memory. Prospective memory is one of the commonest uses
of memory and is an important aspect in everyday life. For example, it can
be a nuisance to oneself and others when one forgets to be at a certain
place at a certain time. It may even be detrimental, such as forgetting to
take medication at a specific time. The term absent-mindedness is often
used for prospective memory failures. Older adults often complain that
they are becoming absent-minded, for example when forgetting what they
were intending to get when going from one room to another. However,
both younger and older adults experience this type of memory failure.
Despite older adults’ perception in this regard, event-based prospective
memory seems to be largely unaffected by age, and older adults seem to be
capable of accurate and reliable performance of tasks such as remembering
appointments and taking medications. Time-based prospective memory
(e.g. remembering to take medication at a specific time) or when there is a
delay between a reminder and the performance of the task (e.g. reminding
oneself on Monday evening to put out the refuse bags on Tuesday morning)
may be affected by age-related decline.
By definition, prospective memory places heavy demands on self-initiated
retrieval processes. Therefore, age-related decline may be more evident in
situations that require demanding prospective memory requirements such
as complex tasks that involve much planning. Thus, external cues (such as
setting alarms, making lists, posting memos, or setting cell phone reminders)
may become more necessary.
However, declines in prospective memory tasks are more evident in
laboratory-related experiments than in everyday functioning. In other words,
if older people work at their own pace in their own world and do not try to
follow unrealistic demands in unrealistic settings over which they have no
131
actual event, people are often wrong. Although the essence of an event is
remembered, memory of the details may decline over time. However, highly
emotional events may be remembered better than unemotional ones.
Testing the accuracy of autobiographical memory is difficult, largely
because for most autobiographical memories, there are no independent
records against which accuracy can be tested. The same reasons that apply
for the accuracy of remote memory also apply for autobiographical memory.
In addition, there are methodological flaws, such as the operationalisation
of autobiographical memory (that is, how it should be tested), confounding
variables (e.g. the effect of recounting events over the years and possible
distortion of the memory), and the participants’ censoring of their own
memories (i.e. reporting only some while deliberately leaving out others).
The errors and influences on autobiographical memory help to explain why
eyewitness memory is often unreliable. In addition, people are also prone
to false memories, the recall of items or events that did not occur. Over
time, people may believe that certain events had occurred to them, which in
fact did not, but they gradually incorporate them into their autobiographical
memories. Older adults seem to have more difficulty in correctly identifying
information as false and tend to be more susceptible to misleading
information.
However, apart from instances where the accuracy of autobiographical
memories is of central concern, such as its role in criminal cases, the
accuracy of autobiographical memories may not always be a central
problem, particularly at an individual level. In fact, throughout adulthood,
autobiographical memories play an important role in identity development
by integrating the various life experiences with the person’s identity,
thereby providing both purpose and unity. Certain narratives (or life stories)
may indicate psychological health; for example, when telling a redemption
story in which the story moves from a low point to a high point, or narrating
stories in a manner showing ownership of an experience. In addition,
autobiographical recall is a highly social behaviour. Reminiscing, the recalling
of autobiographical memories of others, is one of the central ways in which
we learn about others, and it plays an important role in many interpersonal
relationships. It seems that older adults use autobiographical memories to
connect not only to the self, but also to others and to provide guidance for
future generations.
• Retrospective memory and prospective memory. Retrospective
memory refers to the recall of information from the distant or remote past.
This includes both factual and autobiographical information. Prospective
memory involves remembering something in the future, such as an action
130
or event. Compare the task of describing what happened in last night’s
episode of your favourite television show to a friend, to remembering to
set the recorder to record next week’s episode. The first incidence calls
for retrospective memory, while the second calls for prospective memory.
Prospective memory depends on monitoring both event and time cues. In
event-based prospective memory, the individual attempts to remember to
do something, such as getting milk and bread. In time-based prospective
memory, the individual attempts to remember to do something at a particular
time, such as stopping for bread and milk after work. Daily life is full of
examples of prospective memory, such as remembering to pick up one’s
children after school, remembering a friend’s birthday, and remembering a
dentist’s appointment.
As we have already seen, there are some age-related deficits in
retrospective memory. Prospective memory is one of the commonest uses
of memory and is an important aspect in everyday life. For example, it can
be a nuisance to oneself and others when one forgets to be at a certain
place at a certain time. It may even be detrimental, such as forgetting to
take medication at a specific time. The term absent-mindedness is often
used for prospective memory failures. Older adults often complain that
they are becoming absent-minded, for example when forgetting what they
were intending to get when going from one room to another. However,
both younger and older adults experience this type of memory failure.
Despite older adults’ perception in this regard, event-based prospective
memory seems to be largely unaffected by age, and older adults seem to be
capable of accurate and reliable performance of tasks such as remembering
appointments and taking medications. Time-based prospective memory
(e.g. remembering to take medication at a specific time) or when there is a
delay between a reminder and the performance of the task (e.g. reminding
oneself on Monday evening to put out the refuse bags on Tuesday morning)
may be affected by age-related decline.
By definition, prospective memory places heavy demands on self-initiated
retrieval processes. Therefore, age-related decline may be more evident in
situations that require demanding prospective memory requirements such
as complex tasks that involve much planning. Thus, external cues (such as
setting alarms, making lists, posting memos, or setting cell phone reminders)
may become more necessary.
However, declines in prospective memory tasks are more evident in
laboratory-related experiments than in everyday functioning. In other words,
if older people work at their own pace in their own world and do not try to
follow unrealistic demands in unrealistic settings over which they have no
131
control, their memories perform better. In fact, they may even show better Regarding memory monitoring, there is strong evidence that older adults
prospective memory performance in some real-life settings, such as keeping may monitor their memory performance as strongly as younger adults do. For
appointments, than their younger counterparts do. example, older adults may compensate for age-related declines in episodic
memory by using effective memory strategies. Similarly, memory control
3.2.2.2 Metamemory seems to be well maintained in older adults. However, it may take a different
form than for younger adults; older adults need to use specific strategies to
Metamemory is the knowledge about how the memory system works and
compensate for any memory declines. These strategies are generally more
what we believe to be true about it. For example, we may know that recall
external in the form of written notes and social accountability, rather than
is more difficult than recognition; that memory strategies are often helpful;
internal such as in the form of rote rehearsal and mental imaging used by
and that working memory is not limitless. We also may believe that memory
younger adults (Blake & Castel, 2016).
declines with age; that appointments are easier to remember than names;
Does one’s belief system regarding one’s memory affect how well one
and that anxiety impairs performance (Berggren et al., 2017). Two processes
will actually remember information? Belief in one’s ability to accomplish
associated with metamemory are memory monitoring and memory control
things is an old, pervasive theme in various arenas, including folklore,
(Blake & Castel, 2016). Memory monitoring refers to the person’s active
religion, literature and psychology. Belief in one’s memory ability is called
checking of his or her memory and assessing the strength of his or her
memory self-efficacy. It refers specifically to the belief in the competence
knowledge. We are aware of the process of remembering in many ways.
of one’s memory function, and to the confidence one has in one’s ability to
For example, checking your knowledge of this chapter by trying to answer
use memory effectively in various situations. Memory self-efficacy is a self-
the review questions; searching for a particular fact; or keeping track of
evaluative construct and is distinct from general knowledge about memory
time for an appointment. Memory control involves decisions concerning the
systems. In other words, one may have knowledge about how memory works,
manipulation and regulation of memory; for instance, when allocating one’s
but still believe that one’s ability to perform in a specific situation is poor.
study time for a specific subject, selecting study strategies, deciding when
Memory self-efficacy helps to explain how people predict their performance
to start or stop studying, making a shopping list, or setting the reminder on
in memory tasks and is an important construct in understanding how
one’s cell phone to remember a friend’s birthday.
memory changes with age. Typically, memory self-efficacy is measured by
Metamemory researchers are interested in whether young and older
assessing participants’ everyday memory competence. As we have seen,
adults differ in their beliefs, perceptions and knowledge about how the
older adults tend to report a decline in their memory abilities and a related
memory system works. Some laboratory studies have indicated that older
rise in acts such as absent-mindedness and word-finding deficits (tip-of-
adults are similar to young adults in their knowledge of how memory works,
the-tongue phenomenon). Generally, older adults with lower memory self-
as well as in their beliefs about which memory tasks would be easy and
efficacy perform worse in memory tasks.
which would be difficult. Others have indicated that older adults seem to
However, individual differences among adults in personality and self-
know less than younger adults do about the internal workings of memory
perceptions may account for how individuals experience their memory
and its capacity, view memory as less stable, expect memory will deteriorate
abilities. Individuals who have low self-esteem and suffer from a depressed
with age, and perceive that they have less direct control over memory.
mood, sadness, or other emotional difficulties are more likely to underestimate
More recently, researchers have indicated that while recall is best in young
their memory abilities. A person who holds an implicit theory about ageing,
adulthood, older adults may approach memory tasks by attempting to
namely that memory functioning inevitably declines in later life, may have
focus on the most important information to remember, at the expense of
a negative view about his or her own efficacy. Inevitably, this will have a
less valuable information. This prioritisation shows an awareness of memory
negative effect on the person’s ability to perform in a memory task. Related
declines with age and metacognitive understanding that one needs to
to this is individuals’ belief regarding their ability to control their cognitive
be selective and strategic about selecting and remembering important
performance. Older adults who exhibit internal control (believe that they
information. These findings suggest that metacognitive processes are
can exert control over their cognitive and memory performance) tend to
well preserved in healthy older adults (Blake & Castel, 2016; Cavanaugh &
utilise more cognitive effort to make effective use of their working memory,
Blanchard-Fields, 2018).
132 133
control, their memories perform better. In fact, they may even show better Regarding memory monitoring, there is strong evidence that older adults
prospective memory performance in some real-life settings, such as keeping may monitor their memory performance as strongly as younger adults do. For
appointments, than their younger counterparts do. example, older adults may compensate for age-related declines in episodic
memory by using effective memory strategies. Similarly, memory control
3.2.2.2 Metamemory seems to be well maintained in older adults. However, it may take a different
form than for younger adults; older adults need to use specific strategies to
Metamemory is the knowledge about how the memory system works and
compensate for any memory declines. These strategies are generally more
what we believe to be true about it. For example, we may know that recall
external in the form of written notes and social accountability, rather than
is more difficult than recognition; that memory strategies are often helpful;
internal such as in the form of rote rehearsal and mental imaging used by
and that working memory is not limitless. We also may believe that memory
younger adults (Blake & Castel, 2016).
declines with age; that appointments are easier to remember than names;
Does one’s belief system regarding one’s memory affect how well one
and that anxiety impairs performance (Berggren et al., 2017). Two processes
will actually remember information? Belief in one’s ability to accomplish
associated with metamemory are memory monitoring and memory control
things is an old, pervasive theme in various arenas, including folklore,
(Blake & Castel, 2016). Memory monitoring refers to the person’s active
religion, literature and psychology. Belief in one’s memory ability is called
checking of his or her memory and assessing the strength of his or her
memory self-efficacy. It refers specifically to the belief in the competence
knowledge. We are aware of the process of remembering in many ways.
of one’s memory function, and to the confidence one has in one’s ability to
For example, checking your knowledge of this chapter by trying to answer
use memory effectively in various situations. Memory self-efficacy is a self-
the review questions; searching for a particular fact; or keeping track of
evaluative construct and is distinct from general knowledge about memory
time for an appointment. Memory control involves decisions concerning the
systems. In other words, one may have knowledge about how memory works,
manipulation and regulation of memory; for instance, when allocating one’s
but still believe that one’s ability to perform in a specific situation is poor.
study time for a specific subject, selecting study strategies, deciding when
Memory self-efficacy helps to explain how people predict their performance
to start or stop studying, making a shopping list, or setting the reminder on
in memory tasks and is an important construct in understanding how
one’s cell phone to remember a friend’s birthday.
memory changes with age. Typically, memory self-efficacy is measured by
Metamemory researchers are interested in whether young and older
assessing participants’ everyday memory competence. As we have seen,
adults differ in their beliefs, perceptions and knowledge about how the
older adults tend to report a decline in their memory abilities and a related
memory system works. Some laboratory studies have indicated that older
rise in acts such as absent-mindedness and word-finding deficits (tip-of-
adults are similar to young adults in their knowledge of how memory works,
the-tongue phenomenon). Generally, older adults with lower memory self-
as well as in their beliefs about which memory tasks would be easy and
efficacy perform worse in memory tasks.
which would be difficult. Others have indicated that older adults seem to
However, individual differences among adults in personality and self-
know less than younger adults do about the internal workings of memory
perceptions may account for how individuals experience their memory
and its capacity, view memory as less stable, expect memory will deteriorate
abilities. Individuals who have low self-esteem and suffer from a depressed
with age, and perceive that they have less direct control over memory.
mood, sadness, or other emotional difficulties are more likely to underestimate
More recently, researchers have indicated that while recall is best in young
their memory abilities. A person who holds an implicit theory about ageing,
adulthood, older adults may approach memory tasks by attempting to
namely that memory functioning inevitably declines in later life, may have
focus on the most important information to remember, at the expense of
a negative view about his or her own efficacy. Inevitably, this will have a
less valuable information. This prioritisation shows an awareness of memory
negative effect on the person’s ability to perform in a memory task. Related
declines with age and metacognitive understanding that one needs to
to this is individuals’ belief regarding their ability to control their cognitive
be selective and strategic about selecting and remembering important
performance. Older adults who exhibit internal control (believe that they
information. These findings suggest that metacognitive processes are
can exert control over their cognitive and memory performance) tend to
well preserved in healthy older adults (Blake & Castel, 2016; Cavanaugh &
utilise more cognitive effort to make effective use of their working memory,
Blanchard-Fields, 2018).
132 133
Table 3.1 Effects of age on memory
Memory Description
Working memory Limited storage capacity.
Workplace of the mind.
Short-term and Passive storage aspect of
primary memory working memory.
Passive retention of
information.
Long-term memory Large storage capacity.
Retention of information
for longer periods.
Explicit (declarative) Recall of information
memory stored intentionally.
Implicit (non-declarative) Retrieval of information
memory without conscious or
intentional recollection.
Procedural memory Remembering skills
needed to perform an
activity.
Semantic memory Related to explicit memory.
A store of facts, general
knowledge and vocabulary.
Episodic memory Memories of events of
personal experiences
acquired at a specific time
or place.
Age effects
Significant decline,
specifically when
information must be
processed and reorganised
actively.
Small age differences.
Age-related deficits
depend on type of
memory.
Significant decline.
None to slight decline.
Largely unaffected by age.
Largely unaffected by age.
Change may occur when it
becomes more difficult to
access information that is
not used often.
Marked decline with age.
Retrieval becomes slower
and less accurate. Small
deficits in non-content
attributes.
Memory Description
Remote memory Recall of information from
distant past.
Autobiographical memory Long-term memory for
one’s own personal life
experiences.
Retrospective memory Recall of information from
distant or remote past.
Prospective memory Remembering to do
something at a specific
time or point in the future.
Metamemory The knowledge of how the
memory system works.
– Memory monitoring A person’s active checking
of his/her memory and
assessing the strength of
his or her knowledge.
– Memory control Decisions concerning
the manipulation and
regulation of memory.
Age effects
Becomes increasingly
difficult to retrieve with
passing years. Educational
level may play a role.
Difficult to assess accuracy.
Remains relatively intact.
Memories do become more
general and less detailed.
Some memories are more
vivid than others are.
Age-related deficits.
Event-based prospective
memory is largely
unaffected. Time-based
prospective memory is
affected. Complexity of
task may play a role. More
evident in laboratory-
related experiments than
in everyday functioning.
Well preserved in older
adults.
Well maintained in older
adulthood.
Well maintained in older
adults. May take a different
form than for younger
adults.

than do those who exhibit external control (believe that they have no power
to affect their cognitive or memory performance) (Lachman & Agrigoroaei,
2012; Riggs et al., 1997). Adults with internal control seem to use effective
coping strategies to deal with concern and anxiety about memory. These
include instrumental and/or cognitive coping strategies. Instrumental
coping strategies include using memory mnemonics (strategies) such as
making lists or forming visual imagery, while cognitive coping strategies
involve making social comparisons (e.g. “Everyone experiences memory
lapses from time to time”). Ultimately, these coping strategies lead to
feelings of well-being (Verhaeghen et al., 2000).
A summary of the findings of research on the effect of ageing on memory
is presented in Table 3.1.
134
3.2.2.3 Normal versus abnormal memory ageing
The familiar complaint of older adults that their memories “aren’t what they
used to be” seems to be largely justified. Studies that compare the average
performance of young adults as a group to the average performance of
older adults as a group generally report memory decline in older adults.
Therefore, it seems that many normative changes take place in memory as
people grow older, although many aspects of memory functioning do not
change. In addition, individual differences in memory functioning in this age
group indicate that not all older people experience memory decline at the
same rate. As we shall see later in this chapter, a number of variables are
135
Table 3.1 Effects of age on memory
Memory Description
Working memory Limited storage capacity.
Workplace of the mind.
Short-term and Passive storage aspect of
primary memory working memory.
Passive retention of
information.
Long-term memory Large storage capacity.
Retention of information
for longer periods.
Explicit (declarative) Recall of information
memory stored intentionally.
Implicit (non-declarative) Retrieval of information
memory without conscious or
intentional recollection.
Procedural memory Remembering skills
needed to perform an
activity.
Semantic memory Related to explicit memory.
A store of facts, general
knowledge and vocabulary.
Episodic memory Memories of events of
personal experiences
acquired at a specific time
or place.
Age effects
Significant decline,
specifically when
information must be
processed and reorganised
actively.
Small age differences.
Age-related deficits
depend on type of
memory.
Significant decline.
None to slight decline.
Largely unaffected by age.
Largely unaffected by age.
Change may occur when it
becomes more difficult to
access information that is
not used often.
Marked decline with age.
Retrieval becomes slower
and less accurate. Small
deficits in non-content
attributes.
Memory Description
Remote memory Recall of information from
distant past.
Autobiographical memory Long-term memory for
one’s own personal life
experiences.
Retrospective memory Recall of information from
distant or remote past.
Prospective memory Remembering to do
something at a specific
time or point in the future.
Metamemory The knowledge of how the
memory system works.
– Memory monitoring A person’s active checking
of his/her memory and
assessing the strength of
his or her knowledge.
– Memory control Decisions concerning
the manipulation and
regulation of memory.
Age effects
Becomes increasingly
difficult to retrieve with
passing years. Educational
level may play a role.
Difficult to assess accuracy.
Remains relatively intact.
Memories do become more
general and less detailed.
Some memories are more
vivid than others are.
Age-related deficits.
Event-based prospective
memory is largely
unaffected. Time-based
prospective memory is
affected. Complexity of
task may play a role. More
evident in laboratory-
related experiments than
in everyday functioning.
Well preserved in older
adults.
Well maintained in older
adulthood.
Well maintained in older
adults. May take a different
form than for younger
adults.

than do those who exhibit external control (believe that they have no power
to affect their cognitive or memory performance) (Lachman & Agrigoroaei,
2012; Riggs et al., 1997). Adults with internal control seem to use effective
coping strategies to deal with concern and anxiety about memory. These
include instrumental and/or cognitive coping strategies. Instrumental
coping strategies include using memory mnemonics (strategies) such as
making lists or forming visual imagery, while cognitive coping strategies
involve making social comparisons (e.g. “Everyone experiences memory
lapses from time to time”). Ultimately, these coping strategies lead to
feelings of well-being (Verhaeghen et al., 2000).
A summary of the findings of research on the effect of ageing on memory
is presented in Table 3.1.
134
3.2.2.3 Normal versus abnormal memory ageing
The familiar complaint of older adults that their memories “aren’t what they
used to be” seems to be largely justified. Studies that compare the average
performance of young adults as a group to the average performance of
older adults as a group generally report memory decline in older adults.
Therefore, it seems that many normative changes take place in memory as
people grow older, although many aspects of memory functioning do not
change. In addition, individual differences in memory functioning in this age
group indicate that not all older people experience memory decline at the
same rate. As we shall see later in this chapter, a number of variables are
135
related to older adults’ cognitive and therefore memory performance, such
as lifestyle, health, educational level, status, personality factors, culture and
stereotypes. However, some people experience far greater changes, such as
forgetting where they live or their spouse’s name. Therefore, the question is
what the dividing line between normative memory changes and abnormal
changes is. Cavanaugh and Blanchard-Fields (2018) describe this as follows:
From a functional perspective, one important way to distinguish normal
and abnormal changes is to determine whether the changes disrupt a
person’s ability to perform daily living tasks. The normative changes
discussed in this chapter usually do not interfere with a person’s everyday Everyone has a photographic memory … some people are
just out of data!
functioning. However, they may be annoying, such as forgetting people’s
names or what one wanted to get from the supermarket. Should a person
REVIEW THIS SECTION
repeatedly forget to turn off the stove or how to get home, he or she is
clearly experiencing changes that affect his or her personal safety and 1. What is memory, and why is it so important in our lives?
interferes with daily functioning. Such changes should be brought to the 2. What are the assumptions of the inefficient encoding hypothesis and the inefficient
attention of a psychologist or physician. retrieval hypothesis? How are encoding and retrieval affected by the ageing
process? How may the type of task affect an adult’s encoding and retrieval processes?
Brain mapping the normative age-related changes in memory we have
considered in this chapter is not easy. (Brain mapping attempts to relate 3. What is the working memory? What is the function of the working memory? What
is the short-term memory?
different areas of the brain with specific behaviours.) This is mainly because
4. Discuss the multi-component model of the working memory.
numerous parts of the brain are involved in memory functioning. (Examples
are the prefrontal cortex, parietal region and hippocampus. In addition, 5. A crucial feature of the working memory is its capacity limit. Discuss this
phenomenon.
structural changes in the white and grey matter also take place.) However,
advances in neuroscience and brain imaging have led to an increase in the 6. How is working memory affected by age?

knowledge of specific diseases and brain changes that may affect memory 7. What is the long-term memory? What are the main features of long-term memory?
How is long-term memory affected by age?
performance. For example, these techniques allow physicians to locate
tumours, strokes and other types of damage (such as traumatic brain injury 8. Discuss the following types of long-term memory and the effects of age on them:
– Explicit and implicit memory
resulting from a fall or accident, damage resulting from epilepsy, certain – Semantic and episodic memory
mental disorders or long-term alcoholism), or diseases that could account – Remote memory
for poor memory performance. Some of these disorders, such as Alzheimer’s – Autobiographical memory
disease, are discussed in Chapter 6. – Retrospective and prospective memory

An important aspect to keep in mind is that it is often difficult to tell 9. Discuss the following concepts and how they relate to age-related change in memory:
– Procedural memory – Childhood amnesia
the difference between normal and abnormal memory ageing, and in
– Tip-of-the-tongue-phenomenon – Reminiscence peak/bump
turn, between memory and other cognitive problems. There is no magic – Source memory – Flashbulb memory
number of times someone must forget something before one should – Temporal memory – False memories
become concerned. Because serious memory problems can also result – Frequency-of-occurrence-memory – Absent-mindedness
from underlying mental or physical problems, these must be checked out 10. What is metamemory? Which processes are associated with metamemory? Discuss
thoroughly in conjunction with obtaining a thorough memory assessment. the effect of metamemory and its associated processes. How may memory self-
efficacy influence one’s memory performance? What may account for individual
A good general rule, though, is this: forgetting where you parked your car differences in people’s metacognitive performance?
in a large parking garage is a typical memory problem; forgetting that you
11. Which factors should one keep in mind when distinguishing normal from abnormal
drove is another matter. memory ageing?

136 137
related to older adults’ cognitive and therefore memory performance, such
as lifestyle, health, educational level, status, personality factors, culture and
stereotypes. However, some people experience far greater changes, such as
forgetting where they live or their spouse’s name. Therefore, the question is
what the dividing line between normative memory changes and abnormal
changes is. Cavanaugh and Blanchard-Fields (2018) describe this as follows:
From a functional perspective, one important way to distinguish normal
and abnormal changes is to determine whether the changes disrupt a
person’s ability to perform daily living tasks. The normative changes
discussed in this chapter usually do not interfere with a person’s everyday Everyone has a photographic memory … some people are
just out of data!
functioning. However, they may be annoying, such as forgetting people’s
names or what one wanted to get from the supermarket. Should a person
REVIEW THIS SECTION
repeatedly forget to turn off the stove or how to get home, he or she is
clearly experiencing changes that affect his or her personal safety and 1. What is memory, and why is it so important in our lives?
interferes with daily functioning. Such changes should be brought to the 2. What are the assumptions of the inefficient encoding hypothesis and the inefficient
attention of a psychologist or physician. retrieval hypothesis? How are encoding and retrieval affected by the ageing
process? How may the type of task affect an adult’s encoding and retrieval processes?
Brain mapping the normative age-related changes in memory we have
considered in this chapter is not easy. (Brain mapping attempts to relate 3. What is the working memory? What is the function of the working memory? What
is the short-term memory?
different areas of the brain with specific behaviours.) This is mainly because
4. Discuss the multi-component model of the working memory.
numerous parts of the brain are involved in memory functioning. (Examples
are the prefrontal cortex, parietal region and hippocampus. In addition, 5. A crucial feature of the working memory is its capacity limit. Discuss this
phenomenon.
structural changes in the white and grey matter also take place.) However,
advances in neuroscience and brain imaging have led to an increase in the 6. How is working memory affected by age?

knowledge of specific diseases and brain changes that may affect memory 7. What is the long-term memory? What are the main features of long-term memory?
How is long-term memory affected by age?
performance. For example, these techniques allow physicians to locate
tumours, strokes and other types of damage (such as traumatic brain injury 8. Discuss the following types of long-term memory and the effects of age on them:
– Explicit and implicit memory
resulting from a fall or accident, damage resulting from epilepsy, certain – Semantic and episodic memory
mental disorders or long-term alcoholism), or diseases that could account – Remote memory
for poor memory performance. Some of these disorders, such as Alzheimer’s – Autobiographical memory
disease, are discussed in Chapter 6. – Retrospective and prospective memory

An important aspect to keep in mind is that it is often difficult to tell 9. Discuss the following concepts and how they relate to age-related change in memory:
– Procedural memory – Childhood amnesia
the difference between normal and abnormal memory ageing, and in
– Tip-of-the-tongue-phenomenon – Reminiscence peak/bump
turn, between memory and other cognitive problems. There is no magic – Source memory – Flashbulb memory
number of times someone must forget something before one should – Temporal memory – False memories
become concerned. Because serious memory problems can also result – Frequency-of-occurrence-memory – Absent-mindedness
from underlying mental or physical problems, these must be checked out 10. What is metamemory? Which processes are associated with metamemory? Discuss
thoroughly in conjunction with obtaining a thorough memory assessment. the effect of metamemory and its associated processes. How may memory self-
efficacy influence one’s memory performance? What may account for individual
A good general rule, though, is this: forgetting where you parked your car differences in people’s metacognitive performance?
in a large parking garage is a typical memory problem; forgetting that you
11. Which factors should one keep in mind when distinguishing normal from abnormal
drove is another matter. memory ageing?

136 137
3.3 HIGHER COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS: an individual could be ascribed only to that one mystical entity: intelligence.
Just as physical abilities partially define a person’s identity, intelligence
INTELLIGENCE, PROBLEM-SOLVING, serves as an element of a person’s sense of self. Generally, most people have
DECISION-MAKING, AND LANGUAGE an idea whether they are intelligent or not so intelligent, a self-attribution
(description) that they may carry for years. However, it seems that defining
Information processing and memory are critical to the ability to adapt to intelligence is not that easy. Decades of research indicate that many skills
everyday life. However, the ability to analyse, reason and communicate are involved in intelligence. However, which skills and what the number of
guides one’s use of judgement, knowledge the skills must be that eventually conceptualise intelligence depend on one’s
and decision-making. Moreover, without view or theory of intelligence.
these abilities, one’s potential to learn new
information and to integrate it with existing 3.3.1.1 One intelligence, or many?
knowledge would be very limited. These
abilities are generally referred to as higher Scientists originally thought that intelligence is a single trait; broadly
cognitive functions. speaking, the capacity to learn, reason and understand. In fact, many
Researchers in the area of cognitive psychologists still believe that this ability, measured by intelligence tests
changes during adulthood are interested in and formulated as IQ, is one entity or a general intelligence factor.
the higher cognitive functions, particularly However, during the first half of the previous century, many psychologists
since such information will provide an began to realise that intelligence is multifaceted; that is, having different
understanding of how well older adults can features or components. Today, this multifaceted approach is accepted by
be expected to perform, not only in everyday most psychologists worldwide. To illustrate this approach in a practical way:
adjustments and problem solving, but also Anna de Jager, received her PhD in You are asked to choose the person with the best sporting ability. You are
with regard to performance in the workplace Theology at the University of the
Free State a month before her 93rd given the names of the captains of the Springbok rugby team, the Bafana
and lifelong learning. birthday. Her husband received his Bafana soccer team, and the Protea cricket team, as well as the SA 100
PhD in History at the age of 80.
metre sprinting champion and the SA 100 metre swimming champion. You
3.3.1 Intelligence will probably say it is impossible because every one of them is outstanding
in his or her field. In the same way that physical sport is multifaceted (i.e. it
There are few concepts that have played such an integral part in psychology
has different areas in which people could excel), intelligence also has many
than intelligence has. True to tradition, however, such central concepts are
areas in which one could make one’s mark. Similar to sports, intellectual
usually also controversial, and intelligence does not escape this tradition.
abilities can also be developed. There are numerous examples of people
One of the core controversies regarding intelligence is what precisely
who were not academic achievers at school but who later in life excelled in
intelligence is; that is, how it should be defined. This debate has been
other areas, even in the academic world.
ongoing since the ancient Greeks. Some experts view intelligence as the
Probably the most important contribution of the multifaceted or multiple
ability to understand and solve problems, or to have a vast knowledge
intelligence approach is that it argues that people can be intelligent in
base. Others define it as the ability to adjust and to learn from experience.
different ways, and that everyday intelligent behaviour is an important part
Some define it as logical, abstract and creative thinking, while others regard
of intelligence. The approach is also regarded to be of special importance
intelligence as the ability to make the most of what one has and to enjoy
in a multicultural society like South Africa where people are influenced by
life. Therefore, a universally uniform definition of intelligence still eludes us,
the values and viewpoints of their own culture regarding intelligent forms
and many definitions on intelligence exist. The one aspect on which experts
of behaviour.
do agree is that intelligence is a much broader concept than the common
misconception that ‘intelligence is the ability to do well in tests and exams’.
In fact, for a long time, it was (wrongly) believed that the success or failure of
138 139
3.3 HIGHER COGNITIVE FUNCTIONS: an individual could be ascribed only to that one mystical entity: intelligence.
Just as physical abilities partially define a person’s identity, intelligence
INTELLIGENCE, PROBLEM-SOLVING, serves as an element of a person’s sense of self. Generally, most people have
DECISION-MAKING, AND LANGUAGE an idea whether they are intelligent or not so intelligent, a self-attribution
(description) that they may carry for years. However, it seems that defining
Information processing and memory are critical to the ability to adapt to intelligence is not that easy. Decades of research indicate that many skills
everyday life. However, the ability to analyse, reason and communicate are involved in intelligence. However, which skills and what the number of
guides one’s use of judgement, knowledge the skills must be that eventually conceptualise intelligence depend on one’s
and decision-making. Moreover, without view or theory of intelligence.
these abilities, one’s potential to learn new
information and to integrate it with existing 3.3.1.1 One intelligence, or many?
knowledge would be very limited. These
abilities are generally referred to as higher Scientists originally thought that intelligence is a single trait; broadly
cognitive functions. speaking, the capacity to learn, reason and understand. In fact, many
Researchers in the area of cognitive psychologists still believe that this ability, measured by intelligence tests
changes during adulthood are interested in and formulated as IQ, is one entity or a general intelligence factor.
the higher cognitive functions, particularly However, during the first half of the previous century, many psychologists
since such information will provide an began to realise that intelligence is multifaceted; that is, having different
understanding of how well older adults can features or components. Today, this multifaceted approach is accepted by
be expected to perform, not only in everyday most psychologists worldwide. To illustrate this approach in a practical way:
adjustments and problem solving, but also Anna de Jager, received her PhD in You are asked to choose the person with the best sporting ability. You are
with regard to performance in the workplace Theology at the University of the
Free State a month before her 93rd given the names of the captains of the Springbok rugby team, the Bafana
and lifelong learning. birthday. Her husband received his Bafana soccer team, and the Protea cricket team, as well as the SA 100
PhD in History at the age of 80.
metre sprinting champion and the SA 100 metre swimming champion. You
3.3.1 Intelligence will probably say it is impossible because every one of them is outstanding
in his or her field. In the same way that physical sport is multifaceted (i.e. it
There are few concepts that have played such an integral part in psychology
has different areas in which people could excel), intelligence also has many
than intelligence has. True to tradition, however, such central concepts are
areas in which one could make one’s mark. Similar to sports, intellectual
usually also controversial, and intelligence does not escape this tradition.
abilities can also be developed. There are numerous examples of people
One of the core controversies regarding intelligence is what precisely
who were not academic achievers at school but who later in life excelled in
intelligence is; that is, how it should be defined. This debate has been
other areas, even in the academic world.
ongoing since the ancient Greeks. Some experts view intelligence as the
Probably the most important contribution of the multifaceted or multiple
ability to understand and solve problems, or to have a vast knowledge
intelligence approach is that it argues that people can be intelligent in
base. Others define it as the ability to adjust and to learn from experience.
different ways, and that everyday intelligent behaviour is an important part
Some define it as logical, abstract and creative thinking, while others regard
of intelligence. The approach is also regarded to be of special importance
intelligence as the ability to make the most of what one has and to enjoy
in a multicultural society like South Africa where people are influenced by
life. Therefore, a universally uniform definition of intelligence still eludes us,
the values and viewpoints of their own culture regarding intelligent forms
and many definitions on intelligence exist. The one aspect on which experts
of behaviour.
do agree is that intelligence is a much broader concept than the common
misconception that ‘intelligence is the ability to do well in tests and exams’.
In fact, for a long time, it was (wrongly) believed that the success or failure of
138 139
 ability to thrive in the real world and refers to the skills used in everyday
problem solving. In lay terms, it is called ‘common sense’ or ‘street smart’.

“You don’t know the different animal tracks, “You can’t drive a car, you have never been in
can’t shoot with a bow and arrow, you don’t an airplane, you can’t work on a computer, you
know how to find water, you don’t know which can’t speak my language properly. Sorry, you are Robert Sternberg Howard Gardner
berries are poisonous, you don’t know what to not very intelligent and will never survive in our
do when you see a lion. Sorry, you are not very world”
intelligent and will never survive in our world” Howard Gardner broadly views intelligence as the bio-psychological
ability to process information in order to solve problems or create products
Psychologists who have made the most important contributions to the that are of value in a culture. However, just like Sternberg, he propagates the
multifaceted or multiple intelligence approach are Robert Sternberg (1985; concept of multiple intelligence and is against the trend to focus mainly on
2015) and Howard Gardener (2000; 2015). ‘academic intelligence’. Gardner identified eight distinct intelligences, which
Robert Sternberg, who as a child did not do well in intelligence tests but are presented in Table 3.2. A specific individual may be stronger in some
later became a world-renowned professor at some of the top universities intelligences than in others.
in the USA, developed his triarchic theory of intelligence because he
believed that intelligence is more than what is measured by intelligence Table 3.2. Gardner’s eight intelligences
tests. He defines intelligence as the skills and knowledge needed for success Type of intelligence Examples
in life, according to one’s own definition of success and within one’s own Linguistic ability Reading comprehension, writing,
sociocultural context. As indicated before, the scientist, mechanic, builder, understanding spoken word, vocabulary
businessperson, and farmer can all be viewed as intelligent if they make the Logical-mathematical intelligence Abstract thinking, reasoning skills, and
most of their potential. Sternberg proposed three types of intelligence: solving mathematical problems
Spatial intelligence Ability to understand relationships between

• Analytical (componential) intelligence refers to how a person processes

objects, to get from one place to another,
to read a map
and analyses information. It includes abstract thinking and logical Musical intelligence Sensitivity to sound patterns, ability
reasoning. This is the traditional notion of intelligence and is associated to compose music, to play a musical
with academic achievement. It involves mental processes such as instrument, to appreciate musical structure
abstract planning, strategy selection, focused attention, information Bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence Skills at dancing, athletics, eye-hand
coordination, body control
processing and verbal and logical skills.
• Creative (experiential) intelligence involves a person’s ability to generate Interpersonal intelligence Social skills, sensitivity to other people’s
behaviour, motives or emotions
new ideas; in other words, to apply their existing knowledge to new
Intrapersonal intelligence Self-understanding, understanding one’s
problems. It involves the capacity to be intellectually flexible and creative. own feelings and inner life
• Practical (contextual or tacit) intelligence concerns how a person reacts Naturalistic intelligence Understanding patterns in the natural world
to the environment. It involves people’s ability to adapt to or shape their of plants and animals
environments to make it more acceptable. Practical intelligence is the From Erber, 2013
140 141
 ability to thrive in the real world and refers to the skills used in everyday
problem solving. In lay terms, it is called ‘common sense’ or ‘street smart’.

“You don’t know the different animal tracks, “You can’t drive a car, you have never been in
can’t shoot with a bow and arrow, you don’t an airplane, you can’t work on a computer, you
know how to find water, you don’t know which can’t speak my language properly. Sorry, you are Robert Sternberg Howard Gardner
berries are poisonous, you don’t know what to not very intelligent and will never survive in our
do when you see a lion. Sorry, you are not very world”
intelligent and will never survive in our world” Howard Gardner broadly views intelligence as the bio-psychological
ability to process information in order to solve problems or create products
Psychologists who have made the most important contributions to the that are of value in a culture. However, just like Sternberg, he propagates the
multifaceted or multiple intelligence approach are Robert Sternberg (1985; concept of multiple intelligence and is against the trend to focus mainly on
2015) and Howard Gardener (2000; 2015). ‘academic intelligence’. Gardner identified eight distinct intelligences, which
Robert Sternberg, who as a child did not do well in intelligence tests but are presented in Table 3.2. A specific individual may be stronger in some
later became a world-renowned professor at some of the top universities intelligences than in others.
in the USA, developed his triarchic theory of intelligence because he
believed that intelligence is more than what is measured by intelligence Table 3.2. Gardner’s eight intelligences
tests. He defines intelligence as the skills and knowledge needed for success Type of intelligence Examples
in life, according to one’s own definition of success and within one’s own Linguistic ability Reading comprehension, writing,
sociocultural context. As indicated before, the scientist, mechanic, builder, understanding spoken word, vocabulary
businessperson, and farmer can all be viewed as intelligent if they make the Logical-mathematical intelligence Abstract thinking, reasoning skills, and
most of their potential. Sternberg proposed three types of intelligence: solving mathematical problems
Spatial intelligence Ability to understand relationships between

• Analytical (componential) intelligence refers to how a person processes

objects, to get from one place to another,
to read a map
and analyses information. It includes abstract thinking and logical Musical intelligence Sensitivity to sound patterns, ability
reasoning. This is the traditional notion of intelligence and is associated to compose music, to play a musical
with academic achievement. It involves mental processes such as instrument, to appreciate musical structure
abstract planning, strategy selection, focused attention, information Bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence Skills at dancing, athletics, eye-hand
coordination, body control
processing and verbal and logical skills.
• Creative (experiential) intelligence involves a person’s ability to generate Interpersonal intelligence Social skills, sensitivity to other people’s
behaviour, motives or emotions
new ideas; in other words, to apply their existing knowledge to new
Intrapersonal intelligence Self-understanding, understanding one’s
problems. It involves the capacity to be intellectually flexible and creative. own feelings and inner life
• Practical (contextual or tacit) intelligence concerns how a person reacts Naturalistic intelligence Understanding patterns in the natural world
to the environment. It involves people’s ability to adapt to or shape their of plants and animals
environments to make it more acceptable. Practical intelligence is the From Erber, 2013
140 141
 Gardner (2015, p. 135) later wrote: “There may be a ninth intelligence,
which I call existential intelligence – I think of it as the intelligence of
‘big questions’.” This type of intelligence would show in persons who
are concerned with fundamental questions about existence and ponder
questions about life, death and ultimate realities.
Many articles have been published on the concept of multiple intelligences,
and although its fundamental point of departure has been accepted
worldwide, it has elicited several points of criticism. First, it is alleged that
the theory still lacks sufficient research evidence, especially since it differs
significantly from the original concept of a general underlying intelligence.
It is debated that multiple intelligences are just different manifestations of
a general intelligence. Second, determining the presence and level of the
individual intelligences is subjective and may be assessed differently by
different evaluators. Third, some critics believe that some of the notions, such
as musical intelligence, are an ‘aptitude’ or ‘talent’, rather than ‘intelligence’.
Fourth, it remains an open question how many intelligences there really
are and how long the list of ‘intelligences’ will become. For example, what
about moral intelligence, humour intelligence, political intelligence, spiritual
intelligence, organisational intelligence, artificial intelligence (e.g. knowledge
of software), and even cooking intelligence? In South Africa, an interesting
addition could be cultural intelligence: the ability to adjust and function
effectively across cultures. Moreover, the variety of intelligences can differ
from culture to culture. Cocodia (2014, p. 193) states, “A review of relevant
literature on intelligence and culture indicates that intelligence and culture
are interwoven. The culture or sub-culture of an individual will determine
how one conceives intelligence.” In several cultures, the connotations of the
word ‘intelligence’ refer not only to a particular set of ‘intellectual functions’,
but also to some value-based views of appropriateness, such as helpfulness,
good relations with others and being a good listener (Bolton, 2008). In other
words, in the context of some cultures, a ‘good person’ with the mentioned
value-based characteristics may be regarded as intelligent.
Regardless of the criticism, one truth of the theory of multiple intelligences
cannot be denied: It emphasises the uniqueness of each person, and this
reality should always be on the forefront.
142
Today we want to
determine how intelligent
you are. Therefore, climb
that tree as fast
as you can!
Everybody is intelligent. But if you judge a fish by its ability to climb a tree,
it will live its whole life believing that it is stupid.
3.3.1.2 Fluid and crystallised intelligence
A theory of intelligence that has gained acceptance
and support during the past decades, is the theory
of fluid and crystallised intelligence (APA, 2018).
Originally, Raymond Cattell (1963; 1971) developed
this theory.
According to Cattell, all intellectual tasks make
use of a general intellectual ability, but they also use
more specialised skills, depending on the specific Raymond Cattell
task. Cattell divided these skills into two general
categories called fluid intelligence and crystallised intelligence :
• Fluid intelligence (Gf) refers to the ability to solve new problems,
use logic in new situations, and identify patterns. It refers to the ability to
understand relationships between the components of a problem and to use
those relationships to solve the problem. Therefore, Gf is flexible (hence,
fluid) and is not domain specific. It is used whenever the solution to a
problem cannot be retrieved from memory and therefore must be figured
out on the spot. It is ‘raw’ intelligence, meaning that it is largely a function
of the integrity of the central nervous system and is relatively independent
of social influences and culturally based learning experiences. Examples of
143
 Gardner (2015, p. 135) later wrote: “There may be a ninth intelligence,
which I call existential intelligence – I think of it as the intelligence of
‘big questions’.” This type of intelligence would show in persons who
are concerned with fundamental questions about existence and ponder
questions about life, death and ultimate realities.
Many articles have been published on the concept of multiple intelligences,
and although its fundamental point of departure has been accepted
worldwide, it has elicited several points of criticism. First, it is alleged that
the theory still lacks sufficient research evidence, especially since it differs
significantly from the original concept of a general underlying intelligence.
It is debated that multiple intelligences are just different manifestations of
a general intelligence. Second, determining the presence and level of the
individual intelligences is subjective and may be assessed differently by
different evaluators. Third, some critics believe that some of the notions, such
as musical intelligence, are an ‘aptitude’ or ‘talent’, rather than ‘intelligence’.
Fourth, it remains an open question how many intelligences there really
are and how long the list of ‘intelligences’ will become. For example, what
about moral intelligence, humour intelligence, political intelligence, spiritual
intelligence, organisational intelligence, artificial intelligence (e.g. knowledge
of software), and even cooking intelligence? In South Africa, an interesting
addition could be cultural intelligence: the ability to adjust and function
effectively across cultures. Moreover, the variety of intelligences can differ
from culture to culture. Cocodia (2014, p. 193) states, “A review of relevant
literature on intelligence and culture indicates that intelligence and culture
are interwoven. The culture or sub-culture of an individual will determine
how one conceives intelligence.” In several cultures, the connotations of the
word ‘intelligence’ refer not only to a particular set of ‘intellectual functions’,
but also to some value-based views of appropriateness, such as helpfulness,
good relations with others and being a good listener (Bolton, 2008). In other
words, in the context of some cultures, a ‘good person’ with the mentioned
value-based characteristics may be regarded as intelligent.
Regardless of the criticism, one truth of the theory of multiple intelligences
cannot be denied: It emphasises the uniqueness of each person, and this
reality should always be on the forefront.
142
Today we want to
determine how intelligent
you are. Therefore, climb
that tree as fast
as you can!
Everybody is intelligent. But if you judge a fish by its ability to climb a tree,
it will live its whole life believing that it is stupid.
3.3.1.2 Fluid and crystallised intelligence
A theory of intelligence that has gained acceptance
and support during the past decades, is the theory
of fluid and crystallised intelligence (APA, 2018).
Originally, Raymond Cattell (1963; 1971) developed
this theory.
According to Cattell, all intellectual tasks make
use of a general intellectual ability, but they also use
more specialised skills, depending on the specific Raymond Cattell
task. Cattell divided these skills into two general
categories called fluid intelligence and crystallised intelligence :
• Fluid intelligence (Gf) refers to the ability to solve new problems,
use logic in new situations, and identify patterns. It refers to the ability to
understand relationships between the components of a problem and to use
those relationships to solve the problem. Therefore, Gf is flexible (hence,
fluid) and is not domain specific. It is used whenever the solution to a
problem cannot be retrieved from memory and therefore must be figured
out on the spot. It is ‘raw’ intelligence, meaning that it is largely a function
of the integrity of the central nervous system and is relatively independent
of social influences and culturally based learning experiences. Examples of
143
fluid intelligence are acquiring new skills, solving new problems, using one’s
imagination, and creativity. Because it involves recognising connections
between stimuli, fluid intelligence depends heavily on brain functioning
when the problem is presented.
• Crystallised intelligence (Gc) refers to the ability to use skills, knowledge,
and experience that one has learned or acquired previously. It involves the
knowledge that a person accumulates during his or her lifetime. Therefore,
it is a function of education, experience, and exposure to a specific cultural
environment. Gc represents a person’s store of information and strategies
that can be applied to problems that have been encountered before. It
involves recalling solutions (or solution strategies) from memory rather
than reasoning through an unfamiliar problem. The term crystallised is
used to indicate that with exposure to knowledge and experience, one’s
skills and abilities become solidified or hardened (thus crystallised).
Examples of crystallised intelligence are speaking one’s native language,
knowing processes and rules, and repeating techniques and strategies that
have worked in the past. It is believed that Gc is distributed widely in the
neural cortex of the brain and is therefore less dependent on current brain
functioning.
3.3.1.3 Intelligence and the ageing process
Researchers in the field of intelligence and the ageing process typically
investigate the following questions:
– Does intellectual functioning decline, stay the same, or improve over the
adult life span?
– If there is age-related decline, are some abilities more vulnerable than
others are?
– Do all adults exhibit the same intellectual decline at the same rate?
– Can age-related decline be reversed?
– Are intellectual abilities measured by intelligence tests and abilities
needed for functioning in a job or profession and for research purposes
the same as the abilities required for everyday functioning?
Early studies (± 1900-1950) of the effects of ageing on intelligence
brought discouragement to anyone older than their late twenties. A typical
finding was what was called the classic ageing curve: Intellectual functioning
rose to a peak in early adulthood, followed by an inevitable decline. A classic
ageing pattern, which referred to certain intellectual abilities, was also
144
identified: The decline was especially dramatic in the abilities related to fluid
intelligence (the ability to think abstractly, reason, identify patterns, solve
problems, and identify relationships between pieces of information). The
decline typically started in the 20s and steadily declined with increasing age.
These abilities are considered to be age-sensitive abilities. A decline in the
abilities related to especially crystallised intelligence (the sum of a person’s
acquired knowledge) started somewhat later and declined dramatically after
age 65. These abilities are considered to be age-insensitive.
3.3.1.4 Measuring age changes in intelligence
Many of the early studies on age-related changes in intelligence relied on
cross-sectional methods (in which people of different age groups are tested
and compared at the same point in time). These studies indicated that
intellectual skills started to decline in early adulthood. Therefore, distinct
differences were found between 20-year-olds and 70-year-olds. However,
as discussed in Chapter 1, the differences in the test scores may not have
been the result of ageing as such, but rather due to
a cohort effect (e.g. differences in socio-economic
and healthcare background, and access from a
wider range of cultural inputs through television, the
Internet, and different forms of formal education).
Therefore, the question was if longitudinal methods
(studies in which the same group of people are
tested at various ages of their lives) also would
reveal the classic ageing curve or classic ageing
pattern. K. Warner Schaie
The most comprehensive study of adult
intelligence was initiated by K. Warner Schaie in a study now called the
Seattle Longitudinal Study (SLS) (Schaie, 2016a; 2016b). When he began the
study, Schaie’s intention was to conduct a cross-sectional study. Participants
aged between 25 and 95 were tested on the following mental abilities:
verbal comprehension, spatial orientation, inductive reasoning, word fluency,
number, and processing speed. The results replicated the classic ageing curve:
The scores of the older participants were lower than those of the younger
participants were. Schaie (1994) expanded on these studies to include
follow-up testing every seven years, with the result that the study eventually
spanned a period of about 50 years. This allowed for investigation that was
more thorough, including not only longitudinal analyses, but also sequential
analyses (see Chapter 1). Schaie (2011; 2013) and his co-workers (e.g. Schaie
145
fluid intelligence are acquiring new skills, solving new problems, using one’s
imagination, and creativity. Because it involves recognising connections
between stimuli, fluid intelligence depends heavily on brain functioning
when the problem is presented.
• Crystallised intelligence (Gc) refers to the ability to use skills, knowledge,
and experience that one has learned or acquired previously. It involves the
knowledge that a person accumulates during his or her lifetime. Therefore,
it is a function of education, experience, and exposure to a specific cultural
environment. Gc represents a person’s store of information and strategies
that can be applied to problems that have been encountered before. It
involves recalling solutions (or solution strategies) from memory rather
than reasoning through an unfamiliar problem. The term crystallised is
used to indicate that with exposure to knowledge and experience, one’s
skills and abilities become solidified or hardened (thus crystallised).
Examples of crystallised intelligence are speaking one’s native language,
knowing processes and rules, and repeating techniques and strategies that
have worked in the past. It is believed that Gc is distributed widely in the
neural cortex of the brain and is therefore less dependent on current brain
functioning.
3.3.1.3 Intelligence and the ageing process
Researchers in the field of intelligence and the ageing process typically
investigate the following questions:
– Does intellectual functioning decline, stay the same, or improve over the
adult life span?
– If there is age-related decline, are some abilities more vulnerable than
others are?
– Do all adults exhibit the same intellectual decline at the same rate?
– Can age-related decline be reversed?
– Are intellectual abilities measured by intelligence tests and abilities
needed for functioning in a job or profession and for research purposes
the same as the abilities required for everyday functioning?
Early studies (± 1900-1950) of the effects of ageing on intelligence
brought discouragement to anyone older than their late twenties. A typical
finding was what was called the classic ageing curve: Intellectual functioning
rose to a peak in early adulthood, followed by an inevitable decline. A classic
ageing pattern, which referred to certain intellectual abilities, was also
144
identified: The decline was especially dramatic in the abilities related to fluid
intelligence (the ability to think abstractly, reason, identify patterns, solve
problems, and identify relationships between pieces of information). The
decline typically started in the 20s and steadily declined with increasing age.
These abilities are considered to be age-sensitive abilities. A decline in the
abilities related to especially crystallised intelligence (the sum of a person’s
acquired knowledge) started somewhat later and declined dramatically after
age 65. These abilities are considered to be age-insensitive.
3.3.1.4 Measuring age changes in intelligence
Many of the early studies on age-related changes in intelligence relied on
cross-sectional methods (in which people of different age groups are tested
and compared at the same point in time). These studies indicated that
intellectual skills started to decline in early adulthood. Therefore, distinct
differences were found between 20-year-olds and 70-year-olds. However,
as discussed in Chapter 1, the differences in the test scores may not have
been the result of ageing as such, but rather due to
a cohort effect (e.g. differences in socio-economic
and healthcare background, and access from a
wider range of cultural inputs through television, the
Internet, and different forms of formal education).
Therefore, the question was if longitudinal methods
(studies in which the same group of people are
tested at various ages of their lives) also would
reveal the classic ageing curve or classic ageing
pattern. K. Warner Schaie
The most comprehensive study of adult
intelligence was initiated by K. Warner Schaie in a study now called the
Seattle Longitudinal Study (SLS) (Schaie, 2016a; 2016b). When he began the
study, Schaie’s intention was to conduct a cross-sectional study. Participants
aged between 25 and 95 were tested on the following mental abilities:
verbal comprehension, spatial orientation, inductive reasoning, word fluency,
number, and processing speed. The results replicated the classic ageing curve:
The scores of the older participants were lower than those of the younger
participants were. Schaie (1994) expanded on these studies to include
follow-up testing every seven years, with the result that the study eventually
spanned a period of about 50 years. This allowed for investigation that was
more thorough, including not only longitudinal analyses, but also sequential
analyses (see Chapter 1). Schaie (2011; 2013) and his co-workers (e.g. Schaie
145
& Hertzog, 1983; Schaie et al., 1998; Schaie & Willis, 1995; 2002), were able
to show that the classic ageing curve and classic ageing pattern did not only
reflect the effect of age changes, but rather the combined effects of age,
cohort, and time of measurement.
For example, by comparing cross-sectional and longitudinal data, Schaie
and his co-workers indicated that an average adult shows gains until the early
40s, and stability and even increases until the mid-50s or 60s, depending
on the test. After age 60, the decline is slight until age 74 or 81. Once the
80s and 90s are reached, however, declines become more rapid and extend
across most abilities, possibly because of the increasing failures of sensory
capacities and other physiological structures. In addition, not all people show
decline in all the mental abilities. For example, Schaie’s research indicated
that at least 75% of the research participants maintained their previous
ability level to age 60. By age 74, 70% showed no change, and even by age
81, at least 60% of the participants remained at a stable level of performance.
In addition, in further analyses, Schaie and his colleagues examined
generational differences in earlier- and later-born cohorts over a seven-year
period from 60 to 67 years. That is, earlier-born cohorts were assessed when
they were 60 to 67 years of age, and when the later-born cohorts reached
these ages, they were also assessed. Higher cognitive functioning occurred
for the second generation in inductive reasoning, verbal memory and spatial
orientation, whereas the first generation scored higher in numeric ability.
Noteworthy was the finding that the first generation showed lower rates of
decline than was generally expected; however, the second generation showed
stability or modest increases in cognitive functioning across the same age
range. Schaie concluded that such differences across generations involve
cohort effects. For example, the advances in cognitive functioning in middle
age in recent years may be linked to advances in educational attainment,
health care and lifestyles.
Schaie’s results were supported to a large extent by findings from
another study, the University of Manchester Longitudinal Study of Cognition
(Rabbitt et al., 2004). This study also indicated a faster rate of decline in tests
measuring fluid intelligence than in tests measuring crystallised intelligence.
Analyses from this study provide no evidence that rates of decline are
affected by overall levels of general intellectual ability. It also confirmed the
findings of the SLS on large individual differences, particularly during middle
and later adulthood. The findings of this study are of particular importance,
since the researchers considered the practice and drop-out effects (refer to
Chapter 1 for a discussion of these effects).
Studies such as the above resulted in changes in the way psychologists
146
think about intelligence and age. Currently, most experts will agree that
intellectual change is multidirectional, that some abilities may increase while
others may decline, and that there is great variability among individuals. In
fact, variability in test scores is greater for older than for younger people.
This means that amongst themselves, older adults differ more in their
performance than younger people do. Therefore, it is more difficult to define
a ‘typical’ older person than a ‘typical’ younger person. Factors that may
affect intellectual change are health, socio-economic status, personality
style, mental and physical fitness and activity, educational level, and culture.
3.3.1.5 Everyday cognition
In the late 1980s, Timothy Salthouse (1987, p. 142) wrote the following: “An
intriguing discrepancy exists between the competencies of older adults,
assumed on the basis of everyday observations, on the one hand, and their
competencies inferred from laboratory results, on the other hand. The
laboratory results tend to portray older adults as distinctly inferior to young
adults on a number of presumably basic cognitive abilities, and yet we are
aware of competent, and even remarkable, accomplishments of people well
into their 60s, 70s, and beyond. One is thus faced with the question of how to
account for this apparent discrepancy between the rather pessimistic results
of the laboratory and the more encouraging observations of daily life.”
This quotation describes an issue that has concerned researchers in the
field of cognitive ageing for decades. Researchers began to question whether
psychometric tests (i.e. intelligence tests) were appropriate means to assess
the cognitive functioning of older adults. Three observations supported this
argument (Allaire, 2016):
• Cognition is considered a fundamental tool serving adaptive functions to
promote the survival of individuals. Despite significant normative age-
related declines in many cognitive abilities, most older adults retain their
abilities to function effectively in their daily lives.
• Psychometric tests were mostly designed for and validated in samples
of children and young adults in academic settings. Therefore, they may
have very little validity for the functioning and competence of individuals
who have been removed from academic settings for many decades.
• In order to reduce cultural bias, many cognitive psychometric measures
are designed to be context free. This eliminates the possibility that older
adults may call upon a lifetime of accumulated knowledge to solve a
psychometric-related problem, whereas in the real world, this is what
they commonly do.
147
& Hertzog, 1983; Schaie et al., 1998; Schaie & Willis, 1995; 2002), were able
to show that the classic ageing curve and classic ageing pattern did not only
reflect the effect of age changes, but rather the combined effects of age,
cohort, and time of measurement.
For example, by comparing cross-sectional and longitudinal data, Schaie
and his co-workers indicated that an average adult shows gains until the early
40s, and stability and even increases until the mid-50s or 60s, depending
on the test. After age 60, the decline is slight until age 74 or 81. Once the
80s and 90s are reached, however, declines become more rapid and extend
across most abilities, possibly because of the increasing failures of sensory
capacities and other physiological structures. In addition, not all people show
decline in all the mental abilities. For example, Schaie’s research indicated
that at least 75% of the research participants maintained their previous
ability level to age 60. By age 74, 70% showed no change, and even by age
81, at least 60% of the participants remained at a stable level of performance.
In addition, in further analyses, Schaie and his colleagues examined
generational differences in earlier- and later-born cohorts over a seven-year
period from 60 to 67 years. That is, earlier-born cohorts were assessed when
they were 60 to 67 years of age, and when the later-born cohorts reached
these ages, they were also assessed. Higher cognitive functioning occurred
for the second generation in inductive reasoning, verbal memory and spatial
orientation, whereas the first generation scored higher in numeric ability.
Noteworthy was the finding that the first generation showed lower rates of
decline than was generally expected; however, the second generation showed
stability or modest increases in cognitive functioning across the same age
range. Schaie concluded that such differences across generations involve
cohort effects. For example, the advances in cognitive functioning in middle
age in recent years may be linked to advances in educational attainment,
health care and lifestyles.
Schaie’s results were supported to a large extent by findings from
another study, the University of Manchester Longitudinal Study of Cognition
(Rabbitt et al., 2004). This study also indicated a faster rate of decline in tests
measuring fluid intelligence than in tests measuring crystallised intelligence.
Analyses from this study provide no evidence that rates of decline are
affected by overall levels of general intellectual ability. It also confirmed the
findings of the SLS on large individual differences, particularly during middle
and later adulthood. The findings of this study are of particular importance,
since the researchers considered the practice and drop-out effects (refer to
Chapter 1 for a discussion of these effects).
Studies such as the above resulted in changes in the way psychologists
146
think about intelligence and age. Currently, most experts will agree that
intellectual change is multidirectional, that some abilities may increase while
others may decline, and that there is great variability among individuals. In
fact, variability in test scores is greater for older than for younger people.
This means that amongst themselves, older adults differ more in their
performance than younger people do. Therefore, it is more difficult to define
a ‘typical’ older person than a ‘typical’ younger person. Factors that may
affect intellectual change are health, socio-economic status, personality
style, mental and physical fitness and activity, educational level, and culture.
3.3.1.5 Everyday cognition
In the late 1980s, Timothy Salthouse (1987, p. 142) wrote the following: “An
intriguing discrepancy exists between the competencies of older adults,
assumed on the basis of everyday observations, on the one hand, and their
competencies inferred from laboratory results, on the other hand. The
laboratory results tend to portray older adults as distinctly inferior to young
adults on a number of presumably basic cognitive abilities, and yet we are
aware of competent, and even remarkable, accomplishments of people well
into their 60s, 70s, and beyond. One is thus faced with the question of how to
account for this apparent discrepancy between the rather pessimistic results
of the laboratory and the more encouraging observations of daily life.”
This quotation describes an issue that has concerned researchers in the
field of cognitive ageing for decades. Researchers began to question whether
psychometric tests (i.e. intelligence tests) were appropriate means to assess
the cognitive functioning of older adults. Three observations supported this
argument (Allaire, 2016):
• Cognition is considered a fundamental tool serving adaptive functions to
promote the survival of individuals. Despite significant normative age-
related declines in many cognitive abilities, most older adults retain their
abilities to function effectively in their daily lives.
• Psychometric tests were mostly designed for and validated in samples
of children and young adults in academic settings. Therefore, they may
have very little validity for the functioning and competence of individuals
who have been removed from academic settings for many decades.
• In order to reduce cultural bias, many cognitive psychometric measures
are designed to be context free. This eliminates the possibility that older
adults may call upon a lifetime of accumulated knowledge to solve a
psychometric-related problem, whereas in the real world, this is what
they commonly do.
147
 These observations can be summarised as concerns about the ecological
(i.e. natural or real-word) validity of psychometric measures of cognitive
functioning. These concerns led to the proposal that assessing older adults in
real-world domains might be a more accurate way to evaluate their cognitive
competency.
Following these arguments, several measures of everyday cognition were
developed. These measures generally have three aspects in common: Firstly,
they generally focus on instrumental tasks of daily living (such as shopping,
arranging transportation, handling finances and comprehending medication
instructions) that older adults must be able to perform effectively to function
independently. Secondly, the problem stated usually is defined clearly, so
that the participants know exactly what they are supposed to solve (e.g.
“You woke up this morning and found that your refrigerator is not working”).
Thirdly, the desired goal is also apparent from the problem stated (e.g. you
want your refrigerator to work). However, these measures differ with respect to
how they assess performance: Some measures require close-ended answers
(e.g. the answer is either right or wrong), while others require open-ended
answers that allow people to handle a problem from their own perspective.
In addition, measures also differ with respect to problem presentation. Some
apply a vignette-like structure where the problem is described (such as in the
refrigerator example mentioned above). Others use real-world stimuli such
as a phone bill, recipe, or products with nutrition labels, and ask questions
based on these stimuli (Allaire, 2016).
A limitation of measures such as these, is that they involve the same
method of assessment as most cognitive tests do: They are paper-and-pencil
tests in “laboratory” conditions. Therefore, whether these tests truly assess
everyday-cognition is debateable. In his review of research on the relationship
between age and success in everyday life, Salthouse (2012) found that
increased age seldom is associated with lower everyday functioning, and
that the reasons for this laboratory-life discrepancy are not well understood.
However, he offers the following possibilities for why age-related declines do
not have greater consequences:
■ Performance at maximum level is seldom needed. A possible explanation
for the discrepancy between age-related decline and the general absence
of confirming evidence in everyday functioning is related to a distinction
between assessments of typical and maximal functioning. The basic idea
is that what people do in daily life reflects their typical level of functioning,
whereas cognitive measures attempt to measure their maximal level of
functioning. According to Salthouse, people do not need to function at
148
their maximum level often; if they did, everyday life would be too stressful.
It also seems plausible that correlations with cognitive ability or other
factors might be detectable only at the highest levels of functioning. This
perspective does not deny the possibility of age-related declines that
could affect realistic functioning. Instead, it suggests that they are not
detected because in everyday situations, people seldom need to function
at a level at which deficits might be manifested.
■ There is a shift from novel processing to reliance on accumulated
knowledge. According to this perspective, novel problem-solving ability
(or fluid intelligence) may become less important to individuals, as more
of their life problems are solved. Consequently, higher proportions of
their daily functioning can occur by retrieval of prior solutions; thus, their
accumulated knowledge (or crystallised intelligence). The assumption
can be made that knowledge may become more important with
increased age and that age-related declines in fluid intelligence may be
compensated for by higher levels of knowledge (see also Box 3.1).
■ Cognition may not be the only determinant of success in life. Researchers
have noted a positive correlation between job performance and cognition;
however, they also noted that 75% of the variance remains unexplained. It
may be that cognitive psychometric tests do not measure occupationally
relevant aspects of application, focus, flexibility and effort. Therefore,
other factors may contribute to success. Factors that have been mentioned
are aspects of personality, emotional intelligence, practical intelligence,
decision-making competence or rationality, process analytic ability, and
even chance factors. Research has indicated an age-related increase in
some of these other factors (such as conscientiousness and task-specific
skills) that may counterbalance age-related cognitive declines. However,
although plausible, empirical evidence documenting the compensatory
nature of these other determinants is quite limited currently.
■ Accommodation. Another possible explanation may be that age-related
cognitive declines might have real consequences, but they are not
apparent because individuals accommodate these declines by adapting
to a situation. For example, to accommodate for declining sensory
abilities, many older adults avoid driving at night or in rush-hour traffic,
or they may reduce the range of domains in which they function by
delegating responsibilities to others, such as their children. However, little
is known about how people adapt, either consciously or unconsciously, to
apparent diminishing cognitive abilities. Nevertheless, it seems plausible
that many people will try to alter what they do, or how they do it, in order
to maintain a high level of functioning due to declines in relevant abilities.
149
 These observations can be summarised as concerns about the ecological
(i.e. natural or real-word) validity of psychometric measures of cognitive
functioning. These concerns led to the proposal that assessing older adults in
real-world domains might be a more accurate way to evaluate their cognitive
competency.
Following these arguments, several measures of everyday cognition were
developed. These measures generally have three aspects in common: Firstly,
they generally focus on instrumental tasks of daily living (such as shopping,
arranging transportation, handling finances and comprehending medication
instructions) that older adults must be able to perform effectively to function
independently. Secondly, the problem stated usually is defined clearly, so
that the participants know exactly what they are supposed to solve (e.g.
“You woke up this morning and found that your refrigerator is not working”).
Thirdly, the desired goal is also apparent from the problem stated (e.g. you
want your refrigerator to work). However, these measures differ with respect to
how they assess performance: Some measures require close-ended answers
(e.g. the answer is either right or wrong), while others require open-ended
answers that allow people to handle a problem from their own perspective.
In addition, measures also differ with respect to problem presentation. Some
apply a vignette-like structure where the problem is described (such as in the
refrigerator example mentioned above). Others use real-world stimuli such
as a phone bill, recipe, or products with nutrition labels, and ask questions
based on these stimuli (Allaire, 2016).
A limitation of measures such as these, is that they involve the same
method of assessment as most cognitive tests do: They are paper-and-pencil
tests in “laboratory” conditions. Therefore, whether these tests truly assess
everyday-cognition is debateable. In his review of research on the relationship
between age and success in everyday life, Salthouse (2012) found that
increased age seldom is associated with lower everyday functioning, and
that the reasons for this laboratory-life discrepancy are not well understood.
However, he offers the following possibilities for why age-related declines do
not have greater consequences:
■ Performance at maximum level is seldom needed. A possible explanation
for the discrepancy between age-related decline and the general absence
of confirming evidence in everyday functioning is related to a distinction
between assessments of typical and maximal functioning. The basic idea
is that what people do in daily life reflects their typical level of functioning,
whereas cognitive measures attempt to measure their maximal level of
functioning. According to Salthouse, people do not need to function at
148
their maximum level often; if they did, everyday life would be too stressful.
It also seems plausible that correlations with cognitive ability or other
factors might be detectable only at the highest levels of functioning. This
perspective does not deny the possibility of age-related declines that
could affect realistic functioning. Instead, it suggests that they are not
detected because in everyday situations, people seldom need to function
at a level at which deficits might be manifested.
■ There is a shift from novel processing to reliance on accumulated
knowledge. According to this perspective, novel problem-solving ability
(or fluid intelligence) may become less important to individuals, as more
of their life problems are solved. Consequently, higher proportions of
their daily functioning can occur by retrieval of prior solutions; thus, their
accumulated knowledge (or crystallised intelligence). The assumption
can be made that knowledge may become more important with
increased age and that age-related declines in fluid intelligence may be
compensated for by higher levels of knowledge (see also Box 3.1).
■ Cognition may not be the only determinant of success in life. Researchers
have noted a positive correlation between job performance and cognition;
however, they also noted that 75% of the variance remains unexplained. It
may be that cognitive psychometric tests do not measure occupationally
relevant aspects of application, focus, flexibility and effort. Therefore,
other factors may contribute to success. Factors that have been mentioned
are aspects of personality, emotional intelligence, practical intelligence,
decision-making competence or rationality, process analytic ability, and
even chance factors. Research has indicated an age-related increase in
some of these other factors (such as conscientiousness and task-specific
skills) that may counterbalance age-related cognitive declines. However,
although plausible, empirical evidence documenting the compensatory
nature of these other determinants is quite limited currently.
■ Accommodation. Another possible explanation may be that age-related
cognitive declines might have real consequences, but they are not
apparent because individuals accommodate these declines by adapting
to a situation. For example, to accommodate for declining sensory
abilities, many older adults avoid driving at night or in rush-hour traffic,
or they may reduce the range of domains in which they function by
delegating responsibilities to others, such as their children. However, little
is known about how people adapt, either consciously or unconsciously, to
apparent diminishing cognitive abilities. Nevertheless, it seems plausible
that many people will try to alter what they do, or how they do it, in order
to maintain a high level of functioning due to declines in relevant abilities.
149
 This may contribute to the often minimal apparent consequences of
declining cognitive abilities.
From the afore-mentioned discussion, it is apparent that older adults
seem to function well in everyday life, despite age-related decline in certain
cognitive abilities. However, empirical research in this regard is still in its
infancy. Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences that was discussed earlier
in this chapter includes several abilities traditionally tested in intelligence
tests (logical/mathematical, verbal and visual/spatial), as well as other
abilities not usually measured in intelligence tests (naturalistic, interpersonal,
intrapersonal, musical, bodily kinaesthetic). This model would seem to be
an ideal way to capture the complexity of intelligence required for adapting
to daily life in adulthood. Unfortunately, this aspect has not received the
research focus it deserves. It is hoped that future researchers will explore
these alternative and important forms of ability that clearly affect many areas
of functioning throughout the adult years (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
Box 3.1. Analytical skills versus solving a crossword puzzle
Salthouse (2012, p. 216) describes a very simple example of the potential importance
of age-related increases in knowledge. Age trends in measures of analytical reasoning
were compared with the age trends in a measure of crossword puzzle performance
in the same group of people. These two activities are similar in that in both cases,
the solution requires simultaneous application of multiple skills. That is, in analytical
reasoning, the presented problems often specify a number of conditions that must be
adhered to in order to reach a solution. Similarly, solutions in crossword puzzles must
simultaneously fit the clue, the number of letters in the target word, and the positions
of any letters that have already been identified.
The results indicated a decline in age trends in analytical reasoning, typically
evident in novel problem-solving tasks (i.e. tasks of fluid intelligence). However, when
knowledge is relevant to the task, as in crossword puzzles, the age trends among
people with frequent crossword puzzle-solving experiences are actually reversed, with
better performance at older ages. These opposite trends in the same individuals are
consistent with the view that little or no consequence of cognitive declines may be
evident when one can draw upon relevant knowledge.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is intelligence? Why is it difficult to define this concept?
2. Describe the following views of intelligence:
- Intelligence is a single trait
- Intelligence is multifaceted
3. Discuss Robert Sternberg and Howard Gardner’s theories of intelligence.
4. Discuss the criticisms against the concept of multiple intelligences.
5. Discuss Raymond Cattell’s approach to intelligence. Discuss the difference between
fluid and crystallised intelligence.
6. What are the major questions regarding the effect of ageing on intelligence that
researchers in this field generally investigate?
7. Consider the following statement: “Early studies (± 1900-1950) of the effects
of ageing on intelligence brought discouragement to anyone older than their late
twenties.” What was the typical finding regarding and intelligence during these
years? What was the focus of researchers during these years? By the 1960s, some
researchers began to change their views. What did they begin to acknowledge?
8. What debate resulted in the identification of a classic ageing pattern?
9. On what type of studies were the early studies on age-related changes in
intelligence based? Do the results of these studies reflect age-related changes?
Why or why not?
10. With reference to the Seattle Longitudinal Study, what were the findings regarding
the cross-sectional, longitudinal and sequential studies?
11. How do psychologists currently think about intelligence and age?
12. Why may a discrepancy between the competencies of older adults be inferred
from laboratory results on the one hand and everyday observations on the other
hand?
13. Why might cognitive psychometric measures not be the best means to assess the
cognitive functioning of older adults?
14. How may measures of everyday cognition assess adults’ everyday competency?
What are the limitations of these measures?
15. Since it has been shown that age-related cognitive decline does occur, why may
there not be greater negative consequences for adults in their daily lives because
of this decline?

3.3.2 Problem solving and decision making

From our discussion thus far, it has become clear that there are many age-
related declines in basic cognitive and sensory mechanisms. However, there
are also increases in experience and in the pragmatics of knowledge. In
addition, as discussed before, concerns have been raised that laboratory
150 151
 This may contribute to the often minimal apparent consequences of
declining cognitive abilities.
From the afore-mentioned discussion, it is apparent that older adults
seem to function well in everyday life, despite age-related decline in certain
cognitive abilities. However, empirical research in this regard is still in its
infancy. Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences that was discussed earlier
in this chapter includes several abilities traditionally tested in intelligence
tests (logical/mathematical, verbal and visual/spatial), as well as other
abilities not usually measured in intelligence tests (naturalistic, interpersonal,
intrapersonal, musical, bodily kinaesthetic). This model would seem to be
an ideal way to capture the complexity of intelligence required for adapting
to daily life in adulthood. Unfortunately, this aspect has not received the
research focus it deserves. It is hoped that future researchers will explore
these alternative and important forms of ability that clearly affect many areas
of functioning throughout the adult years (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014).
Box 3.1. Analytical skills versus solving a crossword puzzle
Salthouse (2012, p. 216) describes a very simple example of the potential importance
of age-related increases in knowledge. Age trends in measures of analytical reasoning
were compared with the age trends in a measure of crossword puzzle performance
in the same group of people. These two activities are similar in that in both cases,
the solution requires simultaneous application of multiple skills. That is, in analytical
reasoning, the presented problems often specify a number of conditions that must be
adhered to in order to reach a solution. Similarly, solutions in crossword puzzles must
simultaneously fit the clue, the number of letters in the target word, and the positions
of any letters that have already been identified.
The results indicated a decline in age trends in analytical reasoning, typically
evident in novel problem-solving tasks (i.e. tasks of fluid intelligence). However, when
knowledge is relevant to the task, as in crossword puzzles, the age trends among
people with frequent crossword puzzle-solving experiences are actually reversed, with
better performance at older ages. These opposite trends in the same individuals are
consistent with the view that little or no consequence of cognitive declines may be
evident when one can draw upon relevant knowledge.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is intelligence? Why is it difficult to define this concept?
2. Describe the following views of intelligence:
- Intelligence is a single trait
- Intelligence is multifaceted
3. Discuss Robert Sternberg and Howard Gardner’s theories of intelligence.
4. Discuss the criticisms against the concept of multiple intelligences.
5. Discuss Raymond Cattell’s approach to intelligence. Discuss the difference between
fluid and crystallised intelligence.
6. What are the major questions regarding the effect of ageing on intelligence that
researchers in this field generally investigate?
7. Consider the following statement: “Early studies (± 1900-1950) of the effects
of ageing on intelligence brought discouragement to anyone older than their late
twenties.” What was the typical finding regarding and intelligence during these
years? What was the focus of researchers during these years? By the 1960s, some
researchers began to change their views. What did they begin to acknowledge?
8. What debate resulted in the identification of a classic ageing pattern?
9. On what type of studies were the early studies on age-related changes in
intelligence based? Do the results of these studies reflect age-related changes?
Why or why not?
10. With reference to the Seattle Longitudinal Study, what were the findings regarding
the cross-sectional, longitudinal and sequential studies?
11. How do psychologists currently think about intelligence and age?
12. Why may a discrepancy between the competencies of older adults be inferred
from laboratory results on the one hand and everyday observations on the other
hand?
13. Why might cognitive psychometric measures not be the best means to assess the
cognitive functioning of older adults?
14. How may measures of everyday cognition assess adults’ everyday competency?
What are the limitations of these measures?
15. Since it has been shown that age-related cognitive decline does occur, why may
there not be greater negative consequences for adults in their daily lives because
of this decline?

3.3.2 Problem solving and decision making

From our discussion thus far, it has become clear that there are many age-
related declines in basic cognitive and sensory mechanisms. However, there
are also increases in experience and in the pragmatics of knowledge. In
addition, as discussed before, concerns have been raised that laboratory
150 151
assessments usually are conducted out of context and therefore
underestimate older people’s everyday functioning. Therefore, although
there are age-related declines in the structure and processes of cognitive
functioning, one also has to consider the functional aspects of cognitive
abilities in addressing the demands of everyday life. For example, although
older adults may experience a decline in memory, they have appropriate
skills and knowledge to perform their daily tasks.
We have two
team members who
think they’re from the
Brainy Generation.
Age-related variables play a role in problem solving
and decision making
Many of our daily tasks involve decision making and problem solving and
are ways in which we make use of our intellectual abilities. For example, think
of the number of problem-solving situations you encounter in your studies,
in your work, in relationships, driving a car, and so forth. Everyday problem
solving and decision making refer to an individual’s ability to resolve obstacles
in day-to-day functioning. These obstacles may be instrumental in nature
(factors that contribute to one’s daily functioning), as well as challenges of
a personal or social nature, such as interpersonal conflict. As opposed to
academic problems (or formal knowledge as assessed by intelligence tests),
problems faced in the real world are often unformulated, poorly defined
and of great personal interest. They are often lacking in specific information
necessary for solution and are characterised by multiple possible solutions,
while multiple methods can be used to decide on a solution. Although many
everyday problems allow a greater time span to decide on a solution than
psychometric tests do, many problems do require one to analyse complex
situations quickly, to apply knowledge and create solutions, sometimes in a
matter of moments, thus mimicking some skill sets in psychometric testing.
Researchers in this field are interested in age-related changes in adults’
decision-making and problem-solving abilities. Some of the findings are
152
the following:
• Use of strategies. Some laboratory-related research on decision-
making suggests that older adults make less effective decisions and use
less optimal strategies when deciding what options to select to suit their
needs best. Furthermore, when decision making involves a high degree of
working memory capacity (e.g. a lot of information must be held in memory
simultaneously in order to make quick decisions), older adults do not
perform so well (Besedeš et al., 2012). However, many everyday decision-
making situations involve choosing one best option from a number of
choices, for instance, buying a motor vehicle, deciding on the best living
option, planning retirement and managing finances, or choosing the best
cancer treatment option. More ecologically relevant research has indicated
that in comparison to younger adults, older adults tend to search for less
information to arrive at a decision and require less information to arrive
at a decision. They also tend to avoid risk and rely on easily accessible
information (Shivapour et al., 2012). In addition, it seems that older adults
make decisions more rationally and consistently than do younger adults,
who tend to be affected more by attraction effects; that is, many pieces of
information in a content-rich environment. One reason for this phenomenon
is the tendency of younger adults to adopt analytical strategies in which
each alternative is weighed carefully, setting up possible interference effects
from new information. Older adults tend to use more global heuristics
(methods of finding things out for themselves) and therefore may not be so
“attracted” to discreet new pieces of information as younger adults are (Keil,
2014). (See Box 3.2 regarding the question whether the elderly are more
vulnerable to unscrupulous predators.)
• Cognitive abilities. Most researchers agree that adults tend to perform
better in practical (everyday) problems than in abstract ones (such as those
measured in standardised intelligence tests) (see Hoare, 2011). However, it
may be that competence in solving everyday problems is a multidimensional
construct, much like intelligence. Some studies indicate that everyday
problems reflecting both instrumental and socio-emotional problem solving
are related strongly to fluid and crystallised cognitive abilities. In fact, the
great majority of research has found significant associations between basic
cognitive abilities and various measures of everyday cognitive performance
(Allaire, 2012). Therefore, weaknesses in basic cognitive abilities should
predict weaknesses in everyday cognitive performance. For example, older
adults with losses in memory functioning would be expected to have losses
in everyday cognitive tasks that depend upon memory, if other abilities
153
assessments usually are conducted out of context and therefore
underestimate older people’s everyday functioning. Therefore, although
there are age-related declines in the structure and processes of cognitive
functioning, one also has to consider the functional aspects of cognitive
abilities in addressing the demands of everyday life. For example, although
older adults may experience a decline in memory, they have appropriate
skills and knowledge to perform their daily tasks.
We have two
team members who
think they’re from the
Brainy Generation.
Age-related variables play a role in problem solving
and decision making
Many of our daily tasks involve decision making and problem solving and
are ways in which we make use of our intellectual abilities. For example, think
of the number of problem-solving situations you encounter in your studies,
in your work, in relationships, driving a car, and so forth. Everyday problem
solving and decision making refer to an individual’s ability to resolve obstacles
in day-to-day functioning. These obstacles may be instrumental in nature
(factors that contribute to one’s daily functioning), as well as challenges of
a personal or social nature, such as interpersonal conflict. As opposed to
academic problems (or formal knowledge as assessed by intelligence tests),
problems faced in the real world are often unformulated, poorly defined
and of great personal interest. They are often lacking in specific information
necessary for solution and are characterised by multiple possible solutions,
while multiple methods can be used to decide on a solution. Although many
everyday problems allow a greater time span to decide on a solution than
psychometric tests do, many problems do require one to analyse complex
situations quickly, to apply knowledge and create solutions, sometimes in a
matter of moments, thus mimicking some skill sets in psychometric testing.
Researchers in this field are interested in age-related changes in adults’
decision-making and problem-solving abilities. Some of the findings are
152
the following:
• Use of strategies. Some laboratory-related research on decision-
making suggests that older adults make less effective decisions and use
less optimal strategies when deciding what options to select to suit their
needs best. Furthermore, when decision making involves a high degree of
working memory capacity (e.g. a lot of information must be held in memory
simultaneously in order to make quick decisions), older adults do not
perform so well (Besedeš et al., 2012). However, many everyday decision-
making situations involve choosing one best option from a number of
choices, for instance, buying a motor vehicle, deciding on the best living
option, planning retirement and managing finances, or choosing the best
cancer treatment option. More ecologically relevant research has indicated
that in comparison to younger adults, older adults tend to search for less
information to arrive at a decision and require less information to arrive
at a decision. They also tend to avoid risk and rely on easily accessible
information (Shivapour et al., 2012). In addition, it seems that older adults
make decisions more rationally and consistently than do younger adults,
who tend to be affected more by attraction effects; that is, many pieces of
information in a content-rich environment. One reason for this phenomenon
is the tendency of younger adults to adopt analytical strategies in which
each alternative is weighed carefully, setting up possible interference effects
from new information. Older adults tend to use more global heuristics
(methods of finding things out for themselves) and therefore may not be so
“attracted” to discreet new pieces of information as younger adults are (Keil,
2014). (See Box 3.2 regarding the question whether the elderly are more
vulnerable to unscrupulous predators.)
• Cognitive abilities. Most researchers agree that adults tend to perform
better in practical (everyday) problems than in abstract ones (such as those
measured in standardised intelligence tests) (see Hoare, 2011). However, it
may be that competence in solving everyday problems is a multidimensional
construct, much like intelligence. Some studies indicate that everyday
problems reflecting both instrumental and socio-emotional problem solving
are related strongly to fluid and crystallised cognitive abilities. In fact, the
great majority of research has found significant associations between basic
cognitive abilities and various measures of everyday cognitive performance
(Allaire, 2012). Therefore, weaknesses in basic cognitive abilities should
predict weaknesses in everyday cognitive performance. For example, older
adults with losses in memory functioning would be expected to have losses
in everyday cognitive tasks that depend upon memory, if other abilities
153
cannot compensate.
• Familiarity, experience and knowledge. In everyday solutions involving
practical decision-making, middle-aged and older adults appear to have an
advantage when confronted with familiar choices. Their greater experience
in terms of content and process allow them to appraise the problem, come
up with a strategy, and then proceed to enact that strategy. In comparison
to younger adults, experience and knowledge tend to make older adults
less susceptible to irrational biases in their decision making. This is
especially true when decisions are personally relevant: Older adults tend
to focus on important cues, which results in efficient decisions (Hess et al.,
2012). However, older adults may be relatively disadvantaged under the
following circumstances: if a familiar dilemma appears with a new twist or
appears differently; when a premature decision leads to avoiding important
information, often because they think they know; or if they use a top-down
approach, which means they do not collect additional information due to
the assumption of their own expertise. Younger problem solvers may suffer
from their lack of familiarity with and expertise in many situations, but
because they can process larger amounts of information in a shorter time
and perhaps because they tend to follow a bottom-up approach, (collecting
as much data as possible before making a decision) they may be better
decision makers than many of their older counterparts (Whitbourne, 2008).
• Problem-solving goals. Some research findings suggest that underlying
age-related decline in cognitive abilities, especially fluid abilities, contribute
to reduced everyday problem-solving ability in the later half of life.
However, when problem-solving ability is defined by the match between
the individual’s personal goal for solving the problem and the strategies
that he or she implements to solve the problem, older adults are as effective
as younger adults are at resolving everyday problems. For example, the
way in which problems are represented could vary across the life span as
developmental life goals change (Mienaltowski, 2016). Younger adults tend
to focus on competence goals or autonomy goals (e.g. pursuing a career
and living independently). With age, the focus shifts toward generative
goals. Older adults tend to define their own everyday problems in terms of
interpersonal goals (e.g. maintaining important relationships and regulating
negative emotions). Furthermore, problem-solving strategies fit the problem
definitions. For example, older adults tend to engage in strategies that
regulate others or include others, while younger adults engage in strategies
that involve self-action and are more likely than older adults to involve
actions that suit their own needs (Hoppmann & Blanchard-Fields, 2011).
• Problem-solving context. The context or domain in which a problem
154
occurs can affect an adult’s strategy selection. When faced with an
instrumental problem, adults tend to engage in purposeful planning and
action to overcome the problem. However, the resources a person has available
may affect the way in which the problem is solved. Older adults may have
more resources (e.g. financial, emotional, or past experience) than younger
adults have, and will therefore be able to resolve the problem more quickly.
Younger adults may be more likely to use emotion-regulation strategies such
as emotional venting or seeking emotional support, because they do not
have the resources they need to solve the problem. In such contexts, older
adults will be more effective than younger adults are in solving instrumental
problems. However, for some other instrumental everyday problems, such
as the ability to learn how to use computer software, younger adults may
have more resources than older adults have; so, older adults will use more
emotion-regulation strategies to cope with the problem (e.g. venting their
feelings and asking for help). In other words, everyday problem-solving
performance can depend on the context of the problem and whether that
context is relevant to the problem solver (Mienaltowski, 2016).
• Emotional benefits. Research on everyday problem solving has also
attempted to examine the emotional benefits that particular problem-
solving strategies might have for the individual (Blanchard-Fields, 2007;
Scott et al., 2013). Problem situations low in emotional significance refer to
instrumental problems that often occur in daily life (such as taking defective
merchandise back to the store where it was bought), while problem
situations high in emotional significance tend to be more interpersonal
(such as conflicts with friends, family members, or co-workers). The
solutions to these situations may be problem-focused strategies (taking
direct action to control or ‘fix’ the problem); cognitive-analytic strategies
(efforts to solve the problem by thinking it through); passive-dependent
strategies (attempts to withdraw from the situation); avoidant strategies
(denial of the problem, often by attempting to reinterpret its meaning);
and emotion-regulating strategies (managing emotions). No significant
age differences in problem-solving styles with problems low in emotional
salience were found. However, younger adults are more likely to use the same
strategy across problem-solving contexts, typically involving self-action.
For example, younger adults tend to use a cognitive-analytic approach to
all problems. Older adults on the other hand, are more likely to vary their
strategy, given the problem-solving context. In dealing with problems high in
emotional salience, adults of all ages are likely to include emotion regulation
in their repertoire (selection) of strategies when resolving an interpersonal
problem. However, older adults tend to show more awareness of when to
155
cannot compensate.
• Familiarity, experience and knowledge. In everyday solutions involving
practical decision-making, middle-aged and older adults appear to have an
advantage when confronted with familiar choices. Their greater experience
in terms of content and process allow them to appraise the problem, come
up with a strategy, and then proceed to enact that strategy. In comparison
to younger adults, experience and knowledge tend to make older adults
less susceptible to irrational biases in their decision making. This is
especially true when decisions are personally relevant: Older adults tend
to focus on important cues, which results in efficient decisions (Hess et al.,
2012). However, older adults may be relatively disadvantaged under the
following circumstances: if a familiar dilemma appears with a new twist or
appears differently; when a premature decision leads to avoiding important
information, often because they think they know; or if they use a top-down
approach, which means they do not collect additional information due to
the assumption of their own expertise. Younger problem solvers may suffer
from their lack of familiarity with and expertise in many situations, but
because they can process larger amounts of information in a shorter time
and perhaps because they tend to follow a bottom-up approach, (collecting
as much data as possible before making a decision) they may be better
decision makers than many of their older counterparts (Whitbourne, 2008).
• Problem-solving goals. Some research findings suggest that underlying
age-related decline in cognitive abilities, especially fluid abilities, contribute
to reduced everyday problem-solving ability in the later half of life.
However, when problem-solving ability is defined by the match between
the individual’s personal goal for solving the problem and the strategies
that he or she implements to solve the problem, older adults are as effective
as younger adults are at resolving everyday problems. For example, the
way in which problems are represented could vary across the life span as
developmental life goals change (Mienaltowski, 2016). Younger adults tend
to focus on competence goals or autonomy goals (e.g. pursuing a career
and living independently). With age, the focus shifts toward generative
goals. Older adults tend to define their own everyday problems in terms of
interpersonal goals (e.g. maintaining important relationships and regulating
negative emotions). Furthermore, problem-solving strategies fit the problem
definitions. For example, older adults tend to engage in strategies that
regulate others or include others, while younger adults engage in strategies
that involve self-action and are more likely than older adults to involve
actions that suit their own needs (Hoppmann & Blanchard-Fields, 2011).
• Problem-solving context. The context or domain in which a problem
154
occurs can affect an adult’s strategy selection. When faced with an
instrumental problem, adults tend to engage in purposeful planning and
action to overcome the problem. However, the resources a person has available
may affect the way in which the problem is solved. Older adults may have
more resources (e.g. financial, emotional, or past experience) than younger
adults have, and will therefore be able to resolve the problem more quickly.
Younger adults may be more likely to use emotion-regulation strategies such
as emotional venting or seeking emotional support, because they do not
have the resources they need to solve the problem. In such contexts, older
adults will be more effective than younger adults are in solving instrumental
problems. However, for some other instrumental everyday problems, such
as the ability to learn how to use computer software, younger adults may
have more resources than older adults have; so, older adults will use more
emotion-regulation strategies to cope with the problem (e.g. venting their
feelings and asking for help). In other words, everyday problem-solving
performance can depend on the context of the problem and whether that
context is relevant to the problem solver (Mienaltowski, 2016).
• Emotional benefits. Research on everyday problem solving has also
attempted to examine the emotional benefits that particular problem-
solving strategies might have for the individual (Blanchard-Fields, 2007;
Scott et al., 2013). Problem situations low in emotional significance refer to
instrumental problems that often occur in daily life (such as taking defective
merchandise back to the store where it was bought), while problem
situations high in emotional significance tend to be more interpersonal
(such as conflicts with friends, family members, or co-workers). The
solutions to these situations may be problem-focused strategies (taking
direct action to control or ‘fix’ the problem); cognitive-analytic strategies
(efforts to solve the problem by thinking it through); passive-dependent
strategies (attempts to withdraw from the situation); avoidant strategies
(denial of the problem, often by attempting to reinterpret its meaning);
and emotion-regulating strategies (managing emotions). No significant
age differences in problem-solving styles with problems low in emotional
salience were found. However, younger adults are more likely to use the same
strategy across problem-solving contexts, typically involving self-action.
For example, younger adults tend to use a cognitive-analytic approach to
all problems. Older adults on the other hand, are more likely to vary their
strategy, given the problem-solving context. In dealing with problems high in
emotional salience, adults of all ages are likely to include emotion regulation
in their repertoire (selection) of strategies when resolving an interpersonal
problem. However, older adults tend to show more awareness of when to
155
avoid or passively accept a situation in interpersonal, emotional domains.
On the one hand, this passivity may be due to older adults’ sensitivity to the
emotions involved, while on the other hand, it may be to protect themselves
from being exposed to additional stress. These differences in styles may
reflect a combination of cognitive level and life experience. For example,
younger adults may adopt formal operational or absolutist thinking, while
older adults may adopt postformal thinking (these concepts are discussed
in the next section). In addition, because of their greater life experience,
older adults tend to be more accepting of ambiguity and uncertainty
in emotionally laden situations. They also seem to more sophisticated at
regulating their emotions during decision making. A consequence of this
age-related difference in emotion regulation is that older adults report
greater well-being and do not demonstrate the same reduction in positive
affect as younger individuals do immediately after experiencing everyday
stressors.
Box 3.2. Are elderly people more vulnerable
to unscrupulous predators?
Because of declines in several cognitive abilities such as memory processing, attention,
and reasoning, it is often assumed that the elderly are more vulnerable to fall prey
to unscrupulous predators attempting to swindle them into making bad decisions.
Although this may be true in some cases, it would be misleading to characterise most
elderly people as easy targets. Despite the mentioned declines, elderly people often do
well in decision tasks that are more complex. In some cases, they do so by engaging in
the decision-making process in a manner that minimises the effects of any deficits, such
as slowing down the decision task and perhaps writing down key points on a notepad.
In other situations, the cognitive abilities of the elderly may confer advantages in
certain decision tasks without the need for any real efforts to compensate for deficits.
As we have seen, elderly adults seem to be especially adept at making emotion-laden
interpersonal decisions, apparently because they are more sophisticated at regulating
their emotions during decision making. Greater abilities in some of these areas may be
why some governments require elected leaders to be above a certain age. For example,
in an emotion-laden crisis, a higher level of emotion regulation may be important.
(See Keil, 2014.)
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define everyday problem solving and decision making. What is the nature of
obstacles found in everyday functioning?
2. What are the differences and similarities between academic problem solving (or
formal knowledge as assessed by psychometric testing) and problems faced in the
real world?
3. Does a decline in basic cognitive functions and sensory mechanisms necessarily
imply a decline in an adult’s decision-making and problem-solving abilities?
4. Laboratory-related research suggests that older adults make decisions that are
less effective, use strategies that are less optimal, and may struggle when decision
making involves a high degree of working memory capacity. Does this research
reflect the real-life capacities of older adults? What attributes of older adults may
be to a greater advantage in decision making than would be the case with younger
adults?
5. According to Allaire (2012), in what way is everyday problem solving linked to
cognitive abilities as measured on standardised intelligence tests?
6. Middle-aged and older adults appear to have an advantage over younger adults
when confronted with familiar problems. What contributes to this ability? Under
which circumstances may older adults be disadvantaged in this regard? Under
which circumstances may younger adults be better decision makers?
7. Your grumpy neighbour borrows your lawnmower but fails to return it. You are
becoming irritated by this, because you urgently need it to mow your own lawn.
According to Hoppmann and Blanchard-Fields (2011), problem-solving strategies
fit problem definitions. In this regard, how may younger and older adults differ in
approaching this problem?
8. How may the availability of resources affect the ability of both older and younger
adults to solve problems?
9. Name the different problem-solving strategies that people generally apply
in problem situations low in emotional significance and those high in emotional
significance. How may younger and older adults differ in applying these strategies?
What is the reason for the differences in strategies of younger and older adults?
What consequences may older adults derive from emotion-regulation strategies to
problem solving?
10. Do older people generally become victims of unscrupulous predators who try to
deceive them into bad decision-making?

3.3.3 Language

Language (or linguistic) skills include comprehending and producing the

spoken and the written word. Language is a crucial and complex lifelong
ability, underpinned by the dynamic interactions within and between
specialised brain networks. The use of language involves a wide range

156 157
avoid or passively accept a situation in interpersonal, emotional domains.
On the one hand, this passivity may be due to older adults’ sensitivity to the
emotions involved, while on the other hand, it may be to protect themselves
from being exposed to additional stress. These differences in styles may
reflect a combination of cognitive level and life experience. For example,
younger adults may adopt formal operational or absolutist thinking, while
older adults may adopt postformal thinking (these concepts are discussed
in the next section). In addition, because of their greater life experience,
older adults tend to be more accepting of ambiguity and uncertainty
in emotionally laden situations. They also seem to more sophisticated at
regulating their emotions during decision making. A consequence of this
age-related difference in emotion regulation is that older adults report
greater well-being and do not demonstrate the same reduction in positive
affect as younger individuals do immediately after experiencing everyday
stressors.
Box 3.2. Are elderly people more vulnerable
to unscrupulous predators?
Because of declines in several cognitive abilities such as memory processing, attention,
and reasoning, it is often assumed that the elderly are more vulnerable to fall prey
to unscrupulous predators attempting to swindle them into making bad decisions.
Although this may be true in some cases, it would be misleading to characterise most
elderly people as easy targets. Despite the mentioned declines, elderly people often do
well in decision tasks that are more complex. In some cases, they do so by engaging in
the decision-making process in a manner that minimises the effects of any deficits, such
as slowing down the decision task and perhaps writing down key points on a notepad.
In other situations, the cognitive abilities of the elderly may confer advantages in
certain decision tasks without the need for any real efforts to compensate for deficits.
As we have seen, elderly adults seem to be especially adept at making emotion-laden
interpersonal decisions, apparently because they are more sophisticated at regulating
their emotions during decision making. Greater abilities in some of these areas may be
why some governments require elected leaders to be above a certain age. For example,
in an emotion-laden crisis, a higher level of emotion regulation may be important.
(See Keil, 2014.)
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define everyday problem solving and decision making. What is the nature of
obstacles found in everyday functioning?
2. What are the differences and similarities between academic problem solving (or
formal knowledge as assessed by psychometric testing) and problems faced in the
real world?
3. Does a decline in basic cognitive functions and sensory mechanisms necessarily
imply a decline in an adult’s decision-making and problem-solving abilities?
4. Laboratory-related research suggests that older adults make decisions that are
less effective, use strategies that are less optimal, and may struggle when decision
making involves a high degree of working memory capacity. Does this research
reflect the real-life capacities of older adults? What attributes of older adults may
be to a greater advantage in decision making than would be the case with younger
adults?
5. According to Allaire (2012), in what way is everyday problem solving linked to
cognitive abilities as measured on standardised intelligence tests?
6. Middle-aged and older adults appear to have an advantage over younger adults
when confronted with familiar problems. What contributes to this ability? Under
which circumstances may older adults be disadvantaged in this regard? Under
which circumstances may younger adults be better decision makers?
7. Your grumpy neighbour borrows your lawnmower but fails to return it. You are
becoming irritated by this, because you urgently need it to mow your own lawn.
According to Hoppmann and Blanchard-Fields (2011), problem-solving strategies
fit problem definitions. In this regard, how may younger and older adults differ in
approaching this problem?
8. How may the availability of resources affect the ability of both older and younger
adults to solve problems?
9. Name the different problem-solving strategies that people generally apply
in problem situations low in emotional significance and those high in emotional
significance. How may younger and older adults differ in applying these strategies?
What is the reason for the differences in strategies of younger and older adults?
What consequences may older adults derive from emotion-regulation strategies to
problem solving?
10. Do older people generally become victims of unscrupulous predators who try to
deceive them into bad decision-making?

3.3.3 Language

Language (or linguistic) skills include comprehending and producing the

spoken and the written word. Language is a crucial and complex lifelong
ability, underpinned by the dynamic interactions within and between
specialised brain networks. The use of language involves a wide range

156 157
of cognitive functions such as perceptual skills, comprehension, memory,
and decision-making. For example, the individual must have the capacity
to identify individual letters, words, or sounds to identify whether they are
pronounced or spelled correctly; identify the meaning and whether phrases
are syntactically (grammatically) acceptable; be able to extract the essence
of the spoken or written material; and be able to decide whether and how to
respond to these materials.
Some caution should prevail when interpreting the results of the studies
presented in this section. Most of the studies are cross-sectional in design,
which implies that cohort effects may contribute to the results. For example,
older adults aged 70 and above from diverse demographic backgrounds
are usually compared with young adults, typically university students,
while middle-aged adults are often neglected. Comparing the language
comprehension and production activities of university students with those
of the elderly will most certainly not provide a reliable indication of age-
related changes. Most studies are also laboratory studies (e.g. reading
short prose, nonsensical lists of words, or sentences) and therefore lack
ecological validity (i.e. they do not reflect real-life situations). Additionally,
the interaction between the various cognitive capacities involved in these
skills is complex and far from understood.
What do we currently know about adults’ language skills as they age?
Although the basic abilities to carry out a conversation, read and write are
maintained throughout life, some changes and declines have been noted.
Most of the changes are linked directly to age-related physical changes
such as loss of visual and auditory acuity and physical health. These losses
generally may lessen access to the ‘outside world’ with its conversational
opportunities. In addition, cognitive changes such as the general slowing
of cognitive processing and declines in working memory capacity play a
role, while motivational factors, stereotyping, and patronising behaviour by
younger adults may also affect older adults’ language skills. More specifically,
the following changes are noted (Kemper, 2016; Liu et al., 2016; Whitbourne
& Whitbourne, 2014; Wingfield & Lash, 2016):
3.3.3.1 Language comprehension
Contemporary models of language comprehension suggest that distinct
components interact to construct mental representations from language.
These components include word recognition processes, sentence
processing, and the construction of situation models. Therefore, language
comprehension involves not only encoding information directly given by
158
the text (e.g. analysing words and sentences), but also forming simulations
(mental images) that require the integration of temporal, spatial, causal,
and intentional information based on both the text and the individual’s
knowledge. The components are affected by ageing, as follows:
• Word recognition involves the activation of the meaning of printed
or spoken language. A large body of research indicates that word (or
vocabulary) knowledge remains relatively intact across the adult life
span or even increases with age and only declines later in life. Similarly,
word recognition and the understanding of the meaning of words in the
context of a sentence generally are as strong in older adults as in younger
adults. Although behavioural data suggest that older adults tend to need
more time to resolve ambiguities of word meaning, some studies indicate
that age differences are reduced or even eliminated among older adults
with high verbal fluency.
• Sentence processing involves the analysis of sentence structure into
coherent units. One such process is called segmentation, which is the
process of breaking down a sentence into units such as phrases or
clauses. During this process, readers or listeners assign particular lexical
elements (i.e. words or concepts) to these units, such as verb, subject
and object. This is called thematic role assignment. Studies show that
older adults may segment more often in order to manage the cognitive
demands of integrating concepts to understand sentences. In cases where
working memory capacity is challenged by complex syntax (grammar)
or the need to integrate large language segments, such as embedded
clauses, sentence processing may be particularly vulnerable to the
effects of ageing. However, there is evidence that reading experience can
compensate for working memory deficits. This is especially true for older
adults who have cultivated strong literacy habits.
• The construction-of-situation models refer to the mental representation
of the implied situation and making certain inferences from the text. (For
example, the sentence, “The mover bent his knees, put his arms around
the box, and took a deep breath”, implies that the mover is about to
lift a heavy box.) This aspect of language comprehension appears to be
resilient across the adult life span. Building a mental representation of
the situation that the text describes allows the reader or listener to use
acquired knowledge, which may even put older people at an advantage
because of their accumulated language experience.
Apart from declines in cognitive processes such as working memory
159
of cognitive functions such as perceptual skills, comprehension, memory,
and decision-making. For example, the individual must have the capacity
to identify individual letters, words, or sounds to identify whether they are
pronounced or spelled correctly; identify the meaning and whether phrases
are syntactically (grammatically) acceptable; be able to extract the essence
of the spoken or written material; and be able to decide whether and how to
respond to these materials.
Some caution should prevail when interpreting the results of the studies
presented in this section. Most of the studies are cross-sectional in design,
which implies that cohort effects may contribute to the results. For example,
older adults aged 70 and above from diverse demographic backgrounds
are usually compared with young adults, typically university students,
while middle-aged adults are often neglected. Comparing the language
comprehension and production activities of university students with those
of the elderly will most certainly not provide a reliable indication of age-
related changes. Most studies are also laboratory studies (e.g. reading
short prose, nonsensical lists of words, or sentences) and therefore lack
ecological validity (i.e. they do not reflect real-life situations). Additionally,
the interaction between the various cognitive capacities involved in these
skills is complex and far from understood.
What do we currently know about adults’ language skills as they age?
Although the basic abilities to carry out a conversation, read and write are
maintained throughout life, some changes and declines have been noted.
Most of the changes are linked directly to age-related physical changes
such as loss of visual and auditory acuity and physical health. These losses
generally may lessen access to the ‘outside world’ with its conversational
opportunities. In addition, cognitive changes such as the general slowing
of cognitive processing and declines in working memory capacity play a
role, while motivational factors, stereotyping, and patronising behaviour by
younger adults may also affect older adults’ language skills. More specifically,
the following changes are noted (Kemper, 2016; Liu et al., 2016; Whitbourne
& Whitbourne, 2014; Wingfield & Lash, 2016):
3.3.3.1 Language comprehension
Contemporary models of language comprehension suggest that distinct
components interact to construct mental representations from language.
These components include word recognition processes, sentence
processing, and the construction of situation models. Therefore, language
comprehension involves not only encoding information directly given by
158
the text (e.g. analysing words and sentences), but also forming simulations
(mental images) that require the integration of temporal, spatial, causal,
and intentional information based on both the text and the individual’s
knowledge. The components are affected by ageing, as follows:
• Word recognition involves the activation of the meaning of printed
or spoken language. A large body of research indicates that word (or
vocabulary) knowledge remains relatively intact across the adult life
span or even increases with age and only declines later in life. Similarly,
word recognition and the understanding of the meaning of words in the
context of a sentence generally are as strong in older adults as in younger
adults. Although behavioural data suggest that older adults tend to need
more time to resolve ambiguities of word meaning, some studies indicate
that age differences are reduced or even eliminated among older adults
with high verbal fluency.
• Sentence processing involves the analysis of sentence structure into
coherent units. One such process is called segmentation, which is the
process of breaking down a sentence into units such as phrases or
clauses. During this process, readers or listeners assign particular lexical
elements (i.e. words or concepts) to these units, such as verb, subject
and object. This is called thematic role assignment. Studies show that
older adults may segment more often in order to manage the cognitive
demands of integrating concepts to understand sentences. In cases where
working memory capacity is challenged by complex syntax (grammar)
or the need to integrate large language segments, such as embedded
clauses, sentence processing may be particularly vulnerable to the
effects of ageing. However, there is evidence that reading experience can
compensate for working memory deficits. This is especially true for older
adults who have cultivated strong literacy habits.
• The construction-of-situation models refer to the mental representation
of the implied situation and making certain inferences from the text. (For
example, the sentence, “The mover bent his knees, put his arms around
the box, and took a deep breath”, implies that the mover is about to
lift a heavy box.) This aspect of language comprehension appears to be
resilient across the adult life span. Building a mental representation of
the situation that the text describes allows the reader or listener to use
acquired knowledge, which may even put older people at an advantage
because of their accumulated language experience.
Apart from declines in cognitive processes such as working memory
159
capacity in certain aspects of language comprehension, normative age-related
declines in sensory processing can also affect comprehension. For example,
age-related declines in visual and hearing acuity may affect the ability to
recognise words; therefore affecting comprehension. These declines may
make the attentional processes involved in language comprehension more
demanding. According to the effortfulness hypothesis, sensory declines
associated with ageing make word recognition more difficult, so that extra
effort is required for resolving lexical items. As a result, fewer attentional
resources that can be used for the other levels of language comprehension
are available. This is especially true in texts or speech of syntactic complexity,
and is especially true for people with hearing difficulties.
However, adults often compensate for these declines by using external
devices such as reading glasses, larger print material, hearing aids, and
avoiding noisy environments. In general, older adults have a rich store of
experiences when they listen or read. Even if they are unable to hear each word,
they are often able to derive the meaning of words used in a straightforward
conversation. They can also take advantage of interpreting the paralinguistic
aspects of speech, including gestures and facial expressions. The advantage
of greater experience also manifests in reading. Older adults are able to
gather information more quickly, particularly if the material is of a relatively
familiar nature. Consequently, they can skim for information rather than stop
and examine every word and phrase.
In summary, the greater experience of older adults with language gives
them the potential to compensate for other cognitive changes that may affect
their language comprehension. Most adults retain the ability to understand
individual words and sentences and to use strategies effectively to maximise
their comprehension of the written and spoken word.
Older adults compensate for visual declines to assist
them in reading
160
3.3.3.2 Story comprehension
Researchers in this area are interested in the efficacy of the older person’s
listening and reading skills by determining how much information can be
absorbed and comprehended. Most studies in this regard have shown that
older people remember less and generalise more. However, this is a general
finding and not a universal truth. Variables such as the types of test materials
and the age of the research participants used may have a crucial effect. For
example, no age differences are found between young adults and adults in
their sixties. Age differences are indicated only in adults in their mid-seventies
and older, although some studies have found few to no age differences in
older people with high verbal ability.
Regarding types of texts, older people seem to be significantly worse
at comprehending spoken as opposed to written text, while there is no
difference for younger adults. This is especially true when language is spoken
rapidly and the quality of the speech is degraded. In general, it seems that
the key problem is auditory processing rather than general cognitive slowing.
Older adults are also disadvantaged when forced to speed read. If left to read
at their own pace, few age differences are reported.
Older adults seem to recall as many main points of a story as younger
adults do, but they are significantly worse at remembering the details.
However, there seems to be no age differences in the ability to interpret the
text, while older adults are more inclined than younger adults are to make
elaborate inferences.
Generally, and as with much else in psychogerontology, complexity
increases the age difference. For example, in texts involving two or more
storylines, or when more than one task has to be performed simultaneously
(such as summarising a text, which involves remembering and processing),
older adults are at a disadvantage. However, factors such as the structure
of the story and the ability of the person (high or low verbal ability) seem
to play a role. Generally speaking, adults with poorer reading skills are less
efficient at searching out and encoding information.
What do older adults prefer to read? Some authors have suggested that
older adults tend to prefer lighter reading matter such as newspaper and
magazine articles. One reason for this change in reading preference may
be reduced mental resources; for example, it is less demanding to read a
newspaper article than to plough through the works of Nadine Gordimer
or J.M. Coetzee (South African authors who received the Nobel Prize for
Literature) or similar authors. Another reason may be of a motivational
nature (e.g. they may have read all the ‘classics’ and ‘heavyweights’ they
161
capacity in certain aspects of language comprehension, normative age-related
declines in sensory processing can also affect comprehension. For example,
age-related declines in visual and hearing acuity may affect the ability to
recognise words; therefore affecting comprehension. These declines may
make the attentional processes involved in language comprehension more
demanding. According to the effortfulness hypothesis, sensory declines
associated with ageing make word recognition more difficult, so that extra
effort is required for resolving lexical items. As a result, fewer attentional
resources that can be used for the other levels of language comprehension
are available. This is especially true in texts or speech of syntactic complexity,
and is especially true for people with hearing difficulties.
However, adults often compensate for these declines by using external
devices such as reading glasses, larger print material, hearing aids, and
avoiding noisy environments. In general, older adults have a rich store of
experiences when they listen or read. Even if they are unable to hear each word,
they are often able to derive the meaning of words used in a straightforward
conversation. They can also take advantage of interpreting the paralinguistic
aspects of speech, including gestures and facial expressions. The advantage
of greater experience also manifests in reading. Older adults are able to
gather information more quickly, particularly if the material is of a relatively
familiar nature. Consequently, they can skim for information rather than stop
and examine every word and phrase.
In summary, the greater experience of older adults with language gives
them the potential to compensate for other cognitive changes that may affect
their language comprehension. Most adults retain the ability to understand
individual words and sentences and to use strategies effectively to maximise
their comprehension of the written and spoken word.
Older adults compensate for visual declines to assist
them in reading
160
3.3.3.2 Story comprehension
Researchers in this area are interested in the efficacy of the older person’s
listening and reading skills by determining how much information can be
absorbed and comprehended. Most studies in this regard have shown that
older people remember less and generalise more. However, this is a general
finding and not a universal truth. Variables such as the types of test materials
and the age of the research participants used may have a crucial effect. For
example, no age differences are found between young adults and adults in
their sixties. Age differences are indicated only in adults in their mid-seventies
and older, although some studies have found few to no age differences in
older people with high verbal ability.
Regarding types of texts, older people seem to be significantly worse
at comprehending spoken as opposed to written text, while there is no
difference for younger adults. This is especially true when language is spoken
rapidly and the quality of the speech is degraded. In general, it seems that
the key problem is auditory processing rather than general cognitive slowing.
Older adults are also disadvantaged when forced to speed read. If left to read
at their own pace, few age differences are reported.
Older adults seem to recall as many main points of a story as younger
adults do, but they are significantly worse at remembering the details.
However, there seems to be no age differences in the ability to interpret the
text, while older adults are more inclined than younger adults are to make
elaborate inferences.
Generally, and as with much else in psychogerontology, complexity
increases the age difference. For example, in texts involving two or more
storylines, or when more than one task has to be performed simultaneously
(such as summarising a text, which involves remembering and processing),
older adults are at a disadvantage. However, factors such as the structure
of the story and the ability of the person (high or low verbal ability) seem
to play a role. Generally speaking, adults with poorer reading skills are less
efficient at searching out and encoding information.
What do older adults prefer to read? Some authors have suggested that
older adults tend to prefer lighter reading matter such as newspaper and
magazine articles. One reason for this change in reading preference may
be reduced mental resources; for example, it is less demanding to read a
newspaper article than to plough through the works of Nadine Gordimer
or J.M. Coetzee (South African authors who received the Nobel Prize for
Literature) or similar authors. Another reason may be of a motivational
nature (e.g. they may have read all the ‘classics’ and ‘heavyweights’ they
161
have wanted to read). Whether a change in reading preferences occur or not,
older adults seem to get the same level of enjoyment out of their reading
as younger adults do. However, a change in reading habits and preferences
may not be a universal truth. In the same way that retirement does not mean
that a person who has never liked reading will now suddenly become an avid
reader, older people do not necessarily change their reading preferences.
3.3.3.3 Language production
Language production refers to the usage of language in speech and writing.
The following aspects of language production are affected by the ageing
process:
• Vocal output. Some researchers have noted age-related increases in
speech disfluencies, such as increased hesitations, repetitions and pauses.
Voice quality also changes: This is noticed not only in a higher pitch of
the voice and diminished projection and amplitude, but also in a slowing
of articulation, reaction times and pronunciation of words. Vocal jitter,
tremor, breathiness, and hoarseness increase. Consequently, listeners can
judge the age of speakers with some degree of accuracy, especially for
speakers aged 70 and above.
• Word-finding problems. Although vocabulary increases throughout
the adult years, declining only in late adulthood, word-finding problems
are among the most frequent complaints of older adults. Pauses,
circumlocutions (indirectness or roundaboutness), ‘empty speech’ such as
pronouns lacking clear referents (e.g. referring to ‘he’ without adequately
indicating who is meant) and substitution errors (e.g. calling a ‘boom’
a ‘doom’) may all reflect age-related impairments in accessing and
retrieving lexical information, especially the phonological form of words.
Consequently, as mentioned earlier, tip-of-the-tongue experiences, in
which familiar words are temporarily irretrievable, are more common for
older adults than for younger adults.
• Syntactic and morphological processing appear to be unaffected by
ageing. Older adults are no more prone to grammatical and morphological
(forms in a language) errors than younger adults are. Moreover, healthy
older adults do not regress to fragmented speech, two- and three-
word utterances, or vague, empty, or illogical conclusions. However, the
processing of syntactically complex sentences seems to decline with
age. This is reflected in older adults’ speech and in their writing; more
specifically, the diversity of syntactic structures declines, resulting in
162
simpler sentences. This implies that the length of sentences, as well as
the number of embedded clauses (complex sentences consisting of more
than one idea or sentence), decline. Some studies suggest that changes
in working memory may account for these declines. Thus, although older
adults retain their knowledge of grammatical rules (a form of semantic
memory), declines in working memory can cause older adults to lose
track of what they mean to say while they are saying it, especially when
the language they are producing requires thought and preparation.
• The pragmatics of language. Language pragmatics encompass a variety
of conversational skills, ranging from opening and closing conversations,
maintaining and shifting topics and telling stories, to establishing and
modifying personal relationships, conveying individual and group
identity, gaining and avoiding compliance, and being polite or offending.
Often, narrative stories told by older adults are evaluated more positively,
are preferred by listeners, and are more memorable than those told by
young adults. This is because elderly adults tend to create elaborate
narrative structures that include hierarchically elaborated episodes,
detailing the initiating events and the motivations, goals and actions of
the characters. Endings usually summarise the outcomes of the efforts
of the characters, and evaluative conclusions are often attached, which
assess the contemporary significance of these stories. The pragmatic
awareness of older adults is noticeable in storytelling to either a child or
an adult listener. Although both older and younger adults tend to simplify
the story and to elaborate more on key points when telling a story to
children, older adults do this to a greater extent.
In summary, although changes in language use and comprehension
change throughout adulthood, older adults have well-developed structures
of information that allow them to anticipate and organise information. They
are able to make up for changes in working memory by relying on more
effective structures for retrieving related information from written and
spoken language. (See Box 3.3 regarding diseases and disorders that affect
language production.)
3.3.3.4 Social aspects of language
Corresponding to changes in language comprehension and production are
changes in the way that older adults use language socially.
Older adults are especially skilled at collaborative storytelling, possibly
to compensate for individual cognitive declines. This means that they tend
163
have wanted to read). Whether a change in reading preferences occur or not,
older adults seem to get the same level of enjoyment out of their reading
as younger adults do. However, a change in reading habits and preferences
may not be a universal truth. In the same way that retirement does not mean
that a person who has never liked reading will now suddenly become an avid
reader, older people do not necessarily change their reading preferences.
3.3.3.3 Language production
Language production refers to the usage of language in speech and writing.
The following aspects of language production are affected by the ageing
process:
• Vocal output. Some researchers have noted age-related increases in
speech disfluencies, such as increased hesitations, repetitions and pauses.
Voice quality also changes: This is noticed not only in a higher pitch of
the voice and diminished projection and amplitude, but also in a slowing
of articulation, reaction times and pronunciation of words. Vocal jitter,
tremor, breathiness, and hoarseness increase. Consequently, listeners can
judge the age of speakers with some degree of accuracy, especially for
speakers aged 70 and above.
• Word-finding problems. Although vocabulary increases throughout
the adult years, declining only in late adulthood, word-finding problems
are among the most frequent complaints of older adults. Pauses,
circumlocutions (indirectness or roundaboutness), ‘empty speech’ such as
pronouns lacking clear referents (e.g. referring to ‘he’ without adequately
indicating who is meant) and substitution errors (e.g. calling a ‘boom’
a ‘doom’) may all reflect age-related impairments in accessing and
retrieving lexical information, especially the phonological form of words.
Consequently, as mentioned earlier, tip-of-the-tongue experiences, in
which familiar words are temporarily irretrievable, are more common for
older adults than for younger adults.
• Syntactic and morphological processing appear to be unaffected by
ageing. Older adults are no more prone to grammatical and morphological
(forms in a language) errors than younger adults are. Moreover, healthy
older adults do not regress to fragmented speech, two- and three-
word utterances, or vague, empty, or illogical conclusions. However, the
processing of syntactically complex sentences seems to decline with
age. This is reflected in older adults’ speech and in their writing; more
specifically, the diversity of syntactic structures declines, resulting in
162
simpler sentences. This implies that the length of sentences, as well as
the number of embedded clauses (complex sentences consisting of more
than one idea or sentence), decline. Some studies suggest that changes
in working memory may account for these declines. Thus, although older
adults retain their knowledge of grammatical rules (a form of semantic
memory), declines in working memory can cause older adults to lose
track of what they mean to say while they are saying it, especially when
the language they are producing requires thought and preparation.
• The pragmatics of language. Language pragmatics encompass a variety
of conversational skills, ranging from opening and closing conversations,
maintaining and shifting topics and telling stories, to establishing and
modifying personal relationships, conveying individual and group
identity, gaining and avoiding compliance, and being polite or offending.
Often, narrative stories told by older adults are evaluated more positively,
are preferred by listeners, and are more memorable than those told by
young adults. This is because elderly adults tend to create elaborate
narrative structures that include hierarchically elaborated episodes,
detailing the initiating events and the motivations, goals and actions of
the characters. Endings usually summarise the outcomes of the efforts
of the characters, and evaluative conclusions are often attached, which
assess the contemporary significance of these stories. The pragmatic
awareness of older adults is noticeable in storytelling to either a child or
an adult listener. Although both older and younger adults tend to simplify
the story and to elaborate more on key points when telling a story to
children, older adults do this to a greater extent.
In summary, although changes in language use and comprehension
change throughout adulthood, older adults have well-developed structures
of information that allow them to anticipate and organise information. They
are able to make up for changes in working memory by relying on more
effective structures for retrieving related information from written and
spoken language. (See Box 3.3 regarding diseases and disorders that affect
language production.)
3.3.3.4 Social aspects of language
Corresponding to changes in language comprehension and production are
changes in the way that older adults use language socially.
Older adults are especially skilled at collaborative storytelling, possibly
to compensate for individual cognitive declines. This means that they tend
163
to reminisce (remember, talk about) with others about experiences from thought of as cognitively impaired, leading younger people to talk to them
the past. As they do so, they often polish and refine their storytelling so in a simplified manner. This simple speech pattern and failure to encourage
that by the time their reminiscences have been practiced and rehearsed, independence ultimately causes lack of stimulation and may accelerate
the stories have a considerable effect on the listener. Older adults often cognitive declines. Furthermore, the kind of patronising speech (e.g. “Can I
mix talk about the past with talk about the present to achieve a shared help you, my dear?”) may foster over-dependency and cause infantilisation
sense of meaning and personal worth, which is lacking in the discourse (to treat someone as if that person were a child) in that the older person
(conversation) of young adults. Because of these shifts between the past loses the incentive to attempt to regain self-sufficiency in the basic activities
and the present, the language of older adults is often described as off- of daily life.
target and long-winded. Some researchers argue that this is indicative of A question that may arise is whether older people’s language can be
older adults adopting communicative goals that emphasise conveying linked to linguistic usage in childhood. In other words, do older people regress
meaningful life experiences at the expense of conciseness. Others argue that (return) to a childlike linguistic state? On one level, because language usage
the somewhat rambling speech of older adults is due to ‘mental clutter’, an may in some sense be simplified in later life, there may be some similarities
inability to inhibit irrelevant information, and may be indicative of a decline to children’s language. On another level, however, older people’s grammatical
in inhibitory control, a key component of frontal lobe control over behaviour. usage is still far more sophisticated and varied than that of children.
Furthermore, conversations with older people are often marked by painful
self-disclosures of bereavement, ill-health, immobility, and assorted personal
and family problems.
These changes in language usage may lead to intergenerational
communication problems. Younger adults may become annoyed with older
adults they know well and feel that the older person’s speech is too repetitive
or focused on the past. The problem is aggravated if the older person tends
to focus on his or her current problems or ill health. Talking about a topic in
which the listener has no interest or that makes the listener uncomfortable
leads to unsatisfactory intergenerational interactions and emphasises the
differences between older and younger conversational partners. Young
adults may also feel patronised by older adults who adopt a ‘not listening’,
‘disapproving’, or ‘overprotective’ style when interacting with them.
The above-mentioned factors, as well as the older person’s word-finding
problems, dual task limitations and outward physical appearance often lead
to changes in communication patterns between older and younger people.
Younger people often make an incorrect assumption that the older person
is incompetent and dependent. This often results in elderspeak. This speech
pattern involves simplifying one’s speech, much as one would speak to a Elderspeak should be avoided
child, by leaving out complex words or talking in a patronising (demeaning)
tone of voice. Younger adults who engage in this type of speech also tend
to offer unnecessary help, or make personal comments about clothing or
appearance (e.g. “We are looking so nice today”).
Researchers investigating elderspeak have proposed a communication
predicament model of ageing. The predicament is that older adults are

164 165
to reminisce (remember, talk about) with others about experiences from thought of as cognitively impaired, leading younger people to talk to them
the past. As they do so, they often polish and refine their storytelling so in a simplified manner. This simple speech pattern and failure to encourage
that by the time their reminiscences have been practiced and rehearsed, independence ultimately causes lack of stimulation and may accelerate
the stories have a considerable effect on the listener. Older adults often cognitive declines. Furthermore, the kind of patronising speech (e.g. “Can I
mix talk about the past with talk about the present to achieve a shared help you, my dear?”) may foster over-dependency and cause infantilisation
sense of meaning and personal worth, which is lacking in the discourse (to treat someone as if that person were a child) in that the older person
(conversation) of young adults. Because of these shifts between the past loses the incentive to attempt to regain self-sufficiency in the basic activities
and the present, the language of older adults is often described as off- of daily life.
target and long-winded. Some researchers argue that this is indicative of A question that may arise is whether older people’s language can be
older adults adopting communicative goals that emphasise conveying linked to linguistic usage in childhood. In other words, do older people regress
meaningful life experiences at the expense of conciseness. Others argue that (return) to a childlike linguistic state? On one level, because language usage
the somewhat rambling speech of older adults is due to ‘mental clutter’, an may in some sense be simplified in later life, there may be some similarities
inability to inhibit irrelevant information, and may be indicative of a decline to children’s language. On another level, however, older people’s grammatical
in inhibitory control, a key component of frontal lobe control over behaviour. usage is still far more sophisticated and varied than that of children.
Furthermore, conversations with older people are often marked by painful
self-disclosures of bereavement, ill-health, immobility, and assorted personal
and family problems.
These changes in language usage may lead to intergenerational
communication problems. Younger adults may become annoyed with older
adults they know well and feel that the older person’s speech is too repetitive
or focused on the past. The problem is aggravated if the older person tends
to focus on his or her current problems or ill health. Talking about a topic in
which the listener has no interest or that makes the listener uncomfortable
leads to unsatisfactory intergenerational interactions and emphasises the
differences between older and younger conversational partners. Young
adults may also feel patronised by older adults who adopt a ‘not listening’,
‘disapproving’, or ‘overprotective’ style when interacting with them.
The above-mentioned factors, as well as the older person’s word-finding
problems, dual task limitations and outward physical appearance often lead
to changes in communication patterns between older and younger people.
Younger people often make an incorrect assumption that the older person
is incompetent and dependent. This often results in elderspeak. This speech
pattern involves simplifying one’s speech, much as one would speak to a Elderspeak should be avoided
child, by leaving out complex words or talking in a patronising (demeaning)
tone of voice. Younger adults who engage in this type of speech also tend
to offer unnecessary help, or make personal comments about clothing or
appearance (e.g. “We are looking so nice today”).
Researchers investigating elderspeak have proposed a communication
predicament model of ageing. The predicament is that older adults are

164 165

Box 3.3 Aspects of language production related to
diseases and disorders
Language production may be disrupted by a number of age-related disorders and
diseases. As we have mentioned, discourse impairments are noted for adults with
sensory neural hearing loss (presbycusis). Apraxia (a speech disorder in which a person
has trouble saying what he or she wants to say correctly and consistently) and aphasia
(the total or partial loss of the ability to use or understand language) often result from
stroke and other neurological trauma. Dysarthria (a group of speech disorders caused
by disturbances of the muscles of the speech mechanism) is associated with Parkinson’s
disease and other neurodegenerative diseases. Progressive impairments in semantic
and pragmatic aspects of language are common consequences of Alzheimer’s disease
and other forms of dementia. Speech produced by individuals with Alzheimer’s disease
is marked by the heavy use of deictic terms such as “this” and “that” without any
logic connection, the loss of specific references and cohesion, the prevalence of vague
terms and ‘empty speech’, the loss of detail, an increase in repetition and redundancy,
and confusing shifts in topic and focus. Other discourse or pragmatic skills such as
turn taking, topic initiation, topic maintenance, topic shifting, conversational repairs,
and speech acts such as requesting, asserting, clarifying and questioning are often
disrupted. However, self-deprecatory remarks, humorous remarks, and making fun of
memory lapses are often used by patients when they are unable to respond to the
clinician’s examination questions.
From Kemper (2016, p.728)
3.3.4 Expertise, wisdom, and creativity
Do all people become wise and expert in all aspects of life as they age? Do
people lose their creativity or become more creative as they age? These and
related questions are explored in the next section.
3.3.4.1 Expertise
Expertise refers to having special skills, knowledge, or judgement in particular
areas. Generally, people are captivated by displays of expertise. For example,
think about the popularity of sport stars, musicians and actors. However,
experts do not just entertain – they play critical roles in society: Medical
experts find innovative techniques to treat diseases, financial experts design
economic policies, judges make critical judgements, writers contribute to
our literacy, and so forth. In a real-world experiential perspective, each of
us becomes an ‘expert’ at something important to us, such as one’s work or
career, interpersonal relationships, or hobbies and activities that we enjoy
and in which we do well. In this sense, an expert is someone who is much
better at a task than people who have not put much effort into it. Thus, we
166
tend to become selective experts in some areas while remaining amateurs or
novices in others.
However, people differ regarding the ease with which they acquire
complex skills and in their ultimate level of expert performance. The major
question for research on expertise is what causes these differences. The
following viewpoints have emerged (Ericsson, 2016; Grundmann, 2017;
Hambrick & Macnamara, 2016; Hambrick et al., 2014; Masunaga & Horn, 2001):
• The classical perspective. Two viewpoints emerged from this
perspective. The innatist view is that experts are “born”; thus expertise
is an innate characteristic. Although some form of training is necessary
to become an expert, some inborn characteristic influences the rate of
acquiring a particular skill and/or the ultimate level that can be reached.
The environmentalist view is that experts are “made”. This is the view
that either talent does not exist or that its effects are overshadowed by
training.
• The cognitive perspective. Researchers investigating expertise from
a cognitive perspective indicate the following: (1) experts perceive
meaningful patterns in their domain; (2) a set of specific aptitudes or
abilities comprise talent in a specific domain. However, researchers
increasingly noticed that experience plays a large role in individual
differences, leading many researchers on expertise to argue that the
“software” aspects – knowledge, skills and strategies acquired through
training – rather than the “hardware” aspects of cognition (such as
working memory) differentiate novices and experts.
• The acquired expertise perspective. From this perspective, scientists
began to consider the possibility that expertise was an automatic
consequence of lengthy experience and considered individuals with over
10 years of full-time engagement in a domain to be experts. Expertise
was regarded as an orderly progression from novice to intermediate
to expert, through the stages of instruction, training and experience.
Thus, the primary criteria for identifying experts were social reputation,
completed education, and length of experience in a domain. However,
several reviewers have questioned this characterisation of expertise
because often when individuals, based on their extensive experience
and reputation, are nominated by their peers as experts, their actual
performance occasionally is found to be unexceptional. For example,
the length of training and professional experience of some doctors
or psychologists may not be related to their efficiency and success in
treating patients. Similarly, not all lawyers are necessarily good lawyers,
167

Box 3.3 Aspects of language production related to
diseases and disorders
Language production may be disrupted by a number of age-related disorders and
diseases. As we have mentioned, discourse impairments are noted for adults with
sensory neural hearing loss (presbycusis). Apraxia (a speech disorder in which a person
has trouble saying what he or she wants to say correctly and consistently) and aphasia
(the total or partial loss of the ability to use or understand language) often result from
stroke and other neurological trauma. Dysarthria (a group of speech disorders caused
by disturbances of the muscles of the speech mechanism) is associated with Parkinson’s
disease and other neurodegenerative diseases. Progressive impairments in semantic
and pragmatic aspects of language are common consequences of Alzheimer’s disease
and other forms of dementia. Speech produced by individuals with Alzheimer’s disease
is marked by the heavy use of deictic terms such as “this” and “that” without any
logic connection, the loss of specific references and cohesion, the prevalence of vague
terms and ‘empty speech’, the loss of detail, an increase in repetition and redundancy,
and confusing shifts in topic and focus. Other discourse or pragmatic skills such as
turn taking, topic initiation, topic maintenance, topic shifting, conversational repairs,
and speech acts such as requesting, asserting, clarifying and questioning are often
disrupted. However, self-deprecatory remarks, humorous remarks, and making fun of
memory lapses are often used by patients when they are unable to respond to the
clinician’s examination questions.
From Kemper (2016, p.728)
3.3.4 Expertise, wisdom, and creativity
Do all people become wise and expert in all aspects of life as they age? Do
people lose their creativity or become more creative as they age? These and
related questions are explored in the next section.
3.3.4.1 Expertise
Expertise refers to having special skills, knowledge, or judgement in particular
areas. Generally, people are captivated by displays of expertise. For example,
think about the popularity of sport stars, musicians and actors. However,
experts do not just entertain – they play critical roles in society: Medical
experts find innovative techniques to treat diseases, financial experts design
economic policies, judges make critical judgements, writers contribute to
our literacy, and so forth. In a real-world experiential perspective, each of
us becomes an ‘expert’ at something important to us, such as one’s work or
career, interpersonal relationships, or hobbies and activities that we enjoy
and in which we do well. In this sense, an expert is someone who is much
better at a task than people who have not put much effort into it. Thus, we
166
tend to become selective experts in some areas while remaining amateurs or
novices in others.
However, people differ regarding the ease with which they acquire
complex skills and in their ultimate level of expert performance. The major
question for research on expertise is what causes these differences. The
following viewpoints have emerged (Ericsson, 2016; Grundmann, 2017;
Hambrick & Macnamara, 2016; Hambrick et al., 2014; Masunaga & Horn, 2001):
• The classical perspective. Two viewpoints emerged from this
perspective. The innatist view is that experts are “born”; thus expertise
is an innate characteristic. Although some form of training is necessary
to become an expert, some inborn characteristic influences the rate of
acquiring a particular skill and/or the ultimate level that can be reached.
The environmentalist view is that experts are “made”. This is the view
that either talent does not exist or that its effects are overshadowed by
training.
• The cognitive perspective. Researchers investigating expertise from
a cognitive perspective indicate the following: (1) experts perceive
meaningful patterns in their domain; (2) a set of specific aptitudes or
abilities comprise talent in a specific domain. However, researchers
increasingly noticed that experience plays a large role in individual
differences, leading many researchers on expertise to argue that the
“software” aspects – knowledge, skills and strategies acquired through
training – rather than the “hardware” aspects of cognition (such as
working memory) differentiate novices and experts.
• The acquired expertise perspective. From this perspective, scientists
began to consider the possibility that expertise was an automatic
consequence of lengthy experience and considered individuals with over
10 years of full-time engagement in a domain to be experts. Expertise
was regarded as an orderly progression from novice to intermediate
to expert, through the stages of instruction, training and experience.
Thus, the primary criteria for identifying experts were social reputation,
completed education, and length of experience in a domain. However,
several reviewers have questioned this characterisation of expertise
because often when individuals, based on their extensive experience
and reputation, are nominated by their peers as experts, their actual
performance occasionally is found to be unexceptional. For example,
the length of training and professional experience of some doctors
or psychologists may not be related to their efficiency and success in
treating patients. Similarly, not all lawyers are necessarily good lawyers,
167
 in spite of their lengthy training and experience. In addition, many
individuals seem satisfied in reaching a merely acceptable level of
performance, such as being able to cook a meal, type a report, play a
game of tennis, ride a bike, or treat a patient, within the shortest amount
of time. Once an acceptable level has been reached, they need only to
maintain a stable performance and often do so with minimal effort for
years and even decades. Therefore, someone who cooks meals every day,
will not necessarily be a master chef; a person who rides his bike to work
every day will not necessarily be able to compete in the Cape Epic Race;
the person being able to play tennis will not necessarily become world
champion; and a general practitioner does not necessarily become an
expert in a particular field.
• The deliberate practice view. What is the difference between ‘novices’
and experts? For novices, the goal for accomplishing an activity is to
reach as rapidly as possible a satisfactory performance level that is stable
and autonomous. In contrast, experts build up a wealth of knowledge
about alternative ways to solve problems or make decisions. They tend
to do this by means of motivational factors such as deliberate practice,
concentration, focus, and depth of planning. Therefore, the key challenge
is to acquire cognitive skills to support their continued learning and
improvement. Experts tend to do this by continuously seeking out
demanding tasks and complex mental representations to attain higher
levels of control of their performance. According to this view, individual
differences in ultimate performance can be attributed to different amounts
of past and current levels of practise. Therefore, this view proposes that
hard work separates the great from the merely good.
• A biological view. Other researchers indicate that although deliberate
practise is important, it explains only a part of the acquisition of expertise.
For example, components of intelligence such as fluid intelligence, working
memory capacity and processing speed indicate a positive relationship
with expertise and predict success in a wide variety of complex activities.
In addition, genetics also play a role. Therefore, people with higher
abilities are more likely to become experts in their fields than those with
average or lower abilities.
Judging from the aforementioned discussion, it seems that research has
typically framed expertise in terms of either the nature or the nurture debate.
However, both types of factors are important. There is no doubt that training
and experience are necessary to become an expert, but there is also evidence
that basic abilities that are known to be affected by genes also play a role.
168
What happens to expertise over the adult life span? Longitudinal studies
have indicated that expert performance generally increases up to a peak
age (usually middle age), then declines. On the other hand, others argue
that the declines in expert performance are not the same for every domain.
For example, in intellectual domains, the peak age tends to be in the late
thirties to late forties, and in physical domains, the peak age is earlier. Some
researchers argue that declines in the performance of older adults can be
attributed to fluid abilities, while others believe that reductions in domain-
related engagement could contribute to the decline; that is, older adults do
not continue regular, deliberate practice. Other researchers also contend
that, since knowledge and experience are important aspects of expertise,
lifelong learning is important. This is especially true in today’s society where
information and technology change rapidly. Therefore, workers in many
professions are required to obtain continuing education to stay current in
their fields.
3.3.4.2 Wisdom
The concept of wisdom seems to be difficult to define. Indeed, the debate
of what constitutes wisdom can be traced back to the ancient Greeks, but
has been introduced into psychology only in the past few decades. Although
several different components of wisdom have been identified, there is no
consensus definition of wisdom yet. Some examples of definitions of wisdom
are the following:
­– The ability of an individual to make sound decisions, find the correct – or at
least good – answers to difficult and important life questions, and to give
advice about the complex problems of everyday life and interpersonal
relationships (American Psychological Association, 2015).
– The quality of having experience, insight, knowledge, and good judgement
(see Oxford Dictionaries, 2018).
– Wisdom can be defined as practical decisions that lead to human
flourishing (Nusbaum, 2014).
– Wisdom is a mental capacity of combining intelligence with moral virtue.
Possessing this integrated quality, an individual would be able to act
wisely when faced with complex situations (Fengyan & Hong, 2012).
169
 in spite of their lengthy training and experience. In addition, many
individuals seem satisfied in reaching a merely acceptable level of
performance, such as being able to cook a meal, type a report, play a
game of tennis, ride a bike, or treat a patient, within the shortest amount
of time. Once an acceptable level has been reached, they need only to
maintain a stable performance and often do so with minimal effort for
years and even decades. Therefore, someone who cooks meals every day,
will not necessarily be a master chef; a person who rides his bike to work
every day will not necessarily be able to compete in the Cape Epic Race;
the person being able to play tennis will not necessarily become world
champion; and a general practitioner does not necessarily become an
expert in a particular field.
• The deliberate practice view. What is the difference between ‘novices’
and experts? For novices, the goal for accomplishing an activity is to
reach as rapidly as possible a satisfactory performance level that is stable
and autonomous. In contrast, experts build up a wealth of knowledge
about alternative ways to solve problems or make decisions. They tend
to do this by means of motivational factors such as deliberate practice,
concentration, focus, and depth of planning. Therefore, the key challenge
is to acquire cognitive skills to support their continued learning and
improvement. Experts tend to do this by continuously seeking out
demanding tasks and complex mental representations to attain higher
levels of control of their performance. According to this view, individual
differences in ultimate performance can be attributed to different amounts
of past and current levels of practise. Therefore, this view proposes that
hard work separates the great from the merely good.
• A biological view. Other researchers indicate that although deliberate
practise is important, it explains only a part of the acquisition of expertise.
For example, components of intelligence such as fluid intelligence, working
memory capacity and processing speed indicate a positive relationship
with expertise and predict success in a wide variety of complex activities.
In addition, genetics also play a role. Therefore, people with higher
abilities are more likely to become experts in their fields than those with
average or lower abilities.
Judging from the aforementioned discussion, it seems that research has
typically framed expertise in terms of either the nature or the nurture debate.
However, both types of factors are important. There is no doubt that training
and experience are necessary to become an expert, but there is also evidence
that basic abilities that are known to be affected by genes also play a role.
168
What happens to expertise over the adult life span? Longitudinal studies
have indicated that expert performance generally increases up to a peak
age (usually middle age), then declines. On the other hand, others argue
that the declines in expert performance are not the same for every domain.
For example, in intellectual domains, the peak age tends to be in the late
thirties to late forties, and in physical domains, the peak age is earlier. Some
researchers argue that declines in the performance of older adults can be
attributed to fluid abilities, while others believe that reductions in domain-
related engagement could contribute to the decline; that is, older adults do
not continue regular, deliberate practice. Other researchers also contend
that, since knowledge and experience are important aspects of expertise,
lifelong learning is important. This is especially true in today’s society where
information and technology change rapidly. Therefore, workers in many
professions are required to obtain continuing education to stay current in
their fields.
3.3.4.2 Wisdom
The concept of wisdom seems to be difficult to define. Indeed, the debate
of what constitutes wisdom can be traced back to the ancient Greeks, but
has been introduced into psychology only in the past few decades. Although
several different components of wisdom have been identified, there is no
consensus definition of wisdom yet. Some examples of definitions of wisdom
are the following:
­– The ability of an individual to make sound decisions, find the correct – or at
least good – answers to difficult and important life questions, and to give
advice about the complex problems of everyday life and interpersonal
relationships (American Psychological Association, 2015).
– The quality of having experience, insight, knowledge, and good judgement
(see Oxford Dictionaries, 2018).
– Wisdom can be defined as practical decisions that lead to human
flourishing (Nusbaum, 2014).
– Wisdom is a mental capacity of combining intelligence with moral virtue.
Possessing this integrated quality, an individual would be able to act
wisely when faced with complex situations (Fengyan & Hong, 2012).
169

However, the central theme shared by the majority of wisdom literature
is that wisdom is multi-dimensional and consists of cognitive, insightful
(reflective) and compassionate (caring, benevolent) components that are
mutually interdependent and benefit the wise person, others and society as
a whole. The study of wisdom is often approached from implicit and explicit
theoretical perspectives:
(a) Implicit theories of wisdom
The rationale of implicit theories of wisdom (i.e. folk wisdom) is that
individuals know implicitly (inherently) who and what is wise. Theorists in
this domain typically investigate lay people’s (people who are not scientific
experts in the field) beliefs or understanding of what wisdom entails. Some
of the findings are the following:
• In their seminal work, Clayton and Birren (1980) interviewed several
lay people regarding their views on what constitutes a wise person.
By analysing these views, they identified three wisdom dimensions:
cognition (knowledgeable, experienced, and intelligent); reflection
(introspective and intuitive); and affect/compassion (understanding,
empathetic, peaceful and gentle).
• Holliday and Chandler (1986) found that the theories of wisdom of their
group of research participants (young, middle-aged and old adults)
included not only exceptional cognitive skills but also interpersonal skills
and social unobtrusiveness (unassuming, keeping a low profile). Lay
people perceived wisdom as a mixture of (a) exceptional understanding
of essences, contexts, and the self (e.g. learning from experience and
170
seeing things in a larger context); (b) judgement and communication
skills (e.g. the ability to understand and judge correctly in matters of
daily living); (c) general competencies (e.g. intelligent and educated);
(d) interpersonal skills (e.g. sensitive and sociable); and social
unobtrusiveness (discrete and non-judgemental).
• In their study, Glück and Bluck (2011) identified two groups of people
with conceptually different views of wisdom. The cognitive conception
group primarily endorsed cognitive characteristics (knowledge, life
experience and cognitive complexity) and reflective characteristics
(self-reflection and acceptance of others’ values) as central to wisdom.
The integrative conception group additionally endorsed affective/
compassionate characteristics, such as benevolence, empathy, love for
humanity and concern for others.
Although the approaches and measurements were different in these
studies, and the ensuing list of wisdom characteristics not identical, the
dominant descriptors of wisdom endorsed by most research participants
were cognitive, reflective, and prosocial benevolent characteristics.
(b) Explicit theories of wisdom
Explicit theories of wisdom are viewpoints of expert theorists and
researchers rather than of lay people and are based on the principles of the
psychology of human development (see Ardelt & Oh, 2016).
• A Western approach. Perhaps the most extensive Western research
programme in this regard is that of the Berlin Wisdom Paradigm, led
by Paul Baltes and his colleagues. These researchers define wisdom
as expert-level knowledge in the fundamental pragmatics (i.e. dealing
with matters regarding their practical requirements or consequences)
of life (Baltes & Smith, 1990; Baltes & Staudinger, 2000). According to
these researchers, wisdom consists of the following five characteristics:
(a) factual knowledge about human nature and the life course; (b)
procedural knowledge about ways of dealing with life’s problems; (c)
life-span contextualism – an awareness of the many contexts of life; (d)
value relativism and tolerance such as acknowledging individual, social
and cultural differences in values and life priorities; and (e) knowledge
about handling uncertainty, including the limits of one’s own knowledge
and the knowledge of the world at large. This involves the realisation
that there is rarely a perfect solution and that the future is not fully
171

However, the central theme shared by the majority of wisdom literature
is that wisdom is multi-dimensional and consists of cognitive, insightful
(reflective) and compassionate (caring, benevolent) components that are
mutually interdependent and benefit the wise person, others and society as
a whole. The study of wisdom is often approached from implicit and explicit
theoretical perspectives:
(a) Implicit theories of wisdom
The rationale of implicit theories of wisdom (i.e. folk wisdom) is that
individuals know implicitly (inherently) who and what is wise. Theorists in
this domain typically investigate lay people’s (people who are not scientific
experts in the field) beliefs or understanding of what wisdom entails. Some
of the findings are the following:
• In their seminal work, Clayton and Birren (1980) interviewed several
lay people regarding their views on what constitutes a wise person.
By analysing these views, they identified three wisdom dimensions:
cognition (knowledgeable, experienced, and intelligent); reflection
(introspective and intuitive); and affect/compassion (understanding,
empathetic, peaceful and gentle).
• Holliday and Chandler (1986) found that the theories of wisdom of their
group of research participants (young, middle-aged and old adults)
included not only exceptional cognitive skills but also interpersonal skills
and social unobtrusiveness (unassuming, keeping a low profile). Lay
people perceived wisdom as a mixture of (a) exceptional understanding
of essences, contexts, and the self (e.g. learning from experience and
170
seeing things in a larger context); (b) judgement and communication
skills (e.g. the ability to understand and judge correctly in matters of
daily living); (c) general competencies (e.g. intelligent and educated);
(d) interpersonal skills (e.g. sensitive and sociable); and social
unobtrusiveness (discrete and non-judgemental).
• In their study, Glück and Bluck (2011) identified two groups of people
with conceptually different views of wisdom. The cognitive conception
group primarily endorsed cognitive characteristics (knowledge, life
experience and cognitive complexity) and reflective characteristics
(self-reflection and acceptance of others’ values) as central to wisdom.
The integrative conception group additionally endorsed affective/
compassionate characteristics, such as benevolence, empathy, love for
humanity and concern for others.
Although the approaches and measurements were different in these
studies, and the ensuing list of wisdom characteristics not identical, the
dominant descriptors of wisdom endorsed by most research participants
were cognitive, reflective, and prosocial benevolent characteristics.
(b) Explicit theories of wisdom
Explicit theories of wisdom are viewpoints of expert theorists and
researchers rather than of lay people and are based on the principles of the
psychology of human development (see Ardelt & Oh, 2016).
• A Western approach. Perhaps the most extensive Western research
programme in this regard is that of the Berlin Wisdom Paradigm, led
by Paul Baltes and his colleagues. These researchers define wisdom
as expert-level knowledge in the fundamental pragmatics (i.e. dealing
with matters regarding their practical requirements or consequences)
of life (Baltes & Smith, 1990; Baltes & Staudinger, 2000). According to
these researchers, wisdom consists of the following five characteristics:
(a) factual knowledge about human nature and the life course; (b)
procedural knowledge about ways of dealing with life’s problems; (c)
life-span contextualism – an awareness of the many contexts of life; (d)
value relativism and tolerance such as acknowledging individual, social
and cultural differences in values and life priorities; and (e) knowledge
about handling uncertainty, including the limits of one’s own knowledge
and the knowledge of the world at large. This involves the realisation
that there is rarely a perfect solution and that the future is not fully
171
 predictable. (See Box 3.4 Critical thinking: Wisdom in action.)
• An African approach. Although the most prominent Western approaches
to wisdom tend to emphasise cognition and analytic abilities, the
Eastern approaches view wisdom more holistically as comprising the
whole person, including behavioural conduct in the form of morality
and compassion towards others. The latter is also an aspect of the
African worldview as reflected in the concept of ubuntu, which includes
relatedness where foundational values inform members of society on
how to lead a wise life through serving others, including the environment.
It promotes a pervasive spirit of caring and community, harmony,
hospitality, humility, respect and responsiveness among people. Oruka
(1990; 1991), a Kenyan philosopher, demarcated African philosophy into
four components. One of the components, called philosophic sagacity,
is practised by indigenous thinkers or sages. Sages are usually opinion
leaders who are frequently consulted by people because they are versed
in the wisdom and traditions of their people and are wise within the
conventional and historical confines of their culture. Thus, sages are
custodians of the traditions of their people. Such sages Oruka called
“ordinary sages” or “cultural philosophers” because they do not rise
beyond the sphere of ordinary wisdom. These sages are usually poets,
herbalists, medicine men, musicians, fortune-tellers, and so forth. On the
other hand, a philosophical sage is both a sage and a critical thinker.
The philosophical sage is not only wise, but also capable of being
rational and critical in understanding or solving the inconsistencies of
his or her culture and coping with foreign or modern encroachments
on it. Philosophical sages are considered critical and independent
thinkers capable of using their own thoughts and judgements based
on the power of reason and insight rather than on the authority of the
communal consensus. Philosophic sagacity is individualistic, dialectical,
rigorous and philosophical in the strict sense. In his research on African
wisdom, Oruka interviewed various sages and wanted a wider public
to know not only their narratives but also about their lives. For him,
the worth of sages is not only in their ideas but also in the way they
live: by embodying their philosophies, developing their character, and
influencing their communities over the years. Similarly, Kresse (2007)
engaged in the study of African wisdom based on Swahili sages. He
found that people are identified as wise if they are able to make others
see the world in a different light or from a new perspective. He concluded
that wisdom required social performance and interaction. (See also Box
3.5 regarding the use of African proverbs.)
172
• A culturally inclusive model. In an attempt to create a culturally inclusive
wisdom theory, Ardelt (2003) developed the three-dimensional wisdom
model. The model integrates the cognitive, reflective and affective/
compassionate dimensions of wisdom: (1) The cognitive wisdom
dimension entails a desire to know the truth and encompasses a deep
and thorough understanding of life, particularly regarding issues that
relate to one’s own person and one’s relationship with others. It includes
knowledge and acceptance of the positive and negative aspects of human
nature, of the inherent limits of knowledge, and of life’s unpredictability
and uncertainty. (2) The reflective wisdom dimension refers to the ability
to perceive phenomena and events from multiple perspectives. It includes
self-awareness, self-insight and self-examination to overcome subjectivity
and projection. Rather than blaming other people and circumstances
for their own faults and failures, wise people are able to accept reality
as it is, which tends to reduce self-centeredness, and contribute to a
greater understanding of life and others. (3) The compassionate wisdom
dimension includes a more thorough understanding of life and the
human condition combined with a reduction in self-centeredness, which
tends to generate sympathetic and compassionate love for others and
the motivation to foster the well-being of others.
Box 3.4 CRITICAL THINKING: Wisdom in action
To test people’s wisdom, Baltes and Staudinger (2000) devised a series of dilemmas
to which their research participants had to respond. Consider one of these dilemmas –
how would you respond to the following?
A 15-year old girl announces that she wants to get married. What should she
consider and do?
If you respond as follows: “A 15-year-old wants to get married? No, no way!
Marrying at 15 would be utterly wrong! One has to tell the girl that marriage is not an
option. She should finish schooling. It would be irresponsible to support such an idea”,
you are exhibiting low wisdom and may be responding from your own value and/or
cultural system.
If you respond as follows: “Well, on the surface, this seems like an easy problem. On
average, marriage for 15-year-old girls is not a good thing. However, there are situations
where the average case does not fit. Perhaps in this instance, special life circumstances
or cultural issues and values are involved. In addition, one has to think about adequate
ways of talking to this girl and considering her emotional state”, you are exhibiting good
wisdom. This means that you have considered the dilemma from various perspectives.
Therefore, a wise person would consider all of the components of wisdom in his
or her analysis of a dilemma, while an unwise person would come up with a simple
response probably guided by cultural stereotypes or his/her own value system.
Generally, wise people can see through situations and get to the important aspect the
matter, rather than be caught up in the superficial aspects of the situation.
173
 predictable. (See Box 3.4 Critical thinking: Wisdom in action.)
• An African approach. Although the most prominent Western approaches
to wisdom tend to emphasise cognition and analytic abilities, the
Eastern approaches view wisdom more holistically as comprising the
whole person, including behavioural conduct in the form of morality
and compassion towards others. The latter is also an aspect of the
African worldview as reflected in the concept of ubuntu, which includes
relatedness where foundational values inform members of society on
how to lead a wise life through serving others, including the environment.
It promotes a pervasive spirit of caring and community, harmony,
hospitality, humility, respect and responsiveness among people. Oruka
(1990; 1991), a Kenyan philosopher, demarcated African philosophy into
four components. One of the components, called philosophic sagacity,
is practised by indigenous thinkers or sages. Sages are usually opinion
leaders who are frequently consulted by people because they are versed
in the wisdom and traditions of their people and are wise within the
conventional and historical confines of their culture. Thus, sages are
custodians of the traditions of their people. Such sages Oruka called
“ordinary sages” or “cultural philosophers” because they do not rise
beyond the sphere of ordinary wisdom. These sages are usually poets,
herbalists, medicine men, musicians, fortune-tellers, and so forth. On the
other hand, a philosophical sage is both a sage and a critical thinker.
The philosophical sage is not only wise, but also capable of being
rational and critical in understanding or solving the inconsistencies of
his or her culture and coping with foreign or modern encroachments
on it. Philosophical sages are considered critical and independent
thinkers capable of using their own thoughts and judgements based
on the power of reason and insight rather than on the authority of the
communal consensus. Philosophic sagacity is individualistic, dialectical,
rigorous and philosophical in the strict sense. In his research on African
wisdom, Oruka interviewed various sages and wanted a wider public
to know not only their narratives but also about their lives. For him,
the worth of sages is not only in their ideas but also in the way they
live: by embodying their philosophies, developing their character, and
influencing their communities over the years. Similarly, Kresse (2007)
engaged in the study of African wisdom based on Swahili sages. He
found that people are identified as wise if they are able to make others
see the world in a different light or from a new perspective. He concluded
that wisdom required social performance and interaction. (See also Box
3.5 regarding the use of African proverbs.)
172
• A culturally inclusive model. In an attempt to create a culturally inclusive
wisdom theory, Ardelt (2003) developed the three-dimensional wisdom
model. The model integrates the cognitive, reflective and affective/
compassionate dimensions of wisdom: (1) The cognitive wisdom
dimension entails a desire to know the truth and encompasses a deep
and thorough understanding of life, particularly regarding issues that
relate to one’s own person and one’s relationship with others. It includes
knowledge and acceptance of the positive and negative aspects of human
nature, of the inherent limits of knowledge, and of life’s unpredictability
and uncertainty. (2) The reflective wisdom dimension refers to the ability
to perceive phenomena and events from multiple perspectives. It includes
self-awareness, self-insight and self-examination to overcome subjectivity
and projection. Rather than blaming other people and circumstances
for their own faults and failures, wise people are able to accept reality
as it is, which tends to reduce self-centeredness, and contribute to a
greater understanding of life and others. (3) The compassionate wisdom
dimension includes a more thorough understanding of life and the
human condition combined with a reduction in self-centeredness, which
tends to generate sympathetic and compassionate love for others and
the motivation to foster the well-being of others.
Box 3.4 CRITICAL THINKING: Wisdom in action
To test people’s wisdom, Baltes and Staudinger (2000) devised a series of dilemmas
to which their research participants had to respond. Consider one of these dilemmas –
how would you respond to the following?
A 15-year old girl announces that she wants to get married. What should she
consider and do?
If you respond as follows: “A 15-year-old wants to get married? No, no way!
Marrying at 15 would be utterly wrong! One has to tell the girl that marriage is not an
option. She should finish schooling. It would be irresponsible to support such an idea”,
you are exhibiting low wisdom and may be responding from your own value and/or
cultural system.
If you respond as follows: “Well, on the surface, this seems like an easy problem. On
average, marriage for 15-year-old girls is not a good thing. However, there are situations
where the average case does not fit. Perhaps in this instance, special life circumstances
or cultural issues and values are involved. In addition, one has to think about adequate
ways of talking to this girl and considering her emotional state”, you are exhibiting good
wisdom. This means that you have considered the dilemma from various perspectives.
Therefore, a wise person would consider all of the components of wisdom in his
or her analysis of a dilemma, while an unwise person would come up with a simple
response probably guided by cultural stereotypes or his/her own value system.
Generally, wise people can see through situations and get to the important aspect the
matter, rather than be caught up in the superficial aspects of the situation.
173
 Which factors contribute to the development of wisdom? Various
researchers have proposed the following:
• Cognitive abilities, expertise-specific conditions, and life experience
contribute towards the development of wisdom (Baltes & Staudinger,
2000).
• Wisdom may be linked to postformal-operational thinking (Walsh,
2015), which is intellectual functioning beyond the Piagetian stages of
cognitive development (as will be discussed in the next section). Wise
people tend to think reflectively or dialectically (logical reasoning),
which means that they acknowledge that truth is not always absolute
(Labouvie-Vief, 1990).
• People with personality traits such as openness to experience are more
likely to learn from extensive experience, and are more likely to be open
to relativism and the uncertainties of life. Individuals who are very rigid
or set in their ways are unlikely to learn from such life experiences.
Furthermore, empathy or compassion is an important characteristic of
wise people, due to their ability to overcome automatic responses in
order to show concern for core human experiences and values (Adams,
2013; Pascual-Leone, 2000).
• A wise person is someone who can integrate thinking, feeling, and acting
into a coherent and holistic approach to a problem. This approach views
wisdom as a combination of a cognitive analytic mode, consisting of
knowledge and abstract reasoning skills, and a non-cognitive synthetic
mode, which includes reflective understanding, emotional empathy and
emotion regulation (Ardelt & Oh, 2016).
• According to Sternberg (1998), wisdom is the application of tacit
(practical) knowledge facilitated by values toward achieving a common
good. This happens through a balance among multiple intrapersonal,
interpersonal, and extrapersonal interests in order to achieve a balance
among (a) an adaptation to existing environments, (b) the shaping of
existing environments, and (c) the selection of new environments.
How is wisdom affected by age? Traditionally, wisdom has been considered
a trait of older adults, while theoretically, wisdom is considered a lifelong
developmental process. However, it is not clear at what age wisdom might
peak, whether it declines with age and when the best products of wisdom
come forth. The relationship between age and wisdom is complex. Although
age contributes to life experience, researchers have found little association
between age and wisdom. Instead, there may be various developmental
174
trajectories: It is possible that wisdom (a) continues to increase across the life
span; (b) remains stable from early adulthood into old age; or (c) decreases
after an initial increase in youth and young adulthood. However, wisdom
seems to be a rare personal quality that indicates advanced cognitive and
emotional development and experience. In this sense, evidence of wisdom
may be observed in adults of all ages. For example, results from the
mentioned Berlin Wisdom Study indicated that only 5% of the responses of
the study participants received high wisdom scores. However, the responses
that were rated as wise were evenly distributed over young, middle-aged
and older adults. In short, older participants’ responses were no wiser than
younger adults’ were, and there was no age-related decline in wisdom. In
general, participants showed special insight when dilemmas were faced by
a similar aged target group: For dilemmas faced by a younger target, the
advice of young and middle-aged participants received higher ratings than
the advice given by older participants. In contrast, for dilemmas faced by
an older target, advice of the older participants was rated somewhat higher
than the advice given by young and middle-aged participants. Therefore,
age by itself does not generate wisdom. The key variable seems to be
specific life experience (Ardelt & Oh, 2016; Erber & Szechuan, 2015).
This trend is also noted in African society where elders traditionally have
been considered as the wise transmitters of wisdom and knowledge and
where age and seniority are equated with more experience and accumulated
wisdom. According to Margaret Mead (1970), a well-known anthropologist,
the world has moved from the pre-figurative phase, where the elders
knew and understood the world and therefore could give authoritative
advice; through a co-figurative phase, where old and young had to learn
to understand the new world side by side and where authority was divided
equally; to a post-figurative, where the young understand the world better
than the old and, in many cases, the authority has shifted from the elder to
the younger. Therefore, the authority of the elders may no longer be taken
for granted (see Muller, 1997).
What are the benefits of wisdom? It could be argued that wise people
have discovered the true art of living, and if this were true, they should
also know how to age and die well. Yet, some researchers have argued that
knowledge and insight into the human condition and the ageing process
that wisdom provides, such as the negative aspects thereof, may not be
conducive to the experience of subjective well-being (Staudinger & Glück,
2011). However, other studies that used combined measures of wisdom
(cognitive, reflective and compassionate personality qualities) and included
racially, educationally and economically diverse samples of older adults,
175
 Which factors contribute to the development of wisdom? Various
researchers have proposed the following:
• Cognitive abilities, expertise-specific conditions, and life experience
contribute towards the development of wisdom (Baltes & Staudinger,
2000).
• Wisdom may be linked to postformal-operational thinking (Walsh,
2015), which is intellectual functioning beyond the Piagetian stages of
cognitive development (as will be discussed in the next section). Wise
people tend to think reflectively or dialectically (logical reasoning),
which means that they acknowledge that truth is not always absolute
(Labouvie-Vief, 1990).
• People with personality traits such as openness to experience are more
likely to learn from extensive experience, and are more likely to be open
to relativism and the uncertainties of life. Individuals who are very rigid
or set in their ways are unlikely to learn from such life experiences.
Furthermore, empathy or compassion is an important characteristic of
wise people, due to their ability to overcome automatic responses in
order to show concern for core human experiences and values (Adams,
2013; Pascual-Leone, 2000).
• A wise person is someone who can integrate thinking, feeling, and acting
into a coherent and holistic approach to a problem. This approach views
wisdom as a combination of a cognitive analytic mode, consisting of
knowledge and abstract reasoning skills, and a non-cognitive synthetic
mode, which includes reflective understanding, emotional empathy and
emotion regulation (Ardelt & Oh, 2016).
• According to Sternberg (1998), wisdom is the application of tacit
(practical) knowledge facilitated by values toward achieving a common
good. This happens through a balance among multiple intrapersonal,
interpersonal, and extrapersonal interests in order to achieve a balance
among (a) an adaptation to existing environments, (b) the shaping of
existing environments, and (c) the selection of new environments.
How is wisdom affected by age? Traditionally, wisdom has been considered
a trait of older adults, while theoretically, wisdom is considered a lifelong
developmental process. However, it is not clear at what age wisdom might
peak, whether it declines with age and when the best products of wisdom
come forth. The relationship between age and wisdom is complex. Although
age contributes to life experience, researchers have found little association
between age and wisdom. Instead, there may be various developmental
174
trajectories: It is possible that wisdom (a) continues to increase across the life
span; (b) remains stable from early adulthood into old age; or (c) decreases
after an initial increase in youth and young adulthood. However, wisdom
seems to be a rare personal quality that indicates advanced cognitive and
emotional development and experience. In this sense, evidence of wisdom
may be observed in adults of all ages. For example, results from the
mentioned Berlin Wisdom Study indicated that only 5% of the responses of
the study participants received high wisdom scores. However, the responses
that were rated as wise were evenly distributed over young, middle-aged
and older adults. In short, older participants’ responses were no wiser than
younger adults’ were, and there was no age-related decline in wisdom. In
general, participants showed special insight when dilemmas were faced by
a similar aged target group: For dilemmas faced by a younger target, the
advice of young and middle-aged participants received higher ratings than
the advice given by older participants. In contrast, for dilemmas faced by
an older target, advice of the older participants was rated somewhat higher
than the advice given by young and middle-aged participants. Therefore,
age by itself does not generate wisdom. The key variable seems to be
specific life experience (Ardelt & Oh, 2016; Erber & Szechuan, 2015).
This trend is also noted in African society where elders traditionally have
been considered as the wise transmitters of wisdom and knowledge and
where age and seniority are equated with more experience and accumulated
wisdom. According to Margaret Mead (1970), a well-known anthropologist,
the world has moved from the pre-figurative phase, where the elders
knew and understood the world and therefore could give authoritative
advice; through a co-figurative phase, where old and young had to learn
to understand the new world side by side and where authority was divided
equally; to a post-figurative, where the young understand the world better
than the old and, in many cases, the authority has shifted from the elder to
the younger. Therefore, the authority of the elders may no longer be taken
for granted (see Muller, 1997).
What are the benefits of wisdom? It could be argued that wise people
have discovered the true art of living, and if this were true, they should
also know how to age and die well. Yet, some researchers have argued that
knowledge and insight into the human condition and the ageing process
that wisdom provides, such as the negative aspects thereof, may not be
conducive to the experience of subjective well-being (Staudinger & Glück,
2011). However, other studies that used combined measures of wisdom
(cognitive, reflective and compassionate personality qualities) and included
racially, educationally and economically diverse samples of older adults,
175
found that wise people tend to exhibit feelings of mastery and control
(Ardelt & Oh, 2016). It appears that wise people not only are able to perceive
reality as it is, but also learn from experience and have the resources and
confidence to master the vicissitudes (ups and downs) of life.
Box 3.5 Proverbs and African Wisdom
Proverbs are an integral part of African culture. Simple statements with deep meaning,
they are guidelines for individuals, family and village behaviour, built upon repeated
real-life experiences and observations over time. Proverbs are mirrors through which
people look at themselves – a stage for expressing themselves to others. The way
people think and look at the world, their culture, values, behaviours, aspirations and
preoccupations can be understood immediately by looking at their proverbs. While
Africa has many languages, proverbs offer them common ground. The same proverbs
recur in similar forms in almost all African languages and societies. Some state facts
from people’s history, customs and practices; others express philosophical beliefs
and values. Yet, proverbs make communication instantly possible, irrespective of
differences in geographic origin and cultural backgrounds. Proverbs are the common
property of Africans because they are ascribed to the wisdom of all the ancestors. A
statement, such as “so said the ancestors”, preceding a saying accords the proverb its
unquestionable authority. Proverbs are used to illustrate ideas, reinforce arguments, and
deliver messages of inspiration, consolation, celebration and advice. More specifically:
■ Proverbs identify and dignify a culture. They express the collective wisdom of the
people, reflecting their thinking, values and behaviours.
■ In traditional Africa, proverbs are used to unlock “stuckness”, clarify vision, and
unify different perspectives. Proverbs add humour and diffuse tension on otherwise
sensitive issues. For centuries, African societies have used proverbs to ease
uncomfortable situations, confront issues, and build institutions and relationships.
They can be understood where literacy is low and yet appreciated by the even
most educated.
■ Proverbs are metaphors and can explain complex issues in simple statements.
For example, two villages in conflict may not fight after reflecting on the proverb
“When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers”. The meaning behind this
proverb is a powerful message about the negative effects that a disagreement
between two chiefs can have on innocent villagers. Similarly, a factional conflict
in an organisation can be most harmful to those the organisation intends to serve
– the people in the community. The proverb, “When spider webs unite, they can
tie up a lion”, communicates the importance of unity and collaboration in tackling
problems and inspires people with the faith that they can address problems, no
matter how big.
■ Proverbs are like seeds that only become “alive” when they are “sown”. They are
simple statements until applied to actual situations, bringing them to life and
expanding their meaning. As metaphors, proverbs create strong mental pictures.
This is a great way to motivate people to action.
(Adapted from Malunga & Banda, 2004)
176
3.3.4.3 Creativity
Creativity refers to an ability or skill that is original, unique, and appropriate
to the situation (such as producing a commercial product, an artwork,
a scientific theory, or even a joke). Creative individuals typically display
originality, imagination and expressiveness; they are exceptional due to their
ability to create something new, depict reality in a new light, and transcend
conceptual boundaries (Kozbelt, 2016).
As in the case of wisdom, creativity is both a desirable quality and a
concept that is difficult to define and measure. Although the contemporary
study of creativity started around 1950, creativity researchers have not
reached consensus on the appropriate way to study creativity.
Some researchers take an eminent (renowned) creator’s or Big-C creativity
approach, studying individuals from the past or present who are generally
thought to be highly creative. Other researchers study everyday creativity or
Little-c creativity, which consists of creative solutions to everyday problems
and less prominent creative achievements (Ardelt & Adams-Price, 2016).
Some researchers take a cognitive approach to studying creativity
(Denham & Punt, 2017; Smith et al., 2009). Although creativity could be
linked to general intelligence, it is very different from general intelligence and
wisdom. In fact, it seems to be a distinct cognitive ability, such as to come up
with unique and valuable ideas, products, or problem solutions. Much of this
research has been on divergent thinking, defined as the ability to generate
many ideas, including ideas that are unique and those that are useful. This
means that multiple solutions to a problem may be given. Furthermore, the
solutions usually differ from mainstream thinking.
Other researchers believe that in addition to cognitive abilities, creativity
also requires certain personality qualities and intrinsic motivation to pursue
creative activities (LeBoutillier & Barry, 2018; Puryear et al, 2017). For example,
creators tend to be characterised by openness to new experiences, curiosity,
imaginativeness, sensitivity and originality. In addition, the creative personality
is characterised by independence, nonconformity, unconventionality,
behavioural and cognitive flexibility, and risk-taking boldness (Simonton,
2000). Creative people also tend to be driven and ambitious.
Furthermore, creativity occurs across various domains, including creative
thinking in the natural, earth and social sciences, and creative products
in the written and technical domains, in the visual arts (e.g. paintings and
sculptures) and in the performing arts (e.g. drama and music). It should also
be remembered that creative acts occur in a cultural context. Therefore,
creative acts can be considered a function of the person, the creative materials
177
found that wise people tend to exhibit feelings of mastery and control
(Ardelt & Oh, 2016). It appears that wise people not only are able to perceive
reality as it is, but also learn from experience and have the resources and
confidence to master the vicissitudes (ups and downs) of life.
Box 3.5 Proverbs and African Wisdom
Proverbs are an integral part of African culture. Simple statements with deep meaning,
they are guidelines for individuals, family and village behaviour, built upon repeated
real-life experiences and observations over time. Proverbs are mirrors through which
people look at themselves – a stage for expressing themselves to others. The way
people think and look at the world, their culture, values, behaviours, aspirations and
preoccupations can be understood immediately by looking at their proverbs. While
Africa has many languages, proverbs offer them common ground. The same proverbs
recur in similar forms in almost all African languages and societies. Some state facts
from people’s history, customs and practices; others express philosophical beliefs
and values. Yet, proverbs make communication instantly possible, irrespective of
differences in geographic origin and cultural backgrounds. Proverbs are the common
property of Africans because they are ascribed to the wisdom of all the ancestors. A
statement, such as “so said the ancestors”, preceding a saying accords the proverb its
unquestionable authority. Proverbs are used to illustrate ideas, reinforce arguments, and
deliver messages of inspiration, consolation, celebration and advice. More specifically:
■ Proverbs identify and dignify a culture. They express the collective wisdom of the
people, reflecting their thinking, values and behaviours.
■ In traditional Africa, proverbs are used to unlock “stuckness”, clarify vision, and
unify different perspectives. Proverbs add humour and diffuse tension on otherwise
sensitive issues. For centuries, African societies have used proverbs to ease
uncomfortable situations, confront issues, and build institutions and relationships.
They can be understood where literacy is low and yet appreciated by the even
most educated.
■ Proverbs are metaphors and can explain complex issues in simple statements.
For example, two villages in conflict may not fight after reflecting on the proverb
“When elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers”. The meaning behind this
proverb is a powerful message about the negative effects that a disagreement
between two chiefs can have on innocent villagers. Similarly, a factional conflict
in an organisation can be most harmful to those the organisation intends to serve
– the people in the community. The proverb, “When spider webs unite, they can
tie up a lion”, communicates the importance of unity and collaboration in tackling
problems and inspires people with the faith that they can address problems, no
matter how big.
■ Proverbs are like seeds that only become “alive” when they are “sown”. They are
simple statements until applied to actual situations, bringing them to life and
expanding their meaning. As metaphors, proverbs create strong mental pictures.
This is a great way to motivate people to action.
(Adapted from Malunga & Banda, 2004)
176
3.3.4.3 Creativity
Creativity refers to an ability or skill that is original, unique, and appropriate
to the situation (such as producing a commercial product, an artwork,
a scientific theory, or even a joke). Creative individuals typically display
originality, imagination and expressiveness; they are exceptional due to their
ability to create something new, depict reality in a new light, and transcend
conceptual boundaries (Kozbelt, 2016).
As in the case of wisdom, creativity is both a desirable quality and a
concept that is difficult to define and measure. Although the contemporary
study of creativity started around 1950, creativity researchers have not
reached consensus on the appropriate way to study creativity.
Some researchers take an eminent (renowned) creator’s or Big-C creativity
approach, studying individuals from the past or present who are generally
thought to be highly creative. Other researchers study everyday creativity or
Little-c creativity, which consists of creative solutions to everyday problems
and less prominent creative achievements (Ardelt & Adams-Price, 2016).
Some researchers take a cognitive approach to studying creativity
(Denham & Punt, 2017; Smith et al., 2009). Although creativity could be
linked to general intelligence, it is very different from general intelligence and
wisdom. In fact, it seems to be a distinct cognitive ability, such as to come up
with unique and valuable ideas, products, or problem solutions. Much of this
research has been on divergent thinking, defined as the ability to generate
many ideas, including ideas that are unique and those that are useful. This
means that multiple solutions to a problem may be given. Furthermore, the
solutions usually differ from mainstream thinking.
Other researchers believe that in addition to cognitive abilities, creativity
also requires certain personality qualities and intrinsic motivation to pursue
creative activities (LeBoutillier & Barry, 2018; Puryear et al, 2017). For example,
creators tend to be characterised by openness to new experiences, curiosity,
imaginativeness, sensitivity and originality. In addition, the creative personality
is characterised by independence, nonconformity, unconventionality,
behavioural and cognitive flexibility, and risk-taking boldness (Simonton,
2000). Creative people also tend to be driven and ambitious.
Furthermore, creativity occurs across various domains, including creative
thinking in the natural, earth and social sciences, and creative products
in the written and technical domains, in the visual arts (e.g. paintings and
sculptures) and in the performing arts (e.g. drama and music). It should also
be remembered that creative acts occur in a cultural context. Therefore,
creative acts can be considered a function of the person, the creative materials
177
available, and the sociocultural context. Thus, different cultures might value
different products or value products for different reasons or features (Ardelt
& Adams-Price, 2016).
continuity of their culture and contribute to their family’s income by selling
their crafts, which in turn increases their sense of self-efficacy (Glăveanu,
2013).
Researchers interested in the relationship between ageing and creativity
use a variety of approaches. For example, some researchers use psychometric
tests, such as personality or cognitive measures, while others use the creative
products of creative individuals such as assembled through biographies,
histories, bibliographies, or other reference works. Research findings revealed
the following (Ardelt & Adams-Price, 2016; Simonton, 2016; Stroebe, 2016;
Weinberg, 2016):

• A typical age curve is noted in most studies. Maximum creative output is

reached in the late 30s or early 40s and gradually declines from age 60.
From ages 70 or 80, the decline is more significant.
• Creative output varies across domains. For example, in abstract domains
such as mathematics, physics, and the production of short literary works
such as poetry, creative productivity tends to peak at younger ages
than for novelists, or creators in the earth sciences. In some disciplines,
Creativity occurs across various domains the peak occurs so late and the decline is so minimal, that it is hardly
appropriate to speak of a decrease in creative productivity with age. For
In South Africa, artists and creative thinkers are acknowledged in various example, historians, psychologists, and philosophers may reach their
forums such as the SAMA (South African Music Awards); SAFTA (South peak much later (often in their sixties), while their productivity in their
African Film and Television Awards); the Loerie Awards, which recognise, seventies may even surpass the output of their earlier careers. Therefore,
reward, inspire, and foster creative excellence in advertising, architecture, the best predictor of someone’s creative productivity is the person’s past
music videos, service design, and many other areas in which our creators creative productivity rather than his or her age.
and innovative thinkers are acknowledged. • Huge individual differences occur in the age-creativity paradigm.
One area of creative activity that There are many examples of great achievements by exceptionally young
has not been examined much in the thinkers and great achievements by exceptionally old thinkers. Some
literature is the creation of traditional explanations for this phenomenon could be the following:
crafts. Crafts (such as jewellery-making, – Creative productivity may be a function of age at the beginning of
pottery, beadwork, wooden objects, someone’s career. For example, physicists are likely to complete their
quilting and other needlecrafts) are doctoral training at younger ages than psychologists do, giving physicists
sometimes considered less than a head start on their career trajectories. Therefore, physicists may peak
creative because they are often not earlier than psychologists may, but also show earlier decline.
high on novelty. However, they are likely – 6Creative productivity may be a function of output rate, whether on
to be highly authentic and aesthetic, an annual or lifetime basis. Some creators are extremely prolific, while
especially with regard to cultural others are “one-idea” creators. The prolific creators are usually highly
meaning. Moreover, producing crafts productive early in their careers, at the peak of their careers and at the
may be one of the best ways through end of their careers, while the “one-product” creators usually peak early,
which people can participate in the Crafts like this Zulu necklace and armband around age 20.
often has a cultural meaning
– The relationship between age and creativity may be related to
178 179
available, and the sociocultural context. Thus, different cultures might value
different products or value products for different reasons or features (Ardelt
& Adams-Price, 2016).
continuity of their culture and contribute to their family’s income by selling
their crafts, which in turn increases their sense of self-efficacy (Glăveanu,
2013).
Researchers interested in the relationship between ageing and creativity
use a variety of approaches. For example, some researchers use psychometric
tests, such as personality or cognitive measures, while others use the creative
products of creative individuals such as assembled through biographies,
histories, bibliographies, or other reference works. Research findings revealed
the following (Ardelt & Adams-Price, 2016; Simonton, 2016; Stroebe, 2016;
Weinberg, 2016):

• A typical age curve is noted in most studies. Maximum creative output is

reached in the late 30s or early 40s and gradually declines from age 60.
From ages 70 or 80, the decline is more significant.
• Creative output varies across domains. For example, in abstract domains
such as mathematics, physics, and the production of short literary works
such as poetry, creative productivity tends to peak at younger ages
than for novelists, or creators in the earth sciences. In some disciplines,
Creativity occurs across various domains the peak occurs so late and the decline is so minimal, that it is hardly
appropriate to speak of a decrease in creative productivity with age. For
In South Africa, artists and creative thinkers are acknowledged in various example, historians, psychologists, and philosophers may reach their
forums such as the SAMA (South African Music Awards); SAFTA (South peak much later (often in their sixties), while their productivity in their
African Film and Television Awards); the Loerie Awards, which recognise, seventies may even surpass the output of their earlier careers. Therefore,
reward, inspire, and foster creative excellence in advertising, architecture, the best predictor of someone’s creative productivity is the person’s past
music videos, service design, and many other areas in which our creators creative productivity rather than his or her age.
and innovative thinkers are acknowledged. • Huge individual differences occur in the age-creativity paradigm.
One area of creative activity that There are many examples of great achievements by exceptionally young
has not been examined much in the thinkers and great achievements by exceptionally old thinkers. Some
literature is the creation of traditional explanations for this phenomenon could be the following:
crafts. Crafts (such as jewellery-making, – Creative productivity may be a function of age at the beginning of
pottery, beadwork, wooden objects, someone’s career. For example, physicists are likely to complete their
quilting and other needlecrafts) are doctoral training at younger ages than psychologists do, giving physicists
sometimes considered less than a head start on their career trajectories. Therefore, physicists may peak
creative because they are often not earlier than psychologists may, but also show earlier decline.
high on novelty. However, they are likely – 6Creative productivity may be a function of output rate, whether on
to be highly authentic and aesthetic, an annual or lifetime basis. Some creators are extremely prolific, while
especially with regard to cultural others are “one-idea” creators. The prolific creators are usually highly
meaning. Moreover, producing crafts productive early in their careers, at the peak of their careers and at the
may be one of the best ways through end of their careers, while the “one-product” creators usually peak early,
which people can participate in the Crafts like this Zulu necklace and armband around age 20.
often has a cultural meaning
– The relationship between age and creativity may be related to
178 179
 cognitive factors. For example, experimental innovators work inductively,
drawing general inferences or conclusions from accumulated knowledge.
They tend to peak later in life, after they have built up a body of
knowledge. These creators are usually best known for their body of work,
rather than for isolated master works. Conversely, conceptual innovators
work deductively. Their innovations tend to be theoretical, based on a
general premise or idea (not submitted to scientific investigation) from
which results are predicted. Conceptual innovation does not require the
extensive knowledge that experimental innovation requires; so, it can
be done effectively at younger ages. The most important innovations
involve radical departures from existing patterns of thought, and people
are best positioned to make such radical breakthroughs early in their
careers, shortly after having been exposed to a paradigm and before they
have assimilated it. Conceptual creators are often “young geniuses” who
tend to peak early and decline rapidly, and are prone to be famous for
one or two breakthrough works.
• Enduring characteristics such as talent, drive and continuity seem to
be the best predictors of creative productivity. For example, Joseph
Shabalala founded the world-famous singing group Ladysmith Black
Mambazo in 1960. Since then, he has been the driving force behind the
group who has won numerous local and international awards, including
several Grammy Awards up to 2018 (when this book was written).
Nadine Gordimer, the South African Nobel Prize winner whose books
have been translated into 40 different languages, wrote her first book
when she was 26 and her last book when she was 88 years old. There are
numerous other South African and international examples. For example,
Tolstoy (author) and Picasso (painter) stayed productive until advanced
old age. Furthermore, although physical incapacity may affect creative
output, many creative geniuses have surmounted enormous obstacles.
For example, the classical composer Beethoven became deaf in his later
years and this may account for some of the innovations in his later works
when he had to rely on an imagined world of sound. Stephen Hawking,
the well-known British theoretical physicist and cosmologist who brought
the ideas about black holes and quantum gravity to a broad public
audience, suffered from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), a form of
motor-neuron disease, for most of his adult years. This condition was
diagnosed when he was in his early twenties and gradually paralysed him
over the decades. He was confined to a wheelchair for most of his adult
years, and after the loss of his speech, he was still able to communicate
180
through a computer system, which he initially operated by using a hand-
held switch, and eventually by using a single cheek muscle. Despite his
disabilities, he continued to publish his ideas until his death at age 76.
Ladysmith Black Mambazo Nadine Gordimer
• The number of years in a given career rather than the age of the individual
may be most important. The point of maximum creativity often coincides
with the point of maximum productivity. Therefore, individuals who
generate the largest number of works (high productivity) have the
greatest chance of creating a masterpiece or having a ‘creative hit’ (high
creativity). Individuals who enter a career in middle age or later often
have a later peak of productivity and a higher rate of output in the older
adult years. For example, Sigmund Freud, the father of psychoanalysis,
published his first major work The Interpretation of Dreams at the age of
44. Until his death at the advanced age of 83, Freud continued to produce
influential works at an astonishing and steady pace. Interestingly, Colonel
Sanders was well over 60 when he became successful with Kentucky Fried
Chicken, and Ray Kroc was 52 when he bought the fast-food restaurant
that later became McDonald’s. These and other examples show how
creativity may stand undiminished in the face of age.
Which factors foster or contribute to creativity? Apart from characteristics
such as talent and drive, being at the right place at the right time may also
play a role – in other words, an optimal genetic-environment fit occurs. For
example, a prominent female physicist enters the sciences at a time when her
field is receptive to women, her speciality is expanding, and people are open
to her ideas. Other factors seem less generalised. Some highly creative people
181
 cognitive factors. For example, experimental innovators work inductively,
drawing general inferences or conclusions from accumulated knowledge.
They tend to peak later in life, after they have built up a body of
knowledge. These creators are usually best known for their body of work,
rather than for isolated master works. Conversely, conceptual innovators
work deductively. Their innovations tend to be theoretical, based on a
general premise or idea (not submitted to scientific investigation) from
which results are predicted. Conceptual innovation does not require the
extensive knowledge that experimental innovation requires; so, it can
be done effectively at younger ages. The most important innovations
involve radical departures from existing patterns of thought, and people
are best positioned to make such radical breakthroughs early in their
careers, shortly after having been exposed to a paradigm and before they
have assimilated it. Conceptual creators are often “young geniuses” who
tend to peak early and decline rapidly, and are prone to be famous for
one or two breakthrough works.
• Enduring characteristics such as talent, drive and continuity seem to
be the best predictors of creative productivity. For example, Joseph
Shabalala founded the world-famous singing group Ladysmith Black
Mambazo in 1960. Since then, he has been the driving force behind the
group who has won numerous local and international awards, including
several Grammy Awards up to 2018 (when this book was written).
Nadine Gordimer, the South African Nobel Prize winner whose books
have been translated into 40 different languages, wrote her first book
when she was 26 and her last book when she was 88 years old. There are
numerous other South African and international examples. For example,
Tolstoy (author) and Picasso (painter) stayed productive until advanced
old age. Furthermore, although physical incapacity may affect creative
output, many creative geniuses have surmounted enormous obstacles.
For example, the classical composer Beethoven became deaf in his later
years and this may account for some of the innovations in his later works
when he had to rely on an imagined world of sound. Stephen Hawking,
the well-known British theoretical physicist and cosmologist who brought
the ideas about black holes and quantum gravity to a broad public
audience, suffered from amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), a form of
motor-neuron disease, for most of his adult years. This condition was
diagnosed when he was in his early twenties and gradually paralysed him
over the decades. He was confined to a wheelchair for most of his adult
years, and after the loss of his speech, he was still able to communicate
180
through a computer system, which he initially operated by using a hand-
held switch, and eventually by using a single cheek muscle. Despite his
disabilities, he continued to publish his ideas until his death at age 76.
Ladysmith Black Mambazo Nadine Gordimer
• The number of years in a given career rather than the age of the individual
may be most important. The point of maximum creativity often coincides
with the point of maximum productivity. Therefore, individuals who
generate the largest number of works (high productivity) have the
greatest chance of creating a masterpiece or having a ‘creative hit’ (high
creativity). Individuals who enter a career in middle age or later often
have a later peak of productivity and a higher rate of output in the older
adult years. For example, Sigmund Freud, the father of psychoanalysis,
published his first major work The Interpretation of Dreams at the age of
44. Until his death at the advanced age of 83, Freud continued to produce
influential works at an astonishing and steady pace. Interestingly, Colonel
Sanders was well over 60 when he became successful with Kentucky Fried
Chicken, and Ray Kroc was 52 when he bought the fast-food restaurant
that later became McDonald’s. These and other examples show how
creativity may stand undiminished in the face of age.
Which factors foster or contribute to creativity? Apart from characteristics
such as talent and drive, being at the right place at the right time may also
play a role – in other words, an optimal genetic-environment fit occurs. For
example, a prominent female physicist enters the sciences at a time when her
field is receptive to women, her speciality is expanding, and people are open
to her ideas. Other factors seem less generalised. Some highly creative people
181
have unhappy childhoods; others are blessed with a loving family life; some
grow up in poverty and others in luxury. Some show signs of creative genius
early in life, while others are indifferent students whose abilities emerge only
later in life. However, a few traits set creative people apart from the less
creative ones: They have a passion for learning, for improving, and expanding
themselves. These passions also do not vanish after youth; they remain as
powerful in later life. However, in some respects, later creative works may be
different from their earlier works. For example, research involving classical
composers indicates that later compositions were shorter, often simpler and
more restrained, and gained recognition among performers. This finding has
been made with regard to other disciplines as well and is referred to as the
swan song phenomenon, which is a resurgence of creative output stemming
from a final burst of creative energy.
In addition, for creators who are already past the supposed productive
peak (as indicated by the typical age curve), the post-peak may have
personal meaning – nobody wants to be perceived as “past their prime”,
“over the hill”, or “running out of steam”. However, this picture may not be
nearly as dismal as some might infer. Many extrinsic factors may contribute
to an extended creative life. For example, due to modern healthcare, many
creators live healthier and hence more productive lives. Furthermore, there
are currently more opportunities for creative people to pursue a wide range
of interests through various media, allowing them to maintain the openness
to experience that is associated with creativity: Think of the various
opportunities in South Africa, such as art and music festivals, design indabas,
creative writing opportunities, and cooking and singing competitions hosted
by television channels, while many foundations support and encourage
creative minds.
We also have to consider the fact that creators operate in a social context.
This context includes role models and mentors, collaborators, associates,
rivals, and students or apprentices. The increasingly collaborative nature of
creativity is of special interest. Although creative collaboration is especially
notable in the sciences, it also appears in the arts, such as architecture,
theatre, dance, cinema, and video games. In collaborative creativity, new
ideas emerge from the dynamic interaction of individual minds. Although
not all groups are equally creative, highly creative collaborators seem to have
certain characteristics in common. In general, such groups are more creative
when they are heterogeneous with respect to various professional and
demographic factors. One such factor is age. A highly creative collaborative
group often consists of people of different age groups; hence, with differences
in experience levels and cohort diversities. This cohort diversity helps both
182
the young and the old to overcome liabilities linked to their age. For example,
the young may bring enthusiasm to the table, while the old bring the
experience. The various collaborative forces may explain why recent research
finds that the age decline in scientific output has declined – if it does show up
at all. (See Box 3.6 regarding the insights of an award-winning South African
copywriter.)
Box 3.6 Advice for creators from Dominique Swiegers, winner
of the Pendoring Prestige Award for Copywriting:
■ Make the things you want to make.
■ Tell a good story.
■ Fear is not a creative best friend – it’s the enemy.
■ Stop complaining and start creating.
■ Be bold as a creator.
■ Collaborate – it comes with a magnitude of power.
3.3.5 Factors that may affect cognitive development in
adulthood
As we have seen, most studies indicate a generalised gradual decline in
cognitive functioning with age. This becomes more evident in old age.
Physiological changes in the brain (such as a decline in neural functioning)
may be linked to this age-related decline. Furthermore, losses in visual
and auditory acuity affect mental efficiency because they degrade the
information that the brain needs to interpret the world. Therefore, more
effort is needed to recognise complex inputs such as spoken and written
language. This puts more strain on the processing capacity and reduces the
speed and accuracy with which the individual can interpret, store in memory,
and make correct inferences.
However, as we have noted in our discussion, not all cognitive abilities
decline at the same age, at the same rate, or to the same extent in all individuals
or even within the same individual. As a population ages, the differences
in a group become much more varied than, for instance, during childhood.
The reason for this is that the developmental trajectories or pathways are
much more varied in adulthood, and the extent of change is affected by
complex interactions of a large variety of factors including health, social and
personality factors. Because these variables affect individuals to different
183
have unhappy childhoods; others are blessed with a loving family life; some
grow up in poverty and others in luxury. Some show signs of creative genius
early in life, while others are indifferent students whose abilities emerge only
later in life. However, a few traits set creative people apart from the less
creative ones: They have a passion for learning, for improving, and expanding
themselves. These passions also do not vanish after youth; they remain as
powerful in later life. However, in some respects, later creative works may be
different from their earlier works. For example, research involving classical
composers indicates that later compositions were shorter, often simpler and
more restrained, and gained recognition among performers. This finding has
been made with regard to other disciplines as well and is referred to as the
swan song phenomenon, which is a resurgence of creative output stemming
from a final burst of creative energy.
In addition, for creators who are already past the supposed productive
peak (as indicated by the typical age curve), the post-peak may have
personal meaning – nobody wants to be perceived as “past their prime”,
“over the hill”, or “running out of steam”. However, this picture may not be
nearly as dismal as some might infer. Many extrinsic factors may contribute
to an extended creative life. For example, due to modern healthcare, many
creators live healthier and hence more productive lives. Furthermore, there
are currently more opportunities for creative people to pursue a wide range
of interests through various media, allowing them to maintain the openness
to experience that is associated with creativity: Think of the various
opportunities in South Africa, such as art and music festivals, design indabas,
creative writing opportunities, and cooking and singing competitions hosted
by television channels, while many foundations support and encourage
creative minds.
We also have to consider the fact that creators operate in a social context.
This context includes role models and mentors, collaborators, associates,
rivals, and students or apprentices. The increasingly collaborative nature of
creativity is of special interest. Although creative collaboration is especially
notable in the sciences, it also appears in the arts, such as architecture,
theatre, dance, cinema, and video games. In collaborative creativity, new
ideas emerge from the dynamic interaction of individual minds. Although
not all groups are equally creative, highly creative collaborators seem to have
certain characteristics in common. In general, such groups are more creative
when they are heterogeneous with respect to various professional and
demographic factors. One such factor is age. A highly creative collaborative
group often consists of people of different age groups; hence, with differences
in experience levels and cohort diversities. This cohort diversity helps both
182
the young and the old to overcome liabilities linked to their age. For example,
the young may bring enthusiasm to the table, while the old bring the
experience. The various collaborative forces may explain why recent research
finds that the age decline in scientific output has declined – if it does show up
at all. (See Box 3.6 regarding the insights of an award-winning South African
copywriter.)
Box 3.6 Advice for creators from Dominique Swiegers, winner
of the Pendoring Prestige Award for Copywriting:
■ Make the things you want to make.
■ Tell a good story.
■ Fear is not a creative best friend – it’s the enemy.
■ Stop complaining and start creating.
■ Be bold as a creator.
■ Collaborate – it comes with a magnitude of power.
3.3.5 Factors that may affect cognitive development in
adulthood
As we have seen, most studies indicate a generalised gradual decline in
cognitive functioning with age. This becomes more evident in old age.
Physiological changes in the brain (such as a decline in neural functioning)
may be linked to this age-related decline. Furthermore, losses in visual
and auditory acuity affect mental efficiency because they degrade the
information that the brain needs to interpret the world. Therefore, more
effort is needed to recognise complex inputs such as spoken and written
language. This puts more strain on the processing capacity and reduces the
speed and accuracy with which the individual can interpret, store in memory,
and make correct inferences.
However, as we have noted in our discussion, not all cognitive abilities
decline at the same age, at the same rate, or to the same extent in all individuals
or even within the same individual. As a population ages, the differences
in a group become much more varied than, for instance, during childhood.
The reason for this is that the developmental trajectories or pathways are
much more varied in adulthood, and the extent of change is affected by
complex interactions of a large variety of factors including health, social and
personality factors. Because these variables affect individuals to different
183
extents, their chronological age may not be a good indication of the cognitive
changes they may experience. For example, although biological changes as
mentioned above may result in age-related decline, other factors should
also be considered, such as the following (Alwin et al, 2016; Bjorklund, 2014;
Brewster et al., 2014; Peltzer & Phaswana-Mafuya, 2012):
• Health. An important distinction is between normal ageing and
pathological ageing. There is ample evidence that pathologies (diseases)
accelerate the rate of cognitive decline in later life. Many studies have
shown that older people who suffer from particular pathologies, such as
diabetes or cardiovascular problems, perform more poorly on cognitive
measures than age-matched healthy controls do. Furthermore, the
number of different pathologies, including minor diseases, may affect
cognitive performance. In fact, a very rapid cognitive decline in the
months before death is referred to as the terminal drop. However, since
it is a well-established fact that intellectual skills tend to decline in later
life, a simple measure of cognitive decline is not an especially good
predictor of death, since cognitive decline applies to both those about
to die and those who will survive. Therefore, the concept of critical loss
may be a better term. According to the critical loss argument, whereas
some intellectual abilities may decline without predicting anything
in particular, changes in specific indices (signs) are far more likely to
indicate that death is imminent. However, what precisely these indices
of critical loss are is still uncertain. Some researchers indicate declining
learning and memory skills, a decline in psychomotor skills, a decline in
vocabulary size, declining verbal and spatial skills, and a general decline
in cognitive and intellectual skills, while others maintain that the level
of life satisfaction is a reliable predictor. A problem with the notions of
the terminal drop and critical loss is that researchers find it difficult to
determine exactly what must drop for it to be the harbinger (indication)
of death. The reason for this is that the various studies in this regard
are methodologically very different. For example, radically different
measures were employed, different forms of statistical analyses were
used, and there were vast differences in the research participant groups.
• Sociodemographic factors. Indications are that sociodemographic
factors such as prolonged education, higher socio-economic status,
lengthy marriage to an intelligent spouse, exposure to stimulating
environments, the complexity of workplace environment, and the
utilisation of cultural and educational resources throughout adulthood
affect the maintenance of cognitive functioning in old age.
184
• Personality factors. Characteristics such as a positive self-image, an
internal sense of control, positive feelings of self-efficacy, and effective
use of coping strategies may also combat the decline in cognitive
functioning, since people who believe they can perform effectively
usually do perform effectively. This may also be linked to cultural
stereotypes. Whether the older person’s specific culture associates
ageing with inevitable cognitive decline or as a period of increasing
wisdom and expertise may affect the cognitive performance, especially
if the stereotype is relevant to the individual’s self-image. In fact, positive
beliefs and attitudes also have indirect effects on cognitive enrichment.
This indirect effect is reflected in the influence of these beliefs
and attitudes on desirable behaviours such as exercise and mental
stimulation known to be associated with enrichment effects on a variety
of cognitive measures. In addition, research indicates that people with
flexible attitudes at midlife tend to experience less decline in intellectual
competence than people with more rigid attitudes do.
• Multilingualism. Researchers have discovered that senior citizens who
speak more than one language test for better cognitive functioning
(e.g. Bak et al., 2014). These researchers found that the more languages
a person spoke, the better his or her cognitive state was. Although a
person’s level of education was strongly associated with cognitive state,
the number of languages a person spoke also contributed to a prediction
of the person’s cognitive fitness. In fact, they found that speaking more
languages was correlated significantly with cognitive state in people
who had no education at all. The researchers concluded that being able
to speak other languages or learning new languages is beneficial at any
age. It allows for flexibility of thought and is a channel for understanding
another culture better. However, other researchers did not find that
bilingualism as such protects a person from cognitive decline (e.g.
Mukadam et al., 2018). Therefore, more research is necessary on this
aspect.
• Lifestyle factors. Maintaining an active life, such as being involved in
community and family, and stimulating mental activities also contribute
to maintaining cognitive abilities. A large amount of learning can take
place in everyday life without the person being consciously aware of
being stimulated intellectually. For example, researchers found a positive
correlation between the intellectual complexity of leisure activities and
the cognitive capabilities of adults between the ages of 40 and 80.
Less cognitive decline has been noted in older adults who maintain
these activities from middle adulthood to late adulthood and do more
185
extents, their chronological age may not be a good indication of the cognitive
changes they may experience. For example, although biological changes as
mentioned above may result in age-related decline, other factors should
also be considered, such as the following (Alwin et al, 2016; Bjorklund, 2014;
Brewster et al., 2014; Peltzer & Phaswana-Mafuya, 2012):
• Health. An important distinction is between normal ageing and
pathological ageing. There is ample evidence that pathologies (diseases)
accelerate the rate of cognitive decline in later life. Many studies have
shown that older people who suffer from particular pathologies, such as
diabetes or cardiovascular problems, perform more poorly on cognitive
measures than age-matched healthy controls do. Furthermore, the
number of different pathologies, including minor diseases, may affect
cognitive performance. In fact, a very rapid cognitive decline in the
months before death is referred to as the terminal drop. However, since
it is a well-established fact that intellectual skills tend to decline in later
life, a simple measure of cognitive decline is not an especially good
predictor of death, since cognitive decline applies to both those about
to die and those who will survive. Therefore, the concept of critical loss
may be a better term. According to the critical loss argument, whereas
some intellectual abilities may decline without predicting anything
in particular, changes in specific indices (signs) are far more likely to
indicate that death is imminent. However, what precisely these indices
of critical loss are is still uncertain. Some researchers indicate declining
learning and memory skills, a decline in psychomotor skills, a decline in
vocabulary size, declining verbal and spatial skills, and a general decline
in cognitive and intellectual skills, while others maintain that the level
of life satisfaction is a reliable predictor. A problem with the notions of
the terminal drop and critical loss is that researchers find it difficult to
determine exactly what must drop for it to be the harbinger (indication)
of death. The reason for this is that the various studies in this regard
are methodologically very different. For example, radically different
measures were employed, different forms of statistical analyses were
used, and there were vast differences in the research participant groups.
• Sociodemographic factors. Indications are that sociodemographic
factors such as prolonged education, higher socio-economic status,
lengthy marriage to an intelligent spouse, exposure to stimulating
environments, the complexity of workplace environment, and the
utilisation of cultural and educational resources throughout adulthood
affect the maintenance of cognitive functioning in old age.
184
• Personality factors. Characteristics such as a positive self-image, an
internal sense of control, positive feelings of self-efficacy, and effective
use of coping strategies may also combat the decline in cognitive
functioning, since people who believe they can perform effectively
usually do perform effectively. This may also be linked to cultural
stereotypes. Whether the older person’s specific culture associates
ageing with inevitable cognitive decline or as a period of increasing
wisdom and expertise may affect the cognitive performance, especially
if the stereotype is relevant to the individual’s self-image. In fact, positive
beliefs and attitudes also have indirect effects on cognitive enrichment.
This indirect effect is reflected in the influence of these beliefs
and attitudes on desirable behaviours such as exercise and mental
stimulation known to be associated with enrichment effects on a variety
of cognitive measures. In addition, research indicates that people with
flexible attitudes at midlife tend to experience less decline in intellectual
competence than people with more rigid attitudes do.
• Multilingualism. Researchers have discovered that senior citizens who
speak more than one language test for better cognitive functioning
(e.g. Bak et al., 2014). These researchers found that the more languages
a person spoke, the better his or her cognitive state was. Although a
person’s level of education was strongly associated with cognitive state,
the number of languages a person spoke also contributed to a prediction
of the person’s cognitive fitness. In fact, they found that speaking more
languages was correlated significantly with cognitive state in people
who had no education at all. The researchers concluded that being able
to speak other languages or learning new languages is beneficial at any
age. It allows for flexibility of thought and is a channel for understanding
another culture better. However, other researchers did not find that
bilingualism as such protects a person from cognitive decline (e.g.
Mukadam et al., 2018). Therefore, more research is necessary on this
aspect.
• Lifestyle factors. Maintaining an active life, such as being involved in
community and family, and stimulating mental activities also contribute
to maintaining cognitive abilities. A large amount of learning can take
place in everyday life without the person being consciously aware of
being stimulated intellectually. For example, researchers found a positive
correlation between the intellectual complexity of leisure activities and
the cognitive capabilities of adults between the ages of 40 and 80.
Less cognitive decline has been noted in older adults who maintain
these activities from middle adulthood to late adulthood and do more
185
 of these activities in later life. In addition, healthy eating, drinking and
sleeping patterns and regular exercise are also conducive to cognitive
maintenance. In addition, the beneficial effects of physical exercise
on cognitive ageing are increasingly receiving research attention (e.g.
Brasure et al, 2018; Ferencz et al., 2014). For example, it has been
shown that aerobic fitness has a positive effect on a variety of cognitive
measures, such as brain plasticity and memory functioning.
Stimulating mental activities can contribute to maintaining
cognitive abilities
• Experiences at every stage of life. Multiple factors, such as people’s
circumstances, life experiences, behaviour patterns, socio-economic
status, lifestyle, and educational and recreational activities throughout
life may affect their cognitive ability in advanced age.
186
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is expertise? Why is expert knowledge necessary in society? Can every
person be an expert at something?
2. Discuss the various viewpoints regarding the acquisition of expertise in a specific
area, with specific reference to the classical perspective, the cognitive perspective,
the experience perspective, the deliberate practice view, and the biological view.
3. How is expertise affected by the ageing process? How may adults maintain their
expertise in their respective fields?
4. Why is it difficult to define the concept of wisdom? What is the central theme shared
by the majority of wisdom researchers regarding the conceptualisation of wisdom?
5. What is the rationale of implicit theories of wisdom? Discuss the research findings
in this regard. What are the dominant descriptors of wisdom of most of the research
participants in these studies?
6. What is the rationale of explicit theories of wisdom?
7. What is the most extensive Western research programme regarding the explicit
theory of wisdom called? How do Paul Baltes and his colleagues, the leaders of this
programme, define wisdom? Discuss the five characteristics of wisdom as identified
by these researchers.
8. What is the major difference between Western and Eastern approaches to wisdom?
9. What is the basic premise of an African approach to wisdom? Discuss the research
of the Kenyan philosopher Odera Oruka, regarding sages or wise people. Distinguish
between an ordinary sage and a philosophical sage.
10. In an attempt to create a culturally inclusive theory of wisdom, Monica Ardelt
developed a three-dimensional wisdom model. Describe this model.
11. Discuss the factors that may contribute to the development of wisdom.
12. How is wisdom affected by age? Why is the relationship between age and wisdom
so complex? Is wisdom necessarily a characteristic of older people – why or why
not? What does the Berlin Wisdom Study indicate regarding the relationship
between age and wisdom?
13. Do you agree with Muller that the notion that the elders are also those with the
greatest wisdom, has changed in African society?
14. What are the benefits of wisdom to the wise person?
15. Identify a truly wise person (past or present) in South Africa. Justify your reasons
why you characterise this person as wise.
16. What is creativity? Why have researchers not been able to reach consensus on the
appropriate way to study creativity?
17. Discuss the various ways in which the study of creativity is conceptualised. Do you
agree that crafts should also be included as creative products? Give reasons for your
answer.
18. What approaches do researchers interested in the relationship between ageing and
creativity generally use? What are the general findings of the age-creativity
relationship?
19. Which factors contribute to creativity in adulthood? Include intrinsic, extrinsic, and
social factors in your answer.
20. Discuss the factors that may affect cognitive development in adulthood.
187
 of these activities in later life. In addition, healthy eating, drinking and
sleeping patterns and regular exercise are also conducive to cognitive
maintenance. In addition, the beneficial effects of physical exercise
on cognitive ageing are increasingly receiving research attention (e.g.
Brasure et al, 2018; Ferencz et al., 2014). For example, it has been
shown that aerobic fitness has a positive effect on a variety of cognitive
measures, such as brain plasticity and memory functioning.
Stimulating mental activities can contribute to maintaining
cognitive abilities
• Experiences at every stage of life. Multiple factors, such as people’s
circumstances, life experiences, behaviour patterns, socio-economic
status, lifestyle, and educational and recreational activities throughout
life may affect their cognitive ability in advanced age.
186
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is expertise? Why is expert knowledge necessary in society? Can every
person be an expert at something?
2. Discuss the various viewpoints regarding the acquisition of expertise in a specific
area, with specific reference to the classical perspective, the cognitive perspective,
the experience perspective, the deliberate practice view, and the biological view.
3. How is expertise affected by the ageing process? How may adults maintain their
expertise in their respective fields?
4. Why is it difficult to define the concept of wisdom? What is the central theme shared
by the majority of wisdom researchers regarding the conceptualisation of wisdom?
5. What is the rationale of implicit theories of wisdom? Discuss the research findings
in this regard. What are the dominant descriptors of wisdom of most of the research
participants in these studies?
6. What is the rationale of explicit theories of wisdom?
7. What is the most extensive Western research programme regarding the explicit
theory of wisdom called? How do Paul Baltes and his colleagues, the leaders of this
programme, define wisdom? Discuss the five characteristics of wisdom as identified
by these researchers.
8. What is the major difference between Western and Eastern approaches to wisdom?
9. What is the basic premise of an African approach to wisdom? Discuss the research
of the Kenyan philosopher Odera Oruka, regarding sages or wise people. Distinguish
between an ordinary sage and a philosophical sage.
10. In an attempt to create a culturally inclusive theory of wisdom, Monica Ardelt
developed a three-dimensional wisdom model. Describe this model.
11. Discuss the factors that may contribute to the development of wisdom.
12. How is wisdom affected by age? Why is the relationship between age and wisdom
so complex? Is wisdom necessarily a characteristic of older people – why or why
not? What does the Berlin Wisdom Study indicate regarding the relationship
between age and wisdom?
13. Do you agree with Muller that the notion that the elders are also those with the
greatest wisdom, has changed in African society?
14. What are the benefits of wisdom to the wise person?
15. Identify a truly wise person (past or present) in South Africa. Justify your reasons
why you characterise this person as wise.
16. What is creativity? Why have researchers not been able to reach consensus on the
appropriate way to study creativity?
17. Discuss the various ways in which the study of creativity is conceptualised. Do you
agree that crafts should also be included as creative products? Give reasons for your
answer.
18. What approaches do researchers interested in the relationship between ageing and
creativity generally use? What are the general findings of the age-creativity
relationship?
19. Which factors contribute to creativity in adulthood? Include intrinsic, extrinsic, and
social factors in your answer.
20. Discuss the factors that may affect cognitive development in adulthood.
187
3.3.6 Redefining adult cognitive development: Theoretical
perspectives
In this section, we consider how theorists view cognitive development as
adults progress through the life span.
3.3.6.1 Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development in
adulthood: formal operational thought
Jean Piaget (1963), a Swiss physician and psychologist, developed a theory
of cognitive development that has been highly influential in developmental
psychology and has been applied in the South African context (e.g. Muthivhi,
2010). Piaget believed that the development of intelligence stems from the
emergence of increasingly complex structures, which occurs through the
principles of adaptation and organisation:
• Adaptation is the process of adjusting one’s thought processes.
Two processes underlie intellectual adaptation: assimilation and
accommodation. Assimilation refers to the use of currently available
knowledge to make sense of incoming information. Accommodation
involves changing one’s thoughts to adjust to new experiences.
• Organisation refers to the fact that each specialised part is coordinated
with the whole. In Piaget’s theory, the organisation of thought is reflected
in cognitive structures that change over the life span. Intelligence
is not simply the accumulation of more knowledge. Instead, it is a
reorganisation of greater knowledge to produce a different way of
thinking. Therefore, thinking changes qualitatively. These changes
progress through a set of four cognitive stages that occur in a fixed, or
invariant, sequence. Piaget’s stages
of cognitive development are (see
Table 3.3) the sensorimotor stage
(birth to 2 years), the preoperational
stage (2 to 6 years), the concrete
operational stage (7 to 11 years) and
the formal operational stage (12
years extending into adulthood).
For Piaget, the acquisition of formal
operational thought marks the end
of cognitive development.
Jean Piaget
188
Because Piaget argues that formal operational thinking characterises
adult thought, we shall consider this stage in some detail. According to
Piaget, formal operational thought is characterised by four aspects:
– It takes a hypothesis-testing approach (called hypothetic-deductive
thinking) to problem solving.
– Thinking occurs in one framework at a time.
– The goal is to arrive at one correct solution.
– It is unconstrained by reality.
Individuals use scientific deductive reasoning to generate and test
hypotheses and systematically eliminate all but the correct solution to a
problem. Hypothetic-deductive reasoning is similar to using the scientific
method: It involves forming a hypothesis and testing it until the hypothesis
is either confirmed or rejected. Therefore, Piaget describes the essence of
formal thought as a way of generating abstract concepts and thinking about
them in a very systematic, step-by-step way. Formal operational thought is
governed by a logical structure that may even provide solutions to problems
that people have never seen and may never encounter. When hypothetic-
deductive reasoning is used, people do so to arrive at one unambiguous
(definite) solution to the problem. Therefore, formal operational thought is
aimed at resolving ambiguity; one and only one answer is the goal. When
more than one solution occurs, there is a feeling of uneasiness, and people
begin a search for clarification. Moreover, when people arrive at an answer,
they are quite certain about it because it was arrived at by the use of logic.
This may result in the situation that when answers are checked, people
typically use the same logic and assumptions, and the same mistakes may
be made. Formal operational thinking knows no constraints. Therefore, it can
be applied just as easily to real or imaginary situations; it is not bound by
the limitations of reality. In this sense, people may come up with a solution
to a problem, whether it can be implemented or not. What matters is that
one can think about it. Although this lack of reality may not always lead
to plausible problem solving, the lack of reality constraints is not all bad.
Reasoning from a “Why not” perspective may lead to the discovery or the
invention of new solutions (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
Although Piaget’s theory has had a major influence on our understanding
of cognitive development, it also has been criticised. For example, not
all adolescents, or even all adults for that matter, use a logical scientific
approach to solve all problems. Furthermore, individuals who use a logical
scientific approach to solve one kind of problem do not necessarily use that
189
3.3.6 Redefining adult cognitive development: Theoretical
perspectives
In this section, we consider how theorists view cognitive development as
adults progress through the life span.
3.3.6.1 Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development in
adulthood: formal operational thought
Jean Piaget (1963), a Swiss physician and psychologist, developed a theory
of cognitive development that has been highly influential in developmental
psychology and has been applied in the South African context (e.g. Muthivhi,
2010). Piaget believed that the development of intelligence stems from the
emergence of increasingly complex structures, which occurs through the
principles of adaptation and organisation:
• Adaptation is the process of adjusting one’s thought processes.
Two processes underlie intellectual adaptation: assimilation and
accommodation. Assimilation refers to the use of currently available
knowledge to make sense of incoming information. Accommodation
involves changing one’s thoughts to adjust to new experiences.
• Organisation refers to the fact that each specialised part is coordinated
with the whole. In Piaget’s theory, the organisation of thought is reflected
in cognitive structures that change over the life span. Intelligence
is not simply the accumulation of more knowledge. Instead, it is a
reorganisation of greater knowledge to produce a different way of
thinking. Therefore, thinking changes qualitatively. These changes
progress through a set of four cognitive stages that occur in a fixed, or
invariant, sequence. Piaget’s stages
of cognitive development are (see
Table 3.3) the sensorimotor stage
(birth to 2 years), the preoperational
stage (2 to 6 years), the concrete
operational stage (7 to 11 years) and
the formal operational stage (12
years extending into adulthood).
For Piaget, the acquisition of formal
operational thought marks the end
of cognitive development.
Jean Piaget
188
Because Piaget argues that formal operational thinking characterises
adult thought, we shall consider this stage in some detail. According to
Piaget, formal operational thought is characterised by four aspects:
– It takes a hypothesis-testing approach (called hypothetic-deductive
thinking) to problem solving.
– Thinking occurs in one framework at a time.
– The goal is to arrive at one correct solution.
– It is unconstrained by reality.
Individuals use scientific deductive reasoning to generate and test
hypotheses and systematically eliminate all but the correct solution to a
problem. Hypothetic-deductive reasoning is similar to using the scientific
method: It involves forming a hypothesis and testing it until the hypothesis
is either confirmed or rejected. Therefore, Piaget describes the essence of
formal thought as a way of generating abstract concepts and thinking about
them in a very systematic, step-by-step way. Formal operational thought is
governed by a logical structure that may even provide solutions to problems
that people have never seen and may never encounter. When hypothetic-
deductive reasoning is used, people do so to arrive at one unambiguous
(definite) solution to the problem. Therefore, formal operational thought is
aimed at resolving ambiguity; one and only one answer is the goal. When
more than one solution occurs, there is a feeling of uneasiness, and people
begin a search for clarification. Moreover, when people arrive at an answer,
they are quite certain about it because it was arrived at by the use of logic.
This may result in the situation that when answers are checked, people
typically use the same logic and assumptions, and the same mistakes may
be made. Formal operational thinking knows no constraints. Therefore, it can
be applied just as easily to real or imaginary situations; it is not bound by
the limitations of reality. In this sense, people may come up with a solution
to a problem, whether it can be implemented or not. What matters is that
one can think about it. Although this lack of reality may not always lead
to plausible problem solving, the lack of reality constraints is not all bad.
Reasoning from a “Why not” perspective may lead to the discovery or the
invention of new solutions (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015).
Although Piaget’s theory has had a major influence on our understanding
of cognitive development, it also has been criticised. For example, not
all adolescents, or even all adults for that matter, use a logical scientific
approach to solve all problems. Furthermore, individuals who use a logical
scientific approach to solve one kind of problem do not necessarily use that
189
approach to solve other kinds of problems. In fact, whether individuals use a
logical approach may depend on how familiar they are with a particular type
of problem and what their experience has been in similar situations.
Table 3.3 Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development
Stage Approximate Age Characteristics
Sensorimotor Birth to 2 years Infants’ understanding of the world
is acquired through the senses and
movement (e.g. looking and grasping).
Object permanence develops; i.e. the
child begins to realise that a physical
object can exist, even if it is not in view.
Preoperational 2 to 6 years Children begin to use language and
thought symbols (e.g. pictures and words) to
represent ideas and objects. Animism (the
notion that all lifeless objects also have
feelings and thoughts) and egocentric
thinking (inability to see the world from
other people’s point of view) develop.
Concrete operational 7 to 11 years Logical thinking develops, but only as it
thought applies to real, concrete objects. Abstract
thinking is still largely absent.
Formal operational 12 and older Adolescent or adult thinks abstractly,
thought speculates on hypothetical situations, and
reasons deductively about what may be
possible.
3.3.6.2 Neo-Piagetian approach: Postformal thought
By the 1970s, it was clear that Piaget’s contention that formal operational
thinking was the end point of cognitive development, had serious problems.
Many authors agreed that the concept of formal operations was quite
limited in its applicability. It was pointed out that Piaget was concerned with
describing logical hypothetic-deductive thinking, but that this is not the only
kind of thinking in which adults engage. Moreover, formal operational thinking
explains how people arrive at one correct solution. This is also limiting, since
adults often generate and discover new problems and tend to accept several
possible solutions. In addition, adults often limit their thinking in response to
social or other realistic constraints. Therefore, it seemed clear that cognitive
growth takes place beyond formal operations. This type of thinking was
termed post formal thinking. Postformal thought is “characterised by a
recognition that truth (i.e. the correct answer) may vary from situation to
situation, that solutions must be realistic to be reasonable, that ambiguity
and contradiction are the rule rather than the exception, and that emotion
and subjective factors usually play a role in thinking” (Kail & Cavanaugh,
2018, p. 341).
Several research-based descriptions of the development of postformal
thinking in adulthood have been offered:

• Reflective judgement. Researchers identified a systematic progression

Piaget (1972) admitted that formal operations are probably not universal,
but rather tend to appear only in those areas in which individuals are highly
trained or specialised. Formal reasoning is often tested by psychometric
tests, especially those that measure fluid intellectual abilities. Many items in
tests of fluid ability involve abstract problem solving, and the correct answer
is determined by logical deduction. As we have seen earlier, older adults
perform less well than younger adults do in tests of fluid abilities. However,
not all problems occurring in everyday life lend themselves to formal logical
solutions, while some real-life problems may have more than one possible
solution. Furthermore, it may also be that the Piagetian conception of formal
operational thinking is inappropriate when applied to older adults. Older
people have different concerns from younger people; consequently, they
may use their intellectual skills differently. This has inspired a number of
researchers to look beyond formal operations in determining pathways of
adult cognitive development.
of reflective judgement in young adulthood (King & Kitchener, 2004).
In the first three stages of the model, young adults typically do not
acknowledge and may not even perceive that knowledge is uncertain.
Consequently, they do not understand that some problems may exist even
when there is not a clear and correct answer. During this stage, people
believe that what they know is correct and that they know with complete
certainty. Typical statements will be “I know it because I see it” or “If
it is on the news/Internet, it must be true”. This is called pre-reflective
reasoning. During stages 4 and 5, quasi-reflective reasoning emerges.
People now begin to realise that nothing can be known for certain and
are more likely to change their conclusions based on the situation and
on the evidence. Young adults argue that knowledge is quite subjective.
A typical statement will be “I would believe in climate change if I could
see the proof: How can you be sure the scientists are not just making up
the data?” During stages 6 and 7, reflective thinking develops, showing
an increasing understanding that people construct knowledge using
evidence and argument after careful analysis of the problem or situation.

190 191
approach to solve other kinds of problems. In fact, whether individuals use a
logical approach may depend on how familiar they are with a particular type
of problem and what their experience has been in similar situations.
Table 3.3 Piaget’s four stages of cognitive development
Stage Approximate Age Characteristics
Sensorimotor Birth to 2 years Infants’ understanding of the world
is acquired through the senses and
movement (e.g. looking and grasping).
Object permanence develops; i.e. the
child begins to realise that a physical
object can exist, even if it is not in view.
Preoperational 2 to 6 years Children begin to use language and
thought symbols (e.g. pictures and words) to
represent ideas and objects. Animism (the
notion that all lifeless objects also have
feelings and thoughts) and egocentric
thinking (inability to see the world from
other people’s point of view) develop.
Concrete operational 7 to 11 years Logical thinking develops, but only as it
thought applies to real, concrete objects. Abstract
thinking is still largely absent.
Formal operational 12 and older Adolescent or adult thinks abstractly,
thought speculates on hypothetical situations, and
reasons deductively about what may be
possible.
3.3.6.2 Neo-Piagetian approach: Postformal thought
By the 1970s, it was clear that Piaget’s contention that formal operational
thinking was the end point of cognitive development, had serious problems.
Many authors agreed that the concept of formal operations was quite
limited in its applicability. It was pointed out that Piaget was concerned with
describing logical hypothetic-deductive thinking, but that this is not the only
kind of thinking in which adults engage. Moreover, formal operational thinking
explains how people arrive at one correct solution. This is also limiting, since
adults often generate and discover new problems and tend to accept several
possible solutions. In addition, adults often limit their thinking in response to
social or other realistic constraints. Therefore, it seemed clear that cognitive
growth takes place beyond formal operations. This type of thinking was
termed post formal thinking. Postformal thought is “characterised by a
recognition that truth (i.e. the correct answer) may vary from situation to
situation, that solutions must be realistic to be reasonable, that ambiguity
and contradiction are the rule rather than the exception, and that emotion
and subjective factors usually play a role in thinking” (Kail & Cavanaugh,
2018, p. 341).
Several research-based descriptions of the development of postformal
thinking in adulthood have been offered:

• Reflective judgement. Researchers identified a systematic progression

Piaget (1972) admitted that formal operations are probably not universal,
but rather tend to appear only in those areas in which individuals are highly
trained or specialised. Formal reasoning is often tested by psychometric
tests, especially those that measure fluid intellectual abilities. Many items in
tests of fluid ability involve abstract problem solving, and the correct answer
is determined by logical deduction. As we have seen earlier, older adults
perform less well than younger adults do in tests of fluid abilities. However,
not all problems occurring in everyday life lend themselves to formal logical
solutions, while some real-life problems may have more than one possible
solution. Furthermore, it may also be that the Piagetian conception of formal
operational thinking is inappropriate when applied to older adults. Older
people have different concerns from younger people; consequently, they
may use their intellectual skills differently. This has inspired a number of
researchers to look beyond formal operations in determining pathways of
adult cognitive development.
of reflective judgement in young adulthood (King & Kitchener, 2004).
In the first three stages of the model, young adults typically do not
acknowledge and may not even perceive that knowledge is uncertain.
Consequently, they do not understand that some problems may exist even
when there is not a clear and correct answer. During this stage, people
believe that what they know is correct and that they know with complete
certainty. Typical statements will be “I know it because I see it” or “If
it is on the news/Internet, it must be true”. This is called pre-reflective
reasoning. During stages 4 and 5, quasi-reflective reasoning emerges.
People now begin to realise that nothing can be known for certain and
are more likely to change their conclusions based on the situation and
on the evidence. Young adults argue that knowledge is quite subjective.
A typical statement will be “I would believe in climate change if I could
see the proof: How can you be sure the scientists are not just making up
the data?” During stages 6 and 7, reflective thinking develops, showing
an increasing understanding that people construct knowledge using
evidence and argument after careful analysis of the problem or situation.

190 191
 They once again hold firm convictions, but reach them only after the
careful consideration of several different points of view. They also realise
that they have to re-evaluate their beliefs continuously in view of new
evidence. A typical statement could be the following: “It is difficult to be
certain about things in life, but you can draw your own conclusions about
them based on how well an argument is put together based on the data
used to support it.”
• Absolutist, relativistic and dialectical thinking. Adolescents and
young adults often make use of absolutist thinking. This involves firmly
believing that there is only one correct solution to a problem and that
personal experience provides truth. They typically think that by logic
one can determine absolute right and wrong. In contrast, relativistic
thinking involves realising that there are many sides to an issue and
that the right answer depends on the circumstances. Relativistic thinkers
accept conflicting opinions and explore the multiple perspectives from
which an issue can be argued. Making intelligent life decisions means
understanding the relativity of all decision making. Relativistic thinking is
often encountered in young and early middle-aged adults. One potential
danger of relativistic thinking is that relativistic thinkers may avoid
making decisions or having strong beliefs. They may adopt a cynical
approach such as “I’ll do my thing and you do yours.” However, the final
step, dialectical thinking clears this problem. Dialectical thinkers see
the merits of the different viewpoints but can synthesise or integrate
them into a workable solution. This synthesis often produces strong
commitment and a definite plan of action (Kramer et al., 1992). Other
researchers have extended the notion of dialectical reasoning to wisdom,
coping flexibility, and the ability to deal with a wide array of everyday
problems effectively (see Cheng, 2009; Kallio, 2015).
• Integration of emotion and logic. In addition to an increased
understanding that there is more than one “right” answer, adult thinking
is characterised by the integration of emotion with logic (Labouvie-Vief
et al., 2010). For example, thinking in postformal thought proceeds from
“I’m right, because I’ve experienced it” to “I’m not so sure because your
experience is different from mine.” An ability to understand and synthesise
another’s point of view is usually beneficial in resolving life’s problems.
This may be linked to adults’ increased ability to integrate emotion with
logic in their thinking. According to Lavouvie-Vief and her colleagues, as
they mature, adults tend to make decisions and analyse problems not so
much on logical grounds but on pragmatic, emotional and social grounds.
Mature thinkers realise that thinking is a social phenomenon that involves
192
making compromises and tolerating ambiguity and contradiction.
The developmental integration of thought and emotion during young
adulthood and middle age is affected by life-cycle forces and cohort
effects. For example, the pressures of providing for children may affect
how one responds in midlife, more so than in early or later adulthood. In
addition, evidence from neuro-imaging research indicates that emotion
and logic processing are integrated in certain areas of the brain (Gu et al.,
2013). Evidence that emotion and logic share common brain pathways
also stems from the disruption in these pathways caused by certain
mental disorders. The integration of emotion with logic that happens in
adulthood provides the basis for decision making in the personal and
sometimes difficult arenas of love and work.
Postformal thought serves an important purpose in many life situations.
It is considered as a form of adaptive intelligence, because in life, there
is often more than one ‘truth’ about an event or a relationship. In social
situations, for example, it may be necessary to shift perspectives, at least
for the specific moment, to see things from another person’s point of
view. However, studying postformal thinking is a difficult task. Measures
of postformal thought vary considerably from study to study, while the
possible contributory role of education and experience is not understood
fully, with the result that no firm conclusions can be drawn. However,
despite the difficulties in measuring it, postformal thought is recognised as
a legitimate type of cognition that has very different qualities compared to
the cognition used to solve logical problems, such as in formal operational
thinking. In addition, it has focused the attention on the different styles of
thinking across adulthood and has certainly presented a different view to
the stereotype of inevitable decline. On the other hand, whether postformal
thinking constitutes a stage that emerges more fully in older adulthood
and whether most older adults engage in this type of thinking under the
appropriate conditions remain to be determined. Some researchers are of
the contention that although people are able to think at complex levels,
they generally do not (King & Kitchener, 2004). A reason for this is that the
environment often does not provide the support necessary for using one’s
highest level of thinking, especially regarding the knowledge and experience
one already has. For example, people may be strong environmentalists
philosophically, but on a practical level, they may not always purchase
products with the least effect on the environment, or be conscious of the
immense harm littering causes the environment, often because the leaders
in society do not endorse or enforce laws, or provide the necessary means
193
 They once again hold firm convictions, but reach them only after the
careful consideration of several different points of view. They also realise
that they have to re-evaluate their beliefs continuously in view of new
evidence. A typical statement could be the following: “It is difficult to be
certain about things in life, but you can draw your own conclusions about
them based on how well an argument is put together based on the data
used to support it.”
• Absolutist, relativistic and dialectical thinking. Adolescents and
young adults often make use of absolutist thinking. This involves firmly
believing that there is only one correct solution to a problem and that
personal experience provides truth. They typically think that by logic
one can determine absolute right and wrong. In contrast, relativistic
thinking involves realising that there are many sides to an issue and
that the right answer depends on the circumstances. Relativistic thinkers
accept conflicting opinions and explore the multiple perspectives from
which an issue can be argued. Making intelligent life decisions means
understanding the relativity of all decision making. Relativistic thinking is
often encountered in young and early middle-aged adults. One potential
danger of relativistic thinking is that relativistic thinkers may avoid
making decisions or having strong beliefs. They may adopt a cynical
approach such as “I’ll do my thing and you do yours.” However, the final
step, dialectical thinking clears this problem. Dialectical thinkers see
the merits of the different viewpoints but can synthesise or integrate
them into a workable solution. This synthesis often produces strong
commitment and a definite plan of action (Kramer et al., 1992). Other
researchers have extended the notion of dialectical reasoning to wisdom,
coping flexibility, and the ability to deal with a wide array of everyday
problems effectively (see Cheng, 2009; Kallio, 2015).
• Integration of emotion and logic. In addition to an increased
understanding that there is more than one “right” answer, adult thinking
is characterised by the integration of emotion with logic (Labouvie-Vief
et al., 2010). For example, thinking in postformal thought proceeds from
“I’m right, because I’ve experienced it” to “I’m not so sure because your
experience is different from mine.” An ability to understand and synthesise
another’s point of view is usually beneficial in resolving life’s problems.
This may be linked to adults’ increased ability to integrate emotion with
logic in their thinking. According to Lavouvie-Vief and her colleagues, as
they mature, adults tend to make decisions and analyse problems not so
much on logical grounds but on pragmatic, emotional and social grounds.
Mature thinkers realise that thinking is a social phenomenon that involves
192
making compromises and tolerating ambiguity and contradiction.
The developmental integration of thought and emotion during young
adulthood and middle age is affected by life-cycle forces and cohort
effects. For example, the pressures of providing for children may affect
how one responds in midlife, more so than in early or later adulthood. In
addition, evidence from neuro-imaging research indicates that emotion
and logic processing are integrated in certain areas of the brain (Gu et al.,
2013). Evidence that emotion and logic share common brain pathways
also stems from the disruption in these pathways caused by certain
mental disorders. The integration of emotion with logic that happens in
adulthood provides the basis for decision making in the personal and
sometimes difficult arenas of love and work.
Postformal thought serves an important purpose in many life situations.
It is considered as a form of adaptive intelligence, because in life, there
is often more than one ‘truth’ about an event or a relationship. In social
situations, for example, it may be necessary to shift perspectives, at least
for the specific moment, to see things from another person’s point of
view. However, studying postformal thinking is a difficult task. Measures
of postformal thought vary considerably from study to study, while the
possible contributory role of education and experience is not understood
fully, with the result that no firm conclusions can be drawn. However,
despite the difficulties in measuring it, postformal thought is recognised as
a legitimate type of cognition that has very different qualities compared to
the cognition used to solve logical problems, such as in formal operational
thinking. In addition, it has focused the attention on the different styles of
thinking across adulthood and has certainly presented a different view to
the stereotype of inevitable decline. On the other hand, whether postformal
thinking constitutes a stage that emerges more fully in older adulthood
and whether most older adults engage in this type of thinking under the
appropriate conditions remain to be determined. Some researchers are of
the contention that although people are able to think at complex levels,
they generally do not (King & Kitchener, 2004). A reason for this is that the
environment often does not provide the support necessary for using one’s
highest level of thinking, especially regarding the knowledge and experience
one already has. For example, people may be strong environmentalists
philosophically, but on a practical level, they may not always purchase
products with the least effect on the environment, or be conscious of the
immense harm littering causes the environment, often because the leaders
in society do not endorse or enforce laws, or provide the necessary means
193
to dispose of waste products.
3.3.6.3 Schaie and Willis’ stages of adult cognitive development
If it is reasonable to assume that cognitive development during adulthood
is qualitatively different from that during childhood and adolescence, it may
also be reasonable to think that cognitive development may be different at
different stages of adulthood. Schaie and Willis begin with the observation
that Piaget’s childhood stages describe efficiency in the acquisition of new
information. According to Schaie, the individual masters the best ways of
acquiring knowledge during childhood and adolescence. During adulthood,
the intellect is used differently. Schaie and Willis (Schaie, 2016; Schaie &
Willis, 2002) formulated six stages of adult cognitive development:
• The achieving stage. In this first stage of adult cognitive development,
young adults typically switch their focus from the acquisition to the
application of knowledge, specifically related to achieving long-term
goals. In this stage, adults often have to make important decisions, and
solutions must be integrated with a life plan that extends far into the
future. The kind of intelligence exhibited in such situations is similar to
that manifested in educational tasks, except that it requires more careful
attention to the possible consequences of the problem-solving process.
• The responsible stage. Adults who have mastered the cognitive skills for
monitoring their own behaviour and, as a consequence, have attained a
certain degree of personal independence will move into the second stage,
the responsible stage, which requires the application of cognitive skills
required in situations involving social responsibility. This stage occurs
when a family is established and the needs of a spouse and children must
be met. These skills may also be required for increasing responsibility in
the workplace and in the community.
• The executive stage. Some individuals’ responsibilities become
exceedingly complex and require them to move to a variation of the
responsibility stage, namely the executive stage. Individuals entering
organisations as presidents, officials, heads of departments, and so forth,
will require specific skills such as assuming responsibility for others,
monitoring the organisational activities, and understanding the structure
and underlying dynamics. They need to know not only the future plans of
the organisation, but also whether policy decisions are being translated
into action adequately at lower levels of responsibility. Attainment of
the executive stage depends on exposure to opportunities that allow
194
the development and practice of the relevant skills. A large part of these
responsibilities occurs during middle age.
• The reintegrative stage. As individuals approach the stages beyond
middle age, they are often no longer engaged in the world of work. In
the reintegrative stage the need to acquire knowledge declines even
more, and executive monitoring becomes less important. Frequently, the
person has retired from the position that required such an application
of intelligence. The information that elderly people acquire and the
knowledge that they apply become a function of their interests, attitudes
and values. In fact, it requires reintegration of all of these factors.
Cognitive efforts are directed towards replacing the earlier engagement
of family-raising and workplace responsibilities with meaningful pursuits
for the last part of life. Although some of these activities involve the same
cognitive characteristics of the responsible stage, the objectives involved
concern a reintegration of current and future needs. The elderly are less
likely to ‘waste time’ on tasks that are meaningless to them. As Schaie
and Willis (2002, p. 348) put it, there is a transition from the childhood
question “What should I know?” to the adult question “How should I put
to use what I know?” Cognitive efforts during this stage may involve a
selective reduction in information-seeking activities while increasing the
importance of emotion regulation involved in problem solving.
• The reorganisational stage. During the last part of life, activities are
engaged in to maximise quality of life, often with the additional objective
of not becoming a burden for the next generation. These efforts require
a reorganisation of objectives. The skills required for the reorganisational
stage involve the maintenance of reasonably high levels of cognitive
competence. In addition, maintaining flexible cognitive styles is needed
to be able to restructure the context and content of life after retirement,
relinquish control of resources to others, and accept the partial surrender
of one’s independence.
• The legacy-creating stage. Once the reintegrative and reorganisational
processes have been completed, and perhaps overlapping with it, a
last stage, the legacy-creating stage, may be observed in late old age.
Cognitive activities characteristic of this stage occur in anticipation of the
end of a person’s life. This stage often begins with an effort to conduct
a life review. This includes a renewed effort at providing an oral history
or explaining family pictures and heirlooms to the next generation.
Some wish to put their remaining effects in order or distribute prized
possessions to friends and relatives or create instructions for distributing
them. A final revision of one’s will and directions for funeral arrangements
195
to dispose of waste products.
3.3.6.3 Schaie and Willis’ stages of adult cognitive development
If it is reasonable to assume that cognitive development during adulthood
is qualitatively different from that during childhood and adolescence, it may
also be reasonable to think that cognitive development may be different at
different stages of adulthood. Schaie and Willis begin with the observation
that Piaget’s childhood stages describe efficiency in the acquisition of new
information. According to Schaie, the individual masters the best ways of
acquiring knowledge during childhood and adolescence. During adulthood,
the intellect is used differently. Schaie and Willis (Schaie, 2016; Schaie &
Willis, 2002) formulated six stages of adult cognitive development:
• The achieving stage. In this first stage of adult cognitive development,
young adults typically switch their focus from the acquisition to the
application of knowledge, specifically related to achieving long-term
goals. In this stage, adults often have to make important decisions, and
solutions must be integrated with a life plan that extends far into the
future. The kind of intelligence exhibited in such situations is similar to
that manifested in educational tasks, except that it requires more careful
attention to the possible consequences of the problem-solving process.
• The responsible stage. Adults who have mastered the cognitive skills for
monitoring their own behaviour and, as a consequence, have attained a
certain degree of personal independence will move into the second stage,
the responsible stage, which requires the application of cognitive skills
required in situations involving social responsibility. This stage occurs
when a family is established and the needs of a spouse and children must
be met. These skills may also be required for increasing responsibility in
the workplace and in the community.
• The executive stage. Some individuals’ responsibilities become
exceedingly complex and require them to move to a variation of the
responsibility stage, namely the executive stage. Individuals entering
organisations as presidents, officials, heads of departments, and so forth,
will require specific skills such as assuming responsibility for others,
monitoring the organisational activities, and understanding the structure
and underlying dynamics. They need to know not only the future plans of
the organisation, but also whether policy decisions are being translated
into action adequately at lower levels of responsibility. Attainment of
the executive stage depends on exposure to opportunities that allow
194
the development and practice of the relevant skills. A large part of these
responsibilities occurs during middle age.
• The reintegrative stage. As individuals approach the stages beyond
middle age, they are often no longer engaged in the world of work. In
the reintegrative stage the need to acquire knowledge declines even
more, and executive monitoring becomes less important. Frequently, the
person has retired from the position that required such an application
of intelligence. The information that elderly people acquire and the
knowledge that they apply become a function of their interests, attitudes
and values. In fact, it requires reintegration of all of these factors.
Cognitive efforts are directed towards replacing the earlier engagement
of family-raising and workplace responsibilities with meaningful pursuits
for the last part of life. Although some of these activities involve the same
cognitive characteristics of the responsible stage, the objectives involved
concern a reintegration of current and future needs. The elderly are less
likely to ‘waste time’ on tasks that are meaningless to them. As Schaie
and Willis (2002, p. 348) put it, there is a transition from the childhood
question “What should I know?” to the adult question “How should I put
to use what I know?” Cognitive efforts during this stage may involve a
selective reduction in information-seeking activities while increasing the
importance of emotion regulation involved in problem solving.
• The reorganisational stage. During the last part of life, activities are
engaged in to maximise quality of life, often with the additional objective
of not becoming a burden for the next generation. These efforts require
a reorganisation of objectives. The skills required for the reorganisational
stage involve the maintenance of reasonably high levels of cognitive
competence. In addition, maintaining flexible cognitive styles is needed
to be able to restructure the context and content of life after retirement,
relinquish control of resources to others, and accept the partial surrender
of one’s independence.
• The legacy-creating stage. Once the reintegrative and reorganisational
processes have been completed, and perhaps overlapping with it, a
last stage, the legacy-creating stage, may be observed in late old age.
Cognitive activities characteristic of this stage occur in anticipation of the
end of a person’s life. This stage often begins with an effort to conduct
a life review. This includes a renewed effort at providing an oral history
or explaining family pictures and heirlooms to the next generation.
Some wish to put their remaining effects in order or distribute prized
possessions to friends and relatives or create instructions for distributing
them. A final revision of one’s will and directions for funeral arrangements
195
 may be given. For the highly literate and those successful in public or
professional life, legacy leaving will often include writing or revising an
• Compensation, like optimisation, refers to means. It is defined as
counteracting (or compensating for) losses in those means previously
autobiography.
employed in attaining goals, by using alternative means to maintain
functioning, such as using external cues to compensate for memory loss.
Although an approximate timeline is provided for these stages to occur,
it should be noted that the precise chronological ages at which these stages
According to the theory of SOC, successful development involves the
occur might be quite variable in different societies, as well as for individuals
process of the simultaneous maximisation of gains and minimisation of
at different levels of intellectual competence and personal engagement.
losses over the life course. Therefore, selective optimisation is an effective
However, according to Schaie and Willis, the sequential process of these
way to reallocate resources between the three functions of life: growth,
stages is important.
maintenance and loss. The behavioural expression of selection, optimisation,
and compensation may vary greatly, depending upon the domain and the
3.3.6.4 Selective optimisation and compensation
stage of life under consideration. For example, the highest level of SOC
occurs during adulthood, with a peak in middle adulthood. In old age, the use
The selective optimisation and compensation (SOC) theory of development
of SOC becomes less prevalent, with only elective selection that continues to
is based on the operation and coordination of three components: selection of
increase. Less use of optimisation and compensation may be linked to the
goals or behaviour outcomes, optimisation of the means to reach these goals
fact that this requires greater effort, and therefore increasingly may exceed
and compensation, the use of substitute means when previously available
the available resources (Freund & Baltes, 2002). This is especially true when
means are lost or blocked (Baltes et al., 2005).
people suffer from severe illnesses or enter the oldest ages. Furthermore,
in old age, prioritisation of tasks may favour physical or bodily functioning
• Selection refers to the process of specifying a particular pathway or set
above cognitive functioning, probably because the body is the primary
of pathways of development. This selective specification includes the
domain where ageing losses occur and serious risks exist (e.g. maintaining
narrowing down of possible alternatives and, in a sense, is a mechanism
one’s balance may be more important than a memory task).
to generate new resources and higher developmental states. At the same
Although selective optimisation and compensation-related behaviours
time, because of limited resources such as time and energy, this advance
are universal, there also could be individual variability. This means that some
in some domains may imply a reduction of advances in others. Certain
people may be more effective in applying SOC than others are. For example,
skills and abilities can evolve only by concentrating time and energy on
researchers have indicated that people who use SOC function at a higher
identified or chosen domains of functioning. Baltes and his colleagues
level and report higher well-being and satisfaction with life (Freund & Baltes,
distinguish between two forms of selection: elective selection, where
2002).
selection is primarily driven by goals, and loss-based selection, where
From the perspective of the selective optimisation and compensation
a reorganisation of goals is indicated due to a loss in the potential to
model, age-related cognitive decline can be managed. The pragmatics of
reach desirable goals. Both elective and loss-based selections imply the
intelligence, which is similar to crystallised abilities, can be used to compensate
restructuring of goals. For example, retired persons may select to engage
for any decline in the mechanics of intelligence, which correspond with fluid
in other, often more pleasurable activities to give structure to their days.
abilities. For example, older adults may compensate for loss in fluid abilities,
• Optimisation refers to the acquisition, application, coordination, and
especially those involved in the speed of processing, by making use of their
refinement of internal and external means involved in attaining higher
expertise in specific domains of functioning. They may also become more
levels of functioning. These means involve health behaviour, cognitive
selective and concentrate on the domains of functioning that are most
skills, educational learning, social support, and certain personality
important to them, and maintain high levels of functioning by participation
dimensions such as maintaining a sense of control. For example, deliberate
in challenging activities. Older adults who are successful at investing their
practising of skills, such as in physical activities or cognitive activities, is
efforts and energies in this way have been referred to as “resource rich”
the key to any kind of expertise or optimisation of skills.
(Baltes & Lang, 1997).
196 197
 may be given. For the highly literate and those successful in public or
professional life, legacy leaving will often include writing or revising an
• Compensation, like optimisation, refers to means. It is defined as
counteracting (or compensating for) losses in those means previously
autobiography.
employed in attaining goals, by using alternative means to maintain
functioning, such as using external cues to compensate for memory loss.
Although an approximate timeline is provided for these stages to occur,
it should be noted that the precise chronological ages at which these stages
According to the theory of SOC, successful development involves the
occur might be quite variable in different societies, as well as for individuals
process of the simultaneous maximisation of gains and minimisation of
at different levels of intellectual competence and personal engagement.
losses over the life course. Therefore, selective optimisation is an effective
However, according to Schaie and Willis, the sequential process of these
way to reallocate resources between the three functions of life: growth,
stages is important.
maintenance and loss. The behavioural expression of selection, optimisation,
and compensation may vary greatly, depending upon the domain and the
3.3.6.4 Selective optimisation and compensation
stage of life under consideration. For example, the highest level of SOC
occurs during adulthood, with a peak in middle adulthood. In old age, the use
The selective optimisation and compensation (SOC) theory of development
of SOC becomes less prevalent, with only elective selection that continues to
is based on the operation and coordination of three components: selection of
increase. Less use of optimisation and compensation may be linked to the
goals or behaviour outcomes, optimisation of the means to reach these goals
fact that this requires greater effort, and therefore increasingly may exceed
and compensation, the use of substitute means when previously available
the available resources (Freund & Baltes, 2002). This is especially true when
means are lost or blocked (Baltes et al., 2005).
people suffer from severe illnesses or enter the oldest ages. Furthermore,
in old age, prioritisation of tasks may favour physical or bodily functioning
• Selection refers to the process of specifying a particular pathway or set
above cognitive functioning, probably because the body is the primary
of pathways of development. This selective specification includes the
domain where ageing losses occur and serious risks exist (e.g. maintaining
narrowing down of possible alternatives and, in a sense, is a mechanism
one’s balance may be more important than a memory task).
to generate new resources and higher developmental states. At the same
Although selective optimisation and compensation-related behaviours
time, because of limited resources such as time and energy, this advance
are universal, there also could be individual variability. This means that some
in some domains may imply a reduction of advances in others. Certain
people may be more effective in applying SOC than others are. For example,
skills and abilities can evolve only by concentrating time and energy on
researchers have indicated that people who use SOC function at a higher
identified or chosen domains of functioning. Baltes and his colleagues
level and report higher well-being and satisfaction with life (Freund & Baltes,
distinguish between two forms of selection: elective selection, where
2002).
selection is primarily driven by goals, and loss-based selection, where
From the perspective of the selective optimisation and compensation
a reorganisation of goals is indicated due to a loss in the potential to
model, age-related cognitive decline can be managed. The pragmatics of
reach desirable goals. Both elective and loss-based selections imply the
intelligence, which is similar to crystallised abilities, can be used to compensate
restructuring of goals. For example, retired persons may select to engage
for any decline in the mechanics of intelligence, which correspond with fluid
in other, often more pleasurable activities to give structure to their days.
abilities. For example, older adults may compensate for loss in fluid abilities,
• Optimisation refers to the acquisition, application, coordination, and
especially those involved in the speed of processing, by making use of their
refinement of internal and external means involved in attaining higher
expertise in specific domains of functioning. They may also become more
levels of functioning. These means involve health behaviour, cognitive
selective and concentrate on the domains of functioning that are most
skills, educational learning, social support, and certain personality
important to them, and maintain high levels of functioning by participation
dimensions such as maintaining a sense of control. For example, deliberate
in challenging activities. Older adults who are successful at investing their
practising of skills, such as in physical activities or cognitive activities, is
efforts and energies in this way have been referred to as “resource rich”
the key to any kind of expertise or optimisation of skills.
(Baltes & Lang, 1997).
196 197
 REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Discuss Piaget’s view of the development of intelligence. Refer to the principles
and processes involved in this development, as well as to the stages of cognitive
development.
2. Piaget considered formal operational thinking as the last stage of cognitive
development. Discuss the characteristics of this stage.
3. Indicate why Piaget’s conception of formal operational thinking may not be
universal and may not be appropriate to describe adult cognitive development.
4. What was the neo-Piagetians’ main concern about Piaget’s conception of formal
operational thinking?
5. What is postformal thought?
6. Discuss the characteristics of postformal thought by referring to (a) reflective
judgement; (b) absolutist, relativistic and dialectical thinking; and (c) the
integration of emotion and logic.
7. What is the current position regarding postformal thinking? How has it contributed
to our body of knowledge? Explain why you think postformal thinking should or
should not be incorporated as an additional stage of adult cognitive development.
8. Discuss Schaie and Willis’s stages of adult cognitive development. What is the
assumption of their model of cognitive development?
9. How may selective optimisation and compensation contribute to cognitive
development in adulthood?

198 199
 REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Discuss Piaget’s view of the development of intelligence. Refer to the principles
and processes involved in this development, as well as to the stages of cognitive
development.
2. Piaget considered formal operational thinking as the last stage of cognitive
development. Discuss the characteristics of this stage.
3. Indicate why Piaget’s conception of formal operational thinking may not be
universal and may not be appropriate to describe adult cognitive development.
4. What was the neo-Piagetians’ main concern about Piaget’s conception of formal
operational thinking?
5. What is postformal thought?
6. Discuss the characteristics of postformal thought by referring to (a) reflective
judgement; (b) absolutist, relativistic and dialectical thinking; and (c) the
integration of emotion and logic.
7. What is the current position regarding postformal thinking? How has it contributed
to our body of knowledge? Explain why you think postformal thinking should or
should not be incorporated as an additional stage of adult cognitive development.
8. Discuss Schaie and Willis’s stages of adult cognitive development. What is the
assumption of their model of cognitive development?
9. How may selective optimisation and compensation contribute to cognitive
development in adulthood?

198 199
200
If the Creator gave you a strong personality, it is for
serving others – not controlling them.
Jimmy Evans
4
Personality Development
201
200
If the Creator gave you a strong personality, it is for
serving others – not controlling them.
Jimmy Evans
4
Personality Development
201
 All too often, our personality is nothing more than psychological
clothing that we wear to hide our true self from the world.
Teal Swan
Life is 10% what happens to us and 90% how we respond to it.
Anonymous
Personality is a mask you believe in. Anonymous
Personality is only ripe when a man has made the truth his own.
Soren Kierkegaard
The trick is growing up without growing old. Casey Stengel
None is as old as those who have outlived enthusiasm. Henry David
Thoreau
4.1. INTRODUCTION
Personality is a core factor in defining a person. Generally, personality
is viewed as the essence of an individual. It makes each of us a unique,
recognisable person. Therefore, personality includes the distinctive
behaviours, major traits, thoughts, values, interests, drives, self-concepts,
abilities, and emotional patterns that are characteristic of the way in
which people adapt to life’s situations. From the definition, we can deduct
that people’s personalities could be described by the way they behave.
Personality also has an inner aspect, such as people’s thoughts and
emotions and the way in which they view themselves, which may not be
reflected in their immediate and visible behaviour. Therefore, personality
is a complex construct.
Discussions of personality development in adulthood invariably
incorporate questions regarding issues of stability and change. In addition,
one of the oldest debates in psychology concerns whether personality
development continues throughout the life span. Throughout the ages,
prominent psychologists have argued both sides. For example, Sigmund
Freud was of the opinion that personality development was complete
by the end of childhood and thereafter remained stable, William James
believed that after age 30, personality is ”set in plaster”, while Erik Erikson
and Carl Jung believed that personality is continually shaped throughout
a person’s life – therefore, change takes place.
Currently, the position of most researchers and theorists is that
personality develops across the entire life span. However, there is still no
consensus as to which factors are involved in this development. Several
202
theoretical perspectives propose causes and processes of development,
while empirical studies have also examined the patterns and potential
sources of personality development. Although these works have increased
our understanding of personality development during adulthood, there
are still several limitations (Specht et al., 2014). First, the differences in
terminology of the various perspectives complicate comparisons between
them. Second, the empirical underpinnings of many perspectives are
unsatisfactory due to a lack of clear operational definitions. Third, several
aspects of theoretical perspectives on adult development remain untested.
Fourth, currently, there is a lack of good methods to distinguish among the
different theoretical perspectives.
Six!
Nine!
Until the kudu learns to write, the tale
of the hunt will always be the hunter’s
perspective
Just because you are right, does not mean I am wrong. You just have not seen life from my position.
Central to the personality development debate is whether personality
remains stable throughout the life span or whether it changes. The
different theoretical perspectives on personality development almost
always recognise biological, environmental, and self-regulatory factors as
driving forces for personality change (or stability), but differ in the relative
strengths they assign to these factors.
For the purpose of our discussion on adult personality development,
the various theories of personality development will be considered. We
shall begin with perspectives that focus on the effect of biological factors
in personality development, such as trait theories of personality. We shall
then move to theories that focus on environmental or contextual factors
as primary sources of personality development, such as theories including
life experiences and social roles. Then we shall discuss perspectives that
203
 All too often, our personality is nothing more than psychological
clothing that we wear to hide our true self from the world.
Teal Swan
Life is 10% what happens to us and 90% how we respond to it.
Anonymous
Personality is a mask you believe in. Anonymous
Personality is only ripe when a man has made the truth his own.
Soren Kierkegaard
The trick is growing up without growing old. Casey Stengel
None is as old as those who have outlived enthusiasm. Henry David
Thoreau
4.1. INTRODUCTION
Personality is a core factor in defining a person. Generally, personality
is viewed as the essence of an individual. It makes each of us a unique,
recognisable person. Therefore, personality includes the distinctive
behaviours, major traits, thoughts, values, interests, drives, self-concepts,
abilities, and emotional patterns that are characteristic of the way in
which people adapt to life’s situations. From the definition, we can deduct
that people’s personalities could be described by the way they behave.
Personality also has an inner aspect, such as people’s thoughts and
emotions and the way in which they view themselves, which may not be
reflected in their immediate and visible behaviour. Therefore, personality
is a complex construct.
Discussions of personality development in adulthood invariably
incorporate questions regarding issues of stability and change. In addition,
one of the oldest debates in psychology concerns whether personality
development continues throughout the life span. Throughout the ages,
prominent psychologists have argued both sides. For example, Sigmund
Freud was of the opinion that personality development was complete
by the end of childhood and thereafter remained stable, William James
believed that after age 30, personality is ”set in plaster”, while Erik Erikson
and Carl Jung believed that personality is continually shaped throughout
a person’s life – therefore, change takes place.
Currently, the position of most researchers and theorists is that
personality develops across the entire life span. However, there is still no
consensus as to which factors are involved in this development. Several
202
theoretical perspectives propose causes and processes of development,
while empirical studies have also examined the patterns and potential
sources of personality development. Although these works have increased
our understanding of personality development during adulthood, there
are still several limitations (Specht et al., 2014). First, the differences in
terminology of the various perspectives complicate comparisons between
them. Second, the empirical underpinnings of many perspectives are
unsatisfactory due to a lack of clear operational definitions. Third, several
aspects of theoretical perspectives on adult development remain untested.
Fourth, currently, there is a lack of good methods to distinguish among the
different theoretical perspectives.
Six!
Nine!
Until the kudu learns to write, the tale
of the hunt will always be the hunter’s
perspective
Just because you are right, does not mean I am wrong. You just have not seen life from my position.
Central to the personality development debate is whether personality
remains stable throughout the life span or whether it changes. The
different theoretical perspectives on personality development almost
always recognise biological, environmental, and self-regulatory factors as
driving forces for personality change (or stability), but differ in the relative
strengths they assign to these factors.
For the purpose of our discussion on adult personality development,
the various theories of personality development will be considered. We
shall begin with perspectives that focus on the effect of biological factors
in personality development, such as trait theories of personality. We shall
then move to theories that focus on environmental or contextual factors
as primary sources of personality development, such as theories including
life experiences and social roles. Then we shall discuss perspectives that
203
highlight the interaction or transaction of biological and environmental determine an individual’s behaviour across a range of situations. This implies
forces in personality development. Lastly, we shall explore important that personality traits are useful in summarising, predicting, and explaining
personality characteristics such as self-esteem, identity, emotions, and life an individual’s behaviour.
stories. However, before we begin consider the critical thinking questions Initially, a major problem for trait theorists was to decide what the basic
in Box 4.1. personality traits of the human species were. Literally thousands of traits had
been mentioned in the literature over the years. However, there were too many
traits, which made research on personality traits very difficult. The solution
Box 4.1. CRITICAL THINKING: Formulating your own was to reduce the large number of personality traits to a small number of
personality theory personality factors. For example, early personality theorists such as Gordon
1. Do you have a theory regarding personality development? What characteristics
Allport isolated all words in the English dictionary that could possibly describe
in others (and perhaps in yourself) may guide you to formulate your theory? personality and divided these into four categories. Hans Eysenck identified
2. Take a couple of minutes to reflect on your own personality: two basic traits, Raymond Cattell identified 16, and Guilford 10. More recently,
– How would you describe yourself? Costa and McCrae identified five traits. Our discussion on personality traits
– What are your main concerns, feelings, and thoughts about yourself?
– Have you remained the same since primary school, or have you changed? will mainly focus on Costa and McCrae’s five-factor theory.
– If you have changed, what events/circumstances/people contributed to this
change? 4.2.2 The five-factor theory and the five-factor model
– If you have not changed, what may have contributed to this stability?
The theory of personality trait development that has had a substantial
influence on personality trait research, is the five-factor theory (FFT)
proposed by Paul Costa and Robert McCrae (e.g. Costa & McCrae, 1989,
4.2 BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ADULT 1992, 1994, 2010, 2012; McCrae & Costa, 1984, 1990, 2008; McCrae, 2016). It
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT is a comprehensive theory in that it covers most of what typically interested
personality researchers, such as traits, behaviour, and social-cognitive
Biological factors as forces in personality development are primarily constructs, and the connections between these. A schematic representation
considered in terms of genes, brain structures, and physiological mechanisms. of the five-factor theory is presented in Figure 4.1.
Some biological factors are stable (e.g. one’s DNA). Other biological influences
(e.g. gene expression and hormonal changes) are more flexible and can
Genetic Environmental Situational
change across the life span due to age-related maturation and degeneration influences influences influences
processes, as well as environmental influences such as nutrition, drugs,
stressors and toxins (Kandler & Zapko-Willmes, 2017; Specht et al., 2014).
Our discussion of biological perspectives on adult personality
development will focus largely on personality traits. Basic tendencies Characteristic Objective
- Neuroticism adaptations biography
4.2.1 Personality traits - Extraversion - Goals - Behaviours
- Openness - Attitudes - Thoughts
- Agreeableness - Self-schemas - Feelings
Personality traits are defined as relatively stable and enduring patterns of - Conscientious- - Personal myths
behaviour, thoughts and feelings that are relatively consistent across a wide ness
variety of situations and contexts (Soto et al., 2016). Traits describe the most Accommodation Assimilation
basic characteristics that distinguish one person from another. Trait theorists
regard personality as an entity that reflects innate dispositions (internal, Figure 4.1. Schematic representation of the five-factor theory
biological characteristics). Therefore, they assume that personality traits Source: Möttus, 2017

204 205
highlight the interaction or transaction of biological and environmental determine an individual’s behaviour across a range of situations. This implies
forces in personality development. Lastly, we shall explore important that personality traits are useful in summarising, predicting, and explaining
personality characteristics such as self-esteem, identity, emotions, and life an individual’s behaviour.
stories. However, before we begin consider the critical thinking questions Initially, a major problem for trait theorists was to decide what the basic
in Box 4.1. personality traits of the human species were. Literally thousands of traits had
been mentioned in the literature over the years. However, there were too many
traits, which made research on personality traits very difficult. The solution
Box 4.1. CRITICAL THINKING: Formulating your own was to reduce the large number of personality traits to a small number of
personality theory personality factors. For example, early personality theorists such as Gordon
1. Do you have a theory regarding personality development? What characteristics
Allport isolated all words in the English dictionary that could possibly describe
in others (and perhaps in yourself) may guide you to formulate your theory? personality and divided these into four categories. Hans Eysenck identified
2. Take a couple of minutes to reflect on your own personality: two basic traits, Raymond Cattell identified 16, and Guilford 10. More recently,
– How would you describe yourself? Costa and McCrae identified five traits. Our discussion on personality traits
– What are your main concerns, feelings, and thoughts about yourself?
– Have you remained the same since primary school, or have you changed? will mainly focus on Costa and McCrae’s five-factor theory.
– If you have changed, what events/circumstances/people contributed to this
change? 4.2.2 The five-factor theory and the five-factor model
– If you have not changed, what may have contributed to this stability?
The theory of personality trait development that has had a substantial
influence on personality trait research, is the five-factor theory (FFT)
proposed by Paul Costa and Robert McCrae (e.g. Costa & McCrae, 1989,
4.2 BIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON ADULT 1992, 1994, 2010, 2012; McCrae & Costa, 1984, 1990, 2008; McCrae, 2016). It
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT is a comprehensive theory in that it covers most of what typically interested
personality researchers, such as traits, behaviour, and social-cognitive
Biological factors as forces in personality development are primarily constructs, and the connections between these. A schematic representation
considered in terms of genes, brain structures, and physiological mechanisms. of the five-factor theory is presented in Figure 4.1.
Some biological factors are stable (e.g. one’s DNA). Other biological influences
(e.g. gene expression and hormonal changes) are more flexible and can
Genetic Environmental Situational
change across the life span due to age-related maturation and degeneration influences influences influences
processes, as well as environmental influences such as nutrition, drugs,
stressors and toxins (Kandler & Zapko-Willmes, 2017; Specht et al., 2014).
Our discussion of biological perspectives on adult personality
development will focus largely on personality traits. Basic tendencies Characteristic Objective
- Neuroticism adaptations biography
4.2.1 Personality traits - Extraversion - Goals - Behaviours
- Openness - Attitudes - Thoughts
- Agreeableness - Self-schemas - Feelings
Personality traits are defined as relatively stable and enduring patterns of - Conscientious- - Personal myths
behaviour, thoughts and feelings that are relatively consistent across a wide ness
variety of situations and contexts (Soto et al., 2016). Traits describe the most Accommodation Assimilation
basic characteristics that distinguish one person from another. Trait theorists
regard personality as an entity that reflects innate dispositions (internal, Figure 4.1. Schematic representation of the five-factor theory
biological characteristics). Therefore, they assume that personality traits Source: Möttus, 2017

204 205
 The main component in the FFT is basic tendencies. Basic tendencies
are considered influenced solely by biological factors, which include genetic
factors and brain structures. In the FFT, the basic tendencies are comprised
of five broad trait dimensions, which came to be known as the five-factor
model (FFM). As the name implies, Costa and McCrae believe that all the
important personality characteristics can be grouped into five broad trait
dimensions (often referred to as the Big Five): neuroticism, extraversion,
openness to experience, agreeableness, and conscientiousness, and is the
most widely used structural model in personality assessment and research
(Soto et al., 2016). Qualitatively, these traits are the same for every individual
and differ only in terms of the quantity of their manifestation or output.
Thus, although personality traits are sets of characteristics that everyone
possesses, the strength (or dimension) with which they manifest themselves
may vary from person to person. Therefore, these five dimensions capture
a wide range of individual differences in personality. For example, on the
extraversion trait, some people may be outgoing, and others may be shy
and reserved, while most people will be in between. Thus, each of these
traits lies on a continuum. Factors such as age and culture also play a role
in how a trait is manifested. For example, the manifestation of extraversion
in a 12-year-old will be quite different from the extraverted behaviour of a
70-year-old, and may be quite different among the Xhosas in South Africa
than among the Chinese in China.
Paul Costa Robert McCrae
Each trait is represented by six facets (also called lower-order traits),
reflecting the main characteristics associated with it. (For a summary of
these traits and their related characteristics, see Table 4.1.)
• Neuroticism concerns the extent to which a person is prone to
experiencing negative emotions and moods. The six facets are
206
anxiety, hostility, self-consciousness, depression, impulsiveness, and
vulnerability. People high in neuroticism experience more frequent
and intense negative emotions such as fear, sadness, and frustration.
They tend to have more frequent mood swings and therefore exhibit
emotional instability. Those low in neuroticism are calmer and more
optimistic (even in difficult situations) and find it easier to regulate
their emotions. This indicates emotional stability.
• Extraversion (sometimes called extroversion) refers to the tendency
to be outgoing in social situations. The six facets of extraversion can
be grouped into three interpersonal traits (warmth, gregariousness,
and assertiveness) and three temperamental traits (activity, excitement
seeking, and positive emotions). People high in extraversion tend to be
talkative, are sociable and compassionate, tend to take charge in group
situations, and express positive emotions. People low in extraversion
tend to feel uncomfortable or shy in social situations and keep their
thoughts and feelings to themselves.
• Openness to experience refers to the overall depth and breadth of
an individual’s intellectual, artistic and experiential life. The six facets
represent six different areas: openness to fantasy (e.g. a vivid imagination);
openness to aesthetics (e.g. appreciation of art and beauty); openness
to action (e.g. a willingness to try something new); openness to ideas
(e.g. curious and open to new ideas); openness to values (e.g. open-
mindedness); and openness to feelings. Individuals high in openness
tend to have a broad range of interests and enjoy learning and trying
new things. Those low in openness tend to have narrower interests and
prefer familiarity and routine to novelty and variety.
• Agreeableness is an important aspect of social behaviour. It reflects
the extent to which a person behaves pro-socially toward others and
maintains pleasant, harmonious interpersonal relations. The six facets
are sincerity, altruism, trust, modesty, compliance, and kindness. People
high in agreeableness are more willing to help and forgive others and
treat others with respect; those low in agreeableness tend to look down
on others, start arguments, and hold grudges.
• Conscientiousness reflects the propensity to be self-controlled, task-
and goal-directed and rule following. It describes an individual’s capacity
to organise things, complete tasks, and work toward long-term goals.
The facets include orderliness, self-discipline, reliability, competence,
achievement, and striving. Highly conscientious people prefer order
and structure; are productive workers, ambitious and energetic; tend
to follow rules and norms; and are better to delay gratification. Those
207
 The main component in the FFT is basic tendencies. Basic tendencies
are considered influenced solely by biological factors, which include genetic
factors and brain structures. In the FFT, the basic tendencies are comprised
of five broad trait dimensions, which came to be known as the five-factor
model (FFM). As the name implies, Costa and McCrae believe that all the
important personality characteristics can be grouped into five broad trait
dimensions (often referred to as the Big Five): neuroticism, extraversion,
openness to experience, agreeableness, and conscientiousness, and is the
most widely used structural model in personality assessment and research
(Soto et al., 2016). Qualitatively, these traits are the same for every individual
and differ only in terms of the quantity of their manifestation or output.
Thus, although personality traits are sets of characteristics that everyone
possesses, the strength (or dimension) with which they manifest themselves
may vary from person to person. Therefore, these five dimensions capture
a wide range of individual differences in personality. For example, on the
extraversion trait, some people may be outgoing, and others may be shy
and reserved, while most people will be in between. Thus, each of these
traits lies on a continuum. Factors such as age and culture also play a role
in how a trait is manifested. For example, the manifestation of extraversion
in a 12-year-old will be quite different from the extraverted behaviour of a
70-year-old, and may be quite different among the Xhosas in South Africa
than among the Chinese in China.
Paul Costa Robert McCrae
Each trait is represented by six facets (also called lower-order traits),
reflecting the main characteristics associated with it. (For a summary of
these traits and their related characteristics, see Table 4.1.)
• Neuroticism concerns the extent to which a person is prone to
experiencing negative emotions and moods. The six facets are
206
anxiety, hostility, self-consciousness, depression, impulsiveness, and
vulnerability. People high in neuroticism experience more frequent
and intense negative emotions such as fear, sadness, and frustration.
They tend to have more frequent mood swings and therefore exhibit
emotional instability. Those low in neuroticism are calmer and more
optimistic (even in difficult situations) and find it easier to regulate
their emotions. This indicates emotional stability.
• Extraversion (sometimes called extroversion) refers to the tendency
to be outgoing in social situations. The six facets of extraversion can
be grouped into three interpersonal traits (warmth, gregariousness,
and assertiveness) and three temperamental traits (activity, excitement
seeking, and positive emotions). People high in extraversion tend to be
talkative, are sociable and compassionate, tend to take charge in group
situations, and express positive emotions. People low in extraversion
tend to feel uncomfortable or shy in social situations and keep their
thoughts and feelings to themselves.
• Openness to experience refers to the overall depth and breadth of
an individual’s intellectual, artistic and experiential life. The six facets
represent six different areas: openness to fantasy (e.g. a vivid imagination);
openness to aesthetics (e.g. appreciation of art and beauty); openness
to action (e.g. a willingness to try something new); openness to ideas
(e.g. curious and open to new ideas); openness to values (e.g. open-
mindedness); and openness to feelings. Individuals high in openness
tend to have a broad range of interests and enjoy learning and trying
new things. Those low in openness tend to have narrower interests and
prefer familiarity and routine to novelty and variety.
• Agreeableness is an important aspect of social behaviour. It reflects
the extent to which a person behaves pro-socially toward others and
maintains pleasant, harmonious interpersonal relations. The six facets
are sincerity, altruism, trust, modesty, compliance, and kindness. People
high in agreeableness are more willing to help and forgive others and
treat others with respect; those low in agreeableness tend to look down
on others, start arguments, and hold grudges.
• Conscientiousness reflects the propensity to be self-controlled, task-
and goal-directed and rule following. It describes an individual’s capacity
to organise things, complete tasks, and work toward long-term goals.
The facets include orderliness, self-discipline, reliability, competence,
achievement, and striving. Highly conscientious people prefer order
and structure; are productive workers, ambitious and energetic; tend
to follow rules and norms; and are better to delay gratification. Those
207
 low in conscientiousness have difficulty in controlling their impulses, are
easily distracted from tasks, tend to be negligent, late, aimless, and not Box 4.2. The influence of personality traits on the
persistent. prediction of certain life outcomes

Table 4.1 Costa and McCrae’s five-factor model Researchers are increasingly realising that certain developmental areas may be shaped
by personality traits (e.g. Soto et al., 2016). Examples are the following:
Personality trait Basic definition Characteristics
■ Personality and relationships. Personality traits such as neuroticism, agreeableness,
Neuroticism Emotional instability versus Contrasts anxiety, and extraversion are strong predictors of relationship outcome. The higher a person is
emotional stability moodiness, and sensitivity in neuroticism and the lower in agreeableness (e.g. hostility), the greater the chance
with negative stimuli with that he or she may be in conflicted, dissatisfied, and abusive relationships.
positive coping abilities
and even temperedness. ■ Personality and self-esteem, affect, and coping. Compared with introverts,
extraverts tend to experience higher self-esteem, as well as more frequent and intense
Extraversion Outgoingness versus Contrasts warmth, positive affect. They also tend to show greater emotional resilience and better coping
introversion gregariousness,
skills in response to negative events.
assertiveness, activity,
excitement-seeking and ■ Personality and job achievement. Extraverts are more likely than introverts are
positive emotions with to assume leadership positions in their workplaces, while agreeable individuals tend
passivity and reserve. to seek out and succeed in social occupations and collaborative work environments.
Openness to experience Curiosity and interest in Contrasts openness Conscientiousness is a strong predictor of work-related indicators such as occupational
variety versus preference with fantasy, aesthetics, attainment and job performance. In addition, conscientiousness is the strongest
for sameness curiosity, feelings, actions, predictor of overall academic and occupational success.
ideas, and values with ■ Personality, health, and well-being. The relationship between personality traits
shallowness and lack of and health of older adults has been indicated by a number of studies. Older adults
perceptiveness.
with higher levels of openness to experience, agreeableness, extraversion, and
Agreeableness Compliance and Contrasts trust, sincerity, conscientiousness, and lower levels of neuroticism have fewer health problems and
cooperativeness versus altruism, compliance, generally lead healthier lifestyles. Neuroticism seems to be disadvantageous in coping
suspiciousness and modesty, and kindness with chronic pain in later life, while there seems to be a strong correlation between
antagonism with hostility, selfishness, neuroticism and high blood pressure, as well as between neuroticism and mortality.
and distrust.
Extraversion and conscientiousness seem to correlate positively with maintaining
Conscientiousness Discipline and organisation Contrasts competence, a high level of morale and general well-being in older adults. More specifically,
versus aimlessness and order, dutifulness, self- conscientiousness, especially the sub factors such as ambition and discipline, seem
negligence discipline, deliberation, to be particularly important in longevity. These dimensions not only influence healthy
achievement, and striving behaviours, but also influence the kind of people individuals mix with and the situations
with carelessness, in which they find themselves. In addition, well-being has been linked with several of the
negligence, and
personality traits. For example, self-acceptance, environmental mastery, and purpose in
unreliability.
life are linked with emotional stability, extraversion, and conscientiousness.
Costa & McCrae, 1992
■ Personality and lifestyle. While openness to experience is an important predictor
of intellectual outcomes, formal education, and success in artistic, scientific and
Within the trait categories, where one finds oneself within the six facets technical careers, openness to experience may also predispose people to engage in
drug use, describe themselves as spiritual (not necessarily religious) and hold liberal
can make a difference in how one’s personality is reflected in one’s behaviour.
political and social attitudes.
For example, within the extraversion trait, people can be either high or low
on the facet of warmth and high or low on the facet of gregariousness.
Being high on both would mean you genuinely like to be around people
and relate easily to others. Being low on warmth but high on gregariousness
According to the FFT, the basic tendencies (traits) become manifest
would mean that you like being with others but that people find it difficult
as characteristic adaptations in order to suit particular cultural, social,
to get to know you very well, or to relate to you (Whitbourne & Whitbourne,
or developmental contexts. Characteristic adaptations manifest as goals,
2014). (See also Box 4.2 regarding the influence of personality traits on the
attitudes, self-schemas, personal strivings, personal myths, and so forth.
prediction of certain life events.)
208 209
 low in conscientiousness have difficulty in controlling their impulses, are
easily distracted from tasks, tend to be negligent, late, aimless, and not Box 4.2. The influence of personality traits on the
persistent. prediction of certain life outcomes

Table 4.1 Costa and McCrae’s five-factor model Researchers are increasingly realising that certain developmental areas may be shaped
by personality traits (e.g. Soto et al., 2016). Examples are the following:
Personality trait Basic definition Characteristics
■ Personality and relationships. Personality traits such as neuroticism, agreeableness,
Neuroticism Emotional instability versus Contrasts anxiety, and extraversion are strong predictors of relationship outcome. The higher a person is
emotional stability moodiness, and sensitivity in neuroticism and the lower in agreeableness (e.g. hostility), the greater the chance
with negative stimuli with that he or she may be in conflicted, dissatisfied, and abusive relationships.
positive coping abilities
and even temperedness. ■ Personality and self-esteem, affect, and coping. Compared with introverts,
extraverts tend to experience higher self-esteem, as well as more frequent and intense
Extraversion Outgoingness versus Contrasts warmth, positive affect. They also tend to show greater emotional resilience and better coping
introversion gregariousness,
skills in response to negative events.
assertiveness, activity,
excitement-seeking and ■ Personality and job achievement. Extraverts are more likely than introverts are
positive emotions with to assume leadership positions in their workplaces, while agreeable individuals tend
passivity and reserve. to seek out and succeed in social occupations and collaborative work environments.
Openness to experience Curiosity and interest in Contrasts openness Conscientiousness is a strong predictor of work-related indicators such as occupational
variety versus preference with fantasy, aesthetics, attainment and job performance. In addition, conscientiousness is the strongest
for sameness curiosity, feelings, actions, predictor of overall academic and occupational success.
ideas, and values with ■ Personality, health, and well-being. The relationship between personality traits
shallowness and lack of and health of older adults has been indicated by a number of studies. Older adults
perceptiveness.
with higher levels of openness to experience, agreeableness, extraversion, and
Agreeableness Compliance and Contrasts trust, sincerity, conscientiousness, and lower levels of neuroticism have fewer health problems and
cooperativeness versus altruism, compliance, generally lead healthier lifestyles. Neuroticism seems to be disadvantageous in coping
suspiciousness and modesty, and kindness with chronic pain in later life, while there seems to be a strong correlation between
antagonism with hostility, selfishness, neuroticism and high blood pressure, as well as between neuroticism and mortality.
and distrust.
Extraversion and conscientiousness seem to correlate positively with maintaining
Conscientiousness Discipline and organisation Contrasts competence, a high level of morale and general well-being in older adults. More specifically,
versus aimlessness and order, dutifulness, self- conscientiousness, especially the sub factors such as ambition and discipline, seem
negligence discipline, deliberation, to be particularly important in longevity. These dimensions not only influence healthy
achievement, and striving behaviours, but also influence the kind of people individuals mix with and the situations
with carelessness, in which they find themselves. In addition, well-being has been linked with several of the
negligence, and
personality traits. For example, self-acceptance, environmental mastery, and purpose in
unreliability.
life are linked with emotional stability, extraversion, and conscientiousness.
Costa & McCrae, 1992
■ Personality and lifestyle. While openness to experience is an important predictor
of intellectual outcomes, formal education, and success in artistic, scientific and
Within the trait categories, where one finds oneself within the six facets technical careers, openness to experience may also predispose people to engage in
drug use, describe themselves as spiritual (not necessarily religious) and hold liberal
can make a difference in how one’s personality is reflected in one’s behaviour.
political and social attitudes.
For example, within the extraversion trait, people can be either high or low
on the facet of warmth and high or low on the facet of gregariousness.
Being high on both would mean you genuinely like to be around people
and relate easily to others. Being low on warmth but high on gregariousness
According to the FFT, the basic tendencies (traits) become manifest
would mean that you like being with others but that people find it difficult
as characteristic adaptations in order to suit particular cultural, social,
to get to know you very well, or to relate to you (Whitbourne & Whitbourne,
or developmental contexts. Characteristic adaptations manifest as goals,
2014). (See also Box 4.2 regarding the influence of personality traits on the
attitudes, self-schemas, personal strivings, personal myths, and so forth.
prediction of certain life events.)
208 209
Whereas basic tendencies are the abstract psychological potentials of the
individual and biological in nature, characteristic adaptations are mental
structures that develop as the person interacts with the environment. In
turn, characteristic adaptations interact with external influences to produce
an objective biography, which is the specific and potentially observable
manifestations of personality such as behaviours, thoughts, and feelings.
The main viewpoint of FFT is that the development of personality traits
(i.e. the basic tendencies) occurs according to an intrinsic, genetically
driven programme. However, it also acknowledges that external influences
can contribute to personality development. This happens at the level of
characteristic adaptations through a process of accommodation, when
basic tendencies interact with, or attempt to fit into, particular environmental
conditions. Assimilation occurs when specific behaviours, thoughts,
or emotional reactions fit the characteristic adaptations into particular
situations. An example of this process could be the following: A middle-
aged Afrikaans-speaking person who scores high on openness to experience
(basic tendencies), has many different interests, likes different cultures,
likes to travel, and has an interest in people and languages (characteristic
adaptations). After retirement, she relocates to another province and then
decides to learn Xhosa, the language spoken by the majority of the people
in this particular province (objective biography).
• Individual differences refer to the fact that traits might increase,
decrease, or remain stable across age groups or over time. For example,
some people may become emotionally more stable as they age. Others
may become less stable, while others may remain the same throughout
their lives.
• Stability of variance implies that individual differences remain stable
over time and/or across different ages, even though the mean levels or
rank orders are unstable. For example, a person low in agreeableness
may remain low in this trait although indications are that people tend to
become more agreeable as they age.
• Structural stability refers to the stability of patterns of covariation
(relationship) among traits or items (or facets) on a personality scale.
For example, the assumption is that high agreeableness correlates with
kindness and compliance.

4.2.3 Personality traits: stability and change

As mentioned earlier, a key element in personality research is to determine

whether personality changes or remains stable throughout the life span.
Empirical evidence suggests that both change and stability describe
personality trait development across adulthood, depending partly on the
form of stability and change one considers. Stability and change are defined,
measured, and statistically analysed in various ways:
Do personality traits change or remain stable throughout the life span?

• Mean level refers to the average level of people’s scores across time
and/or across ages. Mean level stability or change implies the general
tendencies found in most people. For example, people generally become
emotionally more stable as they mature.
• Rank order refers to the relative positions of individuals’ traits in
comparison to their age peers; that is, the “highs” stay high and the “lows”
low. For example, if a person had a high extraversion score as a young
adult, he or she would continue showing high levels of outgoingness in
relation to his or her peers throughout his or her middle years and beyond.
4.2.3.1 A case for stability
Understanding personality traits and their stability is important for several
reasons (Allemand et al., 2013):
• As mentioned before, personality traits play a role in predicting a variety
of important life outcomes such as mortality, divorce, and occupational
attainment. Therefore, understanding stability may be essential in such

210 211
Whereas basic tendencies are the abstract psychological potentials of the
individual and biological in nature, characteristic adaptations are mental
structures that develop as the person interacts with the environment. In
turn, characteristic adaptations interact with external influences to produce
an objective biography, which is the specific and potentially observable
manifestations of personality such as behaviours, thoughts, and feelings.
The main viewpoint of FFT is that the development of personality traits
(i.e. the basic tendencies) occurs according to an intrinsic, genetically
driven programme. However, it also acknowledges that external influences
can contribute to personality development. This happens at the level of
characteristic adaptations through a process of accommodation, when
basic tendencies interact with, or attempt to fit into, particular environmental
conditions. Assimilation occurs when specific behaviours, thoughts,
or emotional reactions fit the characteristic adaptations into particular
situations. An example of this process could be the following: A middle-
aged Afrikaans-speaking person who scores high on openness to experience
(basic tendencies), has many different interests, likes different cultures,
likes to travel, and has an interest in people and languages (characteristic
adaptations). After retirement, she relocates to another province and then
decides to learn Xhosa, the language spoken by the majority of the people
in this particular province (objective biography).
• Individual differences refer to the fact that traits might increase,
decrease, or remain stable across age groups or over time. For example,
some people may become emotionally more stable as they age. Others
may become less stable, while others may remain the same throughout
their lives.
• Stability of variance implies that individual differences remain stable
over time and/or across different ages, even though the mean levels or
rank orders are unstable. For example, a person low in agreeableness
may remain low in this trait although indications are that people tend to
become more agreeable as they age.
• Structural stability refers to the stability of patterns of covariation
(relationship) among traits or items (or facets) on a personality scale.
For example, the assumption is that high agreeableness correlates with
kindness and compliance.

4.2.3 Personality traits: stability and change

As mentioned earlier, a key element in personality research is to determine

whether personality changes or remains stable throughout the life span.
Empirical evidence suggests that both change and stability describe
personality trait development across adulthood, depending partly on the
form of stability and change one considers. Stability and change are defined,
measured, and statistically analysed in various ways:
Do personality traits change or remain stable throughout the life span?

• Mean level refers to the average level of people’s scores across time
and/or across ages. Mean level stability or change implies the general
tendencies found in most people. For example, people generally become
emotionally more stable as they mature.
• Rank order refers to the relative positions of individuals’ traits in
comparison to their age peers; that is, the “highs” stay high and the “lows”
low. For example, if a person had a high extraversion score as a young
adult, he or she would continue showing high levels of outgoingness in
relation to his or her peers throughout his or her middle years and beyond.
4.2.3.1 A case for stability
Understanding personality traits and their stability is important for several
reasons (Allemand et al., 2013):
• As mentioned before, personality traits play a role in predicting a variety
of important life outcomes such as mortality, divorce, and occupational
attainment. Therefore, understanding stability may be essential in such

210 211
 areas as maintaining health and success in work and marriage.
• Because stability of behaviour is an important manifestation of
personality, identifying the mechanisms (or causes) of stability and the
conditions under which stability is most prominent is an important way
to understand personality.
• Understanding stability is important for the assessment of personality
traits over time.
• Knowledge of the circumstances under which trait behaviours are more
or less likely makes changing them more likely; therefore, interventions to
change behaviour can be more effective.
By analysing longitudinal data from several studies, Costa and McCrae
(e.g. 1980, 1988, 1994; McCrae et al., 2000) found remarkable consistency
and stability in all five personality dimensions. This was especially true after
age 30, suggesting that full maturity of the adult personality is reached by
age 30. This led Costa and McCrae to believe that after age 30, personality
seems to be “set in plaster” (McCrae & Costa, 1994), therefore agreeing with
William James’s original position.
Empirical evidence for personality trait stability in adulthood comes
from findings with respect to stability of rank order, stability of variance,
and structural stability (e.g. Allemand et al., 2013; Zimprich et al., 2012). A
large body of research demonstrates high levels of rank order (also called
differential) stability across the adult years. Therefore, individuals maintain
their ranking in a reference group over time. This is true even in the latest
decades of life, regardless of changes that are often notable in individual
differences in people’s health, cognitive functioning, and abilities to cope
independently with life. With respect to stability of variance, empirical
evidence suggests that trait variances remain relatively stable over time
and/or across ages. This implies that individual differences in the traits seem
consistent. Regarding structural stability, cross-sectional and longitudinal
research demonstrate relatively high levels of stability, implying that the
positioning of traits relative to each other remain stable and is unaffected by
age and ageing.
Trait stability may serve different functions (Allemand et al, 2013). On the
one hand, stability benefits the individual. For example, being stable provides
a sense of sameness and continuity, which is central to having a sense of
identity. This also contributes to the individual’s sense of routine and control,
which may help individuals to avoid stress and to gain pleasure. On the other
hand, stability also benefits the individual’s social environment in the sense
that it provides structure and reduces the complexity of social interactions.
212
As such, it increases the predictability and continuity of behaviour so that
individuals can better predict each other’s actions. By contrast, a lack
of stability increases the unpredictability of behaviour. For this reason,
personality instability often is an indication of a psychological disorder.
4.2.3.2 A case for change
Although personality traits remain remarkably stable, at the same time, they
also demonstrate systematic mean level changes from childhood to old age.
This suggests that the average trait scores of groups change during the
course of the life span. More specifically, the following mean level age trends
were found (Kandler et al., 2015; Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Marsh et al., 2013;
Nye et al., 2016):
• Neuroticism declines until middle adulthood and then remains stable, but
increases slightly around the age of 80.
• Extraversion shows some decline during emerging adulthood, a relatively
flat trend from young adulthood through middle age, and a more
noticeable drop in later years.
• Openness to experience shows increases in emerging adulthood, stability
in middle adulthood, and decreases in older adulthood.
• Agreeableness remains at a stable level until age 50 and then increases
with age.
• Conscientiousness increases in young and middle adulthood, increases to
a peak between the ages of 50 and 70, and then declines.
These findings suggest that personality traits not only change with age,
but that there are also distinct patterns of change. In general, as individuals
grow older, they seem to increase in traits related to social interest and
communion (fellowship) and to decrease in traits related to agency (activity)
and a zestful (lively) approach to life (Donnellan & Lucas, 2008).
The five-factor model asserts that mean level trait changes are much
more common in young adulthood before the age of 30 than in middle age.
However, indications are that changes do occur after age 30, although at
a slower rate. In addition, studies about change in personality traits after
age 80 are rare, in contrast to the number of such studies in younger life
periods. Mixed results are found regarding the mean level changes in very old
adults. While some studies did not find any change at all, other investigations
showed increases in agreeableness and decreases in extraversion (Allemand
et al., 2017).
213
 areas as maintaining health and success in work and marriage.
• Because stability of behaviour is an important manifestation of
personality, identifying the mechanisms (or causes) of stability and the
conditions under which stability is most prominent is an important way
to understand personality.
• Understanding stability is important for the assessment of personality
traits over time.
• Knowledge of the circumstances under which trait behaviours are more
or less likely makes changing them more likely; therefore, interventions to
change behaviour can be more effective.
By analysing longitudinal data from several studies, Costa and McCrae
(e.g. 1980, 1988, 1994; McCrae et al., 2000) found remarkable consistency
and stability in all five personality dimensions. This was especially true after
age 30, suggesting that full maturity of the adult personality is reached by
age 30. This led Costa and McCrae to believe that after age 30, personality
seems to be “set in plaster” (McCrae & Costa, 1994), therefore agreeing with
William James’s original position.
Empirical evidence for personality trait stability in adulthood comes
from findings with respect to stability of rank order, stability of variance,
and structural stability (e.g. Allemand et al., 2013; Zimprich et al., 2012). A
large body of research demonstrates high levels of rank order (also called
differential) stability across the adult years. Therefore, individuals maintain
their ranking in a reference group over time. This is true even in the latest
decades of life, regardless of changes that are often notable in individual
differences in people’s health, cognitive functioning, and abilities to cope
independently with life. With respect to stability of variance, empirical
evidence suggests that trait variances remain relatively stable over time
and/or across ages. This implies that individual differences in the traits seem
consistent. Regarding structural stability, cross-sectional and longitudinal
research demonstrate relatively high levels of stability, implying that the
positioning of traits relative to each other remain stable and is unaffected by
age and ageing.
Trait stability may serve different functions (Allemand et al, 2013). On the
one hand, stability benefits the individual. For example, being stable provides
a sense of sameness and continuity, which is central to having a sense of
identity. This also contributes to the individual’s sense of routine and control,
which may help individuals to avoid stress and to gain pleasure. On the other
hand, stability also benefits the individual’s social environment in the sense
that it provides structure and reduces the complexity of social interactions.
212
As such, it increases the predictability and continuity of behaviour so that
individuals can better predict each other’s actions. By contrast, a lack
of stability increases the unpredictability of behaviour. For this reason,
personality instability often is an indication of a psychological disorder.
4.2.3.2 A case for change
Although personality traits remain remarkably stable, at the same time, they
also demonstrate systematic mean level changes from childhood to old age.
This suggests that the average trait scores of groups change during the
course of the life span. More specifically, the following mean level age trends
were found (Kandler et al., 2015; Lucas & Donnellan, 2011; Marsh et al., 2013;
Nye et al., 2016):
• Neuroticism declines until middle adulthood and then remains stable, but
increases slightly around the age of 80.
• Extraversion shows some decline during emerging adulthood, a relatively
flat trend from young adulthood through middle age, and a more
noticeable drop in later years.
• Openness to experience shows increases in emerging adulthood, stability
in middle adulthood, and decreases in older adulthood.
• Agreeableness remains at a stable level until age 50 and then increases
with age.
• Conscientiousness increases in young and middle adulthood, increases to
a peak between the ages of 50 and 70, and then declines.
These findings suggest that personality traits not only change with age,
but that there are also distinct patterns of change. In general, as individuals
grow older, they seem to increase in traits related to social interest and
communion (fellowship) and to decrease in traits related to agency (activity)
and a zestful (lively) approach to life (Donnellan & Lucas, 2008).
The five-factor model asserts that mean level trait changes are much
more common in young adulthood before the age of 30 than in middle age.
However, indications are that changes do occur after age 30, although at
a slower rate. In addition, studies about change in personality traits after
age 80 are rare, in contrast to the number of such studies in younger life
periods. Mixed results are found regarding the mean level changes in very old
adults. While some studies did not find any change at all, other investigations
showed increases in agreeableness and decreases in extraversion (Allemand
et al., 2017).
213
 Empirical evidence supports the claim that personality continues
to change in adulthood at the mean levels, but there is also evidence for
individual differences in personality development across the adult years
(Allemand et al., 2013). This implies that some individuals change, while
others remain stable throughout the adult years. Individuals may also change
in some traits but not in others or deviate significantly from the average
expected (normative) change. Individual differences in trait development
are a reflection of the different pathways or trajectories that individuals
may encounter in adulthood. It is also possible that change in personality
traits is more adaptive for adults who seek new experiences, because this
allows them to adapt better to new opportunities and situations. By contrast,
for other individuals, stability may seem better, since it provides greater
consistency and control.
4.2.3.3 Forces that contribute to personality trait stability and
change
Adulthood is characterised by a multitude of life experiences and
environmental influences that may affect the stability of personality traits.
Therefore, it is particularly noteworthy that such high levels of trait stability
characterise this developmental period. Naturally, this leads to the question
of which causes and processes might be responsible for stability and its
maintenance, and which produce change. The answers to this depend on
one’s theoretical perspective. The mechanisms for trait stability and change
can be organised into categories such as biological factors, environmental
factors and the complex interplay between individuals and their environment.
• According to the biological perspective, personality trait stability and
change are attributed to intrinsic maturational processes rather than to
external influences.
• Theories that emphasise environmental factors predict different changes
in personality during different life periods.
• Theories that focus on transactions between person and environment
contend that individuals are seen as active agents who play an important
role in selecting and shaping their environments, and in turn, these
environments affect their personalities.
Since our discussion is on personality traits from a biological perspective,
this is our main focus in this section. The other perspectives are covered
elsewhere in this chapter.
214
As we have seen, proponents of the five-factor model assert that
personality traits arise exclusively from biological causes, and because
of a maturational process, they reach full maturity in early adulthood. In
its original formulation, the plaster hypothesis stated that changes in the
five personality traits after age 30 were non-existent or trivial (e.g. Costa
& McCrae, 1994). However, after it had become known that mean level
individual changes do occur, these researchers took a soft plaster approach
(e.g. McCrae & Costa, 2008). Costa and McCrae and their colleagues (e.g.
Terracciano et al., 2010) acknowledge that personality is not a static entity,
but a dynamic functioning system. They acknowledge a limited role for
environmental factors, but only if mediated through biological processes.
For example, they believe that changes in personality traits that do occur
are mostly a function of normative development governed by biology. In the
case of mean level or individual changes, personality change is manifested
(revealed) in characteristic adaptations (e.g. goals, personal strivings,
relationship patterns, and acquired skills) rather than in change in personality
traits as such. In certain rare cases, non-normative environmental influences
such as drugs, medication, injuries, and diseases that directly affect the brain
may cause actual changes in personality traits.
Support for Costa and McCrae’s contention comes from decades-long
factor analytic, cross-sectional, longitudinal, sequential, and cross-cultural
studies (e.g. Möttus, 2017). For example:
■ The development of personality traits reflects intrinsic maturation,
while environmental influences play a much lesser role than researchers
expected.
■ While major life events can change personality, these effects are only
modest. In fact, perceiving stressful life events as turning points in trait
change may be related to normative age-related changes.
■ Gender differences (e.g. men tend to score higher than women do on
assertiveness and ideas, while women score higher than men do on
anxiety and tender-mindedness) lend credibility to the argument for
certain innate (inborn) personality traits.
4.2.4 South African research on personality traits
Until very recently, personality measurement in South Africa either made use
of imported questionnaires (usually from the USA or Europe), or personality
inventories were mostly developed from existing Western-orientated
personality models. The standardisation (see Chapter 1) of these measures
215
 Empirical evidence supports the claim that personality continues
to change in adulthood at the mean levels, but there is also evidence for
individual differences in personality development across the adult years
(Allemand et al., 2013). This implies that some individuals change, while
others remain stable throughout the adult years. Individuals may also change
in some traits but not in others or deviate significantly from the average
expected (normative) change. Individual differences in trait development
are a reflection of the different pathways or trajectories that individuals
may encounter in adulthood. It is also possible that change in personality
traits is more adaptive for adults who seek new experiences, because this
allows them to adapt better to new opportunities and situations. By contrast,
for other individuals, stability may seem better, since it provides greater
consistency and control.
4.2.3.3 Forces that contribute to personality trait stability and
change
Adulthood is characterised by a multitude of life experiences and
environmental influences that may affect the stability of personality traits.
Therefore, it is particularly noteworthy that such high levels of trait stability
characterise this developmental period. Naturally, this leads to the question
of which causes and processes might be responsible for stability and its
maintenance, and which produce change. The answers to this depend on
one’s theoretical perspective. The mechanisms for trait stability and change
can be organised into categories such as biological factors, environmental
factors and the complex interplay between individuals and their environment.
• According to the biological perspective, personality trait stability and
change are attributed to intrinsic maturational processes rather than to
external influences.
• Theories that emphasise environmental factors predict different changes
in personality during different life periods.
• Theories that focus on transactions between person and environment
contend that individuals are seen as active agents who play an important
role in selecting and shaping their environments, and in turn, these
environments affect their personalities.
Since our discussion is on personality traits from a biological perspective,
this is our main focus in this section. The other perspectives are covered
elsewhere in this chapter.
214
As we have seen, proponents of the five-factor model assert that
personality traits arise exclusively from biological causes, and because
of a maturational process, they reach full maturity in early adulthood. In
its original formulation, the plaster hypothesis stated that changes in the
five personality traits after age 30 were non-existent or trivial (e.g. Costa
& McCrae, 1994). However, after it had become known that mean level
individual changes do occur, these researchers took a soft plaster approach
(e.g. McCrae & Costa, 2008). Costa and McCrae and their colleagues (e.g.
Terracciano et al., 2010) acknowledge that personality is not a static entity,
but a dynamic functioning system. They acknowledge a limited role for
environmental factors, but only if mediated through biological processes.
For example, they believe that changes in personality traits that do occur
are mostly a function of normative development governed by biology. In the
case of mean level or individual changes, personality change is manifested
(revealed) in characteristic adaptations (e.g. goals, personal strivings,
relationship patterns, and acquired skills) rather than in change in personality
traits as such. In certain rare cases, non-normative environmental influences
such as drugs, medication, injuries, and diseases that directly affect the brain
may cause actual changes in personality traits.
Support for Costa and McCrae’s contention comes from decades-long
factor analytic, cross-sectional, longitudinal, sequential, and cross-cultural
studies (e.g. Möttus, 2017). For example:
■ The development of personality traits reflects intrinsic maturation,
while environmental influences play a much lesser role than researchers
expected.
■ While major life events can change personality, these effects are only
modest. In fact, perceiving stressful life events as turning points in trait
change may be related to normative age-related changes.
■ Gender differences (e.g. men tend to score higher than women do on
assertiveness and ideas, while women score higher than men do on
anxiety and tender-mindedness) lend credibility to the argument for
certain innate (inborn) personality traits.
4.2.4 South African research on personality traits
Until very recently, personality measurement in South Africa either made use
of imported questionnaires (usually from the USA or Europe), or personality
inventories were mostly developed from existing Western-orientated
personality models. The standardisation (see Chapter 1) of these measures
215
predominantly favoured only one ethnic group, while the unique multicultural
and multilinguistic context of South Africa was not taken into account (Nel Box 4.3. The development of the SAPI
et al., 2016). In exploring personality traits used in a particular language, researchers typically use
As mentioned elsewhere, within the trait perspective, the five-factor a lexical approach; therefore, they use dictionaries to explore all the possible words
model is at the forefront of research, while the Neo-Personality Inventory that reflect personality traits. However, in South Africa, dictionaries are not available
for all of the 11 official languages. The researchers therefore used a modified lexical
Revised (NEO-PI-R) is amongst the most widely used and researched approach by making use of semi-structured interviews with the participants in their
operationalisations (i.e. measuring instrument of personality) of the FFM. It natural language. This is called an emic approach. In an emic or indigenous approach,
has also been suggested that the NEO-PI-R, and by extension the FFM, are the focus is on assessing psychological constructs that are particularly salient to a
cross-culturally applicable (Alliket al., 2013; McCrae et al., 2005). However, by specific, usually non-Western, cultural context. By following an emic approach in the
South African context, the indigenous personality structures of all the ethnic groups
reviewing the relevant literature, Laher (2014) argues that while the NEO-PI-R were explored. An etic approach was also employed by using current personality
and FFM may have some universal applicability, it is not extensive enough. models such as the FFM, the HEXACO (which features a sixth factor, honesty-humility)
More specifically, there is evidence that the structural equivalence of the FFM and the Chinese Personality Assessment Inventory (CPAI) to inform the clustering of
the emic terms. By comparing all of the personality structures of the different ethnic
as operationalised by the NEO-PI-R is lacking in an African context. (Structural
groups with one another, a nine-cluster personality structure was initially developed.
equivalence refers to the extent to which an instrument measures the same The final structure of the SAPI (based on extensive research) yielded six clusters. The
construct – concept or idea – across cultures.) For example, South African six dimensions are Positive Social-relational, Negative Social-relational, Neuroticism,
research found support for the five factors for white research participants Extraversion, Conscientiousness and Openness-Intellect. As can be seen, the six
personality clusters are similar to the FFM, although its content may be distinctive to
but not for black participants (e.g. Heuchert et al., 2000; Taylor, 2000). the South African context. The factorial structure of the SAPI is presented in Table 4.2.
More specifically, openness to experience seemed to be weakly replicated
in the black samples. Researchers increasingly argued for including African
dimensions of personality and also more inclusive and comprehensive
personality measures for the South African population as a whole. Personality Table 4.2. Factorial structure of the SAPI
dimensions such as individualism-collectivism, interpersonal relatedness, Dimensions Facets
and religion have been mentioned in this regard (Laher, 2009, 2013). Positive Social-relational Facilitating
Recent contributions towards personality trait assessment in South Africa Interpersonal relatedness
Social intelligence
have resulted in the construction of the Basic Traits Inventory (BTI) (Taylor Warm-heartedness
& De Bruin, 2005) and the South African Personality Inventory (Fetvadjiev
Negative social-relational Conflict seeking
et al., 2015). The BTI is an English-language measure of the FFM. It has a Deceitfulness
structure similar to the NEO-PI-R with five broad traits and 24 facet scales. Hostile egoism
Research has demonstrated that the five factors measured by the BTI can be Neuroticism Negative emotionality
extracted across the diversity of cultures in South Africa; therefore, currently, Extraversion Playfulness
it is well established as an FFM instrument. However, it has not been designed Sociability
to assess personality concepts that may be salient in this context. Conscientiousness Achievement orientation
The South African Personality Inventory (SAPI) project was initiated Emotional maturity
Integrity
in 2005 with the aim to overcome the challenges related to personality Orderliness
measurement in South Africa. More specifically, the SAPI project focused Traditionalism-Religiosity
on developing a unified and valid personality inventory for all the major Neuroticism Negative emotionality
language and cultural groups in South Africa (Nel et al., 2012). The structure
of the SAPI includes six personality clusters, similar to the FFM. (See Box 4.3
for a description of the processes involved in developing the SAPI, and Table
4.2 for the factorial structure of the SAPI.)

216 217
predominantly favoured only one ethnic group, while the unique multicultural
and multilinguistic context of South Africa was not taken into account (Nel Box 4.3. The development of the SAPI
et al., 2016). In exploring personality traits used in a particular language, researchers typically use
As mentioned elsewhere, within the trait perspective, the five-factor a lexical approach; therefore, they use dictionaries to explore all the possible words
model is at the forefront of research, while the Neo-Personality Inventory that reflect personality traits. However, in South Africa, dictionaries are not available
for all of the 11 official languages. The researchers therefore used a modified lexical
Revised (NEO-PI-R) is amongst the most widely used and researched approach by making use of semi-structured interviews with the participants in their
operationalisations (i.e. measuring instrument of personality) of the FFM. It natural language. This is called an emic approach. In an emic or indigenous approach,
has also been suggested that the NEO-PI-R, and by extension the FFM, are the focus is on assessing psychological constructs that are particularly salient to a
cross-culturally applicable (Alliket al., 2013; McCrae et al., 2005). However, by specific, usually non-Western, cultural context. By following an emic approach in the
South African context, the indigenous personality structures of all the ethnic groups
reviewing the relevant literature, Laher (2014) argues that while the NEO-PI-R were explored. An etic approach was also employed by using current personality
and FFM may have some universal applicability, it is not extensive enough. models such as the FFM, the HEXACO (which features a sixth factor, honesty-humility)
More specifically, there is evidence that the structural equivalence of the FFM and the Chinese Personality Assessment Inventory (CPAI) to inform the clustering of
the emic terms. By comparing all of the personality structures of the different ethnic
as operationalised by the NEO-PI-R is lacking in an African context. (Structural
groups with one another, a nine-cluster personality structure was initially developed.
equivalence refers to the extent to which an instrument measures the same The final structure of the SAPI (based on extensive research) yielded six clusters. The
construct – concept or idea – across cultures.) For example, South African six dimensions are Positive Social-relational, Negative Social-relational, Neuroticism,
research found support for the five factors for white research participants Extraversion, Conscientiousness and Openness-Intellect. As can be seen, the six
personality clusters are similar to the FFM, although its content may be distinctive to
but not for black participants (e.g. Heuchert et al., 2000; Taylor, 2000). the South African context. The factorial structure of the SAPI is presented in Table 4.2.
More specifically, openness to experience seemed to be weakly replicated
in the black samples. Researchers increasingly argued for including African
dimensions of personality and also more inclusive and comprehensive
personality measures for the South African population as a whole. Personality Table 4.2. Factorial structure of the SAPI
dimensions such as individualism-collectivism, interpersonal relatedness, Dimensions Facets
and religion have been mentioned in this regard (Laher, 2009, 2013). Positive Social-relational Facilitating
Recent contributions towards personality trait assessment in South Africa Interpersonal relatedness
Social intelligence
have resulted in the construction of the Basic Traits Inventory (BTI) (Taylor Warm-heartedness
& De Bruin, 2005) and the South African Personality Inventory (Fetvadjiev
Negative social-relational Conflict seeking
et al., 2015). The BTI is an English-language measure of the FFM. It has a Deceitfulness
structure similar to the NEO-PI-R with five broad traits and 24 facet scales. Hostile egoism
Research has demonstrated that the five factors measured by the BTI can be Neuroticism Negative emotionality
extracted across the diversity of cultures in South Africa; therefore, currently, Extraversion Playfulness
it is well established as an FFM instrument. However, it has not been designed Sociability
to assess personality concepts that may be salient in this context. Conscientiousness Achievement orientation
The South African Personality Inventory (SAPI) project was initiated Emotional maturity
Integrity
in 2005 with the aim to overcome the challenges related to personality Orderliness
measurement in South Africa. More specifically, the SAPI project focused Traditionalism-Religiosity
on developing a unified and valid personality inventory for all the major Neuroticism Negative emotionality
language and cultural groups in South Africa (Nel et al., 2012). The structure
of the SAPI includes six personality clusters, similar to the FFM. (See Box 4.3
for a description of the processes involved in developing the SAPI, and Table
4.2 for the factorial structure of the SAPI.)

216 217
 South African research on personality traits yielded some interesting
results (Fetvadjiev et al., 2017; Laher, 2013; Laher & Croxford, 2013; Vogt &
Laher, 2009; Nel et al., 2017; Valchev et al., 2013; Valchev et al., 2014):
• According to the SAPI, many similarities exist in the categories that South
Africans (blacks, coloureds, Indians, and whites) most often use to describe
personality. These categories include traits, behaviours, and perceptions.
• During the research process of constructing the SAPI, the agreeableness
dimension of the FFM was found to be insufficient to cover the social-
relational functioning of South Africans and cross-cultural research in
general. A clear set of positive and negative social-relational concepts
prominent in the South African context were identified. Therefore,
although these two dimensions are related to the agreeable dimension
of the FFM, they are uniquely distinctive to the South African (or non-
Western) context. However, these concepts also appear to be replicable
in a multicultural Western context.
• In a multi-method study, using the SAPI and two behavioural measures
to investigate the link between personality and the predictability and
consistency of behaviour across cultures in South Africa, more similarities
than differences were found. The few situational variables that were noted
were not in line with individualism-collectivism. However, subjective
beliefs and perceptions did reflect the individualism-collectivism
dimension.
• Studies utilising the NEO-PI-R and BTI and including mostly student
populations have indicated no difference between the individualistic-
collectivistic dimensions for black and white students. A reason for this
is that the academic environment fosters individualism, since the focus is
on individual striving, competition, and the realisation of one’s potential.
• One study found some differences on certain facets of the NEO-PI-R:
White students scored higher on impulsivity, openness to experience,
fantasy, aesthetics, and values, while black students scored higher on
compliance and deliberation. However, except for compliance, the effect
sizes on all the other facets were moderate. This suggests that the
findings have only moderate practical value.
• Regarding gender differences, in a study utilising the NEO-PI-R,
significant differences were found between female and male students of
all racial groups in South Africa: Women scored higher than men did on
the scales of anxiety, aesthetics, feelings, straightforwardness, altruism,
modesty, and tender-mindedness. Men scored higher than women did
on assertiveness and ideas.
218
Although personality research in South Africa has not yet concentrated
on the developmental aspects such as stability and change, certain tentative
deductions could be made. First, the fact that black and white students
increasingly show similarities with regard to the individualistic-collectivistic
dimensions could be an indication of adaptation to a changing environment.
For example, in a study incorporating students between the ages of 19 and
20, Nel et al. (2017) found that black emerging adults were more inclined to
be meticulous and thorough and scored higher on intellect than the white
emerging adults did. These are typical characteristics relevant for work-
related elements and are individualistic in nature. White emerging adults
were more sociable, caring, friendly, emotionally balanced, and tended to
maintain good relations. These are more collectivist-related characteristics.
Second, facilitating was one of the strongest markers of the social-relational
concepts of the SAPI. It refers to the importance of conveying knowledge,
giving guidance, empowering others, and transmitting wisdom. However, in
Nel et al.’s research, it seems that for emerging adults, facilitating was related
negatively to their well-being. This could be an indication of a maturational
process; this means that young emerging adults may not be ready to guide
others.
4.2.5 Conclusions on the biological (trait) approach
In summary, there seems to be overwhelming evidence that genetics play a
large role in personality trait development, but that the environment cannot
be excluded. McCrae and Costa (2008, p. 165) have altered their original
fundamental biological approach to the following: “Personality traits are
endogenous (internal) basic tendencies that can be altered by exogenous
(external) interventions, processes, or events that affect the biological
processes.” This claim is tied to their view on development, which argues that
trait development is a result of biological maturational processes that are
mostly but not exclusively limited to the first third of life (Griffin et al., 2015).
South African researchers (e.g. Fetvadjiev et al., 2017) conclude that their
findings provide support for the trait perspective. They acknowledge that
both genetic and environmental factors affect personality and agree that
cultural effects are smaller than initially believed.
A large body of cross-cultural research has indicated universal patterns
of personality development. This may suggest a maturational process.
Although some cultural differences were noted in some studies, variability
across nations could be due to real cultural differences, sampling methods,
219
 South African research on personality traits yielded some interesting
results (Fetvadjiev et al., 2017; Laher, 2013; Laher & Croxford, 2013; Vogt &
Laher, 2009; Nel et al., 2017; Valchev et al., 2013; Valchev et al., 2014):
• According to the SAPI, many similarities exist in the categories that South
Africans (blacks, coloureds, Indians, and whites) most often use to describe
personality. These categories include traits, behaviours, and perceptions.
• During the research process of constructing the SAPI, the agreeableness
dimension of the FFM was found to be insufficient to cover the social-
relational functioning of South Africans and cross-cultural research in
general. A clear set of positive and negative social-relational concepts
prominent in the South African context were identified. Therefore,
although these two dimensions are related to the agreeable dimension
of the FFM, they are uniquely distinctive to the South African (or non-
Western) context. However, these concepts also appear to be replicable
in a multicultural Western context.
• In a multi-method study, using the SAPI and two behavioural measures
to investigate the link between personality and the predictability and
consistency of behaviour across cultures in South Africa, more similarities
than differences were found. The few situational variables that were noted
were not in line with individualism-collectivism. However, subjective
beliefs and perceptions did reflect the individualism-collectivism
dimension.
• Studies utilising the NEO-PI-R and BTI and including mostly student
populations have indicated no difference between the individualistic-
collectivistic dimensions for black and white students. A reason for this
is that the academic environment fosters individualism, since the focus is
on individual striving, competition, and the realisation of one’s potential.
• One study found some differences on certain facets of the NEO-PI-R:
White students scored higher on impulsivity, openness to experience,
fantasy, aesthetics, and values, while black students scored higher on
compliance and deliberation. However, except for compliance, the effect
sizes on all the other facets were moderate. This suggests that the
findings have only moderate practical value.
• Regarding gender differences, in a study utilising the NEO-PI-R,
significant differences were found between female and male students of
all racial groups in South Africa: Women scored higher than men did on
the scales of anxiety, aesthetics, feelings, straightforwardness, altruism,
modesty, and tender-mindedness. Men scored higher than women did
on assertiveness and ideas.
218
Although personality research in South Africa has not yet concentrated
on the developmental aspects such as stability and change, certain tentative
deductions could be made. First, the fact that black and white students
increasingly show similarities with regard to the individualistic-collectivistic
dimensions could be an indication of adaptation to a changing environment.
For example, in a study incorporating students between the ages of 19 and
20, Nel et al. (2017) found that black emerging adults were more inclined to
be meticulous and thorough and scored higher on intellect than the white
emerging adults did. These are typical characteristics relevant for work-
related elements and are individualistic in nature. White emerging adults
were more sociable, caring, friendly, emotionally balanced, and tended to
maintain good relations. These are more collectivist-related characteristics.
Second, facilitating was one of the strongest markers of the social-relational
concepts of the SAPI. It refers to the importance of conveying knowledge,
giving guidance, empowering others, and transmitting wisdom. However, in
Nel et al.’s research, it seems that for emerging adults, facilitating was related
negatively to their well-being. This could be an indication of a maturational
process; this means that young emerging adults may not be ready to guide
others.
4.2.5 Conclusions on the biological (trait) approach
In summary, there seems to be overwhelming evidence that genetics play a
large role in personality trait development, but that the environment cannot
be excluded. McCrae and Costa (2008, p. 165) have altered their original
fundamental biological approach to the following: “Personality traits are
endogenous (internal) basic tendencies that can be altered by exogenous
(external) interventions, processes, or events that affect the biological
processes.” This claim is tied to their view on development, which argues that
trait development is a result of biological maturational processes that are
mostly but not exclusively limited to the first third of life (Griffin et al., 2015).
South African researchers (e.g. Fetvadjiev et al., 2017) conclude that their
findings provide support for the trait perspective. They acknowledge that
both genetic and environmental factors affect personality and agree that
cultural effects are smaller than initially believed.
A large body of cross-cultural research has indicated universal patterns
of personality development. This may suggest a maturational process.
Although some cultural differences were noted in some studies, variability
across nations could be due to real cultural differences, sampling methods,
219

Are there universal patterns of personality development?
methodological issues, or simply chance factors. Terracciano (2016, p.
276) states, “Before concluding that the pattern of development in a
particular culture differs from the norm, replication in multiple samples
in that culture, using multiple methods, is of paramount importance.”
Terracciano states that the field would benefit greatly from more long-term
longitudinal studies, especially in samples of African, Arabic, and Asian
societies. Cross-cultural research provides a powerful tool to understand
the emergence and maintenance of individual differences in personality. It
provides an understanding of both the normative and differential patterns
of developmental pathways; that is, whether change occurs due to internal
(biological) factors or external factors such as environmental variables.
220
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define personality. What can we deduce from the definition?
2. One of the oldest debates in psychology regarding personality incorporates
issues of stability and change. How has this been debated by prominent
psychologists throughout the ages? What is the current position of most theorists
and researchers?
3. What are some of the limitations in our understanding of personality development
during adulthood?
4. What is understood by biological forces in personality development?
5. Define personality traits. What are the assumptions of trait theorists regarding
personality?
6. What is the difference between the five-factor theory (FFT) and the five-factor
model (FFM)?
7. Name and discuss the three components of the FFT.
8. Discuss the five traits of the FFM and their related characteristics or facets.
9. Discuss the influence of personality traits on predicting the following life outcomes:
relationships, self-esteem, affect and coping, job achievement, health, well-being,
and lifestyle.
10. What is the main viewpoint of the FFT?
11. Describe the various ways in which personality stability and change are defined,
measured, and analysed statistically.
12. Why is it important to understand the stability of personality traits? Discuss the
empirical evidence for personality stability in adulthood. What functions may trait
stability serve?
13. Discuss mean level (average) changes in personality traits during adulthood.
14. What may be the reason for individual differences in personality development
across the adult years?
15. Which causes and processes might be responsible for stability and its maintenance,
and what causes change?
16. Which forces contribute to personality stability and change according to the five-
factor theorists? Mention the empirical support for this contention.
17. Discuss personality trait research in South Africa.
18. Discuss lexical, emic, and etic approaches to personality inventory construction.
Which approaches were used in constructing the South African Personality
Inventory (SAPI)?
19. Name the dimensions and facets of the SAPI.
20. Discuss the findings of South African research on personality traits. What
personality developmental pathways were noted?
21. Discuss the overwhelming evidence regarding the development of personality.
According to Terracciano, what type of research should still be done to benefit the
field?
221

Are there universal patterns of personality development?
methodological issues, or simply chance factors. Terracciano (2016, p.
276) states, “Before concluding that the pattern of development in a
particular culture differs from the norm, replication in multiple samples
in that culture, using multiple methods, is of paramount importance.”
Terracciano states that the field would benefit greatly from more long-term
longitudinal studies, especially in samples of African, Arabic, and Asian
societies. Cross-cultural research provides a powerful tool to understand
the emergence and maintenance of individual differences in personality. It
provides an understanding of both the normative and differential patterns
of developmental pathways; that is, whether change occurs due to internal
(biological) factors or external factors such as environmental variables.
220
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define personality. What can we deduce from the definition?
2. One of the oldest debates in psychology regarding personality incorporates
issues of stability and change. How has this been debated by prominent
psychologists throughout the ages? What is the current position of most theorists
and researchers?
3. What are some of the limitations in our understanding of personality development
during adulthood?
4. What is understood by biological forces in personality development?
5. Define personality traits. What are the assumptions of trait theorists regarding
personality?
6. What is the difference between the five-factor theory (FFT) and the five-factor
model (FFM)?
7. Name and discuss the three components of the FFT.
8. Discuss the five traits of the FFM and their related characteristics or facets.
9. Discuss the influence of personality traits on predicting the following life outcomes:
relationships, self-esteem, affect and coping, job achievement, health, well-being,
and lifestyle.
10. What is the main viewpoint of the FFT?
11. Describe the various ways in which personality stability and change are defined,
measured, and analysed statistically.
12. Why is it important to understand the stability of personality traits? Discuss the
empirical evidence for personality stability in adulthood. What functions may trait
stability serve?
13. Discuss mean level (average) changes in personality traits during adulthood.
14. What may be the reason for individual differences in personality development
across the adult years?
15. Which causes and processes might be responsible for stability and its maintenance,
and what causes change?
16. Which forces contribute to personality stability and change according to the five-
factor theorists? Mention the empirical support for this contention.
17. Discuss personality trait research in South Africa.
18. Discuss lexical, emic, and etic approaches to personality inventory construction.
Which approaches were used in constructing the South African Personality
Inventory (SAPI)?
19. Name the dimensions and facets of the SAPI.
20. Discuss the findings of South African research on personality traits. What
personality developmental pathways were noted?
21. Discuss the overwhelming evidence regarding the development of personality.
According to Terracciano, what type of research should still be done to benefit the
field?
221
4.3 CONTEXTUAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL a person who has achieved identity development in adolescence may be
more able to form intimate relationships in young adulthood. The assumption
APPROACHES TO ADULT PERSONALITY is that when the crisis at one stage has been resolved successfully, this will
DEVELOPMENT lead to the resolution of the next crisis.
Contextual or environmental approaches to personality development Table 4.3 Erikson’s psychosocial stages of development
refer to external influences on personality such as life events, social roles, Psychosocial Age Challenge Synthesis
cultural norms, and transitional periods. The general view is that social stage
roles, life events, and social environments change during the life course and 1. Basic trust Birth to 1 year To develop a sense that the Hope
that such factors have important effects on basic personality traits. These versus mistrust world is a safe and a good
theories usually maintain that development occurs throughout the life span. place
Perhaps the best-known theorist in this regard is Erik Erikson. The African 2. Autonomy versus 1 to 3 years To realise that one is an Willpower
shame and doubt independent person who can
perspective on personality development, as well as a more recent theory, the
make decisions
neo-socioanalytic model of personality will also be explored. (Transitional
3. Initiative versus 3 to 6 years To develop a willingness to Purpose
periods are referred to briefly in Box 4.4.) guilt try new things and to handle
failure
4.3.1 Erik Erikson: Psychosocial development 4. Industry versus 6 years to To learn basic skills and to Competence
inferiority adolescence work with others
According to Erikson (1963, 1968, 1982), personality development occurs 5. Identity Adolescence To develop a lasting, Reliability
versus identity integrated sense of self
throughout the life span and in eight sequential stages. Each stage is confusion
characterised by a crisis or challenge that refers to the central concern for 6. Intimacy versus Young adulthood To commit to another in a Love
that particular developmental stage and the adjustments the individual isolation loving relationship
has to make regarding relevant tasks during each psychosocial stage. This 7. Generativity Middle adulthood To contribute to the younger Care
adjustment may be either positive or negative; therefore, each crisis in versus stagnation generation through child
each developmental stage is presented in two opposing poles (e.g. trust or rearing, child care, or other
productive work
mistrust). However, the solution of each crisis does not lie in choosing the
8. Integrity versus Later life To view one’s life as Wisdom
positive pole; instead, it lies in a synthesis (combination of two opposites despair satisfactory and worth living
at a higher level) of the two poles. (See Table 4.3 for Erikson’s psychosocial
Adapted from Louw, Louw & Kail, 2014
stages.)
Erikson viewed development from one
Erikson’s psychosocial stages directly relevant to adult development are
stage to another as a complex interaction of
the following:
biological, psychological, cultural, and social
forces, although he emphasised the latter. • Identity achievement versus identity confusion. This stage first
For example, the physical and cognitive emerges in adolescence, but remains important throughout adulthood
maturation of individuals bring about new and forms a cornerstone of subsequent adult psychosocial crises. The
needs and possibilities, while on the other struggle during this stage involves trying to balance the need to choose
hand, society sets certain expectations. Both a possible self and the desire to try out many possible selves. Individuals
of these forces contribute to the crisis that who achieve a clear sense of self (therefore, a clear identity) have a clear
has to be resolved. Erikson argued that the sense of purpose in life. Identity confusion, on the other hand, involves
earlier stages of development provide the a lack of direction, vagueness about the purpose of one’s life, and an
foundation for the later stages. For example, Erik Erikson unclear sense of self. Resolution of the conflicting aspects of these
222 223
4.3 CONTEXTUAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL a person who has achieved identity development in adolescence may be
more able to form intimate relationships in young adulthood. The assumption
APPROACHES TO ADULT PERSONALITY is that when the crisis at one stage has been resolved successfully, this will
DEVELOPMENT lead to the resolution of the next crisis.
Contextual or environmental approaches to personality development Table 4.3 Erikson’s psychosocial stages of development
refer to external influences on personality such as life events, social roles, Psychosocial Age Challenge Synthesis
cultural norms, and transitional periods. The general view is that social stage
roles, life events, and social environments change during the life course and 1. Basic trust Birth to 1 year To develop a sense that the Hope
that such factors have important effects on basic personality traits. These versus mistrust world is a safe and a good
theories usually maintain that development occurs throughout the life span. place
Perhaps the best-known theorist in this regard is Erik Erikson. The African 2. Autonomy versus 1 to 3 years To realise that one is an Willpower
shame and doubt independent person who can
perspective on personality development, as well as a more recent theory, the
make decisions
neo-socioanalytic model of personality will also be explored. (Transitional
3. Initiative versus 3 to 6 years To develop a willingness to Purpose
periods are referred to briefly in Box 4.4.) guilt try new things and to handle
failure
4.3.1 Erik Erikson: Psychosocial development 4. Industry versus 6 years to To learn basic skills and to Competence
inferiority adolescence work with others
According to Erikson (1963, 1968, 1982), personality development occurs 5. Identity Adolescence To develop a lasting, Reliability
versus identity integrated sense of self
throughout the life span and in eight sequential stages. Each stage is confusion
characterised by a crisis or challenge that refers to the central concern for 6. Intimacy versus Young adulthood To commit to another in a Love
that particular developmental stage and the adjustments the individual isolation loving relationship
has to make regarding relevant tasks during each psychosocial stage. This 7. Generativity Middle adulthood To contribute to the younger Care
adjustment may be either positive or negative; therefore, each crisis in versus stagnation generation through child
each developmental stage is presented in two opposing poles (e.g. trust or rearing, child care, or other
productive work
mistrust). However, the solution of each crisis does not lie in choosing the
8. Integrity versus Later life To view one’s life as Wisdom
positive pole; instead, it lies in a synthesis (combination of two opposites despair satisfactory and worth living
at a higher level) of the two poles. (See Table 4.3 for Erikson’s psychosocial
Adapted from Louw, Louw & Kail, 2014
stages.)
Erikson viewed development from one
Erikson’s psychosocial stages directly relevant to adult development are
stage to another as a complex interaction of
the following:
biological, psychological, cultural, and social
forces, although he emphasised the latter. • Identity achievement versus identity confusion. This stage first
For example, the physical and cognitive emerges in adolescence, but remains important throughout adulthood
maturation of individuals bring about new and forms a cornerstone of subsequent adult psychosocial crises. The
needs and possibilities, while on the other struggle during this stage involves trying to balance the need to choose
hand, society sets certain expectations. Both a possible self and the desire to try out many possible selves. Individuals
of these forces contribute to the crisis that who achieve a clear sense of self (therefore, a clear identity) have a clear
has to be resolved. Erikson argued that the sense of purpose in life. Identity confusion, on the other hand, involves
earlier stages of development provide the a lack of direction, vagueness about the purpose of one’s life, and an
foundation for the later stages. For example, Erik Erikson unclear sense of self. Resolution of the conflicting aspects of these
222 223
 two poles results in the synthesis of reliability (i.e. being sure of one’s
identity).
• Intimacy versus isolation is the major issue of young adulthood. The
attainment of intimacy involves establishing a mutually satisfying
relationship with another person. To accomplish this task, young adults
need to learn to give up some of their own desires, but still have the
ability to maintain a sense of separateness. Theoretically, this is possible
only once the individual has achieved a strong sense of identity. The
opposite is a state of isolation in which a person becomes self-absorbed
and never achieves true mutuality with another person. Resolution of
the conflicting demands of intimacy and isolation results in the virtue of
love.
• Generativity versus stagnation focuses on the psychosocial issues of
procreation, productivity, and creativity. The resolution of this crisis lies
in moving away from one’s own self-interests to contribute to society
either through family (e.g. raising children), work (e.g. productivity,
mentorship, and creativity) or community involvement (e.g. providing
goods and services for the benefit of society). Stagnation occurs when
the individual turns concern and energy inward (to the self) or solely to
others of his or her own age group. The crucial component of generativity
is concern and care for the people who will follow one’s own generation.
• Ego integrity versus despair is the final stage of development. Towards
the end of adulthood, the individual faces psychosocial issues related to
ageing and growing closer to death. Individuals who resolve this crisis
successfully develop a sense of satisfaction with the life they have led,
the choices they have made, and the goals they have attained. This
involves acceptance of both the positive and negative attributes of
one’s life. People who succeed in this final task gain a sense of order
and meaning in life: it implies a sense of completeness of having come
full circle. According to Erikson, acceptance of the past and the present
helps people attain acceptance of the end of life. The virtue that develops
during this stage is wisdom. In this view, ego integrity is the “fruit of
the seven stages” (Erikson, 1963, p. 168). In contrast, the individual in a
state of despair feels discontented with life and the thought of ending
life before past mistakes can be corrected is frightening. Therefore, they
may dwell on all the roads not taken.
Erikson’s theory has had a major effect on the view of life span
development. However, many argued that his theory is complex, unclear,
poorly defined, too broad or unspecified, and gender biased. In addition,
224
his theory was not based on empirical data. These problems have led critics
to dismiss the theory as untestable and incomplete. Other theorists have
tried to address these problems by identifying common themes, specifying
underlying mental processes, reinterpreting and integrating the theory with
other ideas, suggesting additional developmental stages, or developing
measures to test his assumptions empirically. These efforts have guided
researchers to assess the usefulness of Erikson’s theory as a model for adult
development. A review of the empirical literature indicates that findings are
often modest and little consistency exists in the focus of the investigations
or the measures applied.
Some researchers argued that Erikson’s language and concepts were
often difficult to understand, leaving it open to different interpretations.
However, throughout his decades of work in this field, these became
increasingly refined. For example, having scrutinised Erikson’s work and the
existing research, Kivnick and Wells (2014, 2016) identified three principles
that are central to the understanding of his theory. These principles exist as
a framework throughout Erikson’s entire body of work:
■ Dynamic balance of opposites. This principle emphasises the importance
of both the opposing tendencies in each stage (e.g. trust vs. mistrust)
for healthy psychosocial development. What is considered as healthy
will change as environments and age-based expectations change. The
theory also leaves it to culture, history, geography, and biology to assign
such labels as successful and unsuccessful resolution of a particular crisis
or theme. For example, changes in cultural attitude and policy influence
the appropriateness of specific thematic balances; for instance, the
legalisation of same-sex marriages in South Africa is an indication of a
broadening of societal attitudes, providing greater validation of same-
sex love as an appropriate balance between intimacy and isolation.
■ Vital involvement. This principle is defined as the reciprocal and
meaningful engagement between a person and his or her environment,
such as engaging with people, ideas, materials, institutions, environmental
forces, creatures, and so forth in the environment outside the self.
This principle emphasises the critical role of the physical and social
environment in shaping who a person becomes over time, and vice
versa. (Note that this concept is not unlike the African worldview, which
indicates an intricate web of objects and organisms that are dependent
upon and capable of influencing and being influenced by others.)
■ Life in time. This principle highlights the fact that development is a lifelong
process and that all psychosocial themes are operational throughout
225
 two poles results in the synthesis of reliability (i.e. being sure of one’s
identity).
• Intimacy versus isolation is the major issue of young adulthood. The
attainment of intimacy involves establishing a mutually satisfying
relationship with another person. To accomplish this task, young adults
need to learn to give up some of their own desires, but still have the
ability to maintain a sense of separateness. Theoretically, this is possible
only once the individual has achieved a strong sense of identity. The
opposite is a state of isolation in which a person becomes self-absorbed
and never achieves true mutuality with another person. Resolution of
the conflicting demands of intimacy and isolation results in the virtue of
love.
• Generativity versus stagnation focuses on the psychosocial issues of
procreation, productivity, and creativity. The resolution of this crisis lies
in moving away from one’s own self-interests to contribute to society
either through family (e.g. raising children), work (e.g. productivity,
mentorship, and creativity) or community involvement (e.g. providing
goods and services for the benefit of society). Stagnation occurs when
the individual turns concern and energy inward (to the self) or solely to
others of his or her own age group. The crucial component of generativity
is concern and care for the people who will follow one’s own generation.
• Ego integrity versus despair is the final stage of development. Towards
the end of adulthood, the individual faces psychosocial issues related to
ageing and growing closer to death. Individuals who resolve this crisis
successfully develop a sense of satisfaction with the life they have led,
the choices they have made, and the goals they have attained. This
involves acceptance of both the positive and negative attributes of
one’s life. People who succeed in this final task gain a sense of order
and meaning in life: it implies a sense of completeness of having come
full circle. According to Erikson, acceptance of the past and the present
helps people attain acceptance of the end of life. The virtue that develops
during this stage is wisdom. In this view, ego integrity is the “fruit of
the seven stages” (Erikson, 1963, p. 168). In contrast, the individual in a
state of despair feels discontented with life and the thought of ending
life before past mistakes can be corrected is frightening. Therefore, they
may dwell on all the roads not taken.
Erikson’s theory has had a major effect on the view of life span
development. However, many argued that his theory is complex, unclear,
poorly defined, too broad or unspecified, and gender biased. In addition,
224
his theory was not based on empirical data. These problems have led critics
to dismiss the theory as untestable and incomplete. Other theorists have
tried to address these problems by identifying common themes, specifying
underlying mental processes, reinterpreting and integrating the theory with
other ideas, suggesting additional developmental stages, or developing
measures to test his assumptions empirically. These efforts have guided
researchers to assess the usefulness of Erikson’s theory as a model for adult
development. A review of the empirical literature indicates that findings are
often modest and little consistency exists in the focus of the investigations
or the measures applied.
Some researchers argued that Erikson’s language and concepts were
often difficult to understand, leaving it open to different interpretations.
However, throughout his decades of work in this field, these became
increasingly refined. For example, having scrutinised Erikson’s work and the
existing research, Kivnick and Wells (2014, 2016) identified three principles
that are central to the understanding of his theory. These principles exist as
a framework throughout Erikson’s entire body of work:
■ Dynamic balance of opposites. This principle emphasises the importance
of both the opposing tendencies in each stage (e.g. trust vs. mistrust)
for healthy psychosocial development. What is considered as healthy
will change as environments and age-based expectations change. The
theory also leaves it to culture, history, geography, and biology to assign
such labels as successful and unsuccessful resolution of a particular crisis
or theme. For example, changes in cultural attitude and policy influence
the appropriateness of specific thematic balances; for instance, the
legalisation of same-sex marriages in South Africa is an indication of a
broadening of societal attitudes, providing greater validation of same-
sex love as an appropriate balance between intimacy and isolation.
■ Vital involvement. This principle is defined as the reciprocal and
meaningful engagement between a person and his or her environment,
such as engaging with people, ideas, materials, institutions, environmental
forces, creatures, and so forth in the environment outside the self.
This principle emphasises the critical role of the physical and social
environment in shaping who a person becomes over time, and vice
versa. (Note that this concept is not unlike the African worldview, which
indicates an intricate web of objects and organisms that are dependent
upon and capable of influencing and being influenced by others.)
■ Life in time. This principle highlights the fact that development is a lifelong
process and that all psychosocial themes are operational throughout
225
 the life span. The main assumption of this principle is that individuals
‘rework’ themes that are not necessarily central during any particular
stage as their own circumstances require. For example, balancing
integrity and despair in old age requires the reworking and integrating
of strengths associated with previous stages. For instance, helping out
with grandchildren refers to the previous stage of generativity versus
stagnation, with the balance of care; or translating housekeeping skills,
such as sewing or baking, into arts and crafts practice may be the re-
experiencing (or reworking) of competence (i.e. the resolution between
the tensions of industry versus inferiority), a stage that is prominent
during childhood.
Box 4.4 The midlife crisis: fact or fallacy?
Transitional theories propose that people go through predictable age-related crises,
while some argue that adulthood consists of a series of alternating periods of stability
and change. For example, Daniel Levinson’s life structure theory (Levinson, 1978, 1986,
1990) claims that middle-aged adults experience a personal crisis that results in major
changes in how they view themselves. The assumption is that they deal with difficult
issues such as their own mortality and inevitable ageing. Behavioural changes may
occur, such as leaving one’s wife for a younger person, while internal struggles also
occur.
However, there is little scientific evidence of the existence of a midlife crisis.
Researchers point out that the idea of a midlife crisis has become widely accepted as
fact because of the mass media. People take it for granted that they will go through a
period of intense psychological turmoil once they turn 40.
In fact, the data suggest that midlife is no more or no less stressful for most people
than any other period in life. Those who actually experience a crisis may be suffering
from general psychological problems.
However, it does seem that a reorganisation of the self and values occurs
throughout the life span. The major dynamic that drives such changes may not be
age dependent, but follow general cognitive changes. For example, individuals around
middle age show the most complex understanding of self, emotions, and motivations.
From this perspective, a midlife “crisis” may be the result of general gains in cognitive
complexity from early to middle adulthood. Furthermore, midlife is a time of both gains
and losses. Gains are represented by peaks in competence, ability to handle stress,
sense of personal control, purpose in life, and social responsibility, while losses are
experienced in declines in physical abilities and changes in appearance. Rather than
viewing this period as a time of crises, many view it as a period when several aspects
of one’s life acquire new meanings.
From a cross-cultural perspective, researchers suggest that the midlife crisis is a
cultural invention. Anthropological evidence suggests that the concept of midlife itself
is limited to adults studied in the USA. In other cultures, transitions and crises are linked
to role relationships such as marriage and inclusion into the spouse’s family. Major
transitions are defined by events such as children’s marriages and older adults moving
into the older adult role of ‘observer’ rather than the ‘doer’.
Source: Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015, pp. 258-259.
226
4.3.2 Personality development: An African perspective
Personality in the African context is regarded as the product of the
interaction between a sense of self through social bonds and a sense of
self as a conscious being. The self in African cultures tends to be context-
based and is defined in terms of a person’s relationships with others, such
as family, community, and status in the community. Therefore, the goal of
socialisation (the process of learning the values of one’s group) is not to
be autonomous, but to harmonise one’s interests with those of the group.
Thus, the self can be understood only in relation to others. This is known as
complex interdependence. John Mbiti (1969, p. 214) reflected this as follows:
“I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am.” The concept of the
self includes dependency or interdependency, non-competitiveness, and a
sense of belonging to the community. However, this does not mean that the
person as a relational or collective being is denied individuality. Individuals
may transcend the perspective of community in creative ways. In fact, it is
expected that the achievements of outstanding individuals will transform the
community to higher levels. Therefore, the relationship between the individual
and the community is multi-directional: Individuals are part of a collective
(community) that they create and that, in turn, creates them (Mkhize, 2013a).
To become a person, it is not sufficient to be a biological organism with
physical and psychological attributes only. Rather, personhood (becoming
a person or individual) must be earned. Although children are regarded as
not fully human, the process of personhood begins when children are born
into a family community and they undergo rituals (called rites of passage)
of incorporation, such as naming ceremonies. Another rite of passage at
the end of childhood marks the procession into adulthood. However, the
development of personhood is an ongoing process and is attained through
interactions with others and with the community. Through this process, the
person is required to affirm the standards and ideals of the community. These
include generosity, benevolence, and respect. Because this is a process of
becoming a person, one can fall short at any stage in the life cycle. Therefore,
the process is unpredictable and open-ended during which personhood may
be achieved, lost, and regained, depending on the person’s circumstances. A
number of sayings in some African societies refer to people who have not
met these standards, as not being a full person; for example, the Tswana
expression ga e se motho or the Nguni expression a ku si muntu, which
literally means, “he or she is not a person” (Mkhize, 2013a).
227
 the life span. The main assumption of this principle is that individuals
‘rework’ themes that are not necessarily central during any particular
stage as their own circumstances require. For example, balancing
integrity and despair in old age requires the reworking and integrating
of strengths associated with previous stages. For instance, helping out
with grandchildren refers to the previous stage of generativity versus
stagnation, with the balance of care; or translating housekeeping skills,
such as sewing or baking, into arts and crafts practice may be the re-
experiencing (or reworking) of competence (i.e. the resolution between
the tensions of industry versus inferiority), a stage that is prominent
during childhood.
Box 4.4 The midlife crisis: fact or fallacy?
Transitional theories propose that people go through predictable age-related crises,
while some argue that adulthood consists of a series of alternating periods of stability
and change. For example, Daniel Levinson’s life structure theory (Levinson, 1978, 1986,
1990) claims that middle-aged adults experience a personal crisis that results in major
changes in how they view themselves. The assumption is that they deal with difficult
issues such as their own mortality and inevitable ageing. Behavioural changes may
occur, such as leaving one’s wife for a younger person, while internal struggles also
occur.
However, there is little scientific evidence of the existence of a midlife crisis.
Researchers point out that the idea of a midlife crisis has become widely accepted as
fact because of the mass media. People take it for granted that they will go through a
period of intense psychological turmoil once they turn 40.
In fact, the data suggest that midlife is no more or no less stressful for most people
than any other period in life. Those who actually experience a crisis may be suffering
from general psychological problems.
However, it does seem that a reorganisation of the self and values occurs
throughout the life span. The major dynamic that drives such changes may not be
age dependent, but follow general cognitive changes. For example, individuals around
middle age show the most complex understanding of self, emotions, and motivations.
From this perspective, a midlife “crisis” may be the result of general gains in cognitive
complexity from early to middle adulthood. Furthermore, midlife is a time of both gains
and losses. Gains are represented by peaks in competence, ability to handle stress,
sense of personal control, purpose in life, and social responsibility, while losses are
experienced in declines in physical abilities and changes in appearance. Rather than
viewing this period as a time of crises, many view it as a period when several aspects
of one’s life acquire new meanings.
From a cross-cultural perspective, researchers suggest that the midlife crisis is a
cultural invention. Anthropological evidence suggests that the concept of midlife itself
is limited to adults studied in the USA. In other cultures, transitions and crises are linked
to role relationships such as marriage and inclusion into the spouse’s family. Major
transitions are defined by events such as children’s marriages and older adults moving
into the older adult role of ‘observer’ rather than the ‘doer’.
Source: Cavanaugh & Blanchard-Fields, 2015, pp. 258-259.
226
4.3.2 Personality development: An African perspective
Personality in the African context is regarded as the product of the
interaction between a sense of self through social bonds and a sense of
self as a conscious being. The self in African cultures tends to be context-
based and is defined in terms of a person’s relationships with others, such
as family, community, and status in the community. Therefore, the goal of
socialisation (the process of learning the values of one’s group) is not to
be autonomous, but to harmonise one’s interests with those of the group.
Thus, the self can be understood only in relation to others. This is known as
complex interdependence. John Mbiti (1969, p. 214) reflected this as follows:
“I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am.” The concept of the
self includes dependency or interdependency, non-competitiveness, and a
sense of belonging to the community. However, this does not mean that the
person as a relational or collective being is denied individuality. Individuals
may transcend the perspective of community in creative ways. In fact, it is
expected that the achievements of outstanding individuals will transform the
community to higher levels. Therefore, the relationship between the individual
and the community is multi-directional: Individuals are part of a collective
(community) that they create and that, in turn, creates them (Mkhize, 2013a).
To become a person, it is not sufficient to be a biological organism with
physical and psychological attributes only. Rather, personhood (becoming
a person or individual) must be earned. Although children are regarded as
not fully human, the process of personhood begins when children are born
into a family community and they undergo rituals (called rites of passage)
of incorporation, such as naming ceremonies. Another rite of passage at
the end of childhood marks the procession into adulthood. However, the
development of personhood is an ongoing process and is attained through
interactions with others and with the community. Through this process, the
person is required to affirm the standards and ideals of the community. These
include generosity, benevolence, and respect. Because this is a process of
becoming a person, one can fall short at any stage in the life cycle. Therefore,
the process is unpredictable and open-ended during which personhood may
be achieved, lost, and regained, depending on the person’s circumstances. A
number of sayings in some African societies refer to people who have not
met these standards, as not being a full person; for example, the Tswana
expression ga e se motho or the Nguni expression a ku si muntu, which
literally means, “he or she is not a person” (Mkhize, 2013a).
227

Developmental theories from an African perspective are rare
In addition to the expected ideals and standards of appropriate conduct,
the concept of ubuntu forms an integral part of personhood. Possession of
the qualities of personhood is reflected in people’s relationships with others
and their milieu. Ubuntu (often translated in English as ‘humanness’) is about
becoming. It refers to the realisation of the person of his or her duties in the
community of other interdependent human beings. This concept embraces
the qualities of generosity, benevolence, and respect. Because a person is
always a being-with-and-for-others, failure to attain personhood lays blame
on the individual, his or her family, and his or her community (Mkhize, 2013a,
2013b).
Developmental theories that include an African perspective are
rare. However, ground-breaking work in this regard was done by Bame
Nsamenang from the Cameroon in West Africa (see Louw, Louw & Kail,
2014). Nsamenang (1997, 2008, 2011) describes the human life span and life
cycle as three phases of selfhood: spiritual selfhood, social selfhood, and
ancestral selfhood. Each of these phases moves through different stages of
development in the life span. A spiritual selfhood begins with conception,
or perhaps earlier, as a reincarnation of an ancestral spirit. Social selfhood
begins at birth and ends with biological death. Social selfhood develops
through seven stages, each with specific developmental tasks or social roles,
as indicated in Table 4.4. These stages are not based on chronological age,
but on physiological and social markers. The ancestral selfhood follows the
biological death of the person, and incorporation into the spiritual selfhood
follows with ritual initiations. In conjunction with the metaphysical stages
228
(ancestral and spiritual selfhood), the human life cycle ultimately consists
of nine stages.
Table 4.4 Human development in the social phase of selfhood
Stage Developmental tasks and social roles
Newborn The newborn is welcomed as a gift of life, and its safe journey
is celebrated. Celebrations include verbalisations regarding
the type of socialised adult the child is expected to be. The
newborn belongs to the spiritual world until the naming
ceremony when the child is integrated with the community.
Social priming This stage is pre-social and is characterised by biological
markers or reflexes such as crying, sucking, babbling, grasping,
smiling, sitting, and standing. These are markers of normality
and because they are the precursors of social functioning, their
absence is a source of concern.
Social apprenticeship Family and cultural roles are learned gradually and
systematically. The main developmental task is to recognise the
roles for which the child is being prepared and to internalise
and practise these according to his or her developmental status
and ability. Siblings and peers play an important role in this
process.
Social entrée This stage is indicated by the biological changes related to
puberty. In some communities, social incorporation occurs
through initiation rites and rituals. The child is now regarded as
a naive novice.
Social internship At the end of the developmental rites, the naive novice enters
the status of the socialised neophyte (recruit). This is a period
of internship in which, through the process of social orientation
and active socialisation, the individual is prepared gradually for
the status and roles of adulthood.
Adulthood This is the most sought-after stage in the developmental cycle.
An adult is defined by marriage and parenthood. The ideals and
standards of the family and community must be maintained,
and responsibilities have to be met.
Old age and death The elderly are responsible to maintain the unity of the family.
They have the most complete memory of the family tree and
are regarded as much closer to the ancestors. An ancestral
selfhood follows death, and thereafter, the spiritual selfhood
follows.
From Louw, Louw, & Kail, 2014
In his description of personality or social self, Nsamenang (1997) includes
the following concepts that refer to the importance placed on the integration
of the individual person into the community:
• Communitarian ethic: a sense of community.
229

Developmental theories from an African perspective are rare
In addition to the expected ideals and standards of appropriate conduct,
the concept of ubuntu forms an integral part of personhood. Possession of
the qualities of personhood is reflected in people’s relationships with others
and their milieu. Ubuntu (often translated in English as ‘humanness’) is about
becoming. It refers to the realisation of the person of his or her duties in the
community of other interdependent human beings. This concept embraces
the qualities of generosity, benevolence, and respect. Because a person is
always a being-with-and-for-others, failure to attain personhood lays blame
on the individual, his or her family, and his or her community (Mkhize, 2013a,
2013b).
Developmental theories that include an African perspective are
rare. However, ground-breaking work in this regard was done by Bame
Nsamenang from the Cameroon in West Africa (see Louw, Louw & Kail,
2014). Nsamenang (1997, 2008, 2011) describes the human life span and life
cycle as three phases of selfhood: spiritual selfhood, social selfhood, and
ancestral selfhood. Each of these phases moves through different stages of
development in the life span. A spiritual selfhood begins with conception,
or perhaps earlier, as a reincarnation of an ancestral spirit. Social selfhood
begins at birth and ends with biological death. Social selfhood develops
through seven stages, each with specific developmental tasks or social roles,
as indicated in Table 4.4. These stages are not based on chronological age,
but on physiological and social markers. The ancestral selfhood follows the
biological death of the person, and incorporation into the spiritual selfhood
follows with ritual initiations. In conjunction with the metaphysical stages
228
(ancestral and spiritual selfhood), the human life cycle ultimately consists
of nine stages.
Table 4.4 Human development in the social phase of selfhood
Stage Developmental tasks and social roles
Newborn The newborn is welcomed as a gift of life, and its safe journey
is celebrated. Celebrations include verbalisations regarding
the type of socialised adult the child is expected to be. The
newborn belongs to the spiritual world until the naming
ceremony when the child is integrated with the community.
Social priming This stage is pre-social and is characterised by biological
markers or reflexes such as crying, sucking, babbling, grasping,
smiling, sitting, and standing. These are markers of normality
and because they are the precursors of social functioning, their
absence is a source of concern.
Social apprenticeship Family and cultural roles are learned gradually and
systematically. The main developmental task is to recognise the
roles for which the child is being prepared and to internalise
and practise these according to his or her developmental status
and ability. Siblings and peers play an important role in this
process.
Social entrée This stage is indicated by the biological changes related to
puberty. In some communities, social incorporation occurs
through initiation rites and rituals. The child is now regarded as
a naive novice.
Social internship At the end of the developmental rites, the naive novice enters
the status of the socialised neophyte (recruit). This is a period
of internship in which, through the process of social orientation
and active socialisation, the individual is prepared gradually for
the status and roles of adulthood.
Adulthood This is the most sought-after stage in the developmental cycle.
An adult is defined by marriage and parenthood. The ideals and
standards of the family and community must be maintained,
and responsibilities have to be met.
Old age and death The elderly are responsible to maintain the unity of the family.
They have the most complete memory of the family tree and
are regarded as much closer to the ancestors. An ancestral
selfhood follows death, and thereafter, the spiritual selfhood
follows.
From Louw, Louw, & Kail, 2014
In his description of personality or social self, Nsamenang (1997) includes
the following concepts that refer to the importance placed on the integration
of the individual person into the community:
• Communitarian ethic: a sense of community.
229
 is viewed as composed of internal attributes, such as personality traits)
• Multiple social enmeshments: the various relationships in a community,
and collectivistic cultures (where the self and behaviour are viewed more
such as the immediate family, extended family, and peer group.
strongly as a result of a network of social roles and relations) (Fetvadjiev et
• Encompassing social relationship: decisions are made based on
al., 2017).
community needs rather than individual benefits.
The developmental stage approaches, such as Erikson’s psychosocial
• Rhythms of collective life: the regular flow of sequences of events such
approach and Nsamenang’s development of selfhood, are valuable in the
as seasons and life stages. These rhythms guide the direction and pace
of life. sense that, since they describe the life span of people, they are relatively
easy to understand. In addition, they also indicate that individuals undergo
• Subordination of individual identity: individuals attain a sense of
certain developments and changes as they become older. However, they
identity from the community rather than from their internal sense of
being. do not address the mechanisms of development. Another problem is that
these approaches are based mostly on abstract theoretical conceptions and
Both a sense of self through social bonds and the self as a conscious observations of behaviours without substantial empirical support.
being (sense of self; knowledge of self) include ideas around social
selfhood, ancestral selfhood, and spiritual selfhood. These three aspects are
4.3.3 The neo-socioanalytic model of personality
integrated with one another and are central to the traditional African way.
The neo-socioanalytic model (Roberts, 2009; Roberts & Wood, 2006;
This means that the social self is influenced by the ancestral and spiritual
Roberts & Nickel, 2017) similarly emphasises the strong effect of social roles
selves, and vice versa. The ancestors (an ancestor is conceptualised as a
on personality. The neo-socioanalytic model assumes that personality is
person who lived a high moral life and not any person from whom one is
influenced primarily by socialisation factors to the extent that experience
descended) are referred to as the ‘living dead’. An ancestral selfhood follows
can and do cause change in personality traits. This perspective is based on a
biological death. For a period after death, ‘ancestral self’ continues to play
topographical (structural) model (see Fig 4.2).
an important role in the community of living people. Thereafter, this being
moves into the spiritual world.
The beliefs, ceremonies, and rituals of African traditional religion are • According to this view, the personality structure consists of four primary
domains of personality: traits, motives and values, abilities, and narratives.
reflected in every aspect of daily living. A balance in interaction between
Traits, the first domain, are defined as the relatively enduring, automatic
spiritual forces and human beings is aimed for in daily activities, and people
patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviours that people exhibit in
approach the assistance of diviners, healers, or prophets to maintain the
similar situations across time (i.e. the FFM). Motives and values reflect
balance. When the balance is upset, misfortune, illness, and suffering may
what people want to do or would like to have in their lives (i.e. their
result (Bakker et al., 1999).
desires). Abilities refer to what people are capable of doing on cognitive,
The psychological components discussed above reflect the African
emotional, and physical levels. Narratives focus on the written or spoken
worldview. This includes a holistic viewpoint, spiritual unity, belongingness,
stories people use to understand themselves, their environments and the
and affiliation. The lack of literature and research on the African view of
history of their lives.
personality makes it difficult to evaluate. In addition, there are two opposing
views of personality. On the one hand, the universalistic perspective of trait • It is believed that these domains are interrelated and influenced by genes
via physiological mechanisms.
psychology conceptualises personality traits as important predictors of
behaviour across cultures. As we have seen, the five-factor theory views traits • It is further proposed that personality is reflected in identity (how people
view themselves, which is typically assessed through self-reports), and
as endogenous basic dispositions (characteristics) that have a biological
in reputation (how others view them, which is assessed by observer
basis, are universal, and the primary influence on human action. Only the
reports). These modes of assessment influence and are influenced by the
manifestations of personality, such as specific behaviours, beliefs and the
four domains of personality.
self-concept are susceptible to cultural influences. On the other hand, cultural
psychology distinguishes between individualistic cultures (where the self • According to this model, contextual factors such as society, culture,

230 231
 is viewed as composed of internal attributes, such as personality traits)
• Multiple social enmeshments: the various relationships in a community,
and collectivistic cultures (where the self and behaviour are viewed more
such as the immediate family, extended family, and peer group.
strongly as a result of a network of social roles and relations) (Fetvadjiev et
• Encompassing social relationship: decisions are made based on
al., 2017).
community needs rather than individual benefits.
The developmental stage approaches, such as Erikson’s psychosocial
• Rhythms of collective life: the regular flow of sequences of events such
approach and Nsamenang’s development of selfhood, are valuable in the
as seasons and life stages. These rhythms guide the direction and pace
of life. sense that, since they describe the life span of people, they are relatively
easy to understand. In addition, they also indicate that individuals undergo
• Subordination of individual identity: individuals attain a sense of
certain developments and changes as they become older. However, they
identity from the community rather than from their internal sense of
being. do not address the mechanisms of development. Another problem is that
these approaches are based mostly on abstract theoretical conceptions and
Both a sense of self through social bonds and the self as a conscious observations of behaviours without substantial empirical support.
being (sense of self; knowledge of self) include ideas around social
selfhood, ancestral selfhood, and spiritual selfhood. These three aspects are
4.3.3 The neo-socioanalytic model of personality
integrated with one another and are central to the traditional African way.
The neo-socioanalytic model (Roberts, 2009; Roberts & Wood, 2006;
This means that the social self is influenced by the ancestral and spiritual
Roberts & Nickel, 2017) similarly emphasises the strong effect of social roles
selves, and vice versa. The ancestors (an ancestor is conceptualised as a
on personality. The neo-socioanalytic model assumes that personality is
person who lived a high moral life and not any person from whom one is
influenced primarily by socialisation factors to the extent that experience
descended) are referred to as the ‘living dead’. An ancestral selfhood follows
can and do cause change in personality traits. This perspective is based on a
biological death. For a period after death, ‘ancestral self’ continues to play
topographical (structural) model (see Fig 4.2).
an important role in the community of living people. Thereafter, this being
moves into the spiritual world.
The beliefs, ceremonies, and rituals of African traditional religion are • According to this view, the personality structure consists of four primary
domains of personality: traits, motives and values, abilities, and narratives.
reflected in every aspect of daily living. A balance in interaction between
Traits, the first domain, are defined as the relatively enduring, automatic
spiritual forces and human beings is aimed for in daily activities, and people
patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviours that people exhibit in
approach the assistance of diviners, healers, or prophets to maintain the
similar situations across time (i.e. the FFM). Motives and values reflect
balance. When the balance is upset, misfortune, illness, and suffering may
what people want to do or would like to have in their lives (i.e. their
result (Bakker et al., 1999).
desires). Abilities refer to what people are capable of doing on cognitive,
The psychological components discussed above reflect the African
emotional, and physical levels. Narratives focus on the written or spoken
worldview. This includes a holistic viewpoint, spiritual unity, belongingness,
stories people use to understand themselves, their environments and the
and affiliation. The lack of literature and research on the African view of
history of their lives.
personality makes it difficult to evaluate. In addition, there are two opposing
views of personality. On the one hand, the universalistic perspective of trait • It is believed that these domains are interrelated and influenced by genes
via physiological mechanisms.
psychology conceptualises personality traits as important predictors of
behaviour across cultures. As we have seen, the five-factor theory views traits • It is further proposed that personality is reflected in identity (how people
view themselves, which is typically assessed through self-reports), and
as endogenous basic dispositions (characteristics) that have a biological
in reputation (how others view them, which is assessed by observer
basis, are universal, and the primary influence on human action. Only the
reports). These modes of assessment influence and are influenced by the
manifestations of personality, such as specific behaviours, beliefs and the
four domains of personality.
self-concept are susceptible to cultural influences. On the other hand, cultural
psychology distinguishes between individualistic cultures (where the self • According to this model, contextual factors such as society, culture,

230 231
 and social roles are the most important units of analyses. Contextual conscientious, and emotionally stable.
factors not only influence, but also are influenced by a person’s identity ■ The social investment principle. This principle partially explains why
and reputation. Contextual factors play a major role in personality people become more mature with age. A reason for this may be that
development and have the capacity to influence the genetic mechanisms personality trait changes occur in young adulthood because of new
of development. investments in conventional social roles. This includes being a parent or
an employee, which bring with them new experiences and expectations
to be nurturing, responsible, and emotionally stable. This appears to
be a normative process because across most societies, people commit
Biological Domains of Manifestations/ Contextual
modes of themselves to adult roles in the social structures of family, work, and
causes personality influences
assessment community. However, it may be that a sense of mastery that comes with
successfully fulfilling the obligations of a role, rather than the acquisition or
Traits: Reputation: Society/ even commitment to a social role, may influence personality development.
Genes Five factors Observations culture ■ The corresponsive principle. This principle states that people enter
Positive and Unconscious
negative affect processes specific environments and have specific experiences because of their
Attachment styles personality traits. In turn, those experiences change the personality traits
Identity: Roles: that brought them to the situation in the first place. For example, the
Motives and Self-reports Work
Physiological corresponsive principle predicts that if you choose a career in psychology
values: Conscious Family
causes
Goals Subjective Community because you are caring and soft-hearted, the experience of being a
Interests experience psychologist will make you even more caring and soft-hearted than before.
Life tasks
This indicates a reciprocal (two-way) relationship between person and
Abilities: environment. However, the authors note that not all life course person-
Verbal environment transactions follow this pattern. In fact, many associations
Spatial
Quantitative
between personality traits and life experiences are non-corresponsive. For
example, open-minded people often experience problems in their financial
Narratives: and lifestyle habits because of risk-taking behaviour. Experiencing these
Stories
Memories
problems does not necessarily predict increases in their openness, but
Scripts rather increases in neuroticism (emotional instability).
■ The plasticity principle. According to this principle, personality traits are
Figure 4.2 The neo-socioanalytic structural model of personality open systems that can be influenced by the environment at any age. For
example, many studies have found associations between personality traits
In addition to developing a structure and content of personality, the neo- and life experiences such as relationship factors, stressful life events, and
socioanalytic model also proposes the following seven principles of personality work experiences.
development and mechanisms of continuity (stability) and change (Roberts & ■ The role continuity principle. This principle states that consistent roles
Nickel, 2017): (such as stable relationships and work roles), rather than consistent
environments, are the cause of continuity in personality traits over time.
■ The cumulative continuity principle. This principle proposes that ■ The identity development principle. According to this principle, with age,
personality traits increase in rank order consistency throughout the life the process of developing, committing to, and maintaining an identity
span, peaking between the ages of 50 and 60, after which age a plateau leads to greater personality consistency.
is reached. ■ The niche-picking principle. According to this principle, through their
■ The maturity principle. According to this principle, people become
more mature with age. Maturity is defined as becoming more agreeable,
232 233
 and social roles are the most important units of analyses. Contextual conscientious, and emotionally stable.
factors not only influence, but also are influenced by a person’s identity ■ The social investment principle. This principle partially explains why
and reputation. Contextual factors play a major role in personality people become more mature with age. A reason for this may be that
development and have the capacity to influence the genetic mechanisms personality trait changes occur in young adulthood because of new
of development. investments in conventional social roles. This includes being a parent or
an employee, which bring with them new experiences and expectations
to be nurturing, responsible, and emotionally stable. This appears to
be a normative process because across most societies, people commit
Biological Domains of Manifestations/ Contextual
modes of themselves to adult roles in the social structures of family, work, and
causes personality influences
assessment community. However, it may be that a sense of mastery that comes with
successfully fulfilling the obligations of a role, rather than the acquisition or
Traits: Reputation: Society/ even commitment to a social role, may influence personality development.
Genes Five factors Observations culture ■ The corresponsive principle. This principle states that people enter
Positive and Unconscious
negative affect processes specific environments and have specific experiences because of their
Attachment styles personality traits. In turn, those experiences change the personality traits
Identity: Roles: that brought them to the situation in the first place. For example, the
Motives and Self-reports Work
Physiological corresponsive principle predicts that if you choose a career in psychology
values: Conscious Family
causes
Goals Subjective Community because you are caring and soft-hearted, the experience of being a
Interests experience psychologist will make you even more caring and soft-hearted than before.
Life tasks
This indicates a reciprocal (two-way) relationship between person and
Abilities: environment. However, the authors note that not all life course person-
Verbal environment transactions follow this pattern. In fact, many associations
Spatial
Quantitative
between personality traits and life experiences are non-corresponsive. For
example, open-minded people often experience problems in their financial
Narratives: and lifestyle habits because of risk-taking behaviour. Experiencing these
Stories
Memories
problems does not necessarily predict increases in their openness, but
Scripts rather increases in neuroticism (emotional instability).
■ The plasticity principle. According to this principle, personality traits are
Figure 4.2 The neo-socioanalytic structural model of personality open systems that can be influenced by the environment at any age. For
example, many studies have found associations between personality traits
In addition to developing a structure and content of personality, the neo- and life experiences such as relationship factors, stressful life events, and
socioanalytic model also proposes the following seven principles of personality work experiences.
development and mechanisms of continuity (stability) and change (Roberts & ■ The role continuity principle. This principle states that consistent roles
Nickel, 2017): (such as stable relationships and work roles), rather than consistent
environments, are the cause of continuity in personality traits over time.
■ The cumulative continuity principle. This principle proposes that ■ The identity development principle. According to this principle, with age,
personality traits increase in rank order consistency throughout the life the process of developing, committing to, and maintaining an identity
span, peaking between the ages of 50 and 60, after which age a plateau leads to greater personality consistency.
is reached. ■ The niche-picking principle. According to this principle, through their
■ The maturity principle. According to this principle, people become
more mature with age. Maturity is defined as becoming more agreeable,
232 233
 personality traits, people create suitable social environments and paths (i.e. 4.4 TRANSACTIONAL APPROACHES TO
niches or places) in their lives that help maintain their current trait levels.
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT
The main objective of the neo-socioanalytic model was mostly to
capture the empirical picture that emerged from the data in a topography Transactional approaches refer to approaches that recognise the effect
of personality development. Although this model has generated many ideas of both biology and environment in the development of personality. Our
regarding personality development, the authors acknowledge that their discussion in this regard will focus mainly on behavioural genetics and social
model is far from perfect and leaves much room for improvement. Firstly, the genomics.
theory to date has focused primarily on personality trait development and
should be expanded to the other domains of development. Secondly, the 4.4.1 Behavioural genetics
proposed hypotheses in the form of principles of personality development
and the mechanisms for continuity and change should be clearer and better The primary goal in behavioural genetic research is to investigate the effects
articulated. of genetics on individual human behaviour. However, researchers in this field
acknowledge that both genes and environment are important to understand
human behaviour. The following questions are typically asked: How do genes
REVIEW THIS SECTION and environments interact to affect behaviour, and which mechanisms are
1. What is the viewpoint of contextual or environmental approaches to personality involved? To answer these questions, the correlation and interaction between
development? genotype and environment will be explored. (Genotype is the unique genetic
2. Discuss Erik Erikson’s view of personality development. constitution of an individual.)
3. Discuss Erikson’s psychosocial stages directly relevant to adult development.
4. What are the major criticisms against Erikson’s theory? How did researchers try
to address and assess the usefulness of Erikson’s theory for adult development?
What were the outcomes of these efforts?
5. Discuss the three principles that Kivnick and Wells (2014, 2016) identified as a
framework throughout Erikson’s entire body of work.
6. Is the so-called midlife crisis a fact or a fallacy? Give reasons for your answer.
7. How is personality regarded in the African context?
8. Discuss personality development from an African perspective. Refer to the
concepts of complex interdependence, personhood, ubuntu, and spiritual unity.
9. Describe Nsamenang’s three phases of selfhood. Describe the stages,
developmental tasks, and social roles in the social phase of selfhood.
10. Describe the concepts that Nsamenang uses to refer to the integration of the
individual person into the community.
11. Describe how the three phases of selfhood are integrated with one another.
12. Which factors make it difficult to evaluate the African view of personality? What
are the benefits and limitations of Erikson’s and Nsamenang’s theories? Behavioural genetics studies the effects of genetics on behaviour
13. What is the assumption of the neo-socioanalytic model of personality development?
14. Discuss the structural model of personality according to the neo-socioanalytic model.
4.4.1.1 Genotype-environment correlation
15. Discuss the seven principles of personality development and mechanisms of
continuity and change as proposed by Roberts and Nickel (2017).
16. What is the main objective of the neo-socioanalytic model? What are the limitations According to the theory of genotype-environment correlation, genes are the
of this model? driving force behind the development of an individual’s personality (Bleidorn
et al., 2014; Kandler & Wilmes, 2017). This means that an individual’s genes
234 235
 personality traits, people create suitable social environments and paths (i.e. 4.4 TRANSACTIONAL APPROACHES TO
niches or places) in their lives that help maintain their current trait levels.
PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT
The main objective of the neo-socioanalytic model was mostly to
capture the empirical picture that emerged from the data in a topography Transactional approaches refer to approaches that recognise the effect
of personality development. Although this model has generated many ideas of both biology and environment in the development of personality. Our
regarding personality development, the authors acknowledge that their discussion in this regard will focus mainly on behavioural genetics and social
model is far from perfect and leaves much room for improvement. Firstly, the genomics.
theory to date has focused primarily on personality trait development and
should be expanded to the other domains of development. Secondly, the 4.4.1 Behavioural genetics
proposed hypotheses in the form of principles of personality development
and the mechanisms for continuity and change should be clearer and better The primary goal in behavioural genetic research is to investigate the effects
articulated. of genetics on individual human behaviour. However, researchers in this field
acknowledge that both genes and environment are important to understand
human behaviour. The following questions are typically asked: How do genes
REVIEW THIS SECTION and environments interact to affect behaviour, and which mechanisms are
1. What is the viewpoint of contextual or environmental approaches to personality involved? To answer these questions, the correlation and interaction between
development? genotype and environment will be explored. (Genotype is the unique genetic
2. Discuss Erik Erikson’s view of personality development. constitution of an individual.)
3. Discuss Erikson’s psychosocial stages directly relevant to adult development.
4. What are the major criticisms against Erikson’s theory? How did researchers try
to address and assess the usefulness of Erikson’s theory for adult development?
What were the outcomes of these efforts?
5. Discuss the three principles that Kivnick and Wells (2014, 2016) identified as a
framework throughout Erikson’s entire body of work.
6. Is the so-called midlife crisis a fact or a fallacy? Give reasons for your answer.
7. How is personality regarded in the African context?
8. Discuss personality development from an African perspective. Refer to the
concepts of complex interdependence, personhood, ubuntu, and spiritual unity.
9. Describe Nsamenang’s three phases of selfhood. Describe the stages,
developmental tasks, and social roles in the social phase of selfhood.
10. Describe the concepts that Nsamenang uses to refer to the integration of the
individual person into the community.
11. Describe how the three phases of selfhood are integrated with one another.
12. Which factors make it difficult to evaluate the African view of personality? What
are the benefits and limitations of Erikson’s and Nsamenang’s theories? Behavioural genetics studies the effects of genetics on behaviour
13. What is the assumption of the neo-socioanalytic model of personality development?
14. Discuss the structural model of personality according to the neo-socioanalytic model.
4.4.1.1 Genotype-environment correlation
15. Discuss the seven principles of personality development and mechanisms of
continuity and change as proposed by Roberts and Nickel (2017).
16. What is the main objective of the neo-socioanalytic model? What are the limitations According to the theory of genotype-environment correlation, genes are the
of this model? driving force behind the development of an individual’s personality (Bleidorn
et al., 2014; Kandler & Wilmes, 2017). This means that an individual’s genes
234 235
affect not only the kinds of environmental conditions to which the person will
be exposed, but also the way in which he or she reacts towards environmental
influences. This does not imply that an individual’s development is
predetermined by genes. Rather, it points to the fact that some experiences
are not accidental but encouraged by the individual’s genotype. This implies
that, to some degree, the genotype affects which environments individuals
experience, how they experience these environments, and what form of
influences these experiences have on development.
Three kinds of mechanisms are involved in the genotype-environment
correlation: active, evocative and passive:
• Active genotype-environment correlation refers to people’s tendency
to seek out, avoid, change, or create environments actively to match
their genetically predisposed characteristics. For example, individuals
who characteristically are extraverted may seek out very different
social environments than those who are shy and withdrawn. If the
environmental factors in turn affect the characteristics that have initially
led to them, this would result in an increase in these characteristics. This
may affect personality development and could result in an increase of
heritability over time. For example, an extraverted person may be viewed
favourably by his or her environment and receive more invitations from
social networks; this strengthens the individual’s agreeableness.
• Evocative genotype-environment correlation happens when an
individual’s genetically related behaviour evokes (draws out) reaction
from the environment. For example, a person who is low in agreeableness
may increase the probability of evoking negative reaction in others and
may therefore experience more conflict and serious disputes with others.
Such people may come to view their world as hostile, which consequently
may reinforce their low agreeableness.
• Passive genotype-environment correlation refers to the genes a person
inherits from his or her parents and the environment in which the person
is raised. Parents create a home environment that is affected by their own
heritable characteristics. Biological parents also pass on genetic material
to their children. For example, parents who are open to experiences may
have children who are open to experiences. At the same time, such parents
may also create an environment to encourage openness to experience.
This means that children passively receive genetically related traits, while
the environment strengthens these traits.
From a developmental perspective, the balance of the three kinds
236
of mechanisms involved in genotype-environment correlation change
throughout the life span: The passive kind declines from infancy to
adolescence, whereas the importance of the active kind increases with self-
determination and therefore with age. Therefore, although the theory of
genotype-environment correlation focuses on genetic effects on personality,
it acknowledges that personality development is also encouraged by the
environment, particularly by the demands of the environment that have
been selected actively. When these environments, in turn, have causal
effects on psychological development, dynamic processes of gene-
environment transactions result. When these processes occur systematically
over prolonged periods of development, the effects of gene-environment
transactions cumulate in such a way that genetic effects become reinforced
and intensified, as we have indicated in the examples given above.
4.4.1.2 Gene-by-environment interaction
Genes do not exist in a vacuum (Bornstein & Lamb, 2015). As we know by now,
the environment also plays an important role in determining our behaviour.
In fact, the environment is often crucial in determining when and how our
genes express themselves. For example, individuals from the same family
and the same family background may have very different personalities:
Some individuals may be emotionally stable, while others may be unstable.
This may be because of gene-by-environment interaction. Gene-by-
environment interaction (or GxE interaction) refers to the occurrence that
environmental experiences affect individuals differently due to genetically
affected differences. This means that GxE interactions can occur through a
variety of pathways and have several implications for behavioural genetics
(Briley & Tucker-Drob, 2014), for example:
• First, individuals may respond similarly to family-level environments
(i.e. shared environments such as the same parenting styles) based on
their genotype. For example, genetic effects in agreeableness may be
especially strong in family-level environments that support altruism and
compliance. Therefore, because of a greater genetic similarity, siblings
may respond in a more similar way to a shared family environment and
thus become more similar than non-siblings do, and identical twins will
be more similar than non-identical twins will.
• Second, siblings growing up in shared (the same) family environments,
may respond differently to the same environment provided by their
parents based on their differing genotypes. For example, not all siblings
237
affect not only the kinds of environmental conditions to which the person will
be exposed, but also the way in which he or she reacts towards environmental
influences. This does not imply that an individual’s development is
predetermined by genes. Rather, it points to the fact that some experiences
are not accidental but encouraged by the individual’s genotype. This implies
that, to some degree, the genotype affects which environments individuals
experience, how they experience these environments, and what form of
influences these experiences have on development.
Three kinds of mechanisms are involved in the genotype-environment
correlation: active, evocative and passive:
• Active genotype-environment correlation refers to people’s tendency
to seek out, avoid, change, or create environments actively to match
their genetically predisposed characteristics. For example, individuals
who characteristically are extraverted may seek out very different
social environments than those who are shy and withdrawn. If the
environmental factors in turn affect the characteristics that have initially
led to them, this would result in an increase in these characteristics. This
may affect personality development and could result in an increase of
heritability over time. For example, an extraverted person may be viewed
favourably by his or her environment and receive more invitations from
social networks; this strengthens the individual’s agreeableness.
• Evocative genotype-environment correlation happens when an
individual’s genetically related behaviour evokes (draws out) reaction
from the environment. For example, a person who is low in agreeableness
may increase the probability of evoking negative reaction in others and
may therefore experience more conflict and serious disputes with others.
Such people may come to view their world as hostile, which consequently
may reinforce their low agreeableness.
• Passive genotype-environment correlation refers to the genes a person
inherits from his or her parents and the environment in which the person
is raised. Parents create a home environment that is affected by their own
heritable characteristics. Biological parents also pass on genetic material
to their children. For example, parents who are open to experiences may
have children who are open to experiences. At the same time, such parents
may also create an environment to encourage openness to experience.
This means that children passively receive genetically related traits, while
the environment strengthens these traits.
From a developmental perspective, the balance of the three kinds
236
of mechanisms involved in genotype-environment correlation change
throughout the life span: The passive kind declines from infancy to
adolescence, whereas the importance of the active kind increases with self-
determination and therefore with age. Therefore, although the theory of
genotype-environment correlation focuses on genetic effects on personality,
it acknowledges that personality development is also encouraged by the
environment, particularly by the demands of the environment that have
been selected actively. When these environments, in turn, have causal
effects on psychological development, dynamic processes of gene-
environment transactions result. When these processes occur systematically
over prolonged periods of development, the effects of gene-environment
transactions cumulate in such a way that genetic effects become reinforced
and intensified, as we have indicated in the examples given above.
4.4.1.2 Gene-by-environment interaction
Genes do not exist in a vacuum (Bornstein & Lamb, 2015). As we know by now,
the environment also plays an important role in determining our behaviour.
In fact, the environment is often crucial in determining when and how our
genes express themselves. For example, individuals from the same family
and the same family background may have very different personalities:
Some individuals may be emotionally stable, while others may be unstable.
This may be because of gene-by-environment interaction. Gene-by-
environment interaction (or GxE interaction) refers to the occurrence that
environmental experiences affect individuals differently due to genetically
affected differences. This means that GxE interactions can occur through a
variety of pathways and have several implications for behavioural genetics
(Briley & Tucker-Drob, 2014), for example:
• First, individuals may respond similarly to family-level environments
(i.e. shared environments such as the same parenting styles) based on
their genotype. For example, genetic effects in agreeableness may be
especially strong in family-level environments that support altruism and
compliance. Therefore, because of a greater genetic similarity, siblings
may respond in a more similar way to a shared family environment and
thus become more similar than non-siblings do, and identical twins will
be more similar than non-identical twins will.
• Second, siblings growing up in shared (the same) family environments,
may respond differently to the same environment provided by their
parents based on their differing genotypes. For example, not all siblings
237
 in the same family will share the same personality traits, and therefore will
show different behavioural traits. Thus, some individuals from the same
family may be more anxious than others are when faced with difficult
situations.
• Third, as the individual develops, environments that are more unique (e.g.
peer groups, romantic relationships, leaving the parental home, entering
the workforce or educational settings, stressful life events) emerge,
as opposed to those shared with their siblings. Interactions between
genetic effects and these unique, non-shared environments will have an
individually unique effect on development. In other words, genotype-by-
non-shared-environment interactions would have the effect of making
genetically related individuals less similar, regardless of their genetic
relatedness.
• Fourth, the importance of genotype-by-shared environment interactions
early in life shifts to the importance of genotype-by-non-shared-
environment interactions with increasing maturation. This explains
the larger estimates of heritability in childhood and the decrease of
heritability across the life span. Thus, genetics may have greater effects
in childhood than in adulthood.
4.4.2 The social-genomic model
Social genomics, or sociogenomics, refers to the field of research that
examines why and how different social factors and processes (e.g. social
stress, conflict, isolation, and attachment) affect the activity of the genome
(an organism’s complete set of DNA, including all of its genes). The social-
genomic model challenges the assumption that we are born with a fixed set
of genes and that our environment and our experiences in that environment
determine the level to which we fulfil the potential of our genetic
predisposition. The contention is that such an assumption fails to capture the
complex relationship that our genes and environments share.
Social genomics indicate that characteristics of the social environment
appear to be able to affect the activity of some of our most basic processes,
namely the expression of our genes. In fact, research in the field of human
social genomics shows that our social-environmental experiences can shape
our genetic expression throughout our lives (Slavich & Cole, 2013). The idea of
social genomics is that the genetic factors and social-environmental factors
are not independent – they affect one another. This means that although
we inherit a mostly unchangeable genetic code (i.e. DNA), the way in which
genes interact with the environment is much more dynamic. Therefore, DNA
238
does not affect behaviour directly, but its expression does. The reason is
that it depends on intermediary biological factors (links) such as molecules,
RNA and intercellular proteins, which are responsible for the decoding of
‘messages’ and which are much more susceptible to environmental factors
(Bell & Robinson, 2011). In addition, it seems that certain genes are ‘turned
on’ and ‘turned off ’ by different social environmental conditions or stimuli.
The social-environmental conditions that seem to have a particular effect
on gene expression include both the physical and social environments that
people inhabit, such as geographical region, socio-economic status, social
isolation, social stress, maltreatment, and rejection. Chronic social stressors
and social hardship may be associated with changes in the gene expression,
resulting in mental and physical health problems (Cole, 2013).
Apparently more important than the social stressors themselves, is an
individual’s perceptions of those conditions, because subjective perception
of social experiences is affected by neurocognitive processes that regulate
gene expression. This has several implications (Slavich & Cole, 2013):
• First, it means that situations that have not yet happened, or may never
happen, may result in the same behaviours that are triggered by actual
events. For example, a person may act aggressively towards others
– a normal reaction in threatening situations – only because they feel
threatened and not because they actually are being threatened.
• Second, it suggests that the same social-environmental conditions, such
as being socially evaluated or rejected, can be assessed in different ways
and therefore have different gene expressions for different people. For
example, some people may be affected negatively by such situations,
while others may not. Factors that can contribute to these effects depend
on aspects such as individuals’ sensitivity to social threat; the tendency to
view stressful circumstances as challenging versus threatening; cognitive-
emotional resources; the availability of support; and biographical and
psychiatric histories. This partially explains how differences in perceptual
processes and personality characteristics, such as negative cognitive
biases, sensitivity to rejection, social anxiety, and neuroticism may result
in individual differences in gene expression profiles.
• Third, it indicates that events that are seemingly very different from one
another, such as being socially rejected versus being physically attacked,
may have the ability to initiate the same responses (e.g. aggression), since
social rejection and physical pain involve the same neural and endocrine
pathways.
• Fourth, viewing the world as hostile and threatening in the absence of
239
 in the same family will share the same personality traits, and therefore will
show different behavioural traits. Thus, some individuals from the same
family may be more anxious than others are when faced with difficult
situations.
• Third, as the individual develops, environments that are more unique (e.g.
peer groups, romantic relationships, leaving the parental home, entering
the workforce or educational settings, stressful life events) emerge,
as opposed to those shared with their siblings. Interactions between
genetic effects and these unique, non-shared environments will have an
individually unique effect on development. In other words, genotype-by-
non-shared-environment interactions would have the effect of making
genetically related individuals less similar, regardless of their genetic
relatedness.
• Fourth, the importance of genotype-by-shared environment interactions
early in life shifts to the importance of genotype-by-non-shared-
environment interactions with increasing maturation. This explains
the larger estimates of heritability in childhood and the decrease of
heritability across the life span. Thus, genetics may have greater effects
in childhood than in adulthood.
4.4.2 The social-genomic model
Social genomics, or sociogenomics, refers to the field of research that
examines why and how different social factors and processes (e.g. social
stress, conflict, isolation, and attachment) affect the activity of the genome
(an organism’s complete set of DNA, including all of its genes). The social-
genomic model challenges the assumption that we are born with a fixed set
of genes and that our environment and our experiences in that environment
determine the level to which we fulfil the potential of our genetic
predisposition. The contention is that such an assumption fails to capture the
complex relationship that our genes and environments share.
Social genomics indicate that characteristics of the social environment
appear to be able to affect the activity of some of our most basic processes,
namely the expression of our genes. In fact, research in the field of human
social genomics shows that our social-environmental experiences can shape
our genetic expression throughout our lives (Slavich & Cole, 2013). The idea of
social genomics is that the genetic factors and social-environmental factors
are not independent – they affect one another. This means that although
we inherit a mostly unchangeable genetic code (i.e. DNA), the way in which
genes interact with the environment is much more dynamic. Therefore, DNA
238
does not affect behaviour directly, but its expression does. The reason is
that it depends on intermediary biological factors (links) such as molecules,
RNA and intercellular proteins, which are responsible for the decoding of
‘messages’ and which are much more susceptible to environmental factors
(Bell & Robinson, 2011). In addition, it seems that certain genes are ‘turned
on’ and ‘turned off ’ by different social environmental conditions or stimuli.
The social-environmental conditions that seem to have a particular effect
on gene expression include both the physical and social environments that
people inhabit, such as geographical region, socio-economic status, social
isolation, social stress, maltreatment, and rejection. Chronic social stressors
and social hardship may be associated with changes in the gene expression,
resulting in mental and physical health problems (Cole, 2013).
Apparently more important than the social stressors themselves, is an
individual’s perceptions of those conditions, because subjective perception
of social experiences is affected by neurocognitive processes that regulate
gene expression. This has several implications (Slavich & Cole, 2013):
• First, it means that situations that have not yet happened, or may never
happen, may result in the same behaviours that are triggered by actual
events. For example, a person may act aggressively towards others
– a normal reaction in threatening situations – only because they feel
threatened and not because they actually are being threatened.
• Second, it suggests that the same social-environmental conditions, such
as being socially evaluated or rejected, can be assessed in different ways
and therefore have different gene expressions for different people. For
example, some people may be affected negatively by such situations,
while others may not. Factors that can contribute to these effects depend
on aspects such as individuals’ sensitivity to social threat; the tendency to
view stressful circumstances as challenging versus threatening; cognitive-
emotional resources; the availability of support; and biographical and
psychiatric histories. This partially explains how differences in perceptual
processes and personality characteristics, such as negative cognitive
biases, sensitivity to rejection, social anxiety, and neuroticism may result
in individual differences in gene expression profiles.
• Third, it indicates that events that are seemingly very different from one
another, such as being socially rejected versus being physically attacked,
may have the ability to initiate the same responses (e.g. aggression), since
social rejection and physical pain involve the same neural and endocrine
pathways.
• Fourth, viewing the world as hostile and threatening in the absence of
239
 actual physical danger results in the skewing of gene expression that
could result in mental and physical illnesses.
The social-genomic model gives substantial attention to how the
accumulative effects of ongoing environmental conditions or situations can
affect biology and lead to changes in personality traits (Griffin et al., 2015).
For example, individuals high in neuroticism are more likely to ruminate (think
things over repeatedly) and show greater levels of anxiety, especially when
under pressure, than those low in neuroticism are. These higher states of stress
and anxiety affect a number of biological mechanisms in these individuals,
such as the functioning of the amygdala (a brain structure that processes
many of our emotions) and the production of cortisol (a steroid hormone
that regulates a wide range of processes throughout the body, including
the reaction of the body to stress). Over time, a transactional effect occurs:
Individual differences in neuroticism interact with environmental cues (e.g.
stressful situations) that trigger differences in individual states (e.g. anxiety
and negative feelings). This results in changes in biological mechanisms (e.g.
neurotransmitter production in the brain) that have the potential to affect
changes in the trait of neuroticism itself (e.g. increases in neuroticism).
From a clinical perspective, the implication of the social-genomic
viewpoint is quite profound: It suggests that significant trait change is
possible, including in late adulthood. This leaves open the possibility that
by altering certain environmental conditions or having individuals engage in
certain practices, these new experiences might trigger changes in personality
(Magidson et al., 2014). For example, a person who is high in neuroticism due
to negative childhood experiences resulting in distrust and negative affect
could become less neurotic in a supportive and loving environment as an
adult.
4.4.3 Summary of the transactional approach
In summary, the transactional approach to personality development in
adulthood suggests the following: First, there is a strong and stable genetic
foundation of individual differences in personality throughout the adult life
span. Second, non-shared environmental influences on individual differences
in personality traits become more important and increasingly stable from
early to middle adulthood. Third, both genetic and non-shared environmental
effects contribute to stability and change in personality traits. Fourth, certain
characteristics of the social environment and people’s perceptions of those
conditions may be linked to changes in gene expression, and therefore in
240
personality traits. However, researchers who take a transactional perspective
will have to continue to identify the particular experiences most associated
with change in particular traits and the molecular mechanisms by which
they take place (Griffin et al., 2015). The core task of future studies will be
to identify measurably non-shared environmental factors that matter to
personality and to capture the interplay between genetic and environmental
effects on personality development throughout adulthood (Bleidorn et al.,
2014).
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is the overarching viewpoint of the transactional approaches to personality
development?
2. What is the goal of behavioural genetic research? What is the general view of
researchers in this field? What questions do these researchers typically try to
answer?
3. What is the viewpoint of the proponents of the theory of genotype-environment
correlation? Does this mean that environmental influences on a person’s
development are caused by genes? Why, or why not?
4. Discuss the three kinds of mechanisms involved in genotype-environment
correlation.
5. How do these mechanisms affect personality development throughout the life
span; that is, do the importance of these mechanisms change as people grow
older? According to this theory, how may genetic effects become reinforced over
time?
6. What is the basic viewpoint of the theory of gene-by-environment (GxE)
interaction?
7. Discuss the different pathways of GxE interactions and the implications that GxE
interactions may have for behavioural genetics.
8. To which field of research does the social-genomic model refer? Which assumption
does this model challenge, and what reason is behind this?
9. Discuss the general viewpoint of the social-genomics model.
10. Which social-environmental conditions may have a particular effect on gene
expression?
11. People’s subjective perceptions of social-environmental conditions or stressors
may play a more important role in gene expression than objective experiences
may. Discuss the implications of this.
241
 actual physical danger results in the skewing of gene expression that
could result in mental and physical illnesses.
The social-genomic model gives substantial attention to how the
accumulative effects of ongoing environmental conditions or situations can
affect biology and lead to changes in personality traits (Griffin et al., 2015).
For example, individuals high in neuroticism are more likely to ruminate (think
things over repeatedly) and show greater levels of anxiety, especially when
under pressure, than those low in neuroticism are. These higher states of stress
and anxiety affect a number of biological mechanisms in these individuals,
such as the functioning of the amygdala (a brain structure that processes
many of our emotions) and the production of cortisol (a steroid hormone
that regulates a wide range of processes throughout the body, including
the reaction of the body to stress). Over time, a transactional effect occurs:
Individual differences in neuroticism interact with environmental cues (e.g.
stressful situations) that trigger differences in individual states (e.g. anxiety
and negative feelings). This results in changes in biological mechanisms (e.g.
neurotransmitter production in the brain) that have the potential to affect
changes in the trait of neuroticism itself (e.g. increases in neuroticism).
From a clinical perspective, the implication of the social-genomic
viewpoint is quite profound: It suggests that significant trait change is
possible, including in late adulthood. This leaves open the possibility that
by altering certain environmental conditions or having individuals engage in
certain practices, these new experiences might trigger changes in personality
(Magidson et al., 2014). For example, a person who is high in neuroticism due
to negative childhood experiences resulting in distrust and negative affect
could become less neurotic in a supportive and loving environment as an
adult.
4.4.3 Summary of the transactional approach
In summary, the transactional approach to personality development in
adulthood suggests the following: First, there is a strong and stable genetic
foundation of individual differences in personality throughout the adult life
span. Second, non-shared environmental influences on individual differences
in personality traits become more important and increasingly stable from
early to middle adulthood. Third, both genetic and non-shared environmental
effects contribute to stability and change in personality traits. Fourth, certain
characteristics of the social environment and people’s perceptions of those
conditions may be linked to changes in gene expression, and therefore in
240
personality traits. However, researchers who take a transactional perspective
will have to continue to identify the particular experiences most associated
with change in particular traits and the molecular mechanisms by which
they take place (Griffin et al., 2015). The core task of future studies will be
to identify measurably non-shared environmental factors that matter to
personality and to capture the interplay between genetic and environmental
effects on personality development throughout adulthood (Bleidorn et al.,
2014).
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is the overarching viewpoint of the transactional approaches to personality
development?
2. What is the goal of behavioural genetic research? What is the general view of
researchers in this field? What questions do these researchers typically try to
answer?
3. What is the viewpoint of the proponents of the theory of genotype-environment
correlation? Does this mean that environmental influences on a person’s
development are caused by genes? Why, or why not?
4. Discuss the three kinds of mechanisms involved in genotype-environment
correlation.
5. How do these mechanisms affect personality development throughout the life
span; that is, do the importance of these mechanisms change as people grow
older? According to this theory, how may genetic effects become reinforced over
time?
6. What is the basic viewpoint of the theory of gene-by-environment (GxE)
interaction?
7. Discuss the different pathways of GxE interactions and the implications that GxE
interactions may have for behavioural genetics.
8. To which field of research does the social-genomic model refer? Which assumption
does this model challenge, and what reason is behind this?
9. Discuss the general viewpoint of the social-genomics model.
10. Which social-environmental conditions may have a particular effect on gene
expression?
11. People’s subjective perceptions of social-environmental conditions or stressors
may play a more important role in gene expression than objective experiences
may. Discuss the implications of this.
241
4.5 IMPORTANT PERSONALITY behaviour, but also relate to one’s past behaviour and experiences, as well as
what one would like to be or do in the future. The self-concept is not a single,
CHARACTERISTICS AND THEIR EFFECT general idea we have about ourselves, but rather a collection of schemas that
ON PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT are related to different areas or domains of one’s self-concept. Examples of
these areas or domains are:
Most research in personality psychology is based on the well-known Big Five
personality traits, as discussed earlier. However, there are other important • The physical domain, which relates to concerns about body, health, and
individual differences in personality beyond neuroticism, extraversion, physical functioning.
agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness to experience. These traits • The academic domain, which refers to concerns about success or failure
mostly include our observable behaviours. However, as we have indicated in academic settings.
in the definition of personality at the beginning of this chapter, personality • The occupational domain, which concerns work or occupational identity,
also includes non-observable aspects, such as our perceptions of ourselves. retirement, and leisure activities.
In this section, some of these other aspects related to personality, such as • The social domain, which involves concerns about people, interpersonal
the self-concept, identity, emotions, and life stories will be considered. relationships, the community and one’s place in the group.
• The competence domain, which reflects concerns about the ability to
4.5.1 The self-concept meet basic needs.
• The affect domain, which implies one’s awareness of emotional states.
The self-concept reflects individuals’ definition and understanding of who
they are and what they are like (Kotter-Grühn, 2016). In this section, the self- Not all the domains are equally important to all individuals. Only those
concept will be discussed in terms of self-schemas, self-construal, possible that are most meaningful to an individual at a specific time in his or her
selves, and self-esteem. life will be the most important. For example, the physical domain may be
important for a person involved in playing sports, or the academic domain
4.5.1.1 Self-schemas
will be most important to a university student, while the competence domain
may become increasingly important to an elderly person.
Self-concept is the image,
The self-concept is an integral part of the personality and an important
idea, or perception we have
aspect to consider in the ageing process. The content, organisation, and
about ourselves. The ideas that
functioning of the self-schemas of the self-concept may guide us to understand
we have about ourselves are
how individuals navigate the events and changes as they proceed from young
called schemas or self-schemas.
to middle to older adulthood. Self-schemas are dynamic: People continually
Schemas play a role in how we
revise them to conform to experience or to fit their view of themselves. As we
define ourselves; they determine
go through life and gain new knowledge and experiences, we are constantly
what information we consider
adding to or even reconfiguring our existing self-schemas and self-concepts
most important and how we
(Cherry, 2017). Therefore, the self-concept is caught in constant dynamic
process this information. Self-
tension between stability and change. Bodily changes, cognitive advances,
schemas play a role in regulating
and changes in one’s social environment lead to a constant reconsideration
a person’s behaviour and guide
of who one is. In adulthood, most people develop a relatively stable sense of
the decisions he or she makes.
who they are. Older adults are likely to experience a variety of changes in their
Therefore, schemas are working
physical appearance (e.g. wrinkles and grey hair), their cognitive functioning
models around which behaviour
(e.g. forgetfulness) and their role in family (e.g. becoming a grandparent)
is organised. However, they not
and society (e.g. retirement). If a certain role is particularly relevant to
only represent one’s present An inflated self-concept
242 243
4.5 IMPORTANT PERSONALITY behaviour, but also relate to one’s past behaviour and experiences, as well as
what one would like to be or do in the future. The self-concept is not a single,
CHARACTERISTICS AND THEIR EFFECT general idea we have about ourselves, but rather a collection of schemas that
ON PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT are related to different areas or domains of one’s self-concept. Examples of
these areas or domains are:
Most research in personality psychology is based on the well-known Big Five
personality traits, as discussed earlier. However, there are other important • The physical domain, which relates to concerns about body, health, and
individual differences in personality beyond neuroticism, extraversion, physical functioning.
agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness to experience. These traits • The academic domain, which refers to concerns about success or failure
mostly include our observable behaviours. However, as we have indicated in academic settings.
in the definition of personality at the beginning of this chapter, personality • The occupational domain, which concerns work or occupational identity,
also includes non-observable aspects, such as our perceptions of ourselves. retirement, and leisure activities.
In this section, some of these other aspects related to personality, such as • The social domain, which involves concerns about people, interpersonal
the self-concept, identity, emotions, and life stories will be considered. relationships, the community and one’s place in the group.
• The competence domain, which reflects concerns about the ability to
4.5.1 The self-concept meet basic needs.
• The affect domain, which implies one’s awareness of emotional states.
The self-concept reflects individuals’ definition and understanding of who
they are and what they are like (Kotter-Grühn, 2016). In this section, the self- Not all the domains are equally important to all individuals. Only those
concept will be discussed in terms of self-schemas, self-construal, possible that are most meaningful to an individual at a specific time in his or her
selves, and self-esteem. life will be the most important. For example, the physical domain may be
important for a person involved in playing sports, or the academic domain
4.5.1.1 Self-schemas
will be most important to a university student, while the competence domain
may become increasingly important to an elderly person.
Self-concept is the image,
The self-concept is an integral part of the personality and an important
idea, or perception we have
aspect to consider in the ageing process. The content, organisation, and
about ourselves. The ideas that
functioning of the self-schemas of the self-concept may guide us to understand
we have about ourselves are
how individuals navigate the events and changes as they proceed from young
called schemas or self-schemas.
to middle to older adulthood. Self-schemas are dynamic: People continually
Schemas play a role in how we
revise them to conform to experience or to fit their view of themselves. As we
define ourselves; they determine
go through life and gain new knowledge and experiences, we are constantly
what information we consider
adding to or even reconfiguring our existing self-schemas and self-concepts
most important and how we
(Cherry, 2017). Therefore, the self-concept is caught in constant dynamic
process this information. Self-
tension between stability and change. Bodily changes, cognitive advances,
schemas play a role in regulating
and changes in one’s social environment lead to a constant reconsideration
a person’s behaviour and guide
of who one is. In adulthood, most people develop a relatively stable sense of
the decisions he or she makes.
who they are. Older adults are likely to experience a variety of changes in their
Therefore, schemas are working
physical appearance (e.g. wrinkles and grey hair), their cognitive functioning
models around which behaviour
(e.g. forgetfulness) and their role in family (e.g. becoming a grandparent)
is organised. However, they not
and society (e.g. retirement). If a certain role is particularly relevant to
only represent one’s present An inflated self-concept
242 243
the self-concept of the person, changes in this role may require stronger
challenges to redefine his or her identity. In contrast, when people define
themselves primarily by their values, ideologies, or psychological traits, all of
which remain relatively stable throughout adulthood, their self-concepts are
less likely to require age-related adaptations (Kotter-Grühn, 2016).
4.5.1.2 Self-construal
Self-construal refers to a person’s perception about the self, specifically
regarding the relationship between the individual self and the social and
cultural setting (Cross, 2016; Voyer & Franks, 2014). The type of self-construal
of a person affects his or her emotions, cognitions, motivations, and general
behaviour. It is generally accepted that the development of a self-concept
is intertwined with the culture in which one grows up. For example, in the
South African context cross-cultural research in this regard often explores
the individualism-collectivism dimensions. As we have discussed earlier,
individualism is a value system in a culture where the focus is on the
individual rather than on the group. Collectivism, on the other hand, is the
tendency to emphasise cohesiveness among individuals and thus give a
group priority over each individual. These differences between collectivist
and individualistic cultures are largely encouraged by child-rearing practices.
• The first aspect of self-construal is that of independence vs.
interdependence. The self-concept of individuals in individualist cultures
is characterised as independent self-construal. This means that these
individuals view themselves as individualistic, self-contained, and
autonomous – a self who strives for uniqueness. Therefore, it retains the
same abilities, qualities, and goals, regardless of the social context. The
self-concept in collectivist cultures is characterised as interdependent
self-construal, which implies that the self views itself as depending on
others and striving for harmony. People with an interdependent self-
construal define themselves in terms of their relationships with others.
It reflects a view of the self as flexible and variable, changing between
contexts and relationships
• The second aspect of self-construal is that of abstraction vs. concreteness.
Members of collectivist cultures – those with an interdependent self-
construal – tend to describe themselves in very specific and contextualised
ways, and tend to experience relatedness with others as a fundamental
part of themselves. This happens to the extent that the self is defined
very specifically (i.e. concretely) and uniquely in each social relationship.
244
On the other hand, individualist cultures – those with an independent
self-construal – emphasise the inner (i.e. abstract), stable and self-
determining nature of the self. Therefore, they define themselves in terms
of internal attributes such as traits, abilities, values, and preferences.
In this regard, South African studies yielded the following results:
■ Black participants produced more interdependent and concrete self-
descriptions than white participants did (Eaton & Louw, 2000).
■ Black participants viewed their behaviour as more variable than white
participants did (Fetvadjiev et al., 2017).
■ Black participants used fewer traits and more contextualisation in
their descriptions of the self. They tended to use concrete behaviours,
preferences, and relational (interpersonal) contextualisation more than
the white, coloured and Indian groups. Whites used more traits than
contextualisation, while coloureds and Indians showed an intermediate
pattern (Valchev et al., 2013). According to the researchers, blacks’
responses tended to be more communal in nature, while whites’ responses
were more individualistic, with coloureds and Indians being in between.
■ In a study of personality and well-being in black and white South
African emerging adults, both black and white emerging adults showed
evidence of a combination of collectivistic and individualistic features,
such as work-related characteristics (individualistic) and social-relational
features (collectivistic) (Nel et al., 2017).
However, the researchers of these studies concluded that the research
participants in these studies were university students who had to function in
an environment where individualism was fostered. One the other hand, these
students were also emerging adults and might still have been in a process
of forging a self-concept to accommodate the situation in which they were.
Therefore, the results are not necessarily generalisable to the population
groups as a whole.
4.5.1.3 Possible selves
One model of self-concept development is based on the concept of possible
selves, introduced by Markus and Nurius (1986). Possible selves represent
what we would like to become (hoped-for selves or ideal selves), as well
as what we do not want to become or may be afraid of becoming (feared
selves). Examples of hoped-for possible selves may be the healthy self and
the successful self, while feared possible selves may be the unhealthy self
245
the self-concept of the person, changes in this role may require stronger
challenges to redefine his or her identity. In contrast, when people define
themselves primarily by their values, ideologies, or psychological traits, all of
which remain relatively stable throughout adulthood, their self-concepts are
less likely to require age-related adaptations (Kotter-Grühn, 2016).
4.5.1.2 Self-construal
Self-construal refers to a person’s perception about the self, specifically
regarding the relationship between the individual self and the social and
cultural setting (Cross, 2016; Voyer & Franks, 2014). The type of self-construal
of a person affects his or her emotions, cognitions, motivations, and general
behaviour. It is generally accepted that the development of a self-concept
is intertwined with the culture in which one grows up. For example, in the
South African context cross-cultural research in this regard often explores
the individualism-collectivism dimensions. As we have discussed earlier,
individualism is a value system in a culture where the focus is on the
individual rather than on the group. Collectivism, on the other hand, is the
tendency to emphasise cohesiveness among individuals and thus give a
group priority over each individual. These differences between collectivist
and individualistic cultures are largely encouraged by child-rearing practices.
• The first aspect of self-construal is that of independence vs.
interdependence. The self-concept of individuals in individualist cultures
is characterised as independent self-construal. This means that these
individuals view themselves as individualistic, self-contained, and
autonomous – a self who strives for uniqueness. Therefore, it retains the
same abilities, qualities, and goals, regardless of the social context. The
self-concept in collectivist cultures is characterised as interdependent
self-construal, which implies that the self views itself as depending on
others and striving for harmony. People with an interdependent self-
construal define themselves in terms of their relationships with others.
It reflects a view of the self as flexible and variable, changing between
contexts and relationships
• The second aspect of self-construal is that of abstraction vs. concreteness.
Members of collectivist cultures – those with an interdependent self-
construal – tend to describe themselves in very specific and contextualised
ways, and tend to experience relatedness with others as a fundamental
part of themselves. This happens to the extent that the self is defined
very specifically (i.e. concretely) and uniquely in each social relationship.
244
On the other hand, individualist cultures – those with an independent
self-construal – emphasise the inner (i.e. abstract), stable and self-
determining nature of the self. Therefore, they define themselves in terms
of internal attributes such as traits, abilities, values, and preferences.
In this regard, South African studies yielded the following results:
■ Black participants produced more interdependent and concrete self-
descriptions than white participants did (Eaton & Louw, 2000).
■ Black participants viewed their behaviour as more variable than white
participants did (Fetvadjiev et al., 2017).
■ Black participants used fewer traits and more contextualisation in
their descriptions of the self. They tended to use concrete behaviours,
preferences, and relational (interpersonal) contextualisation more than
the white, coloured and Indian groups. Whites used more traits than
contextualisation, while coloureds and Indians showed an intermediate
pattern (Valchev et al., 2013). According to the researchers, blacks’
responses tended to be more communal in nature, while whites’ responses
were more individualistic, with coloureds and Indians being in between.
■ In a study of personality and well-being in black and white South
African emerging adults, both black and white emerging adults showed
evidence of a combination of collectivistic and individualistic features,
such as work-related characteristics (individualistic) and social-relational
features (collectivistic) (Nel et al., 2017).
However, the researchers of these studies concluded that the research
participants in these studies were university students who had to function in
an environment where individualism was fostered. One the other hand, these
students were also emerging adults and might still have been in a process
of forging a self-concept to accommodate the situation in which they were.
Therefore, the results are not necessarily generalisable to the population
groups as a whole.
4.5.1.3 Possible selves
One model of self-concept development is based on the concept of possible
selves, introduced by Markus and Nurius (1986). Possible selves represent
what we would like to become (hoped-for selves or ideal selves), as well
as what we do not want to become or may be afraid of becoming (feared
selves). Examples of hoped-for possible selves may be the healthy self and
the successful self, while feared possible selves may be the unhealthy self
245
and the unsuccessful self. Possible selves are not just idle fantasies, but rather
motivate us to set and achieve goals to fulfil our hoped-for possible selves
(e.g. following a healthy lifestyle to promote health) and to avoid the feared
possible selves (e.g. avoid engaging in unhealthy lifestyle practices). Because
possible selves provide both positive images of one’s self attaining future
goals and negative images of one’s self failing to attain these goals, possible
selves are an integral part of a well-functioning self-concept. By focussing on
the future, possible selves can improve well-being and optimism about the
future (Lee & Oyserman 2012; Oyserman & James, 2011).
Possible selves develop from who a person was in the past to who a
person is in the present. Generally, possible selves are shaped by the
environment, and variables such as culture and gender play important roles
(Brown, 2016). For example, people from collectivistic or interdependent
cultures may incorporate other-orientations such as community and family
into their possible selves. Conversely, those from individualistic cultures may
have possible selves related to their own success. Gender stereotypes may
also be reflected in people’s possible selves. For example, women (both
young and old) seem to be more critical of their physical appearance than
men are. Young women tend to be more positive and hopeful about their
bodies than both older women and men are, while older women are more
negative (and fearful) about their appearance than older men are. This may
be a reflection of the attitude of society: In most societies, the body image of
women is evaluated more critically in terms of beauty.
The topic of possible selves offers a way of understanding how both
stability and change operate in adults’ personality. On the one hand, possible
selves tend to remain stable for at least some period and are measurable
with psychological tests. On the other hand, possible selves may change
in response to efforts at personal growth or to facilitate adaptation to new
roles across the life span. Research regarding age differences in constructing
possible selves includes asking people across the life span to describe their
hoped-for and feared possible selves (e.g. Brown, 2016). Responses are
typically grouped into the areas or domains of the self-concept:
• The social self. The significance of other people and interpersonal
relationships remain meaningful and central throughout the life span and
across genders, social classes, and cultures. However, age differences
regarding the content of the social self occur. Younger adults’ hoped-
for selves involve romantic relationships (e.g. concerns of marrying the
right person), while middle-aged adults tend to be concerned about their
children’s development and involve personal issues such as being more
246
caring and loving. Older adults tend to be concerned about being alone,
the illness of their partner, or becoming dependent on their children. Age-
related decreases in concerns regarding societal and national issues may
also be evident. Thus, the content of the social self varies with the stage
of life and reflects the needs and behaviours of the particular life stage.
• The occupational self. As can be expected, perceptions will differ
according to a person’s work status (e.g. employee, unemployed, or
retiree). During working age (young and middle adulthood), those who
have paid work perceive their status as positive; thus, having work is
perceived as valuable. Hoped-for possible selves include improvements in
self and work environment. Feared possible selves may be retrenchment
and job loss. In South Africa, feared possible selves may be unemployment,
even for young adults who have to enter the workplace. With respect to
retirement, both negative and positive perspectives may transpire. Partly,
there could be regret that one is no longer (or will no longer be) working,
but in general, people tend to look forward to stopping (or down-scaling)
work and enjoying greater freedom. However, identification with former
employment may persist. Conversely, in some studies, references to the
domain of leisure are more frequent than those pertaining to work are.
This may be an indication of continuity of the leisure-time self – thus,
radically new designs for life after work are not common.
• The physical self. The physical or biological aspect of the self-concept
is important throughout the life span. As with the social self, age
differences reflect the needs and behaviours of the specific stage of life.
Young adults’ hoped-for possible selves concern sexual and interpersonal
attractiveness. Older adults’ hoped-for and feared selves concern issues
such as health, fitness, illness, and declines in everyday competencies.
Physical integrity (concerns about health and illness) is especially more
prominent among the very old, but is related strongly to other factors
such as well-being, age, identity, and attitude to ageing. For example,
health-related possible selves are more likely to be attained when older
adults do not dwell on them.
• The temporal self. This concept refers to individuals’ perception of their
existence in time (i.e. their perceptions of past, present and future selves).
Some studies found that spontaneous references to the past self and past
life seem to be rare in young adults, but are made more often by elderly
adults. References to the future are made significantly more often by
younger than by older adults. Therefore, the view of the self in terms of the
past and future seems to reflect the individual’s chronological age. Older
adults tend to include statements on subjective age, such as wanting to
247
and the unsuccessful self. Possible selves are not just idle fantasies, but rather
motivate us to set and achieve goals to fulfil our hoped-for possible selves
(e.g. following a healthy lifestyle to promote health) and to avoid the feared
possible selves (e.g. avoid engaging in unhealthy lifestyle practices). Because
possible selves provide both positive images of one’s self attaining future
goals and negative images of one’s self failing to attain these goals, possible
selves are an integral part of a well-functioning self-concept. By focussing on
the future, possible selves can improve well-being and optimism about the
future (Lee & Oyserman 2012; Oyserman & James, 2011).
Possible selves develop from who a person was in the past to who a
person is in the present. Generally, possible selves are shaped by the
environment, and variables such as culture and gender play important roles
(Brown, 2016). For example, people from collectivistic or interdependent
cultures may incorporate other-orientations such as community and family
into their possible selves. Conversely, those from individualistic cultures may
have possible selves related to their own success. Gender stereotypes may
also be reflected in people’s possible selves. For example, women (both
young and old) seem to be more critical of their physical appearance than
men are. Young women tend to be more positive and hopeful about their
bodies than both older women and men are, while older women are more
negative (and fearful) about their appearance than older men are. This may
be a reflection of the attitude of society: In most societies, the body image of
women is evaluated more critically in terms of beauty.
The topic of possible selves offers a way of understanding how both
stability and change operate in adults’ personality. On the one hand, possible
selves tend to remain stable for at least some period and are measurable
with psychological tests. On the other hand, possible selves may change
in response to efforts at personal growth or to facilitate adaptation to new
roles across the life span. Research regarding age differences in constructing
possible selves includes asking people across the life span to describe their
hoped-for and feared possible selves (e.g. Brown, 2016). Responses are
typically grouped into the areas or domains of the self-concept:
• The social self. The significance of other people and interpersonal
relationships remain meaningful and central throughout the life span and
across genders, social classes, and cultures. However, age differences
regarding the content of the social self occur. Younger adults’ hoped-
for selves involve romantic relationships (e.g. concerns of marrying the
right person), while middle-aged adults tend to be concerned about their
children’s development and involve personal issues such as being more
246
caring and loving. Older adults tend to be concerned about being alone,
the illness of their partner, or becoming dependent on their children. Age-
related decreases in concerns regarding societal and national issues may
also be evident. Thus, the content of the social self varies with the stage
of life and reflects the needs and behaviours of the particular life stage.
• The occupational self. As can be expected, perceptions will differ
according to a person’s work status (e.g. employee, unemployed, or
retiree). During working age (young and middle adulthood), those who
have paid work perceive their status as positive; thus, having work is
perceived as valuable. Hoped-for possible selves include improvements in
self and work environment. Feared possible selves may be retrenchment
and job loss. In South Africa, feared possible selves may be unemployment,
even for young adults who have to enter the workplace. With respect to
retirement, both negative and positive perspectives may transpire. Partly,
there could be regret that one is no longer (or will no longer be) working,
but in general, people tend to look forward to stopping (or down-scaling)
work and enjoying greater freedom. However, identification with former
employment may persist. Conversely, in some studies, references to the
domain of leisure are more frequent than those pertaining to work are.
This may be an indication of continuity of the leisure-time self – thus,
radically new designs for life after work are not common.
• The physical self. The physical or biological aspect of the self-concept
is important throughout the life span. As with the social self, age
differences reflect the needs and behaviours of the specific stage of life.
Young adults’ hoped-for possible selves concern sexual and interpersonal
attractiveness. Older adults’ hoped-for and feared selves concern issues
such as health, fitness, illness, and declines in everyday competencies.
Physical integrity (concerns about health and illness) is especially more
prominent among the very old, but is related strongly to other factors
such as well-being, age, identity, and attitude to ageing. For example,
health-related possible selves are more likely to be attained when older
adults do not dwell on them.
• The temporal self. This concept refers to individuals’ perception of their
existence in time (i.e. their perceptions of past, present and future selves).
Some studies found that spontaneous references to the past self and past
life seem to be rare in young adults, but are made more often by elderly
adults. References to the future are made significantly more often by
younger than by older adults. Therefore, the view of the self in terms of the
past and future seems to reflect the individual’s chronological age. Older
adults tend to include statements on subjective age, such as wanting to
247
 be younger, being already old, being too old, being at the dusk of life, and
so forth. Young adults, on the other hand, seem to be much less time-
conscious in their self-statements, perhaps showing a different type of
life-span construct. In addition, thoughts about personal growth seem to
be more typical for young adults, while references to maintenance and to
reduction or decline and the finitude of life (the perception that the time
left is limited) tend to be more typical of the self-statements of elderly
adults.
Possible selves are especially important for older adults, because when
older adults work toward their hoped-for possible selves, they tend to feel
more positive about life. For example, health and socially related possible
selves are more likely to be reached when older adults feel that they can
control their behaviour and have balanced possible selves (Ko et al., 2014).
4.5.1.4 Self-esteem
A related aspect to the self-concept is self-esteem. Where self-concept refers
to the image one has of oneself, self-esteem refers to the evaluative aspect
of the self-concept. More specifically, self-esteem reflects a person’s overall
subjective evaluation of his or her own worth as a person. For example, a person
with high self-esteem perceives him- or herself as having worth, whereas a
person with low self-esteem does not. High self-esteem does not imply that
the person considers him- or herself as superior to others, but typically involves
the feeling that one is ‘good enough’. Thus, self-esteem involves feelings of self-
acceptance, self-confidence and self-respect (Orth et al., 2015).
248
Self-esteem is shaped by a combination of objective information (self-
knowledge) and the opinion of others. It is also a function of how the
individual processes and interprets social information and experiences.
As with the self-concept, self-esteem is not a single concept, but occurs
in different domains; therefore, a person may have high self-esteem in
one area (e.g. academic knowledge) and low self-esteem in others (e.g.
technical knowledge). Whether a person is affected negatively or positively
by this self-evaluation will depend on the importance of the domain (e.g. a
person who has low self-esteem regarding technical knowledge may not be
affected negatively if it is not important for his or her functioning).
In this section, the following will be explored: the self-esteem
developmental trajectory across adulthood; individual differences in self-
esteem development; the stability of self-esteem; and the effects of self-
esteem on important life outcomes.
(a) The self-esteem developmental trajectory across adulthood
Does self-esteem change with age? Longitudinal studies using large
databases from diverse samples to explore the development of self-esteem
from young adulthood to old age (e.g. Orth et al., 2015; Orth et al., 2010)
suggest the following: Increases in self-esteem are indicated from young
to middle adulthood, a peak is reached during middle adulthood (50-60
years), and a decrease is noted in old age.
This developmental trajectory (or pathway) has been found in most
cultures, including South Africa (Bleidorn et al., 2016). These normative age
differences in self-esteem across cultures may suggest that self-esteem at
least partially is influenced by universal mechanisms. Such a mechanism
might be genetically based biological processes that are present in all
people. For example, global (overall) self-esteem shares many attributes
with other broad personality characteristics that are genetically based, such
as emotional stability, extraversion, and conscientiousness. An alternative
explanation for the cross-cultural similarity could be that age differences
are affected largely by universal sociocultural factors. For example, the
majority of individuals in most cultures master relatively similar life tasks at
roughly the same ages (e.g. completing schooling, one’s first job, romantic
relationships, parenthood, and retirement). These developmental turning
points may change and redirect developmental pathways by influencing or
changing people’s behaviour, emotions, cognition, or contexts.
Therefore, these developmental trajectories suggest patterns of
normative change as individuals orientate their behaviour to meet
249
 be younger, being already old, being too old, being at the dusk of life, and
so forth. Young adults, on the other hand, seem to be much less time-
conscious in their self-statements, perhaps showing a different type of
life-span construct. In addition, thoughts about personal growth seem to
be more typical for young adults, while references to maintenance and to
reduction or decline and the finitude of life (the perception that the time
left is limited) tend to be more typical of the self-statements of elderly
adults.
Possible selves are especially important for older adults, because when
older adults work toward their hoped-for possible selves, they tend to feel
more positive about life. For example, health and socially related possible
selves are more likely to be reached when older adults feel that they can
control their behaviour and have balanced possible selves (Ko et al., 2014).
4.5.1.4 Self-esteem
A related aspect to the self-concept is self-esteem. Where self-concept refers
to the image one has of oneself, self-esteem refers to the evaluative aspect
of the self-concept. More specifically, self-esteem reflects a person’s overall
subjective evaluation of his or her own worth as a person. For example, a person
with high self-esteem perceives him- or herself as having worth, whereas a
person with low self-esteem does not. High self-esteem does not imply that
the person considers him- or herself as superior to others, but typically involves
the feeling that one is ‘good enough’. Thus, self-esteem involves feelings of self-
acceptance, self-confidence and self-respect (Orth et al., 2015).
248
Self-esteem is shaped by a combination of objective information (self-
knowledge) and the opinion of others. It is also a function of how the
individual processes and interprets social information and experiences.
As with the self-concept, self-esteem is not a single concept, but occurs
in different domains; therefore, a person may have high self-esteem in
one area (e.g. academic knowledge) and low self-esteem in others (e.g.
technical knowledge). Whether a person is affected negatively or positively
by this self-evaluation will depend on the importance of the domain (e.g. a
person who has low self-esteem regarding technical knowledge may not be
affected negatively if it is not important for his or her functioning).
In this section, the following will be explored: the self-esteem
developmental trajectory across adulthood; individual differences in self-
esteem development; the stability of self-esteem; and the effects of self-
esteem on important life outcomes.
(a) The self-esteem developmental trajectory across adulthood
Does self-esteem change with age? Longitudinal studies using large
databases from diverse samples to explore the development of self-esteem
from young adulthood to old age (e.g. Orth et al., 2015; Orth et al., 2010)
suggest the following: Increases in self-esteem are indicated from young
to middle adulthood, a peak is reached during middle adulthood (50-60
years), and a decrease is noted in old age.
This developmental trajectory (or pathway) has been found in most
cultures, including South Africa (Bleidorn et al., 2016). These normative age
differences in self-esteem across cultures may suggest that self-esteem at
least partially is influenced by universal mechanisms. Such a mechanism
might be genetically based biological processes that are present in all
people. For example, global (overall) self-esteem shares many attributes
with other broad personality characteristics that are genetically based, such
as emotional stability, extraversion, and conscientiousness. An alternative
explanation for the cross-cultural similarity could be that age differences
are affected largely by universal sociocultural factors. For example, the
majority of individuals in most cultures master relatively similar life tasks at
roughly the same ages (e.g. completing schooling, one’s first job, romantic
relationships, parenthood, and retirement). These developmental turning
points may change and redirect developmental pathways by influencing or
changing people’s behaviour, emotions, cognition, or contexts.
Therefore, these developmental trajectories suggest patterns of
normative change as individuals orientate their behaviour to meet
249
environmental demands and developmental challenges (Trzesniewski et al.,
2013). For example, the continued increase in self-esteem may be related
to maturational, cognitive, relationship and socio-contextual changes and
challenges. During early adulthood, individuals in many cultures engage in
instrumental and social roles, for instance as professional, spouse, parent, or
community member. Successful mastery of these challenges may boost the
person’s self-esteem and may be related to the increase in self-esteem during
this life-stage. During middle adulthood, individuals tend to be increasingly
productive at work, occupy positions of power and status, and provide
guidance for the next generation. These characteristics and statuses may
contribute to peoples’ sense of self-worth and may be related to the peak in
self-esteem generally reached during middle adulthood. During this stage,
healthy adult development involves learning to look inward for sources of
positive self-esteem, rather than requiring constant external reinforcement.
Therefore, higher levels of maturity and adjustment are reflected, as
indicated in emotional stability, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. In
late adulthood, self-esteem levels seem to decline somewhat. The decline
may be associated with the number of changes (physical, cognitive, financial,
and social) that the elderly have to deal with. This is especially true when
people are faced with too many challenges and losses of resources (Reitz
& Staudinger, 2017). However, an alternative view may be that older people
tend to be wiser and more comfortable with themselves. Thus, the declines
in self-esteem in old age are not deep-seated feelings of low self-worth, but
rather that older individuals increasingly accept their faults and limitations
and therefore have less need for self-promotion and self-aggrandisement
(wanting to appear better than they are). According to this view, the older
adult experiences a shift in self-conceptions that contributes to a more
modest, humble and balanced view of the self (Orth et al., 2010; Trzesniewski
et al., 2004).
(b) Individual differences in self-esteem development
Do all people follow the same trajectory in self-esteem development in
adulthood? Not much is known about the specific conditions that promote
self-esteem in adulthood and old age. However, it is plausible that factors
in addition to chronological age, such as key social roles and events, shape
one’s position in the life course and thereby determine the way personality
and the self develop. When these factors are not age dependent (e.g.
relationship satisfaction) or are non-normative (e.g. stressful life events),
they will most probably have a different effect on self-esteem development.
250
Studies investigating this issue have yielded the following results (e.g.
Bleidorn et al., 2015; Orth, 2017):
• Gender. Although men and women show similar developmental
trajectories in self-esteem (e.g. increasing in young and middle
adulthood, peaking in middle adulthood, and declining in late adulthood),
women tend to show lower overall self-esteem than men do. Universal
mechanisms such as biological factors (e.g. hormonal influences) or
sociocultural factors (e.g. socially learned gender roles and stereotypes)
might be the reason for this difference.
• Education. High educational attainment tends to predict a higher self-
esteem trajectory than low education does.
• Socio-economic status. Socio-economic status (as indicated by income
and employment status) seems to have a significant influence on the
self-esteem trajectory. For example, unfavourable changes in income
and employment status may result in a decline in self-esteem. Low socio-
economic status may have a negative effect on individuals’ self-esteem,
since they may feel that their opportunities to progress in life are limited.
• Work status. It has been shown that factors such as work status have a
major effect on adults’ self-concept, self-esteem, and overall personality
development. For example, individuals change their self-evaluations as
they learn the norms associated with their work-related activities (e.g.
from inexperienced worker to expert in the field). In addition, job status,
work satisfaction, and mastery experiences at work contribute to feelings
of self-worth and an increase in personality traits such as dependability
and responsibility, while decreases in neuroticism take place. It is to be
expected that failure experiences at work will affect the self-concept
and self-esteem of an individual negatively.
• Health. Health experiences (as indicated by functional health and chronic
health conditions) affect the developmental trajectory. For example,
unfavourable changes in physical health partially account for the self-
esteem decline in old age.
• Personality characteristics. Personality traits such as extraversion,
emotional stability, and conscientiousness may explain why some
individuals experience self-esteem trajectories that are more successful
than others do.
• Stressful life experiences. Non-normative experiences such as serious
accidents and illnesses, criminal victimisation, and job loss may account
for negative change in self-esteem.
• Relationships. Transitions in romantic relationships, such as the
251
environmental demands and developmental challenges (Trzesniewski et al.,
2013). For example, the continued increase in self-esteem may be related
to maturational, cognitive, relationship and socio-contextual changes and
challenges. During early adulthood, individuals in many cultures engage in
instrumental and social roles, for instance as professional, spouse, parent, or
community member. Successful mastery of these challenges may boost the
person’s self-esteem and may be related to the increase in self-esteem during
this life-stage. During middle adulthood, individuals tend to be increasingly
productive at work, occupy positions of power and status, and provide
guidance for the next generation. These characteristics and statuses may
contribute to peoples’ sense of self-worth and may be related to the peak in
self-esteem generally reached during middle adulthood. During this stage,
healthy adult development involves learning to look inward for sources of
positive self-esteem, rather than requiring constant external reinforcement.
Therefore, higher levels of maturity and adjustment are reflected, as
indicated in emotional stability, agreeableness, and conscientiousness. In
late adulthood, self-esteem levels seem to decline somewhat. The decline
may be associated with the number of changes (physical, cognitive, financial,
and social) that the elderly have to deal with. This is especially true when
people are faced with too many challenges and losses of resources (Reitz
& Staudinger, 2017). However, an alternative view may be that older people
tend to be wiser and more comfortable with themselves. Thus, the declines
in self-esteem in old age are not deep-seated feelings of low self-worth, but
rather that older individuals increasingly accept their faults and limitations
and therefore have less need for self-promotion and self-aggrandisement
(wanting to appear better than they are). According to this view, the older
adult experiences a shift in self-conceptions that contributes to a more
modest, humble and balanced view of the self (Orth et al., 2010; Trzesniewski
et al., 2004).
(b) Individual differences in self-esteem development
Do all people follow the same trajectory in self-esteem development in
adulthood? Not much is known about the specific conditions that promote
self-esteem in adulthood and old age. However, it is plausible that factors
in addition to chronological age, such as key social roles and events, shape
one’s position in the life course and thereby determine the way personality
and the self develop. When these factors are not age dependent (e.g.
relationship satisfaction) or are non-normative (e.g. stressful life events),
they will most probably have a different effect on self-esteem development.
250
Studies investigating this issue have yielded the following results (e.g.
Bleidorn et al., 2015; Orth, 2017):
• Gender. Although men and women show similar developmental
trajectories in self-esteem (e.g. increasing in young and middle
adulthood, peaking in middle adulthood, and declining in late adulthood),
women tend to show lower overall self-esteem than men do. Universal
mechanisms such as biological factors (e.g. hormonal influences) or
sociocultural factors (e.g. socially learned gender roles and stereotypes)
might be the reason for this difference.
• Education. High educational attainment tends to predict a higher self-
esteem trajectory than low education does.
• Socio-economic status. Socio-economic status (as indicated by income
and employment status) seems to have a significant influence on the
self-esteem trajectory. For example, unfavourable changes in income
and employment status may result in a decline in self-esteem. Low socio-
economic status may have a negative effect on individuals’ self-esteem,
since they may feel that their opportunities to progress in life are limited.
• Work status. It has been shown that factors such as work status have a
major effect on adults’ self-concept, self-esteem, and overall personality
development. For example, individuals change their self-evaluations as
they learn the norms associated with their work-related activities (e.g.
from inexperienced worker to expert in the field). In addition, job status,
work satisfaction, and mastery experiences at work contribute to feelings
of self-worth and an increase in personality traits such as dependability
and responsibility, while decreases in neuroticism take place. It is to be
expected that failure experiences at work will affect the self-concept
and self-esteem of an individual negatively.
• Health. Health experiences (as indicated by functional health and chronic
health conditions) affect the developmental trajectory. For example,
unfavourable changes in physical health partially account for the self-
esteem decline in old age.
• Personality characteristics. Personality traits such as extraversion,
emotional stability, and conscientiousness may explain why some
individuals experience self-esteem trajectories that are more successful
than others do.
• Stressful life experiences. Non-normative experiences such as serious
accidents and illnesses, criminal victimisation, and job loss may account
for negative change in self-esteem.
• Relationships. Transitions in romantic relationships, such as the
251
 beginning of a relationship or separating, as well as the quality of
romantic relationships, affect the development of self-esteem. For
example, feedback from interpersonal relationships may contribute
to how one views and feels about oneself. Thus, stable, satisfying, and
supportive relationships promote emotional stability and self-esteem,
while negative relationship experiences (including abusive relationships
and dissolution) may have the opposite result.
It seems that more evidence is needed regarding the extent of self-
esteem decline in old age. Whereas some studies indicate a strong decline,
others indicate relatively small decreases (Orth, 2017). It is possible that
sociocultural and economic factors, such as attitudes towards the elderly,
pension schemes, and health care may contribute to these differences. For
example, the decline in old age may be much smaller when older adults
have a stable income and are in good health. Other factors that contribute
to differences in the extent of self-esteem decline in old age may be related
to cognitive abilities, perceived control, and feelings of loneliness.
(c) The stability of self-esteem
How stable is self-esteem throughout adulthood? In other words, does self-
esteem remain stable (trait-like) or does it change or fluctuate according to
a person’s moods or experiences (state-like)?
As we have seen, the average level of self-esteem changes in systematic
ways across the life span. Evidence suggests that throughout young and
middle adulthood, self-esteem not only increases but also becomes more
stable and less subjected to the effects of daily life, which means that self-
esteem becomes better adjusted. However, research suggests that, as in
the case of certain personality traits, individual differences in self-esteem
remain stable over the life span. For example, findings from empirical
studies that tested for rank order stability (maintenance of an individual’s
position in a group) of self-esteem indicate that the stability of self-esteem
is high (Trzesniewski et al., 2013). In addition, it was found that individual
differences in self-esteem are relatively stable across very long periods and
that constant factors that account for the long-term stability of self-esteem
must be present (Kuster & Orth, 2013).
Overall, studies suggest that self-esteem exhibits trait-like stability.
Thus, individuals who have relatively high (or low) self-esteem at one
developmental stage are likely to have high (or low) self-esteem 10, 20,
or even 30 years later. Therefore, it seems that self-esteem is a relatively
enduring personality characteristic, rather than a state-like construct such
252
as mood (Orth, 2017).
(d) The effects of self-esteem on important life outcomes
How important is it for people to develop high or low self-esteem as they
grow up and go through life? Earlier in our discussion on self-esteem, we
indicated that certain factors in certain life domains, such as relationships,
health, and work-related aspects, could account for individual differences
in self-esteem. However, since the past decade, a growing number of
longitudinal studies have suggested that self-esteem has consequences for
people’s lives; in other words, the direction could also be reversed (Erol &
Orth, 2014). For example, the hypothesis that relationship satisfaction has
an important influence on the development of self-esteem makes intuitive
sense; however, the opposite may also be true: Self-esteem could be a
predictor of relationship satisfaction rather than vice versa. This means
that people with higher self-esteem have a better chance of relationship
satisfaction than those with a lower self-esteem have.
Earlier in our discussion, we established that self-esteem seems to
correlate with certain personality characteristics such as emotional stability,
conscientiousness, and agreeableness. This means that healthy self-esteem
correlates with rationality, realism, intuitiveness, creativity, flexibility, the
ability to manage change, a willingness to admit (and correct) mistakes,
benevolence, and cooperativeness. Therefore, people with high self-esteem
(Branden, 2018)
• are more likely than those with low self-esteem to persist in the face of
difficulties;
• are more equipped to cope with troubles that arise in their personal lives
and are quicker to recover from setbacks;
• are more likely to seek challenge and stimulation of worthwhile and
demanding goals;
• tend to be more ambitious, not necessarily in a career or financial sense,
but in terms of what they hope to experience in life – emotionally,
intellectually, creatively, and spiritually;
• are more likely to form nourishing rather than toxic relationships;
• tend to have honest, open, and appropriate communications with others,
because they believe their thoughts have value and are not afraid of
clarity.
On the other hand, poor self-esteem correlates with irrationality,
distorted interpretation of reality, rigidity, fear of the new and unfamiliar,
253
 beginning of a relationship or separating, as well as the quality of
romantic relationships, affect the development of self-esteem. For
example, feedback from interpersonal relationships may contribute
to how one views and feels about oneself. Thus, stable, satisfying, and
supportive relationships promote emotional stability and self-esteem,
while negative relationship experiences (including abusive relationships
and dissolution) may have the opposite result.
It seems that more evidence is needed regarding the extent of self-
esteem decline in old age. Whereas some studies indicate a strong decline,
others indicate relatively small decreases (Orth, 2017). It is possible that
sociocultural and economic factors, such as attitudes towards the elderly,
pension schemes, and health care may contribute to these differences. For
example, the decline in old age may be much smaller when older adults
have a stable income and are in good health. Other factors that contribute
to differences in the extent of self-esteem decline in old age may be related
to cognitive abilities, perceived control, and feelings of loneliness.
(c) The stability of self-esteem
How stable is self-esteem throughout adulthood? In other words, does self-
esteem remain stable (trait-like) or does it change or fluctuate according to
a person’s moods or experiences (state-like)?
As we have seen, the average level of self-esteem changes in systematic
ways across the life span. Evidence suggests that throughout young and
middle adulthood, self-esteem not only increases but also becomes more
stable and less subjected to the effects of daily life, which means that self-
esteem becomes better adjusted. However, research suggests that, as in
the case of certain personality traits, individual differences in self-esteem
remain stable over the life span. For example, findings from empirical
studies that tested for rank order stability (maintenance of an individual’s
position in a group) of self-esteem indicate that the stability of self-esteem
is high (Trzesniewski et al., 2013). In addition, it was found that individual
differences in self-esteem are relatively stable across very long periods and
that constant factors that account for the long-term stability of self-esteem
must be present (Kuster & Orth, 2013).
Overall, studies suggest that self-esteem exhibits trait-like stability.
Thus, individuals who have relatively high (or low) self-esteem at one
developmental stage are likely to have high (or low) self-esteem 10, 20,
or even 30 years later. Therefore, it seems that self-esteem is a relatively
enduring personality characteristic, rather than a state-like construct such
252
as mood (Orth, 2017).
(d) The effects of self-esteem on important life outcomes
How important is it for people to develop high or low self-esteem as they
grow up and go through life? Earlier in our discussion on self-esteem, we
indicated that certain factors in certain life domains, such as relationships,
health, and work-related aspects, could account for individual differences
in self-esteem. However, since the past decade, a growing number of
longitudinal studies have suggested that self-esteem has consequences for
people’s lives; in other words, the direction could also be reversed (Erol &
Orth, 2014). For example, the hypothesis that relationship satisfaction has
an important influence on the development of self-esteem makes intuitive
sense; however, the opposite may also be true: Self-esteem could be a
predictor of relationship satisfaction rather than vice versa. This means
that people with higher self-esteem have a better chance of relationship
satisfaction than those with a lower self-esteem have.
Earlier in our discussion, we established that self-esteem seems to
correlate with certain personality characteristics such as emotional stability,
conscientiousness, and agreeableness. This means that healthy self-esteem
correlates with rationality, realism, intuitiveness, creativity, flexibility, the
ability to manage change, a willingness to admit (and correct) mistakes,
benevolence, and cooperativeness. Therefore, people with high self-esteem
(Branden, 2018)
• are more likely than those with low self-esteem to persist in the face of
difficulties;
• are more equipped to cope with troubles that arise in their personal lives
and are quicker to recover from setbacks;
• are more likely to seek challenge and stimulation of worthwhile and
demanding goals;
• tend to be more ambitious, not necessarily in a career or financial sense,
but in terms of what they hope to experience in life – emotionally,
intellectually, creatively, and spiritually;
• are more likely to form nourishing rather than toxic relationships;
• tend to have honest, open, and appropriate communications with others,
because they believe their thoughts have value and are not afraid of
clarity.
On the other hand, poor self-esteem correlates with irrationality,
distorted interpretation of reality, rigidity, fear of the new and unfamiliar,
253
inappropriate conformity or inappropriate rebelliousness, defensiveness,
overly compliant or controlling behaviour, and fear of or hostility toward
others. Therefore, people with low self-esteem live more to avoid pain,
failure, or humiliation rather than to experience joy. They tend to become
prisoners of their negative self-image and allow their fears and inadequacies
to dictate how they live.
Therefore, considering the qualities and characteristics discussed
above, it is not surprising that empirical studies have found that healthy
self-esteem predicts relationship satisfaction and relationship quality, social
support, better education, job satisfaction and job success, physical health,
less stressful life events, and less criminal behaviour (Orth, 2017). However,
it is also important to consider that many factors affect a person’s life and
that self-esteem is only one of those factors.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define the term self-concept.
2. What is a schema or self-schema? What is the function of a self-schema?
3. Describe examples of the areas or domains of the self-concept to which the
schemas are related. Are all domains equally important to a person?
4. What role may self-schemas play in the ageing process?
5. Define the concept of self-construal. Discuss the two basic aspects of self-construal.
6. Discuss the research findings of South African research regarding self-construal.
What may the limitations of these studies be?
7. What roles do the possible selves play in the well-functioning self-concept? Which
factors contribute to the developing of possible selves?
8. Discuss the age-related changes in possible selves in the following domains of the
self-concept: the social self, the occupational self, the physical self, and the
temporal self.
9. Define the term self-esteem. What is the difference between self-concept and self-
esteem? How is one’s self-esteem shaped?
10. Discuss the self-esteem developmental trajectory (pathway) across adulthood.
11. Do all people follow the same trajectory in self-esteem development during
adulthood? Discuss the factors that may affect individual differences in developing
self-esteem during adulthood.
12. Discuss the stability of self-esteem throughout adulthood.
13. Discuss the effects of self-esteem on important life outcomes. Include the
correlations found between healthy and unhealthy self-esteem and certain
personality characteristics in your answer
254
4.5.2 Identity
Identity is another important aspect related to personality. Identity refers to
a person’s sense of self. Typical questions often asked are “Who am I?” “What
am I doing with my life?” For most people, this includes their views about their
physical self, their cognitive abilities, their personality characteristics, and
their social roles. For many individuals, transitions in life involve working to
establish a sense of identity or self. In some cultural groups and societies, this
transition is fixed and relatively predictable, whereas in others the transition
can be ambiguous (unclear) and lengthy. Identity development can be guided
by an individualist perspective (e.g. “I am”) or by a collectivist perspective
(e.g. “We are”). In fact, identity is often viewed as a social construction
involving personality traits, social roles, and group membership. In addition, a
person usually has many different domains of identity. Such domains refer to
one’s goals, values, and beliefs and include political preference, occupational
choice, religious affiliation, sexual and gender preference, social group and
family relationships, and cultural or ethnic identity. However, as with the
self, not all domains of identity are equally important for all individuals. This
means that individuals can be more invested in some domains than in others.
(See Box 4.5 on identity indicators in self-descriptions of the four major
ethnic groups in South Africa.)
As we have noted elsewhere in
this chapter, Erik Erikson identified
adolescence as the main life stage in
which individuals have to establish
an identity; otherwise, role confusion
occurs. However, because of
multiple changes in modern society,
developing a sense of identity
has become not only increasingly
important but also more challenging;
therefore, the task of constructing an
identity extends beyond adolescence
Who am I?
(Schwartz et al., 2011). For example,
young people are exposed increasingly to a vast amount of consideration that
they must give to their future plans regarding work, love, and parenthood, as
well as in terms of who they are and what they want to do with their lives. The
constant availability of electronic information has provided many young adults
with a wide array of life options, many of which their parents and grandparents
could never have imagined. Furthermore, changing life circumstances, together
255
inappropriate conformity or inappropriate rebelliousness, defensiveness,
overly compliant or controlling behaviour, and fear of or hostility toward
others. Therefore, people with low self-esteem live more to avoid pain,
failure, or humiliation rather than to experience joy. They tend to become
prisoners of their negative self-image and allow their fears and inadequacies
to dictate how they live.
Therefore, considering the qualities and characteristics discussed
above, it is not surprising that empirical studies have found that healthy
self-esteem predicts relationship satisfaction and relationship quality, social
support, better education, job satisfaction and job success, physical health,
less stressful life events, and less criminal behaviour (Orth, 2017). However,
it is also important to consider that many factors affect a person’s life and
that self-esteem is only one of those factors.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define the term self-concept.
2. What is a schema or self-schema? What is the function of a self-schema?
3. Describe examples of the areas or domains of the self-concept to which the
schemas are related. Are all domains equally important to a person?
4. What role may self-schemas play in the ageing process?
5. Define the concept of self-construal. Discuss the two basic aspects of self-construal.
6. Discuss the research findings of South African research regarding self-construal.
What may the limitations of these studies be?
7. What roles do the possible selves play in the well-functioning self-concept? Which
factors contribute to the developing of possible selves?
8. Discuss the age-related changes in possible selves in the following domains of the
self-concept: the social self, the occupational self, the physical self, and the
temporal self.
9. Define the term self-esteem. What is the difference between self-concept and self-
esteem? How is one’s self-esteem shaped?
10. Discuss the self-esteem developmental trajectory (pathway) across adulthood.
11. Do all people follow the same trajectory in self-esteem development during
adulthood? Discuss the factors that may affect individual differences in developing
self-esteem during adulthood.
12. Discuss the stability of self-esteem throughout adulthood.
13. Discuss the effects of self-esteem on important life outcomes. Include the
correlations found between healthy and unhealthy self-esteem and certain
personality characteristics in your answer
254
4.5.2 Identity
Identity is another important aspect related to personality. Identity refers to
a person’s sense of self. Typical questions often asked are “Who am I?” “What
am I doing with my life?” For most people, this includes their views about their
physical self, their cognitive abilities, their personality characteristics, and
their social roles. For many individuals, transitions in life involve working to
establish a sense of identity or self. In some cultural groups and societies, this
transition is fixed and relatively predictable, whereas in others the transition
can be ambiguous (unclear) and lengthy. Identity development can be guided
by an individualist perspective (e.g. “I am”) or by a collectivist perspective
(e.g. “We are”). In fact, identity is often viewed as a social construction
involving personality traits, social roles, and group membership. In addition, a
person usually has many different domains of identity. Such domains refer to
one’s goals, values, and beliefs and include political preference, occupational
choice, religious affiliation, sexual and gender preference, social group and
family relationships, and cultural or ethnic identity. However, as with the
self, not all domains of identity are equally important for all individuals. This
means that individuals can be more invested in some domains than in others.
(See Box 4.5 on identity indicators in self-descriptions of the four major
ethnic groups in South Africa.)
As we have noted elsewhere in
this chapter, Erik Erikson identified
adolescence as the main life stage in
which individuals have to establish
an identity; otherwise, role confusion
occurs. However, because of
multiple changes in modern society,
developing a sense of identity
has become not only increasingly
important but also more challenging;
therefore, the task of constructing an
identity extends beyond adolescence
Who am I?
(Schwartz et al., 2011). For example,
young people are exposed increasingly to a vast amount of consideration that
they must give to their future plans regarding work, love, and parenthood, as
well as in terms of who they are and what they want to do with their lives. The
constant availability of electronic information has provided many young adults
with a wide array of life options, many of which their parents and grandparents
could never have imagined. Furthermore, changing life circumstances, together
255
with changing biological and psychological needs during middle adulthood
and old age, trigger further identity (re-)construction during the second half
of life. Therefore, identity development is viewed as a lifelong developmental
task, as a person adapts to the growing number of events and experiences in
the course of life (Fadjukoff et al., 2016). Thus, identity is not a static entity
that remains fixed once initial resolutions have been made. In addition, an
individual’s identity formation is not uniform, but often proceeds at a different
pace in different domains, depending on the individual’s interests, environment
and circumstances. Therefore, identity formation is a complex process instead
of a straightforward one, and questions of identity can arise at many points
during the life span.
Box 4.5 Identity in South Africa: Self-descriptions across ethnic groups
Using self-descriptions as a means of defining the self and identity, researchers Adams
et al., (2012) examined the presentation of identity in South Africa using personality
trait theory, interdependence-dependence, and individualism-collectivism as the
basis of theoretical inquiry. The study incorporated the four major ethnic groups in
South Africa (black, white, coloured, and Indian). Four variables were considered:
(a) relational orientation (independence/interdependence); (b) content descriptions
(traits, preferences, interests, and attitudes); (c) situational specification (contextual
behaviour); and (d) ideological, religious, spiritual, and ethnic references. The results
were as follows:
• Relational orientation: The descriptions of the white and Indian groups were
the most independent, while the black and coloured groups showed more
interdependence.
• Content descriptions: Dispositional traits were used more frequently in the Indian
and white groups than in the coloured and black groups.
• Situation specification: The white group was the only group that presented fewer
situational specifications, with the other three groups presenting ambiguous results
in this category.
• Ideological, religious, spiritual and ethnic reference: The black group presented
more descriptions in this category than the other groups did.
Overall, the study found a large number of cross-cultural similarities with
independent, individualistic, context-free, and dispositional descriptions prevalent in
all groups. Therefore, the concepts of independence and interdependence are not as
clear-cut as they were expected to be. The most salient group difference was that the
black group was more likely than the white group to specify target persons in relational
self-descriptions (i.e. a specific person or group of people is specified). This suggests a
stronger in-group-out-group distinction in the black group. This means that the black
group expect relatively more from the in-group (their own group) than from the out-
group (the larger social domain).
256
In the next section, some theoretical views and empirical findings on
identity development in adulthood will be explored.
4.5.2.1 Identity status theory
James Marcia (1966, 1980, 2014) expanded on Erikson’s theory by formulating
identity statuses based on the dimensions of commitment and exploration.
Commitment reflects whether individuals have made choices in certain life
domains and engage in activities to implement these choices. Exploration
refers to comparing different possible commitments before making a choice.
Marcia identified four identity statuses resulting from these dimensions:
• Identity diffusion. No commitments are made to any goals, values
and beliefs, and no concerns regarding the explorations of options are
indicated.
• Identity foreclosure. Commitments are made without exploration.
Individuals who are foreclosed are able to make commitments without
needing to explore options.
• Identity moratorium. An actively ongoing identity exploration is indicated.
During this period, individuals examine the fit between themselves and
various roles, ideas, attitudes, and values.
• Identity achievement. Identity commitments are made after a period of
exploration.
Achievement is clearly the most developmentally sophisticated
identity, and diffusion the least sophisticated identity. The foreclosure and
moratorium statuses lie in the middle of this continuum, between diffusion
and achievement.
While the typical developmental sequence proceeds from diffusion
to foreclosure, to moratorium, to achievement (D-F-M-A), regression may
occur, resulting in regressive identities. This implies that instead of following
the typical developmental trajectory, a person may move backwards to
developmentally less sophisticated identities (Kroger et al., 2010). These
may be disequilibrium (e.g. movement from achievement to moratorium);
rigidification (movement from either moratorium or achievement to a rigid
closure, i.e. foreclosure); and disorganisation (movement from any status
to diffusion). Various factors may cause regressive identity. For example,
changing (i.e. regressing) from achievement to foreclosure may be explained
by the following: It may occur because of (1) reconsidering one’s earlier
exploration and commitments; (2) normative age-graded influences, such as
257
with changing biological and psychological needs during middle adulthood
and old age, trigger further identity (re-)construction during the second half
of life. Therefore, identity development is viewed as a lifelong developmental
task, as a person adapts to the growing number of events and experiences in
the course of life (Fadjukoff et al., 2016). Thus, identity is not a static entity
that remains fixed once initial resolutions have been made. In addition, an
individual’s identity formation is not uniform, but often proceeds at a different
pace in different domains, depending on the individual’s interests, environment
and circumstances. Therefore, identity formation is a complex process instead
of a straightforward one, and questions of identity can arise at many points
during the life span.
Box 4.5 Identity in South Africa: Self-descriptions across ethnic groups
Using self-descriptions as a means of defining the self and identity, researchers Adams
et al., (2012) examined the presentation of identity in South Africa using personality
trait theory, interdependence-dependence, and individualism-collectivism as the
basis of theoretical inquiry. The study incorporated the four major ethnic groups in
South Africa (black, white, coloured, and Indian). Four variables were considered:
(a) relational orientation (independence/interdependence); (b) content descriptions
(traits, preferences, interests, and attitudes); (c) situational specification (contextual
behaviour); and (d) ideological, religious, spiritual, and ethnic references. The results
were as follows:
• Relational orientation: The descriptions of the white and Indian groups were
the most independent, while the black and coloured groups showed more
interdependence.
• Content descriptions: Dispositional traits were used more frequently in the Indian
and white groups than in the coloured and black groups.
• Situation specification: The white group was the only group that presented fewer
situational specifications, with the other three groups presenting ambiguous results
in this category.
• Ideological, religious, spiritual and ethnic reference: The black group presented
more descriptions in this category than the other groups did.
Overall, the study found a large number of cross-cultural similarities with
independent, individualistic, context-free, and dispositional descriptions prevalent in
all groups. Therefore, the concepts of independence and interdependence are not as
clear-cut as they were expected to be. The most salient group difference was that the
black group was more likely than the white group to specify target persons in relational
self-descriptions (i.e. a specific person or group of people is specified). This suggests a
stronger in-group-out-group distinction in the black group. This means that the black
group expect relatively more from the in-group (their own group) than from the out-
group (the larger social domain).
256
In the next section, some theoretical views and empirical findings on
identity development in adulthood will be explored.
4.5.2.1 Identity status theory
James Marcia (1966, 1980, 2014) expanded on Erikson’s theory by formulating
identity statuses based on the dimensions of commitment and exploration.
Commitment reflects whether individuals have made choices in certain life
domains and engage in activities to implement these choices. Exploration
refers to comparing different possible commitments before making a choice.
Marcia identified four identity statuses resulting from these dimensions:
• Identity diffusion. No commitments are made to any goals, values
and beliefs, and no concerns regarding the explorations of options are
indicated.
• Identity foreclosure. Commitments are made without exploration.
Individuals who are foreclosed are able to make commitments without
needing to explore options.
• Identity moratorium. An actively ongoing identity exploration is indicated.
During this period, individuals examine the fit between themselves and
various roles, ideas, attitudes, and values.
• Identity achievement. Identity commitments are made after a period of
exploration.
Achievement is clearly the most developmentally sophisticated
identity, and diffusion the least sophisticated identity. The foreclosure and
moratorium statuses lie in the middle of this continuum, between diffusion
and achievement.
While the typical developmental sequence proceeds from diffusion
to foreclosure, to moratorium, to achievement (D-F-M-A), regression may
occur, resulting in regressive identities. This implies that instead of following
the typical developmental trajectory, a person may move backwards to
developmentally less sophisticated identities (Kroger et al., 2010). These
may be disequilibrium (e.g. movement from achievement to moratorium);
rigidification (movement from either moratorium or achievement to a rigid
closure, i.e. foreclosure); and disorganisation (movement from any status
to diffusion). Various factors may cause regressive identity. For example,
changing (i.e. regressing) from achievement to foreclosure may be explained
by the following: It may occur because of (1) reconsidering one’s earlier
exploration and commitments; (2) normative age-graded influences, such as
257
regressing to foreclosure at a time when people establish families and careers
and become parents, which may cause one to regress to earlier statuses; or
(3) history-graded influences such as turning toward foreclosure in unstable
times such as political turmoil or economic recession (Fadjukoff et al., 2010).
Initially, the focus of Marcia’s research was to document the range of
different kinds of identity resolutions among adolescents and young adults,
but was revised later to include a more dynamic process of identity issues
throughout adulthood. Empirical research has highlighted the following
(Fadjukoff et al., 2016; Kroger, 2015; Kroger et al., 2010; Marcia, 2002):
• Through late adolescence to young adulthood, some young people make
some form of progressive identity status change. However, the likelihood
of remaining stable in any identity status during this time is relatively
high.
• Many people do not reach overall identity achievement before the middle
thirties, while a steady increase is shown during midlife.
• For many people, identity continues to develop during the adult years.
• Adult identity rarely remains unchanged in any domain. Persistent and
increasing levels of identity diffusion continuing to middle adulthood
have been found, particularly in the political and religious domains.
• Individuals may move in and out of identity statuses in different patterns
of variability. For example, the flexibility of a mature identity may fluctuate
between moratorium-achievement (e.g. M-A-M-A) cycles in adolescence,
or foreclosure-achievement (e.g. F-A-F-A) cycles in later early adulthood,
and may continue through adulthood.
• Similarities are observed between adolescence and late adulthood as
transitional times in the life span.
• In early late adulthood (65-75 years), identity reintegration and re-
evaluation seem to be the most common exploration processes, while
reintegration and readjustment seem to be most predominant in late
adulthood (75+).
• Marcia’s identity status theory seems to be applicable cross-culturally.
(For a cross-cultural comparison between South African and American
students, see Box 4.6.)
258
Box 4.6. Cross-Cultural comparison of identity development
In a cross-cultural comparison of identity development between South African students
of all population groups and students from the USA, based on Marcia’s identity status
theory and including eight identity domains (occupation, religion, politics, lifestyle, sex
role, recreation, friendship, and dating), the following was found (Low et al., 2005):
• For the South African sample, 50% were categorised as achieved, 26% as
moratorium, 13% as foreclosed, and 11% as diffused. For the USA sample, only 8%
were classified as achieved.
• Differences were found in the different domains:
(1) SA students were much more likely to agree with achieved statements on
political issues than the USA students were.
(2) Regarding friendship and dating, the SA students indicated more foreclosed/
moratorium identities than the USA students did.
(3) SA students, more than USA students, indicated achieved status on lifestyle
domains and diffused status on occupational domains.
(4) USA students, more than SA students, indicated diffused status for sex role,
moratorium for recreation, and diffused status for dating.
According to the researchers, the differences in the findings can be explained as
follows: In cultures undergoing massive change, as in South Africa, emerging adults
who have made it successfully to tertiary education will undoubtedly have had high
levels of ego strength, a sense of purpose, and the ability to focus on long-term plans.
Furthermore, in contrast to the USA students, SA students are more likely to rely on
family and culture when it comes to making decisions, although they are also more
likely to explore issues about dating. Also, more likely than the USA students, South
African students were to have explored and committed themselves on issues regarding
lifestyles and politics and are less interested in occupational issues.
4.5.2.2 Identity process theory
By integrating Erikson’s psychosocial developmental theory and Piaget’s
cognitive theory of development, Susan Whitbourne (2008; Whitbourne &
Whitbourne, 2014) proposed an identity process theory to explain the way in
which people adapt to the ageing process.
According to the identity process theory, people perceive their
experiences in terms of their personal identities, namely their idea or concept
of the self. Most people try to view themselves in a favourable light, for
instance by thinking of themselves as mentally and physically competent,
liked by others, and as behaving according to ethical principles such as being
honest and concerned about the welfare of others.
Using Piaget’s terminology (see Chapter 3), Whitbourne holds the
view that identity development occurs through two processes of identity
assimilation and identity accommodation:
259
regressing to foreclosure at a time when people establish families and careers
and become parents, which may cause one to regress to earlier statuses; or
(3) history-graded influences such as turning toward foreclosure in unstable
times such as political turmoil or economic recession (Fadjukoff et al., 2010).
Initially, the focus of Marcia’s research was to document the range of
different kinds of identity resolutions among adolescents and young adults,
but was revised later to include a more dynamic process of identity issues
throughout adulthood. Empirical research has highlighted the following
(Fadjukoff et al., 2016; Kroger, 2015; Kroger et al., 2010; Marcia, 2002):
• Through late adolescence to young adulthood, some young people make
some form of progressive identity status change. However, the likelihood
of remaining stable in any identity status during this time is relatively
high.
• Many people do not reach overall identity achievement before the middle
thirties, while a steady increase is shown during midlife.
• For many people, identity continues to develop during the adult years.
• Adult identity rarely remains unchanged in any domain. Persistent and
increasing levels of identity diffusion continuing to middle adulthood
have been found, particularly in the political and religious domains.
• Individuals may move in and out of identity statuses in different patterns
of variability. For example, the flexibility of a mature identity may fluctuate
between moratorium-achievement (e.g. M-A-M-A) cycles in adolescence,
or foreclosure-achievement (e.g. F-A-F-A) cycles in later early adulthood,
and may continue through adulthood.
• Similarities are observed between adolescence and late adulthood as
transitional times in the life span.
• In early late adulthood (65-75 years), identity reintegration and re-
evaluation seem to be the most common exploration processes, while
reintegration and readjustment seem to be most predominant in late
adulthood (75+).
• Marcia’s identity status theory seems to be applicable cross-culturally.
(For a cross-cultural comparison between South African and American
students, see Box 4.6.)
258
Box 4.6. Cross-Cultural comparison of identity development
In a cross-cultural comparison of identity development between South African students
of all population groups and students from the USA, based on Marcia’s identity status
theory and including eight identity domains (occupation, religion, politics, lifestyle, sex
role, recreation, friendship, and dating), the following was found (Low et al., 2005):
• For the South African sample, 50% were categorised as achieved, 26% as
moratorium, 13% as foreclosed, and 11% as diffused. For the USA sample, only 8%
were classified as achieved.
• Differences were found in the different domains:
(1) SA students were much more likely to agree with achieved statements on
political issues than the USA students were.
(2) Regarding friendship and dating, the SA students indicated more foreclosed/
moratorium identities than the USA students did.
(3) SA students, more than USA students, indicated achieved status on lifestyle
domains and diffused status on occupational domains.
(4) USA students, more than SA students, indicated diffused status for sex role,
moratorium for recreation, and diffused status for dating.
According to the researchers, the differences in the findings can be explained as
follows: In cultures undergoing massive change, as in South Africa, emerging adults
who have made it successfully to tertiary education will undoubtedly have had high
levels of ego strength, a sense of purpose, and the ability to focus on long-term plans.
Furthermore, in contrast to the USA students, SA students are more likely to rely on
family and culture when it comes to making decisions, although they are also more
likely to explore issues about dating. Also, more likely than the USA students, South
African students were to have explored and committed themselves on issues regarding
lifestyles and politics and are less interested in occupational issues.
4.5.2.2 Identity process theory
By integrating Erikson’s psychosocial developmental theory and Piaget’s
cognitive theory of development, Susan Whitbourne (2008; Whitbourne &
Whitbourne, 2014) proposed an identity process theory to explain the way in
which people adapt to the ageing process.
According to the identity process theory, people perceive their
experiences in terms of their personal identities, namely their idea or concept
of the self. Most people try to view themselves in a favourable light, for
instance by thinking of themselves as mentally and physically competent,
liked by others, and as behaving according to ethical principles such as being
honest and concerned about the welfare of others.
Using Piaget’s terminology (see Chapter 3), Whitbourne holds the
view that identity development occurs through two processes of identity
assimilation and identity accommodation:
259
 Identity assimilation refers to the attempt or tendency to interpret new Identity Accommodation
experiences in terms of an existing identity. Identity assimilation may have • ‘Over the hill’ syndrome
positive and negative consequences. On the one hand, it serves the purpose • Compulsive illness behaviour

of a continued positive view of the self – we can continue to feel good “Threshold”
Identity Balance
Identity experience
about ourselves, despite being less than perfect. On the other hand, identity Favourable view of • Gradual integration
Normal changes;
assimilation can also cause a person to deny the reality of an experience. the self • Appropriate adaptation
illness
Ultimately, repeated experiences of failure that we refuse to incorporate into
Identity Assimilation
our self-appraisals can have negative consequences. • Unhealthy denial
Ideally, people eventually use identity accommodation. Identity • Healthy denial
accommodation refers to the process of changing one’s identity in response to
new challenges. Although sometimes difficult at first because one has to come Figure 4.3 Identity process theory
to terms with one’s weaknesses, it may be necessary for effective adaptation Whitbourne, 2014

– the result will ultimately produce a self-image that is more in line with
As Figure 4.3 illustrates, people generally have a favourable view of
reality. However, as with identity assimilation, it is possible to rely too heavily
themselves. A “threshold” experience occurs when an age-related cognitive or
on identity accommodation. For example, individuals who define themselves
physical change is noted or an illness is experienced. In identity accommodation,
entirely based on their experiences (e.g. being viewed negatively by others)
this experience is taken very seriously. For example, shortness of breath after
potentially may be devastated by a negative event and may hold excessive
a walk or some pain in the joints may lead to the view that one is ‘over the
pessimistic views of their identities. In this case, individuals would benefit by
hill’; or being diagnosed with an illness may result in going overboard with
ignoring experiences that cause them to question themselves unrealistically.
worry about the consequences of the illness, resulting in compulsive illness
In identity process theory, the goal of development is optimal adaptation
behaviour. Identity assimilation, on the other hand, may result in unhealthy
to the environment by establishing a balance (or equilibrium) between
denial, where people fail to take preventative measures that could help them
maintaining consistency of the self (identity assimilation) and changing in
maintain optimal functioning. Therefore, they will continue with unhealthy
response to experiences (identity accommodation). Whitbourne proposes a
lifestyle choices (e.g. no exercise, unhealthy food, over-eating, and smoking).
multiple threshold model to illustrate the way people may react in order to
However, healthy denial may also occur when persons avoid thinking about
adjust to the various changes during the ageing process. The term threshold
the deeper implications of the age-related changes they are experiencing, but
refers to the point where the individual realises there is a decline in functioning
they do engage in healthy behaviours in any case. In identity balance, people
and feels a need to adapt his or her identity. The term multiple refers to the
accept the fact that they are ageing but do not become fatalistic (a feeling of
fact that ageing occurs in various systems at various times. Each age-related
being doomed). They take steps to ensure that they will remain healthy, but
change means that another threshold has to be crossed. The ease with which
they are not preoccupied with any conditions or limitations that they may have
age-related changes are integrated into the self-concept may depend on the
developed already. At the same time, they do not live with the illusion that they
importance of a particular area of functioning for an individual’s identity. Some
will be young forever.
thresholds are crossed without much notice, because they are in areas that are
Although assimilation and accommodation may be useful in the identity
not of much importance to the individual.
process, overuse may be unhealthy. People who constantly assimilate are blind
As an individual crosses a threshold, he or she may react to changes by
to reality, while those who constantly accommodate are easily affected by
either identity assimilation (not allowing the change to affect the sense of
events. Identity balance is probably the most positive way to react to age-
self), identity accommodation (changing the view of self), or identity balance
related changes or changes in health. (See Box 4.7 to assess your own identity
(maintaining a stable sense of self but making some adaptations). The multiple
process.)
threshold model in Figure 4.3 illustrates the identity process theory.
Research on this model indicates that adults who use both identity balance
(integrating changes into their identities) and identity assimilation (a certain
amount of denial, or at least minimisation) seem to have higher self-esteem
260 261
 Identity assimilation refers to the attempt or tendency to interpret new Identity Accommodation
experiences in terms of an existing identity. Identity assimilation may have • ‘Over the hill’ syndrome
positive and negative consequences. On the one hand, it serves the purpose • Compulsive illness behaviour

of a continued positive view of the self – we can continue to feel good “Threshold”
Identity Balance
Identity experience
about ourselves, despite being less than perfect. On the other hand, identity Favourable view of • Gradual integration
Normal changes;
assimilation can also cause a person to deny the reality of an experience. the self • Appropriate adaptation
illness
Ultimately, repeated experiences of failure that we refuse to incorporate into
Identity Assimilation
our self-appraisals can have negative consequences. • Unhealthy denial
Ideally, people eventually use identity accommodation. Identity • Healthy denial
accommodation refers to the process of changing one’s identity in response to
new challenges. Although sometimes difficult at first because one has to come Figure 4.3 Identity process theory
to terms with one’s weaknesses, it may be necessary for effective adaptation Whitbourne, 2014

– the result will ultimately produce a self-image that is more in line with
As Figure 4.3 illustrates, people generally have a favourable view of
reality. However, as with identity assimilation, it is possible to rely too heavily
themselves. A “threshold” experience occurs when an age-related cognitive or
on identity accommodation. For example, individuals who define themselves
physical change is noted or an illness is experienced. In identity accommodation,
entirely based on their experiences (e.g. being viewed negatively by others)
this experience is taken very seriously. For example, shortness of breath after
potentially may be devastated by a negative event and may hold excessive
a walk or some pain in the joints may lead to the view that one is ‘over the
pessimistic views of their identities. In this case, individuals would benefit by
hill’; or being diagnosed with an illness may result in going overboard with
ignoring experiences that cause them to question themselves unrealistically.
worry about the consequences of the illness, resulting in compulsive illness
In identity process theory, the goal of development is optimal adaptation
behaviour. Identity assimilation, on the other hand, may result in unhealthy
to the environment by establishing a balance (or equilibrium) between
denial, where people fail to take preventative measures that could help them
maintaining consistency of the self (identity assimilation) and changing in
maintain optimal functioning. Therefore, they will continue with unhealthy
response to experiences (identity accommodation). Whitbourne proposes a
lifestyle choices (e.g. no exercise, unhealthy food, over-eating, and smoking).
multiple threshold model to illustrate the way people may react in order to
However, healthy denial may also occur when persons avoid thinking about
adjust to the various changes during the ageing process. The term threshold
the deeper implications of the age-related changes they are experiencing, but
refers to the point where the individual realises there is a decline in functioning
they do engage in healthy behaviours in any case. In identity balance, people
and feels a need to adapt his or her identity. The term multiple refers to the
accept the fact that they are ageing but do not become fatalistic (a feeling of
fact that ageing occurs in various systems at various times. Each age-related
being doomed). They take steps to ensure that they will remain healthy, but
change means that another threshold has to be crossed. The ease with which
they are not preoccupied with any conditions or limitations that they may have
age-related changes are integrated into the self-concept may depend on the
developed already. At the same time, they do not live with the illusion that they
importance of a particular area of functioning for an individual’s identity. Some
will be young forever.
thresholds are crossed without much notice, because they are in areas that are
Although assimilation and accommodation may be useful in the identity
not of much importance to the individual.
process, overuse may be unhealthy. People who constantly assimilate are blind
As an individual crosses a threshold, he or she may react to changes by
to reality, while those who constantly accommodate are easily affected by
either identity assimilation (not allowing the change to affect the sense of
events. Identity balance is probably the most positive way to react to age-
self), identity accommodation (changing the view of self), or identity balance
related changes or changes in health. (See Box 4.7 to assess your own identity
(maintaining a stable sense of self but making some adaptations). The multiple
process.)
threshold model in Figure 4.3 illustrates the identity process theory.
Research on this model indicates that adults who use both identity balance
(integrating changes into their identities) and identity assimilation (a certain
amount of denial, or at least minimisation) seem to have higher self-esteem
260 261
than people who use identity accommodation have (Kroger, 2016). The ability
to integrate age-related changes into one’s identity and maintain a positive
view of oneself seems to be crucial for successful ageing. The research also
indicates interesting developmental changes: Whereas identity assimilation
and identity balance seem to be higher in older adulthood, identity
accommodation tends to be higher in younger adulthood. This suggests that
people may make behavioural adjustments to promote healthy adaptations to
the ageing process.
Whitbourne (2010) uses a pathways metaphor (image, comparison) to
capture the variations that people’s lives take as they develop over time. In her
research, she extracted descriptive material to capture five pathways, namely
the authentic road, the triumphant trail, the meandering way, the straight and
narrow pathway, and the downward slope:
• Authentic road. Individuals on the authentic road have achieved solid
identity commitments through exploration and change. This pathway
involves identity balance. People who use identity balance are able to
change flexibly in response to experiences, but still maintain consistency
of their sense of self over time.
• Triumphant trail. Those who follow the triumphant trail have overcome life
challenges and are resilient.
• Meandering way. People who follow the meandering way have failed
to settle on a life course and are constantly searching for identity. This
pathway involves identity accommodation, since this identity process
involves continuously changing in response to experiences when it would
be preferable to maintain some consistency.
• Straight and narrow pathway. Individuals on the straight and narrow
pathway maintain a consistent life pattern that is resistant to change. They
often use identity assimilation, tend to fear change, and prefer to think of
themselves as stable even when situations might require that they change.
• Downward slope. People on the downward slope show self-defeating
behaviour and poor decision-making skills.
In conclusion, adulthood may involve several identity processes. For
example, it may include changes in identity, such as revisions of earlier
(unsatisfying) identity directions to those bringing greater satisfaction. It may
involve stability, with regard to satisfying identity commitments, or it could
signify failure in the form of an inability to make identity commitments.
262
Box 4.7. Assess yourself: What is your identity process?
According to identity process theory, we react to new experiences in adulthood
according to one of three processes: identity assimilation, identity accommodation,
and identity balance. Answers are provided elsewhere. Answer each question.
1. When I think about myself and my experiences,
a) I prefer not to think too much about “who” I am
b) I am constantly trying to figure out “who” I am.
c) I am constantly learning from my experiences.
2. Regarding my goals,
a) I have always been very sure of my goals.
b) I do not have a clear sense of my goals.
c) I have a good idea of my goals, but I am open to change if necessary.
3. When I think about my mistakes,
a) I believe that mistakes cannot be undone and it is not worthwhile thinking
about them.
b) I find myself thinking constantly about how I could do things differently.
c) I realise that I have made some mistakes, but I do not become preoccupied
with them.
4. When I think about my life so far, I find that
a) I like to see myself as stable, consistent, and unlikely to change.
b) I often wonder about how my life could be different from what it is.
c) I am challenged but not overwhelmed by change.
5. With regard to my behaviour on a daily basis,
a) I spend little time wondering why I act in the way I do.
b) I am constantly trying to understand why I act in the way I do.
c) I think about why I act in the way I do, but am not preoccupied with it.
6. With regard to other people,
a) I am not very interested in advice from others.
b) I behave according to what I think others want from me.
c) I like to listen to other viewpoints and then make up my own mind.
7. When I think about my getting older,
a) I prefer not to focus on how I shall change.
b) I am very concerned about what will happen to me.
c) I feel confident that I shall be able to adapt to changes.
Answers to Box 4.7.
If you answered mostly C, you tend to apply mostly identity balance.
If you answered mostly B, you tend to apply mostly identity accomodation.
If you answered mostly A, you tend to apply mostly identity assimilation.
263
than people who use identity accommodation have (Kroger, 2016). The ability
to integrate age-related changes into one’s identity and maintain a positive
view of oneself seems to be crucial for successful ageing. The research also
indicates interesting developmental changes: Whereas identity assimilation
and identity balance seem to be higher in older adulthood, identity
accommodation tends to be higher in younger adulthood. This suggests that
people may make behavioural adjustments to promote healthy adaptations to
the ageing process.
Whitbourne (2010) uses a pathways metaphor (image, comparison) to
capture the variations that people’s lives take as they develop over time. In her
research, she extracted descriptive material to capture five pathways, namely
the authentic road, the triumphant trail, the meandering way, the straight and
narrow pathway, and the downward slope:
• Authentic road. Individuals on the authentic road have achieved solid
identity commitments through exploration and change. This pathway
involves identity balance. People who use identity balance are able to
change flexibly in response to experiences, but still maintain consistency
of their sense of self over time.
• Triumphant trail. Those who follow the triumphant trail have overcome life
challenges and are resilient.
• Meandering way. People who follow the meandering way have failed
to settle on a life course and are constantly searching for identity. This
pathway involves identity accommodation, since this identity process
involves continuously changing in response to experiences when it would
be preferable to maintain some consistency.
• Straight and narrow pathway. Individuals on the straight and narrow
pathway maintain a consistent life pattern that is resistant to change. They
often use identity assimilation, tend to fear change, and prefer to think of
themselves as stable even when situations might require that they change.
• Downward slope. People on the downward slope show self-defeating
behaviour and poor decision-making skills.
In conclusion, adulthood may involve several identity processes. For
example, it may include changes in identity, such as revisions of earlier
(unsatisfying) identity directions to those bringing greater satisfaction. It may
involve stability, with regard to satisfying identity commitments, or it could
signify failure in the form of an inability to make identity commitments.
262
Box 4.7. Assess yourself: What is your identity process?
According to identity process theory, we react to new experiences in adulthood
according to one of three processes: identity assimilation, identity accommodation,
and identity balance. Answers are provided elsewhere. Answer each question.
1. When I think about myself and my experiences,
a) I prefer not to think too much about “who” I am
b) I am constantly trying to figure out “who” I am.
c) I am constantly learning from my experiences.
2. Regarding my goals,
a) I have always been very sure of my goals.
b) I do not have a clear sense of my goals.
c) I have a good idea of my goals, but I am open to change if necessary.
3. When I think about my mistakes,
a) I believe that mistakes cannot be undone and it is not worthwhile thinking
about them.
b) I find myself thinking constantly about how I could do things differently.
c) I realise that I have made some mistakes, but I do not become preoccupied
with them.
4. When I think about my life so far, I find that
a) I like to see myself as stable, consistent, and unlikely to change.
b) I often wonder about how my life could be different from what it is.
c) I am challenged but not overwhelmed by change.
5. With regard to my behaviour on a daily basis,
a) I spend little time wondering why I act in the way I do.
b) I am constantly trying to understand why I act in the way I do.
c) I think about why I act in the way I do, but am not preoccupied with it.
6. With regard to other people,
a) I am not very interested in advice from others.
b) I behave according to what I think others want from me.
c) I like to listen to other viewpoints and then make up my own mind.
7. When I think about my getting older,
a) I prefer not to focus on how I shall change.
b) I am very concerned about what will happen to me.
c) I feel confident that I shall be able to adapt to changes.
Answers to Box 4.7.
If you answered mostly C, you tend to apply mostly identity balance.
If you answered mostly B, you tend to apply mostly identity accomodation.
If you answered mostly A, you tend to apply mostly identity assimilation.
263
 REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define the term identity. What typical questions do people ask themselves
regarding identity? What features do people usually include when they ask these
questions?
2. Discuss the findings of the research by Adams et al. (2012) on South Africans’
identity descriptions.
3. Erik Erikson identified adolescence as the main life stage in which individuals have
to establish an identity. Is this view still relevant today? Give reasons for your
answer.
4. Discuss James Marcia’s identity status theory.
5. What is the typical identity status developmental sequence?
6. What is a regressive identity? Describe the types of regressive identities. What
may cause the development of a regressive identity?
7. Discuss the research findings on identity status development throughout
adulthood.
8. Discuss the findings of Low et al.’s (2005) research regarding a cross-cultural
comparison of identity status development between South African and American
students. What may be the reasons for differences between these two groups?
9. Discuss Susan Whitbourne’s identity process theory. Mention the processes of
identity assimilation, identity accommodation, and the multiple threshold model in
your answer.
10. Describe the pathways used by Whitbourne (2010) as a metaphor to describe the
variations that people’s lives may take as they develop over time.
11. Hopefully, you have answered the identity process questionnaire truthfully!
Explore why you may be in a particular process of identity development.
4.5.3 Emotions
As we have noted in the introduction of this chapter, emotional experiences
form an integral part of a person’s personality. A helpful analogy (comparison,
explanation) is to consider that personality is to emotion as climate is to
weather. That is, what one expects is personality (e.g. South Africa generally
has a good climate); what one observes at any particular moment is emotion
(e.g. a pleasant, rainy, or windy day). Emotion (or affect) is a complex
reaction pattern involving experiences, behaviour patterns, and physiological
elements by which the individual attempts to deal with a personally significant
event. The specific quality of the emotion (e.g. fear, anger, or happiness) is
determined by the specific significance of the event.
264
Various emotions exist, depending on the situation
Extraversion and neuroticism are two personality trait dimensions that are
typically associated with emotions. These traits have been associated with
individual differences in the degree to which people experience emotions
and the way in which they react to these emotions (Revelle & Scherer, 2018).
For example, trait differences in emotionality increase the likelihood of
experiencing trait-matching emotions. Therefore, individuals high on trait
anxiety run an increased risk of experiencing anxiety in certain situations;
individuals high on trait anger become irritated more often; individuals high
on positive emotions will experience joy and happiness more often; and so
forth. In addition, it seems that some types of trait emotionality might shield
against particular emotions. For example, trait positivity may reduce the risk
of experiencing despair, while trait curiosity and interest may reduce the
risk of experiencing anxiety. Furthermore, emotions have a direct effect on
an individual’s functioning. For example, happier people have relationships
that are more successful and are physically healthier. In contrast, negative
emotions are related to poorer long-term physical and mental health
outcomes (Charles & Robinette, 2015). Emotions also contribute to other
aspects of a person’s functioning, such as behaviour, cognition, and desires
or needs. For example, extraversion is associated with a need for social
contact, power, and status, while neuroticism is associated with needs for
acceptance, tranquillity, and order.
What causes some people to laugh and smile easily, while others are
quickly frustrated and angered? As we have seen with other aspects of
personality, similar factors also play a role in emotional development. Genetic
or biological factors (such as specific brain structures and neurotransmitters)
contribute to certain emotional dispositions, while environmental influences
shape emotion-related thoughts, appraisals, and experiences, and are often
responsible for the stability of emotional experiences over time. In fact,
the environment may begin shaping emotional experiences already before
birth and continue to do so throughout the entire life span (Chopik et al.,
2013). With age, people accumulate unique life experiences. Therefore,
each person’s unique set of experiences may explain why people vary in
265
 REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Define the term identity. What typical questions do people ask themselves
regarding identity? What features do people usually include when they ask these
questions?
2. Discuss the findings of the research by Adams et al. (2012) on South Africans’
identity descriptions.
3. Erik Erikson identified adolescence as the main life stage in which individuals have
to establish an identity. Is this view still relevant today? Give reasons for your
answer.
4. Discuss James Marcia’s identity status theory.
5. What is the typical identity status developmental sequence?
6. What is a regressive identity? Describe the types of regressive identities. What
may cause the development of a regressive identity?
7. Discuss the research findings on identity status development throughout
adulthood.
8. Discuss the findings of Low et al.’s (2005) research regarding a cross-cultural
comparison of identity status development between South African and American
students. What may be the reasons for differences between these two groups?
9. Discuss Susan Whitbourne’s identity process theory. Mention the processes of
identity assimilation, identity accommodation, and the multiple threshold model in
your answer.
10. Describe the pathways used by Whitbourne (2010) as a metaphor to describe the
variations that people’s lives may take as they develop over time.
11. Hopefully, you have answered the identity process questionnaire truthfully!
Explore why you may be in a particular process of identity development.
4.5.3 Emotions
As we have noted in the introduction of this chapter, emotional experiences
form an integral part of a person’s personality. A helpful analogy (comparison,
explanation) is to consider that personality is to emotion as climate is to
weather. That is, what one expects is personality (e.g. South Africa generally
has a good climate); what one observes at any particular moment is emotion
(e.g. a pleasant, rainy, or windy day). Emotion (or affect) is a complex
reaction pattern involving experiences, behaviour patterns, and physiological
elements by which the individual attempts to deal with a personally significant
event. The specific quality of the emotion (e.g. fear, anger, or happiness) is
determined by the specific significance of the event.
264
Various emotions exist, depending on the situation
Extraversion and neuroticism are two personality trait dimensions that are
typically associated with emotions. These traits have been associated with
individual differences in the degree to which people experience emotions
and the way in which they react to these emotions (Revelle & Scherer, 2018).
For example, trait differences in emotionality increase the likelihood of
experiencing trait-matching emotions. Therefore, individuals high on trait
anxiety run an increased risk of experiencing anxiety in certain situations;
individuals high on trait anger become irritated more often; individuals high
on positive emotions will experience joy and happiness more often; and so
forth. In addition, it seems that some types of trait emotionality might shield
against particular emotions. For example, trait positivity may reduce the risk
of experiencing despair, while trait curiosity and interest may reduce the
risk of experiencing anxiety. Furthermore, emotions have a direct effect on
an individual’s functioning. For example, happier people have relationships
that are more successful and are physically healthier. In contrast, negative
emotions are related to poorer long-term physical and mental health
outcomes (Charles & Robinette, 2015). Emotions also contribute to other
aspects of a person’s functioning, such as behaviour, cognition, and desires
or needs. For example, extraversion is associated with a need for social
contact, power, and status, while neuroticism is associated with needs for
acceptance, tranquillity, and order.
What causes some people to laugh and smile easily, while others are
quickly frustrated and angered? As we have seen with other aspects of
personality, similar factors also play a role in emotional development. Genetic
or biological factors (such as specific brain structures and neurotransmitters)
contribute to certain emotional dispositions, while environmental influences
shape emotion-related thoughts, appraisals, and experiences, and are often
responsible for the stability of emotional experiences over time. In fact,
the environment may begin shaping emotional experiences already before
birth and continue to do so throughout the entire life span (Chopik et al.,
2013). With age, people accumulate unique life experiences. Therefore,
each person’s unique set of experiences may explain why people vary in
265
their emotional experiences. Moreover, certain life conditions (such as
a functionally limiting disability, divorce, spousal bereavement, loss of
employment, or marital unhappiness) can lead to sustained changes in
emotional experiences. However, most researchers agree that both genetic
and environmental factors affect emotional experience and that they
interact to affect emotional experiences throughout the life span (Charles
& Robinette, 2015).
How does the ageing process affect people’s emotional development?
Research on emotion and ageing reveals a pattern that differs from the
negative trajectory typically found in studies of cognitive and physical
ageing. This was a surprise to researchers who expected a similar age-related
decline in emotional development. In fact, recent comprehensive research
indicates that ageing is associated with more positive overall emotional
well-being, greater emotional stability, and more emotional complexity. The
domains typically explored in emotion and ageing research are emotional
experience, emotion regulation, and emotion perception and appraisal
(Murry & Isaacowitz, 2016):
• Emotional experience. Emotional experience refers to the positive and
negative feelings (or affect) that people generally experience on a daily
basis. Both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies indicate that older
adults report less overall negative emotion than younger adults do.
More specifically, it seems that adults in their 20s experience the highest
negative emotions, while people in their mid to late 60s and early 70s
experience the lowest negative affect. Some studies suggest that while
older adults experience negative affect less frequently, they experience
emotions with the same intensity as younger adults do. Regarding
the type of negative emotions, it seems that anger increases in young
adulthood, but decreases until old age, whereas sadness remains stable.
Research on positive affect is somewhat mixed, with some studies
indicating age-related stability, while others suggest an increase of
positive emotions with age and a decline only later in life. Regarding
the type of positive emotions, high-arousal positive emotions (such as
feeling enthusiastic, inspired, and excited) are experienced less in old
age than low-arousal positive feelings (such as feeling calm, rested, and
at ease).
Complex emotional experiences (i.e. the co-occurrence of positive
and negative emotions, such as gratitude accompanied by a sense of
vulnerability, or happiness coloured with sadness) seem to increase
with age. This means that older people tend to experience an increase
266
of mixed emotions, referred to as poignancy (nostalgia or tenderness)
(Carstensen et al., 2011). This occurs because older adults are aware that
all things, even the good ones, will eventually end. However, Carstensen
and her colleagues maintain that nuanced emotional experiences may
contribute to improved emotional regulation. Thus, mixed emotions may
contribute to emotional stability and ultimately to greater subjective
well-being.
• Emotion regulation. Emotion regulation refers to a person’s ability to
manage and respond effectively to an emotional experience. Studies
on age differences in emotion regulation investigated strategies that
people generally use to regulate their emotions. Situation selection
focuses on choosing to enter or avoid a situation in order to enhance
or minimise emotions. Both younger and older adults appear to use
situation selection similarly; however, older adults tend to engage with
fewer negative stimuli. Attentional deployment is another strategy that
can be used by attending to different aspects (i.e. positive or negative)
of the particular situation. Older adults tend to focus more on positive
stimuli than on negative stimuli. These positive seeking patterns tend
to help older adults in regulating their emotional state. Attending to
positive rather than to negative stimuli is also prevalent in older adults’
preference for remembering positive stimuli over negative stimuli. These
preferences are called age-related positivity effects.
• Emotion perception and emotion appraisal. Emotion perception refers
to the ability to identify the emotions of others. Research has indicated
that older adults are more likely than younger adults are to perceive
ambiguous (unclear) facial expressions as being positive rather than
negative. In addition, older adults are more likely to interpret neutral
facial expressions as happy and fearful expressions as neutral. In contrast,
younger adults are more likely to express a subtle happy expression as
neutral and a neutral expression as one of fear. However, context may
play a role. When observed in real-world situations, older adults were
better judges of emotional interactions than younger adults were. This
finding suggests that older adults may rely on multiple cues to determine
everyday emotions (e.g. vocal, facial, and bodily expressions).
Emotion appraisal refers to the way in which one evaluates or judges
emotional events. It seems that older adults are more inclined than
younger adults are to view negative events in a more positive light. For
example, when appraising the events that they encounter in daily life,
older adults perceive daily stressors less severe than younger adults
do. This is also true for chronic and potentially threatening events. For
267
their emotional experiences. Moreover, certain life conditions (such as
a functionally limiting disability, divorce, spousal bereavement, loss of
employment, or marital unhappiness) can lead to sustained changes in
emotional experiences. However, most researchers agree that both genetic
and environmental factors affect emotional experience and that they
interact to affect emotional experiences throughout the life span (Charles
& Robinette, 2015).
How does the ageing process affect people’s emotional development?
Research on emotion and ageing reveals a pattern that differs from the
negative trajectory typically found in studies of cognitive and physical
ageing. This was a surprise to researchers who expected a similar age-related
decline in emotional development. In fact, recent comprehensive research
indicates that ageing is associated with more positive overall emotional
well-being, greater emotional stability, and more emotional complexity. The
domains typically explored in emotion and ageing research are emotional
experience, emotion regulation, and emotion perception and appraisal
(Murry & Isaacowitz, 2016):
• Emotional experience. Emotional experience refers to the positive and
negative feelings (or affect) that people generally experience on a daily
basis. Both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies indicate that older
adults report less overall negative emotion than younger adults do.
More specifically, it seems that adults in their 20s experience the highest
negative emotions, while people in their mid to late 60s and early 70s
experience the lowest negative affect. Some studies suggest that while
older adults experience negative affect less frequently, they experience
emotions with the same intensity as younger adults do. Regarding
the type of negative emotions, it seems that anger increases in young
adulthood, but decreases until old age, whereas sadness remains stable.
Research on positive affect is somewhat mixed, with some studies
indicating age-related stability, while others suggest an increase of
positive emotions with age and a decline only later in life. Regarding
the type of positive emotions, high-arousal positive emotions (such as
feeling enthusiastic, inspired, and excited) are experienced less in old
age than low-arousal positive feelings (such as feeling calm, rested, and
at ease).
Complex emotional experiences (i.e. the co-occurrence of positive
and negative emotions, such as gratitude accompanied by a sense of
vulnerability, or happiness coloured with sadness) seem to increase
with age. This means that older people tend to experience an increase
266
of mixed emotions, referred to as poignancy (nostalgia or tenderness)
(Carstensen et al., 2011). This occurs because older adults are aware that
all things, even the good ones, will eventually end. However, Carstensen
and her colleagues maintain that nuanced emotional experiences may
contribute to improved emotional regulation. Thus, mixed emotions may
contribute to emotional stability and ultimately to greater subjective
well-being.
• Emotion regulation. Emotion regulation refers to a person’s ability to
manage and respond effectively to an emotional experience. Studies
on age differences in emotion regulation investigated strategies that
people generally use to regulate their emotions. Situation selection
focuses on choosing to enter or avoid a situation in order to enhance
or minimise emotions. Both younger and older adults appear to use
situation selection similarly; however, older adults tend to engage with
fewer negative stimuli. Attentional deployment is another strategy that
can be used by attending to different aspects (i.e. positive or negative)
of the particular situation. Older adults tend to focus more on positive
stimuli than on negative stimuli. These positive seeking patterns tend
to help older adults in regulating their emotional state. Attending to
positive rather than to negative stimuli is also prevalent in older adults’
preference for remembering positive stimuli over negative stimuli. These
preferences are called age-related positivity effects.
• Emotion perception and emotion appraisal. Emotion perception refers
to the ability to identify the emotions of others. Research has indicated
that older adults are more likely than younger adults are to perceive
ambiguous (unclear) facial expressions as being positive rather than
negative. In addition, older adults are more likely to interpret neutral
facial expressions as happy and fearful expressions as neutral. In contrast,
younger adults are more likely to express a subtle happy expression as
neutral and a neutral expression as one of fear. However, context may
play a role. When observed in real-world situations, older adults were
better judges of emotional interactions than younger adults were. This
finding suggests that older adults may rely on multiple cues to determine
everyday emotions (e.g. vocal, facial, and bodily expressions).
Emotion appraisal refers to the way in which one evaluates or judges
emotional events. It seems that older adults are more inclined than
younger adults are to view negative events in a more positive light. For
example, when appraising the events that they encounter in daily life,
older adults perceive daily stressors less severe than younger adults
do. This is also true for chronic and potentially threatening events. For
267
 example, health problems and health-related hassles increase with age;
yet, older people report experiencing less stress-related appraisal of
these health issues than middle-aged people do.
Given the declines in cognitive and especially physical functioning, the
general increase in emotional well-being observed in a number of studies
is often referred to as “the paradox of ageing” (Charles & Luong, 2013).
Several theories have proposed explanations for this phenomenon:
■ The dynamic integration theory (Labouvie-Vief, 2003) suggests that
declines in cognitive resources make older adults more vulnerable to
highly arousing situations. In response, older adults compensate by
dampening negative emotions and focusing on positive affect. This
may also be the reason why older adults tend to experience more
low-activating positive emotions (e.g. calmness) than high-activating
positive emotions (e.g. excitement).
■ The selective optimisation with compensation model (Baltes & Baltes,
1990) maintains that successful ageing requires selective investment in
goals and environments, as well as drawing on accumulated knowledge
and expertise. This enables people to optimise their performance
in selected domains or areas in order to compensate for inevitable
limitations or declines in functioning. This means that older adults are
more likely to select goals that are attainable and that make them happy.
They are also more realistic in setting goals: They tend to select fewer
goals and know which goals they can accomplish and which will be more
effortful and stressful; therefore, they become more content. In contrast,
younger adults tend to set many goals that are more difficult to achieve
and subsequently are less likely to reach their emotional goals.
■ The socio-emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 2006) argues that
motivational goals shift as people grow older. More specifically, emotional
goals become increasingly more important. As people age and time
horizons grow shorter, people invest in what is most important – typically,
meaningful relationships. Subsequently, they gain increasingly greater
satisfaction from these investments. Therefore, emotional experience
improves with age because people come to appreciate and invest more
effort in those matters that are important to them.
■ The strength and vulnerability integration model (Charles & Luong,
2013) proposes that the majority of older adults engage in thoughts
and behaviours that maintain emotional well-being. These thoughts and
behaviours are emotion-regulation skills (as discussed earlier). Older
268
adults have a greater likelihood of engaging in cognitive-behavioural
strategies aimed at avoiding or removing themselves from aversive
or negative events; attending to more positive and less negative
aspects in the environment; and appraising current and past events
as less threatening or more positive. Older adults are more motivated
to engage in these strategies because of their temporal horizons (i.e.
limited time left to live). In addition, they have acquired knowledge
about themselves and expertise from practice over the years to engage
in these strategies effectively. By using these skills, or strengths, to avoid
negative experiences, they maintain high levels of emotional well-being.
However, in situations of high arousal, for instance individuals who face
progressive physical or cognitive decline and chronic stressors in the
environment, age differences in emotion regulation and emotional well-
being disappear.
■ Environmental demands and social interactions (Luong, 2018).
Generally, our social environments show pronounced changes in later
life. Work demands are eliminated after retirement. Daily activities
become routine and predictable. There is often more time for leisure
pursuits such as gardening, reading, travelling, and volunteering. Older
adults also structure their physical and social environments in ways that
reduce the occurrence of unnecessary stressors, such as getting stuck
in traffic and getting into arguments with others. They reprioritise the
goals that are most important to them. Older people thus rather work
toward goals that bring them happiness and contentment. For younger
people, time may seem more open-ended, which can lead to a greater
investment in long-term goals, such as working towards a university
degree and moving up the career ladder. Often, however, achieving
such long-term goals requires some personal sacrifices (e.g. struggles
to balance work and family issues) and therefore exposing themselves
to more stressful experiences and negative emotions. However, although
excessive negative emotions can be distressing and may lead to poorer
physical and mental health in the long term, negative emotions are
not always bad for one’s health and well-being. Individuals who have
a greater appreciation for negative emotions and recognise that they
sometimes have value, less likely tend to have health problems when
they do experience negative emotions. In other words, how people
make meaning from their emotional experiences can shape what kinds
of consequences those emotions will have. As we have discussed
elsewhere, mixed emotional experiences may be beneficial for emotional
well-being.
269
 example, health problems and health-related hassles increase with age;
yet, older people report experiencing less stress-related appraisal of
these health issues than middle-aged people do.
Given the declines in cognitive and especially physical functioning, the
general increase in emotional well-being observed in a number of studies
is often referred to as “the paradox of ageing” (Charles & Luong, 2013).
Several theories have proposed explanations for this phenomenon:
■ The dynamic integration theory (Labouvie-Vief, 2003) suggests that
declines in cognitive resources make older adults more vulnerable to
highly arousing situations. In response, older adults compensate by
dampening negative emotions and focusing on positive affect. This
may also be the reason why older adults tend to experience more
low-activating positive emotions (e.g. calmness) than high-activating
positive emotions (e.g. excitement).
■ The selective optimisation with compensation model (Baltes & Baltes,
1990) maintains that successful ageing requires selective investment in
goals and environments, as well as drawing on accumulated knowledge
and expertise. This enables people to optimise their performance
in selected domains or areas in order to compensate for inevitable
limitations or declines in functioning. This means that older adults are
more likely to select goals that are attainable and that make them happy.
They are also more realistic in setting goals: They tend to select fewer
goals and know which goals they can accomplish and which will be more
effortful and stressful; therefore, they become more content. In contrast,
younger adults tend to set many goals that are more difficult to achieve
and subsequently are less likely to reach their emotional goals.
■ The socio-emotional selectivity theory (Carstensen, 2006) argues that
motivational goals shift as people grow older. More specifically, emotional
goals become increasingly more important. As people age and time
horizons grow shorter, people invest in what is most important – typically,
meaningful relationships. Subsequently, they gain increasingly greater
satisfaction from these investments. Therefore, emotional experience
improves with age because people come to appreciate and invest more
effort in those matters that are important to them.
■ The strength and vulnerability integration model (Charles & Luong,
2013) proposes that the majority of older adults engage in thoughts
and behaviours that maintain emotional well-being. These thoughts and
behaviours are emotion-regulation skills (as discussed earlier). Older
268
adults have a greater likelihood of engaging in cognitive-behavioural
strategies aimed at avoiding or removing themselves from aversive
or negative events; attending to more positive and less negative
aspects in the environment; and appraising current and past events
as less threatening or more positive. Older adults are more motivated
to engage in these strategies because of their temporal horizons (i.e.
limited time left to live). In addition, they have acquired knowledge
about themselves and expertise from practice over the years to engage
in these strategies effectively. By using these skills, or strengths, to avoid
negative experiences, they maintain high levels of emotional well-being.
However, in situations of high arousal, for instance individuals who face
progressive physical or cognitive decline and chronic stressors in the
environment, age differences in emotion regulation and emotional well-
being disappear.
■ Environmental demands and social interactions (Luong, 2018).
Generally, our social environments show pronounced changes in later
life. Work demands are eliminated after retirement. Daily activities
become routine and predictable. There is often more time for leisure
pursuits such as gardening, reading, travelling, and volunteering. Older
adults also structure their physical and social environments in ways that
reduce the occurrence of unnecessary stressors, such as getting stuck
in traffic and getting into arguments with others. They reprioritise the
goals that are most important to them. Older people thus rather work
toward goals that bring them happiness and contentment. For younger
people, time may seem more open-ended, which can lead to a greater
investment in long-term goals, such as working towards a university
degree and moving up the career ladder. Often, however, achieving
such long-term goals requires some personal sacrifices (e.g. struggles
to balance work and family issues) and therefore exposing themselves
to more stressful experiences and negative emotions. However, although
excessive negative emotions can be distressing and may lead to poorer
physical and mental health in the long term, negative emotions are
not always bad for one’s health and well-being. Individuals who have
a greater appreciation for negative emotions and recognise that they
sometimes have value, less likely tend to have health problems when
they do experience negative emotions. In other words, how people
make meaning from their emotional experiences can shape what kinds
of consequences those emotions will have. As we have discussed
elsewhere, mixed emotional experiences may be beneficial for emotional
well-being.
269
 Furthermore, the social environment tends to be more sympathetic
and kind-hearted towards older adults. For example, their social
environment often provides older adults with preferential treatment,
which contributes to their greater emotional well-being. Research has
shown that people are less likely to confront older adults, even when
the older adults may be at fault. Younger adults, on the other hand, do
not get the same benefit. This could be an explanation why older adults,
compared to younger individuals are more satisfied with their social
networks and report more warm and enjoyable interactions with their
friends and family members. Generally, older adults have smaller social
networks and are more likely to have close social partners who shape
their social interactions in ways that are less caustic and hostile and
more warm and understanding. Thus, the quality, and not necessarily
the quantity, of partners determines social relationships and therefore
emotional experiences. In addition, older adults are more experienced
at avoiding conflicts with loved ones. They have usually known their
partners longer and have knowledge that is more intimate about the
strengths and sensitivities of their partners, family, and friends. In essence,
they know how ‘to keep the peace’, which is critical for maintaining high
levels of emotional well-being.
As we know by now, research such as the above indicates only averages
and in psychology, there are always individual differences. We all know older
people who are kind and sweet, but we also know those who are grumpy and
difficult. As we indicated at the beginning of this section, great individual
differences in emotional expression exist due to a variety of environmental
and genetic factors. Furthermore, risk factors that become more prevalent
with age, such as loneliness, socio-economic difficulties, ongoing caregiving
responsibilities, progressive cognitive and physical declines, and health-
related issues, may cause some older adults to be more irritable and sensitive
than others are. However, the most important finding remains: Emotional
experiences become more positive and less negative with age because of
changes in one’s goals and appraisals of the environment, while emotion-
regulation strategies and interactions with others become more effective
and positive with greater life experience. In summary, we may look forward
to some of the best years of our lives as we age.
4.5.4 Life stories
In the early 1990s, Dan McAdams (1995) argued that a person cannot
be understood based on simply a collection of traits and characteristic
270
adaptations, and he recommended a more integrative approach. Subsequently,
McAdams (McAdams & Pals, 2006) introduced three levels of personality
development that include dispositional traits, characteristic adaptations,
and the life story (see Table 4.5). Dispositional traits, drawn from the five-
factor model of personality, are broad trait descriptors that are relatively
stable across the life span and are useful for drawing comparisons between
individuals. Characteristic adaptations refer to a person’s motivations,
developmental concerns, and life strategies. The term is used to describe
individuals within their contextualised time, place, and social roles. The third
level, life story, encompasses the internalised, evolving story of the self. It is
the person’s account as an autobiographical author. The things the person
chooses to include in the story, and the way they tell it, can both reflect and
shape who they are. To initiate a life story, the person is asked to play the
role of storyteller about his or her own life – to construct the story of his
or her own past, present, and what he or she sees as his or her own future
(McAdams, 1995).
Individuals construct a personal life story
to make sense of their lives. This life story is
an internalised (personalised) narrative that
integrates a person’s reconstructed past,
current situation, and imagined future so as
to explain how the person has become the
particular person he or she is. Therefore, the
life story provides the person with a narrative
identity (McAdams, 2016, 2018). As such,
it allows people to feel that their lives have
unity and purpose. The story identifies who
the person is (and who he or she was and will Dan McAdams
be) both to the person him- or herself and to
others in the person’s social environment.
Narrative identity uses autobiographical memory to select important
scenes, characters, plots, and themes in one’s life and to assemble them into an
understandable narrative format. Narrative identity is not an objective replay
of the past; it is a highly subjective and selective interpretation of a person’s
personal experience, strategically designed and reformulated over time in
order to achieve a range of psychological functions – from consolidating a
sense of context (e.g. politics, religion, gender, ethnicity and family identities)
and temporal coherence (across time) to presenting the self in an especially
favourable (or fascinating or dramatic light) (McLean, 2017).
Social contexts and culture shape the construction of life stories. Culture
271
 Furthermore, the social environment tends to be more sympathetic
and kind-hearted towards older adults. For example, their social
environment often provides older adults with preferential treatment,
which contributes to their greater emotional well-being. Research has
shown that people are less likely to confront older adults, even when
the older adults may be at fault. Younger adults, on the other hand, do
not get the same benefit. This could be an explanation why older adults,
compared to younger individuals are more satisfied with their social
networks and report more warm and enjoyable interactions with their
friends and family members. Generally, older adults have smaller social
networks and are more likely to have close social partners who shape
their social interactions in ways that are less caustic and hostile and
more warm and understanding. Thus, the quality, and not necessarily
the quantity, of partners determines social relationships and therefore
emotional experiences. In addition, older adults are more experienced
at avoiding conflicts with loved ones. They have usually known their
partners longer and have knowledge that is more intimate about the
strengths and sensitivities of their partners, family, and friends. In essence,
they know how ‘to keep the peace’, which is critical for maintaining high
levels of emotional well-being.
As we know by now, research such as the above indicates only averages
and in psychology, there are always individual differences. We all know older
people who are kind and sweet, but we also know those who are grumpy and
difficult. As we indicated at the beginning of this section, great individual
differences in emotional expression exist due to a variety of environmental
and genetic factors. Furthermore, risk factors that become more prevalent
with age, such as loneliness, socio-economic difficulties, ongoing caregiving
responsibilities, progressive cognitive and physical declines, and health-
related issues, may cause some older adults to be more irritable and sensitive
than others are. However, the most important finding remains: Emotional
experiences become more positive and less negative with age because of
changes in one’s goals and appraisals of the environment, while emotion-
regulation strategies and interactions with others become more effective
and positive with greater life experience. In summary, we may look forward
to some of the best years of our lives as we age.
4.5.4 Life stories
In the early 1990s, Dan McAdams (1995) argued that a person cannot
be understood based on simply a collection of traits and characteristic
270
adaptations, and he recommended a more integrative approach. Subsequently,
McAdams (McAdams & Pals, 2006) introduced three levels of personality
development that include dispositional traits, characteristic adaptations,
and the life story (see Table 4.5). Dispositional traits, drawn from the five-
factor model of personality, are broad trait descriptors that are relatively
stable across the life span and are useful for drawing comparisons between
individuals. Characteristic adaptations refer to a person’s motivations,
developmental concerns, and life strategies. The term is used to describe
individuals within their contextualised time, place, and social roles. The third
level, life story, encompasses the internalised, evolving story of the self. It is
the person’s account as an autobiographical author. The things the person
chooses to include in the story, and the way they tell it, can both reflect and
shape who they are. To initiate a life story, the person is asked to play the
role of storyteller about his or her own life – to construct the story of his
or her own past, present, and what he or she sees as his or her own future
(McAdams, 1995).
Individuals construct a personal life story
to make sense of their lives. This life story is
an internalised (personalised) narrative that
integrates a person’s reconstructed past,
current situation, and imagined future so as
to explain how the person has become the
particular person he or she is. Therefore, the
life story provides the person with a narrative
identity (McAdams, 2016, 2018). As such,
it allows people to feel that their lives have
unity and purpose. The story identifies who
the person is (and who he or she was and will Dan McAdams
be) both to the person him- or herself and to
others in the person’s social environment.
Narrative identity uses autobiographical memory to select important
scenes, characters, plots, and themes in one’s life and to assemble them into an
understandable narrative format. Narrative identity is not an objective replay
of the past; it is a highly subjective and selective interpretation of a person’s
personal experience, strategically designed and reformulated over time in
order to achieve a range of psychological functions – from consolidating a
sense of context (e.g. politics, religion, gender, ethnicity and family identities)
and temporal coherence (across time) to presenting the self in an especially
favourable (or fascinating or dramatic light) (McLean, 2017).
Social contexts and culture shape the construction of life stories. Culture
271
provides master narratives that suggest what a good life story should be People begin forming their life stories in late adolescence and early
while presenting favoured images, metaphors, characters, plots, and themes adulthood, but these stories have their roots in their first attachment
for construction of the self through narrative. People make sense of their relationships and early parent-child conversations (Reese et al., 2010). The
lives and the life stories told by others in terms of expectations that they life story is created and revised throughout adulthood as people mature
develop as members of a particular culture (Hammack, 2008; McAdams, and the changing environment places new demands on them. Changing
2016). Therefore, the life stories that people construct reflect the values of emotions, behaviours, goals, values, and beliefs are reflected as young
the culture in which they live. Table 4.5 indicates the effect of culture on the adults enter the workplace, begin raising a family, establish themselves in
three levels of personality. the community, and commit themselves to social roles. Life stories become
more complex and psychologically nuanced through midlife. Compared
Table 4.5 Three levels of personality and their relations to culture
to younger adults, older adults tend to focus more on positive emotional
Level Definition Function Influence of culture themes and tend to organise their life stories around scenes involving family
and closest friends. During middle and older adulthood, a major challenge
Dispositional Broad individual differences Dispositional Similar trait labels and is to integrate the different aspects of the self, while creating an appropriate
traits in behaviour, thought, and traits sketch systems found across
feeling that account for a behavioural many different cultures
and satisfying ending of the life story, such as leaving a legacy of the self,
general consistencies across outline. and languages. becomes increasingly important. McAdams’s idea of a good ending of the
situations and over time However, culture life story bears some similarity to Erikson’s conception of generativity and
(e.g. the Big Five traits). affects how traits are
integrity. Sadly, one of the many cruel effects of dementia in old age is the
Interindividual differences in expressed.
traits are relatively stable over loss of narrative identity, as people’s life stories gradually slip away from
time. them.
Characteristic More specific motivational, Characteristic Cultures differ How stable is the life story during adulthood? Longitudinal studies
adaptations social-cognitive, and adaptations somewhat on their (see McLean, 2017) indicated some change in narratives, such as increases
developmental variables that fill in the most valued goals,
are contextualised in time, details of beliefs, and strategies
in personal growth, complexity, and positive values over time, suggesting
situations, and social roles human for social life. For growing maturity and comfort in the self. Other aspects of narratives, such as
(e.g. goals, values, coping individuality. example, cultural the ways in which people narrate their stories (e.g. style, temporal ordering,
strategies, relational patterns, individualism and
and coherence) are more likely to remain relatively stable. Furthermore,
domain-specific schemas, collectivism encourage
stage-specific concerns). different patterns some stories retain some markers of stability, while others do not. Reasons
Some characteristic of characteristic for this could be that telling the same story over time may enhance
adaptations may change adaptations, personality continuity by strengthening the narrative and integrating it with
markedly over the life course. respectively.
other aspects of the personality. In addition, just as with trait development,
Integrative Internalised and evolving life Integrative Cultures provide a evocative forces may also work to maintain story stability: Others may ask
life narratives stories that reconstruct the life narratives menu of stories for the
past and imagine the future tell what life course and specify one to tell a favourite tale, or we may be drawn to situations that evoke a
to provide a person’s life a person’s how stories should particular story. However, repeated storytelling may also restrain personality
with identity (unity, purpose, life means be told and lived. In development. The longer the story has been told, the more difficult it is to
and meaning). Individual in time and modern societies,
differences in life stories culture. many different stories
change it. The motive to maintain stability (or homeostasis) can be beneficial
can be seen with respect to compete with one if the story still fits, but can be harmful if the story no longer fits, or limits
characteristic images, tones, another. Persons must meaningful personal growth and development. In fact, some experiences
themes, plots, and endings. Life choose some stories
may demand a revision of our identities. For example, divorce may change
stories change substantially and resist others.
over time, reflecting personality people’s relationship narratives substantially.
development. Storytelling may be linked to personality traits. On the one hand, traits
Adapted from McAdams & Pals, 2006 may shape stories. For example, people high on neuroticism may tell more

272 273
provides master narratives that suggest what a good life story should be People begin forming their life stories in late adolescence and early
while presenting favoured images, metaphors, characters, plots, and themes adulthood, but these stories have their roots in their first attachment
for construction of the self through narrative. People make sense of their relationships and early parent-child conversations (Reese et al., 2010). The
lives and the life stories told by others in terms of expectations that they life story is created and revised throughout adulthood as people mature
develop as members of a particular culture (Hammack, 2008; McAdams, and the changing environment places new demands on them. Changing
2016). Therefore, the life stories that people construct reflect the values of emotions, behaviours, goals, values, and beliefs are reflected as young
the culture in which they live. Table 4.5 indicates the effect of culture on the adults enter the workplace, begin raising a family, establish themselves in
three levels of personality. the community, and commit themselves to social roles. Life stories become
more complex and psychologically nuanced through midlife. Compared
Table 4.5 Three levels of personality and their relations to culture
to younger adults, older adults tend to focus more on positive emotional
Level Definition Function Influence of culture themes and tend to organise their life stories around scenes involving family
and closest friends. During middle and older adulthood, a major challenge
Dispositional Broad individual differences Dispositional Similar trait labels and is to integrate the different aspects of the self, while creating an appropriate
traits in behaviour, thought, and traits sketch systems found across
feeling that account for a behavioural many different cultures
and satisfying ending of the life story, such as leaving a legacy of the self,
general consistencies across outline. and languages. becomes increasingly important. McAdams’s idea of a good ending of the
situations and over time However, culture life story bears some similarity to Erikson’s conception of generativity and
(e.g. the Big Five traits). affects how traits are
integrity. Sadly, one of the many cruel effects of dementia in old age is the
Interindividual differences in expressed.
traits are relatively stable over loss of narrative identity, as people’s life stories gradually slip away from
time. them.
Characteristic More specific motivational, Characteristic Cultures differ How stable is the life story during adulthood? Longitudinal studies
adaptations social-cognitive, and adaptations somewhat on their (see McLean, 2017) indicated some change in narratives, such as increases
developmental variables that fill in the most valued goals,
are contextualised in time, details of beliefs, and strategies
in personal growth, complexity, and positive values over time, suggesting
situations, and social roles human for social life. For growing maturity and comfort in the self. Other aspects of narratives, such as
(e.g. goals, values, coping individuality. example, cultural the ways in which people narrate their stories (e.g. style, temporal ordering,
strategies, relational patterns, individualism and
and coherence) are more likely to remain relatively stable. Furthermore,
domain-specific schemas, collectivism encourage
stage-specific concerns). different patterns some stories retain some markers of stability, while others do not. Reasons
Some characteristic of characteristic for this could be that telling the same story over time may enhance
adaptations may change adaptations, personality continuity by strengthening the narrative and integrating it with
markedly over the life course. respectively.
other aspects of the personality. In addition, just as with trait development,
Integrative Internalised and evolving life Integrative Cultures provide a evocative forces may also work to maintain story stability: Others may ask
life narratives stories that reconstruct the life narratives menu of stories for the
past and imagine the future tell what life course and specify one to tell a favourite tale, or we may be drawn to situations that evoke a
to provide a person’s life a person’s how stories should particular story. However, repeated storytelling may also restrain personality
with identity (unity, purpose, life means be told and lived. In development. The longer the story has been told, the more difficult it is to
and meaning). Individual in time and modern societies,
differences in life stories culture. many different stories
change it. The motive to maintain stability (or homeostasis) can be beneficial
can be seen with respect to compete with one if the story still fits, but can be harmful if the story no longer fits, or limits
characteristic images, tones, another. Persons must meaningful personal growth and development. In fact, some experiences
themes, plots, and endings. Life choose some stories
may demand a revision of our identities. For example, divorce may change
stories change substantially and resist others.
over time, reflecting personality people’s relationship narratives substantially.
development. Storytelling may be linked to personality traits. On the one hand, traits
Adapted from McAdams & Pals, 2006 may shape stories. For example, people high on neuroticism may tell more

272 273
negative stories; those high on openness may tell more complex stories; and
those high on extraversion may engage in more frequent narration. On the
other hand, storytelling is a dynamic process and has the power to change
traits. Thus, stories can also serve as a mechanism for change in the person:
As the story evolves, so too does the person (Cox & McAdams, 2014).
In conclusion, it can be said that identity narratives or life stories do not
arise out of thin air. They are deeply based in earlier social-cultural practices
as well as other developing components of personality. This implies that this
level of personality requires a certain skill set and is likely shaped by other
aspects of ourselves that precede the development of narrative identity.

REVIEW THIS SECTION

1. Describe Dan McAdams’s three levels of personality development.
2. Discuss the life story in terms of the following:
(a) The life story as an internal evolving of the self.
(b) The formation and function of narrative identity.
(c) The forces that contribute to the shaping and constructing of life stories.
(d) The developmental pathway of life stories.
(e) The stability of the life story.
(f) The link of storytelling with other personality traits.
3. Use Table 4.5 to discuss the influence of your particular culture on Dan McAdams’s
three levels of personality.
4. Write your own life story. Remember to include past experiences that have shaped
you, your present experiences and the anticipated ending of your life story.

274 275
negative stories; those high on openness may tell more complex stories; and
those high on extraversion may engage in more frequent narration. On the
other hand, storytelling is a dynamic process and has the power to change
traits. Thus, stories can also serve as a mechanism for change in the person:
As the story evolves, so too does the person (Cox & McAdams, 2014).
In conclusion, it can be said that identity narratives or life stories do not
arise out of thin air. They are deeply based in earlier social-cultural practices
as well as other developing components of personality. This implies that this
level of personality requires a certain skill set and is likely shaped by other
aspects of ourselves that precede the development of narrative identity.

REVIEW THIS SECTION

1. Describe Dan McAdams’s three levels of personality development.
2. Discuss the life story in terms of the following:
(a) The life story as an internal evolving of the self.
(b) The formation and function of narrative identity.
(c) The forces that contribute to the shaping and constructing of life stories.
(d) The developmental pathway of life stories.
(e) The stability of the life story.
(f) The link of storytelling with other personality traits.
3. Use Table 4.5 to discuss the influence of your particular culture on Dan McAdams’s
three levels of personality.
4. Write your own life story. Remember to include past experiences that have shaped
you, your present experiences and the anticipated ending of your life story.

274 275
276
Without a sense of caring, there can be
no sense of community.
A. J. D’Angelo
5
Social Development
277
276
Without a sense of caring, there can be
no sense of community.
A. J. D’Angelo
5
Social Development
277
 We never really grow up; we only learn how to act in public.
Bryan White
There are some people who always seem angry and continuously
look for conflict. Walk away: the battle they are fighting isn’t with
you, it is with themselves. Anonymous
The most important thing a father can do for his children is to love
their mother. Theodore Hesburgh
It is not a lack of love, but a lack of friendship that makes unhappy
marriages. Friedrich Nietzsche
Don’t confuse having a career with having a life. Hillary Clinton
What children need most are the essentials that grandparents
provide in abundance. They give unconditional love, kindness,
patience, humour, comfort, lessons in life. And, most importantly,
cookies. Rudolph Giuliani
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Social development refers to certain skills, attitudes, relationships, and
relevant behaviour that enable the individual to interact effectively with
others and to function positively as a member of society (American
Psychological Association, 2015). Social development takes place primarily
in the context of the family and significant others and is influenced by
factors such as culture and the norms of society. During adulthood,
these contexts are far more extensive and vary considerably more from
individual to individual than during childhood. For example, children’s
social development is fairly predictable: Most children are born and raised
in some form of family structure, enter school after a while, and become
increasingly involved with their peer group. During adulthood, the choices
regarding lifestyles and the nature of interpersonal relationships become
much more divergent. This is especially true when considering the rapid
social and historical changes adults increasingly have to incorporate into
their functioning.
In this chapter, the emphasis is on the interpersonal relationships,
lifestyle choices, and work-related issues of adults as they proceed through
adulthood.
278
5.2 ADULT RELATIONSHIPS
Social interactions are an essential part of life. In fact, people’s lives are
shaped by interpersonal relationships. In other words, other people matter.
Generally, adult interpersonal relationships are characterised by intimacy,
love, and attachment bonds. In addition, their social networks, an important
aspect of their social interactions, change as they proceed through the life
course. In this section, adult relationships such as intimacy, love, attachment,
and social networks will be discussed.
5.2.1 Intimacy
The word intimacy is derived from the Latin intimus, which means ‘inner’. In
the broadest sense of the word, intimacy means establishing closeness with
another person. This closeness or intimacy develops from self-disclosure, i.e.
the process by which one shares one’s thoughts, feelings, and experiences
with another. To establish true intimacy, this process must be reciprocal in
nature, which means that both persons must contribute to the relationship,
implying a process of give and take. Through this process, the individuals
involved not only express openness to each other, but also experience deeper
self-knowledge. Emotional unresponsiveness and negative self-esteem are
personality variables that have a strong correlation with fear of intimacy in
both males and females (Vulić-Prtorić & Tkalić, 2016).
As mentioned in Chapter 4, according to Erikson (1963, 1968), establishing
intimacy is considered one of the critical developmental tasks marking
a person’s entry into adulthood. It is believed that failure to establish and
sustain a committed intimate relationship during young adulthood not only
hinders development but also has significant negative implications for well-
being across the total life span (Rauer et al., 2013). However, individuals first
have to establish a personal identity before they can achieve intimacy and
establish a shared identity with another person, which means that people
should know themselves before they can love another. For example, the young
adult who has not yet established a clear identity can either feel threatened
by the thought of a long-term relationship, or become over-dependent on
his or her partner as a source of identity.
The development of true intimacy during early adulthood is a difficult
task because the individual experiences conflict between the desire for
commitment to someone, and the desire to remain independent, as well as
to retain his or her newly acquired personal identity. The result is that many
young adults form relationships based on sexual intimacy without emotional
279
 We never really grow up; we only learn how to act in public.
Bryan White
There are some people who always seem angry and continuously
look for conflict. Walk away: the battle they are fighting isn’t with
you, it is with themselves. Anonymous
The most important thing a father can do for his children is to love
their mother. Theodore Hesburgh
It is not a lack of love, but a lack of friendship that makes unhappy
marriages. Friedrich Nietzsche
Don’t confuse having a career with having a life. Hillary Clinton
What children need most are the essentials that grandparents
provide in abundance. They give unconditional love, kindness,
patience, humour, comfort, lessons in life. And, most importantly,
cookies. Rudolph Giuliani
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Social development refers to certain skills, attitudes, relationships, and
relevant behaviour that enable the individual to interact effectively with
others and to function positively as a member of society (American
Psychological Association, 2015). Social development takes place primarily
in the context of the family and significant others and is influenced by
factors such as culture and the norms of society. During adulthood,
these contexts are far more extensive and vary considerably more from
individual to individual than during childhood. For example, children’s
social development is fairly predictable: Most children are born and raised
in some form of family structure, enter school after a while, and become
increasingly involved with their peer group. During adulthood, the choices
regarding lifestyles and the nature of interpersonal relationships become
much more divergent. This is especially true when considering the rapid
social and historical changes adults increasingly have to incorporate into
their functioning.
In this chapter, the emphasis is on the interpersonal relationships,
lifestyle choices, and work-related issues of adults as they proceed through
adulthood.
278
5.2 ADULT RELATIONSHIPS
Social interactions are an essential part of life. In fact, people’s lives are
shaped by interpersonal relationships. In other words, other people matter.
Generally, adult interpersonal relationships are characterised by intimacy,
love, and attachment bonds. In addition, their social networks, an important
aspect of their social interactions, change as they proceed through the life
course. In this section, adult relationships such as intimacy, love, attachment,
and social networks will be discussed.
5.2.1 Intimacy
The word intimacy is derived from the Latin intimus, which means ‘inner’. In
the broadest sense of the word, intimacy means establishing closeness with
another person. This closeness or intimacy develops from self-disclosure, i.e.
the process by which one shares one’s thoughts, feelings, and experiences
with another. To establish true intimacy, this process must be reciprocal in
nature, which means that both persons must contribute to the relationship,
implying a process of give and take. Through this process, the individuals
involved not only express openness to each other, but also experience deeper
self-knowledge. Emotional unresponsiveness and negative self-esteem are
personality variables that have a strong correlation with fear of intimacy in
both males and females (Vulić-Prtorić & Tkalić, 2016).
As mentioned in Chapter 4, according to Erikson (1963, 1968), establishing
intimacy is considered one of the critical developmental tasks marking
a person’s entry into adulthood. It is believed that failure to establish and
sustain a committed intimate relationship during young adulthood not only
hinders development but also has significant negative implications for well-
being across the total life span (Rauer et al., 2013). However, individuals first
have to establish a personal identity before they can achieve intimacy and
establish a shared identity with another person, which means that people
should know themselves before they can love another. For example, the young
adult who has not yet established a clear identity can either feel threatened
by the thought of a long-term relationship, or become over-dependent on
his or her partner as a source of identity.
The development of true intimacy during early adulthood is a difficult
task because the individual experiences conflict between the desire for
commitment to someone, and the desire to remain independent, as well as
to retain his or her newly acquired personal identity. The result is that many
young adults form relationships based on sexual intimacy without emotional
279
intimacy. Erikson and Hall (1983)
describe this type of relationship
as a genital relationship. They
believe that this type of relationship
can lead to total isolation. For
example, research incorporating
young married students of the
University of the Free State
found a significantly negative
relationship between intimacy and
Many young adults form relationships based on
loneliness (Le Roux & De Beer, sexual intimacy without emotional intimacy
1994). This means that the lower
the level of intimacy in a marriage, the higher the level of loneliness. In a more
recent South African study with postgraduate students at the University of
Stellenbosch, single participants were found to have higher levels of romantic
and general loneliness than participants in committed relationships associated
with intimacy have (Lesch et al., 2016). Therefore, the findings suggest that
relationship status (and thus the degree of intimacy) has a significant influence
on romantic and general loneliness.
According to Erikson, intimacy occurs in any relationship in which there
is an emotional bond, such as between family members and friends. Intimacy
implies the fusion of two identities, but also means that the other person is
given the freedom to remain an individual. Young adults who resolve this
intimacy versus isolation crisis positively are successful in developing close
give-and-take relationships with others and are graced with the virtue of love
(Erber, 2013; Erikson, 1963), which is discussed next.
5.2.2 Love
The concept of love has been an eternally elusive subject (Chapman, 2011).
In fact, psychologists, philosophers, biologists, and other scientists have
been seeking its definition and meaning since the beginning of time. Love
seems to be one of those feelings everybody experiences but nobody can
define adequately.
The ancient Greeks called love “the madness of the gods”. Aristotle
(384-322 BC) thought of love as a union: “Love is composed of a single soul
inhabiting two bodies” (Brogaard, 2015). It has also been described as a
special form of emotional interdependence and vulnerability. Psychologists
agree that love is an exceedingly complex and diverse emotion that is
characterised fundamentally by a deep affection for another person. Love
takes on many forms throughout the life span and is influenced not only
280
by the personalities of the persons involved, but also by factors such as
developmental stages, gender differences, and cultural-historical contexts.
Psychologists view the capacity to love and be loved as an inherently human
tendency with powerful effects on well-being from infancy through to
old age.
Love is an exceedingly complex emotion that consists of many facets
Social scientists such as psychologists have made the greatest research
contribution to the concept of love. However, love also has a strong biological
component. For example, when we fall in love, our bodies produce various
physiological responses such as a racing heart, sweaty palms, flushed
cheeks, loss of appetite, and accelerating breathing. In the last few decades,
biological scientists have made some important findings regarding the role
of biological factors in love. Various biochemicals in the body are associated
with love. For example, dopamine has an effect on the genitals and sweat
glands and can cause feelings of excitement. Testosterone increases sexual
desire. The biochemical that has received most research attention is the
hormone oxytocin. It is also called the ‘cuddle hormone’ or ‘love hormone’,
because it is released when people snuggle up or bond socially (Pappas,
2015). It also plays a role in maternal instinct and orgasms, while it seems to
be associated with enduring friendships and monogamy (Peterson, 2006;
Watson, 2013). However, it may increase the likelihood of aggression and
violence toward others who are not part of one’s social group (Stix, 2014).
Clearly, more research is needed to determine the precise contribution
of these biochemicals to love and especially how they interact with
psychological factors.
A number of psychologists have approached the phenomenon of love
scientifically and proposed a number of models of love. The best known
of these models is Robert Sternberg’s (1986) triangular theory of love.
281
intimacy. Erikson and Hall (1983)
describe this type of relationship
as a genital relationship. They
believe that this type of relationship
can lead to total isolation. For
example, research incorporating
young married students of the
University of the Free State
found a significantly negative
relationship between intimacy and
Many young adults form relationships based on
loneliness (Le Roux & De Beer, sexual intimacy without emotional intimacy
1994). This means that the lower
the level of intimacy in a marriage, the higher the level of loneliness. In a more
recent South African study with postgraduate students at the University of
Stellenbosch, single participants were found to have higher levels of romantic
and general loneliness than participants in committed relationships associated
with intimacy have (Lesch et al., 2016). Therefore, the findings suggest that
relationship status (and thus the degree of intimacy) has a significant influence
on romantic and general loneliness.
According to Erikson, intimacy occurs in any relationship in which there
is an emotional bond, such as between family members and friends. Intimacy
implies the fusion of two identities, but also means that the other person is
given the freedom to remain an individual. Young adults who resolve this
intimacy versus isolation crisis positively are successful in developing close
give-and-take relationships with others and are graced with the virtue of love
(Erber, 2013; Erikson, 1963), which is discussed next.
5.2.2 Love
The concept of love has been an eternally elusive subject (Chapman, 2011).
In fact, psychologists, philosophers, biologists, and other scientists have
been seeking its definition and meaning since the beginning of time. Love
seems to be one of those feelings everybody experiences but nobody can
define adequately.
The ancient Greeks called love “the madness of the gods”. Aristotle
(384-322 BC) thought of love as a union: “Love is composed of a single soul
inhabiting two bodies” (Brogaard, 2015). It has also been described as a
special form of emotional interdependence and vulnerability. Psychologists
agree that love is an exceedingly complex and diverse emotion that is
characterised fundamentally by a deep affection for another person. Love
takes on many forms throughout the life span and is influenced not only
280
by the personalities of the persons involved, but also by factors such as
developmental stages, gender differences, and cultural-historical contexts.
Psychologists view the capacity to love and be loved as an inherently human
tendency with powerful effects on well-being from infancy through to
old age.
Love is an exceedingly complex emotion that consists of many facets
Social scientists such as psychologists have made the greatest research
contribution to the concept of love. However, love also has a strong biological
component. For example, when we fall in love, our bodies produce various
physiological responses such as a racing heart, sweaty palms, flushed
cheeks, loss of appetite, and accelerating breathing. In the last few decades,
biological scientists have made some important findings regarding the role
of biological factors in love. Various biochemicals in the body are associated
with love. For example, dopamine has an effect on the genitals and sweat
glands and can cause feelings of excitement. Testosterone increases sexual
desire. The biochemical that has received most research attention is the
hormone oxytocin. It is also called the ‘cuddle hormone’ or ‘love hormone’,
because it is released when people snuggle up or bond socially (Pappas,
2015). It also plays a role in maternal instinct and orgasms, while it seems to
be associated with enduring friendships and monogamy (Peterson, 2006;
Watson, 2013). However, it may increase the likelihood of aggression and
violence toward others who are not part of one’s social group (Stix, 2014).
Clearly, more research is needed to determine the precise contribution
of these biochemicals to love and especially how they interact with
psychological factors.
A number of psychologists have approached the phenomenon of love
scientifically and proposed a number of models of love. The best known
of these models is Robert Sternberg’s (1986) triangular theory of love.
281
Sternberg acknowledged the complexity of love and maintained that
love does not occur in a single form, but that it consists of three distinct
components, i.e. passion, intimacy, and commitment (see Figure 5.1).
PASSION
(Strong physical attraction)
COMMITMENT INTIMACY
(Decision to spend time together) (Self-disclosure, closeness, confirmation)
Figure 5.1 Sternberg’s triangular model of love
• Passion. This is characterised by intense emotions that one feels
towards another person. Passion usually occurs at the beginning of a
relationship and is characterised by infatuation. This refers to the state of
being completely carried away by unreasoning passion, feelings of being
‘in love’, and when physical attraction is central. It creates feelings such
as excitement, ecstasy, and euphoria. Accompanying these feelings of
happiness and excitement is also a strong sense of uncertainty, anxiety,
and jealousy, usually because intimacy has not yet been established.
Passion or infatuation is often short-lived and intimacy that is more
emotional will be needed to develop further.
• Intimacy. According to Sternberg’s theory, intimacy refers to the
development of reciprocal trust, openness, and acceptance of each
other. This also implies an honest exchange of feelings, without the fear
of being rejected. Intimacy is essential for a relationship to grow and
develop, and forms the basis of close relationships, such as the marital
relationship.
• Commitment. As intimacy is established in a relationship, the third
component of love, namely commitment, develops. Commitment is a
282
conscious decision to maintain the love relationship, and to care for and
support each other.
According to Sternberg, the relative presence or absence of the above-
mentioned components will develop into one of the following types of love:
– Liking, which includes intimacy, while passion and commitment are
absent.
– Infatuation, which is based on passion, but intimacy and commitment
are lacking.
– Empty love, which is based on commitment to each other, but lacks
passion and intimacy.
– Romantic love, which includes passion and intimacy, but excludes
commitment.
– Fatuous love is based on passion and commitment, but lacks intimacy.
– Companionate love, which is characterised by intimacy and commitment,
but lacks passion.
– Consummate love, which is characterised by passion, intimacy, and
commitment.
From the above, it is clear that the ideal love relationship would be
one in which all three components, i.e. passion, intimacy, and commitment,
are present. This type of love stands the test of time and can survive
development-related changes. However, one should bear in mind that not all
three components will be equally strong during the total life span, and that
certain shifts will occur. Qualitative shifts apply to all types of relationships
and across all age groups. For example, passion can diminish, while intimacy
stabilises and commitment develops increasingly. This does not necessarily
mean that the relationship becomes less happy or satisfactory. However,
relationships based on only one or two components from the beginning are
at risk.
Most people want to be loved by someone. However, having it happen
is often fraught with difficulties. Love is often a two-sided issue: On the one
hand, it can give the greatest ecstasy, but on the other causes the greatest
pain; yet, most people are willing to take the risk.
A question that comes to mind is: With whom do people fall in love?
Various theories have been proposed:
The equity theory. This theory suggests that close relationships or
■
romances are formed (and also persist) because the persons involved
283
Sternberg acknowledged the complexity of love and maintained that
love does not occur in a single form, but that it consists of three distinct
components, i.e. passion, intimacy, and commitment (see Figure 5.1).
PASSION
(Strong physical attraction)
COMMITMENT INTIMACY
(Decision to spend time together) (Self-disclosure, closeness, confirmation)
Figure 5.1 Sternberg’s triangular model of love
• Passion. This is characterised by intense emotions that one feels
towards another person. Passion usually occurs at the beginning of a
relationship and is characterised by infatuation. This refers to the state of
being completely carried away by unreasoning passion, feelings of being
‘in love’, and when physical attraction is central. It creates feelings such
as excitement, ecstasy, and euphoria. Accompanying these feelings of
happiness and excitement is also a strong sense of uncertainty, anxiety,
and jealousy, usually because intimacy has not yet been established.
Passion or infatuation is often short-lived and intimacy that is more
emotional will be needed to develop further.
• Intimacy. According to Sternberg’s theory, intimacy refers to the
development of reciprocal trust, openness, and acceptance of each
other. This also implies an honest exchange of feelings, without the fear
of being rejected. Intimacy is essential for a relationship to grow and
develop, and forms the basis of close relationships, such as the marital
relationship.
• Commitment. As intimacy is established in a relationship, the third
component of love, namely commitment, develops. Commitment is a
282
conscious decision to maintain the love relationship, and to care for and
support each other.
According to Sternberg, the relative presence or absence of the above-
mentioned components will develop into one of the following types of love:
– Liking, which includes intimacy, while passion and commitment are
absent.
– Infatuation, which is based on passion, but intimacy and commitment
are lacking.
– Empty love, which is based on commitment to each other, but lacks
passion and intimacy.
– Romantic love, which includes passion and intimacy, but excludes
commitment.
– Fatuous love is based on passion and commitment, but lacks intimacy.
– Companionate love, which is characterised by intimacy and commitment,
but lacks passion.
– Consummate love, which is characterised by passion, intimacy, and
commitment.
From the above, it is clear that the ideal love relationship would be
one in which all three components, i.e. passion, intimacy, and commitment,
are present. This type of love stands the test of time and can survive
development-related changes. However, one should bear in mind that not all
three components will be equally strong during the total life span, and that
certain shifts will occur. Qualitative shifts apply to all types of relationships
and across all age groups. For example, passion can diminish, while intimacy
stabilises and commitment develops increasingly. This does not necessarily
mean that the relationship becomes less happy or satisfactory. However,
relationships based on only one or two components from the beginning are
at risk.
Most people want to be loved by someone. However, having it happen
is often fraught with difficulties. Love is often a two-sided issue: On the one
hand, it can give the greatest ecstasy, but on the other causes the greatest
pain; yet, most people are willing to take the risk.
A question that comes to mind is: With whom do people fall in love?
Various theories have been proposed:
The equity theory. This theory suggests that close relationships or
■
romances are formed (and also persist) because the persons involved
283
 believe that what they are getting out of the relationship is proportional to
what they are putting into it (an “I’ll wash and you dry” situation). Equity
theory assumes that people calculate the costs and benefits involved in
interacting with others. It is an economic theory and draws our attention
to the kinds of things that people give to and receive from another. The
assumption is that equitable relationships last and inequitable ones
break up (e.g. only one person contributes to the relationship, while
the other does not). However, equity theory is criticised because it is
based purely on mutual exchange, and is compared to a business deal.
This is contradictory to what happens in a genuine relationship, where
individuals often sacrifice their own rewards for the good of their partners.
Another criticism is that equity theory ignores the feelings that people
bring to their relationships: We do not have friends and spouses because
we think they will benefit us; we have friends and spouses because we
love them (see Peterson, 2006). This is in line with the viewpoint of an
early, very influential psychologist, Erich Fromm: Immature love says, “I
love you because I need you.” Mature love says, “I need you because I
love you.”
■ The assortative mating theory. This theory views choosing a love
partner based on similar characteristics. Assortative mating occurs in
many dimensions such as religious beliefs, physical traits, age, socio-
economic status, intelligence, and political ideology. Researchers have
found that people tend to be attracted to those with similar values,
attitudes, and beliefs (Bahnes et al., 2017; Luo & Klohnen, 2005). These
are highly visible and salient characteristics and are fundamental to the
way people lead their lives. However, once people are in a committed
relationship, personality similarity becomes more important. Personality-
related characteristics take much longer to be known and to be
perceived accurately than attitudes, values, and beliefs do, which is why
it begins playing a more substantial role only later in the relationship.
Personality similarity influences marital happiness, because being in a
committed relationship entails regular interaction and requires extensive
coordination in dealing with tasks, issues and the problems of daily
living. Whereas personality similarity facilitates this process, personality
differences may result in more friction and conflict in daily life.
Do all cultures value the same characteristics? In cross-cultural research
investigating such characteristics as mutual attraction, chastity, dependable
character, and good health, some cultural preferences were noted (Buss
et al., 1990). Chastity (virginity) is the characteristic that showed the most
284
variability; in some cultures, it is highly desired, whereas in others, it matters
very little. Gender differences seem to be consistent across cultures: Men
endorse physical attractiveness in partners, while women value earning
potential (Thomae & Houston, 2016). In same-sex couples, physical
attractiveness also seems to be more important for males than for females
(Fugere, 2017).
These ‘laws of attraction’ may be more apparent in societies where
individuals are allowed to have more control over their own dating and
pairing behaviour. What about cultures in which arranged marriages are
the norm? Although love between the partners may not be the decisive
factor, it may still be a ‘love’ marriage – albeit love between parents and
their children. The assumption is that the parents know their children well
enough to choose a suitable partner (Nanda, 2016). However, the concept of
romantic love has also been documented in marriages that are arranged by
the family elders (Epstein et al., 2013).
5.2.3 Attachment
Another important perspective on relationships is attachment, which is
defined as a strong affectional tie that binds people together. Attachment
theory was formulated by John Bowlby, a British psychiatrist, during the
1950s to investigate the effects on the development of children who were
orphaned during World War II. In his initial report, Bowlby (1960) emphasised
the fact that children need a warm and continuous relationship with at least
one adult caregiver to develop appropriately. He viewed the first three
years of life as the period during which the attachment bond is formed.
Bowlby’s work later developed into three volumes in which he dealt with
issues regarding attachment, separation, and loss. His work was extended
by American developmental psychologist, Mary Ainsworth, who identified
three types of attachment: secure attachment, ambivalent (resistant or
anxious) attachment, and avoidant attachment (Ainsworth, 1973). A fourth
attachment style, the avoidant-disoriented style was later added by other
researchers in the field of attachment (e.g. Van Ijzendoorn et al., 1999).
These attachment styles during infancy seem to have far-reaching
implications throughout the life span. The way in which individuals think,
feel, and behave in their adult romantic relationships is not only influenced by
their immediate environments, but is also a result of their past relationships
and personal attachments extending all the way back to childhood (Simpson
et al., 2007).
285
 believe that what they are getting out of the relationship is proportional to
what they are putting into it (an “I’ll wash and you dry” situation). Equity
theory assumes that people calculate the costs and benefits involved in
interacting with others. It is an economic theory and draws our attention
to the kinds of things that people give to and receive from another. The
assumption is that equitable relationships last and inequitable ones
break up (e.g. only one person contributes to the relationship, while
the other does not). However, equity theory is criticised because it is
based purely on mutual exchange, and is compared to a business deal.
This is contradictory to what happens in a genuine relationship, where
individuals often sacrifice their own rewards for the good of their partners.
Another criticism is that equity theory ignores the feelings that people
bring to their relationships: We do not have friends and spouses because
we think they will benefit us; we have friends and spouses because we
love them (see Peterson, 2006). This is in line with the viewpoint of an
early, very influential psychologist, Erich Fromm: Immature love says, “I
love you because I need you.” Mature love says, “I need you because I
love you.”
■ The assortative mating theory. This theory views choosing a love
partner based on similar characteristics. Assortative mating occurs in
many dimensions such as religious beliefs, physical traits, age, socio-
economic status, intelligence, and political ideology. Researchers have
found that people tend to be attracted to those with similar values,
attitudes, and beliefs (Bahnes et al., 2017; Luo & Klohnen, 2005). These
are highly visible and salient characteristics and are fundamental to the
way people lead their lives. However, once people are in a committed
relationship, personality similarity becomes more important. Personality-
related characteristics take much longer to be known and to be
perceived accurately than attitudes, values, and beliefs do, which is why
it begins playing a more substantial role only later in the relationship.
Personality similarity influences marital happiness, because being in a
committed relationship entails regular interaction and requires extensive
coordination in dealing with tasks, issues and the problems of daily
living. Whereas personality similarity facilitates this process, personality
differences may result in more friction and conflict in daily life.
Do all cultures value the same characteristics? In cross-cultural research
investigating such characteristics as mutual attraction, chastity, dependable
character, and good health, some cultural preferences were noted (Buss
et al., 1990). Chastity (virginity) is the characteristic that showed the most
284
variability; in some cultures, it is highly desired, whereas in others, it matters
very little. Gender differences seem to be consistent across cultures: Men
endorse physical attractiveness in partners, while women value earning
potential (Thomae & Houston, 2016). In same-sex couples, physical
attractiveness also seems to be more important for males than for females
(Fugere, 2017).
These ‘laws of attraction’ may be more apparent in societies where
individuals are allowed to have more control over their own dating and
pairing behaviour. What about cultures in which arranged marriages are
the norm? Although love between the partners may not be the decisive
factor, it may still be a ‘love’ marriage – albeit love between parents and
their children. The assumption is that the parents know their children well
enough to choose a suitable partner (Nanda, 2016). However, the concept of
romantic love has also been documented in marriages that are arranged by
the family elders (Epstein et al., 2013).
5.2.3 Attachment
Another important perspective on relationships is attachment, which is
defined as a strong affectional tie that binds people together. Attachment
theory was formulated by John Bowlby, a British psychiatrist, during the
1950s to investigate the effects on the development of children who were
orphaned during World War II. In his initial report, Bowlby (1960) emphasised
the fact that children need a warm and continuous relationship with at least
one adult caregiver to develop appropriately. He viewed the first three
years of life as the period during which the attachment bond is formed.
Bowlby’s work later developed into three volumes in which he dealt with
issues regarding attachment, separation, and loss. His work was extended
by American developmental psychologist, Mary Ainsworth, who identified
three types of attachment: secure attachment, ambivalent (resistant or
anxious) attachment, and avoidant attachment (Ainsworth, 1973). A fourth
attachment style, the avoidant-disoriented style was later added by other
researchers in the field of attachment (e.g. Van Ijzendoorn et al., 1999).
These attachment styles during infancy seem to have far-reaching
implications throughout the life span. The way in which individuals think,
feel, and behave in their adult romantic relationships is not only influenced by
their immediate environments, but is also a result of their past relationships
and personal attachments extending all the way back to childhood (Simpson
et al., 2007).
285
 MODEL OF SELF
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
SECURE PREOCCUPIED

POSITIVE
Secure attachment history Resistant attachment history

MODEL OF OTHERS
Healthy balance of attachment and Desperate for love to feel worthy as
autonomy; freedom to explore a person; worry about abandonment;
express anxiety and danger openly

Mary Ainsworth and John Bowlby DISMISSING FEARFUL

The assumption of attachment theory is that people construct internal Avoidant attachment history Disorganised attachment history

working models, which are representations of themselves and other people.
These representations guide their processing of social information and
behaviour in relationships. Researchers have extended Ainsworth’s model
of attachment relationships to adulthood by identifying four different styles
(Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991; Crowell et al., 1999). (See also Figure 5.2):
• Adults with a secure internal working model feel good about themselves
and others. They are not afraid of abandonment once they enter
relationships.
• People with a preoccupied internal working model have a positive view
of other people but feel unlovable. Just as resistant attached infants,
they want closeness to others to validate their self-worth, but at the
same time, they are highly fearful of abandonment and become overly
dependent on their partners.
• Adults with a dismissing internal working model of attachment have a
positive view of self, but do not trust other people. They tend to dismiss
the importance of close relationships and to keep partners at a distance.
They tend to withdraw and be compulsively self-reliant rather than
seek comfort from others. These adults may have experienced avoidant
attachment during their early years.
• Adults with a fearful internal working model have a negative view of
themselves and of others and display a confusing, unpredictable mix
of neediness and fear of closeness. These adults most likely have a
disorganised-disoriented attachment history.
NEGATIVE
Shut out emotions; defend Need relationships but doubt own
against hurt by avoiding intimacy, worth and fear intimacy; lack a
dismissing the importance of coherent strategy for meeting
relationships, and being overly attachment needs
self-reliant
Sigelman & Rider, 2009
Figure 5.2 Internal models of self and other people based on early
attachment relationships
Research findings (see Peterson, 2006) regarding attachment style and
adult relationships indicate that securely attached adults are
– more supportive of their partners in joint problem-solving tasks;
– more likely to practise safe sex;
– less upset when stress is experienced;
– more likely to seek support from others when it is needed;
– more likely to compromise in conflicts;
– less likely to be depressed;
– more likely to have good self-esteem;
– less likely to abuse their spouse; and
– less likely to divorce.
Another aspect of adults’ functioning that may be affected by their
attachment style is their capacity for caregiving, such as being a responsive
and sensitive parent. It also affects their capacity for exploration, such as trying

286 287
 MODEL OF SELF
POSITIVE NEGATIVE
SECURE PREOCCUPIED

POSITIVE
Secure attachment history Resistant attachment history

MODEL OF OTHERS
Healthy balance of attachment and Desperate for love to feel worthy as
autonomy; freedom to explore a person; worry about abandonment;
express anxiety and danger openly

Mary Ainsworth and John Bowlby DISMISSING FEARFUL

The assumption of attachment theory is that people construct internal Avoidant attachment history Disorganised attachment history

working models, which are representations of themselves and other people.
These representations guide their processing of social information and
behaviour in relationships. Researchers have extended Ainsworth’s model
of attachment relationships to adulthood by identifying four different styles
(Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991; Crowell et al., 1999). (See also Figure 5.2):
• Adults with a secure internal working model feel good about themselves
and others. They are not afraid of abandonment once they enter
relationships.
• People with a preoccupied internal working model have a positive view
of other people but feel unlovable. Just as resistant attached infants,
they want closeness to others to validate their self-worth, but at the
same time, they are highly fearful of abandonment and become overly
dependent on their partners.
• Adults with a dismissing internal working model of attachment have a
positive view of self, but do not trust other people. They tend to dismiss
the importance of close relationships and to keep partners at a distance.
They tend to withdraw and be compulsively self-reliant rather than
seek comfort from others. These adults may have experienced avoidant
attachment during their early years.
• Adults with a fearful internal working model have a negative view of
themselves and of others and display a confusing, unpredictable mix
of neediness and fear of closeness. These adults most likely have a
disorganised-disoriented attachment history.
NEGATIVE
Shut out emotions; defend Need relationships but doubt own
against hurt by avoiding intimacy, worth and fear intimacy; lack a
dismissing the importance of coherent strategy for meeting
relationships, and being overly attachment needs
self-reliant
Sigelman & Rider, 2009
Figure 5.2 Internal models of self and other people based on early
attachment relationships
Research findings (see Peterson, 2006) regarding attachment style and
adult relationships indicate that securely attached adults are
– more supportive of their partners in joint problem-solving tasks;
– more likely to practise safe sex;
– less upset when stress is experienced;
– more likely to seek support from others when it is needed;
– more likely to compromise in conflicts;
– less likely to be depressed;
– more likely to have good self-esteem;
– less likely to abuse their spouse; and
– less likely to divorce.
Another aspect of adults’ functioning that may be affected by their
attachment style is their capacity for caregiving, such as being a responsive
and sensitive parent. It also affects their capacity for exploration, such as trying

286 287
to master their environments, as well as their achievement motivation, their
enjoyment of work, and socialising with co-workers (Sigelman & Rider, 2009).
Although early attachment relationships play a role in adjustment at all
ages, an interesting developmental shift seems to occur. While most young
and middle-aged adults tend to exhibit secure attachment, elderly people
tend to fall into the dismissing-avoidant category. In fact, older adults who
are either securely attached or have a dismissive style tend to be happier
than those who are preoccupied or fearful. These findings suggest that a
dismissive style may be adaptive in old age, possibly helping adults who
have lost spouses to manage on their own (Webster, 1998).
While the attachment theory has become an important concept in
psychology, it has also received criticism (e.g. Berghaus, 2011; Meins, 2017).
The critics do not deny the importance of attachment, but they do question
the overemphasis of a single relationship, in the process side-lining various
other important interactions such as other relationships and biological
factors. Relationships with teachers, friends and other significant others, for
example, can play an equally significant role. As far as biological variables
are concerned, in recent years, researchers have discovered that a number
of physiological factors are associated with attachment (Cassidy et al.,
2013; Diamond & Fagundes, 2010). For example, inherited genetic factors
can affect a person’s susceptibility to rearing influences, causing people to
react differently to the presence or absence of close relationships in both
childhood and adulthood. In addition, as in the case of many other theories,
the uniqueness of the person is overlooked. In fact, individuals may develop
into psychologically healthy adults, regardless of the absence of positive
attachments during childhood. The universal relevance of the attachment
theory has also been called into question: The customs, norms, and values
(which influence attachment) of many non-Western and mainly rural eco-
social environments differ from the Western culture in which most of the
research on attachment has been done (Keil, 2014; Keller, 2012). For example,
in the Western culture, the mother-infant bond (attachment) is regarded
as a very important core value. In many non-Western cultures (such as
also found in many South African cultural groups), this one-to-one bond is
replaced by a network of a variety of relatives (aunts, uncles, grandparents,
and siblings).
5.2.4 Social networks
Broadly speaking, a social network is an extended group of people who
share the same interests and who interact with one another for mutual
288
support, assistance, and the exchange of information. More specifically,
the concept refers to the structural characteristics of an individual’s social
relationships. This includes the size, stability, type of relationship, and
frequency of contact with people who are part of it.
Social networks have been part of humankind since the beginning of
time. This is understandable, since a social network holds several general
advantages for its members (Erber, 2013; Serino, 2017). For example, social
networks provide support in various forms: Some provide instrumental
support (such as practical or financial help) or emotional and expressive
support (such as offering advice, comfort, and boosting a person’s feelings of
control and self-worth). In addition, individuals with effective social networks
tend to be physically healthier and experience greater psychological well-
being. For example, on a physical level, they show a lower incidence of
coronary heart disease, lower blood pressure, and better post-stroke
recovery. On a psychological level, social networks may be a protective
mechanism against cognitive decline (such as dementia), disorders such as
anxiety and depression, as well as feelings of loneliness and low self-esteem
(Sneed & Cohen, 2014; Whitbourne & Sliwinski, 2012).
However, social networks do not only have a positive side. Probably the
outstanding disadvantage of a social network is that it forms the proverbial
cradle for conflict. As all of us know, where there are people, there is conflict.
When one considers factors such as differences in personality, politics,
religion, and general life values, this is understandable. In fact, interpersonal
conflict is the most widely reported daily stressor (Almeida, 2005). Research
indicates that older adults are more effective than younger adults are in
solving interpersonal problems (Stanley & Isaacowitz, 2016). As we have
seen in the previous chapter, this is not only because they are more effective
in controlling their emotions, but also because they use a combination of
strategies to solve interpersonal problems effectively. Older adults are also
better at avoiding interpersonal conflict than younger adults are. These
approaches most likely stem from experience. It also explains why older
adults experience emotions that are more positive regarding networks
than younger adults do and why their networks become selectively smaller
(English & Carstensen, 2014).
Several theories have attempted to explain the motivational foundation
of social networks but none has succeeded in providing a theoretical
explanation accepted by all (Westaby et al., 2014). Some approaches to
social network changes in adulthood deal with age-related developmental
changes; others refer to the balance of reciprocity in a relationship; while
289
to master their environments, as well as their achievement motivation, their
enjoyment of work, and socialising with co-workers (Sigelman & Rider, 2009).
Although early attachment relationships play a role in adjustment at all
ages, an interesting developmental shift seems to occur. While most young
and middle-aged adults tend to exhibit secure attachment, elderly people
tend to fall into the dismissing-avoidant category. In fact, older adults who
are either securely attached or have a dismissive style tend to be happier
than those who are preoccupied or fearful. These findings suggest that a
dismissive style may be adaptive in old age, possibly helping adults who
have lost spouses to manage on their own (Webster, 1998).
While the attachment theory has become an important concept in
psychology, it has also received criticism (e.g. Berghaus, 2011; Meins, 2017).
The critics do not deny the importance of attachment, but they do question
the overemphasis of a single relationship, in the process side-lining various
other important interactions such as other relationships and biological
factors. Relationships with teachers, friends and other significant others, for
example, can play an equally significant role. As far as biological variables
are concerned, in recent years, researchers have discovered that a number
of physiological factors are associated with attachment (Cassidy et al.,
2013; Diamond & Fagundes, 2010). For example, inherited genetic factors
can affect a person’s susceptibility to rearing influences, causing people to
react differently to the presence or absence of close relationships in both
childhood and adulthood. In addition, as in the case of many other theories,
the uniqueness of the person is overlooked. In fact, individuals may develop
into psychologically healthy adults, regardless of the absence of positive
attachments during childhood. The universal relevance of the attachment
theory has also been called into question: The customs, norms, and values
(which influence attachment) of many non-Western and mainly rural eco-
social environments differ from the Western culture in which most of the
research on attachment has been done (Keil, 2014; Keller, 2012). For example,
in the Western culture, the mother-infant bond (attachment) is regarded
as a very important core value. In many non-Western cultures (such as
also found in many South African cultural groups), this one-to-one bond is
replaced by a network of a variety of relatives (aunts, uncles, grandparents,
and siblings).
5.2.4 Social networks
Broadly speaking, a social network is an extended group of people who
share the same interests and who interact with one another for mutual
288
support, assistance, and the exchange of information. More specifically,
the concept refers to the structural characteristics of an individual’s social
relationships. This includes the size, stability, type of relationship, and
frequency of contact with people who are part of it.
Social networks have been part of humankind since the beginning of
time. This is understandable, since a social network holds several general
advantages for its members (Erber, 2013; Serino, 2017). For example, social
networks provide support in various forms: Some provide instrumental
support (such as practical or financial help) or emotional and expressive
support (such as offering advice, comfort, and boosting a person’s feelings of
control and self-worth). In addition, individuals with effective social networks
tend to be physically healthier and experience greater psychological well-
being. For example, on a physical level, they show a lower incidence of
coronary heart disease, lower blood pressure, and better post-stroke
recovery. On a psychological level, social networks may be a protective
mechanism against cognitive decline (such as dementia), disorders such as
anxiety and depression, as well as feelings of loneliness and low self-esteem
(Sneed & Cohen, 2014; Whitbourne & Sliwinski, 2012).
However, social networks do not only have a positive side. Probably the
outstanding disadvantage of a social network is that it forms the proverbial
cradle for conflict. As all of us know, where there are people, there is conflict.
When one considers factors such as differences in personality, politics,
religion, and general life values, this is understandable. In fact, interpersonal
conflict is the most widely reported daily stressor (Almeida, 2005). Research
indicates that older adults are more effective than younger adults are in
solving interpersonal problems (Stanley & Isaacowitz, 2016). As we have
seen in the previous chapter, this is not only because they are more effective
in controlling their emotions, but also because they use a combination of
strategies to solve interpersonal problems effectively. Older adults are also
better at avoiding interpersonal conflict than younger adults are. These
approaches most likely stem from experience. It also explains why older
adults experience emotions that are more positive regarding networks
than younger adults do and why their networks become selectively smaller
(English & Carstensen, 2014).
Several theories have attempted to explain the motivational foundation
of social networks but none has succeeded in providing a theoretical
explanation accepted by all (Westaby et al., 2014). Some approaches to
social network changes in adulthood deal with age-related developmental
changes; others refer to the balance of reciprocity in a relationship; while
289
others pertain to individual choices and strategies. Some of these theories The innermost circle represents social relationships that are close, most
are the following: important, and most meaningful. These close relationships are determined
mostly by attachment, while the relationships in the outer circles are
5.2.4.1 The social convoy model determined mostly by role requirements. Role-guided relationships such
as with co-workers can be important and affectionate, but they are tied
This model is a life-span developmental model of social networks and social primarily to the role setting, which limits them in terms of the duration and
support and is based on social role and attachment theories. According nature of the support. The closer relationships (which may also be linked to
to this model, each person moves through life surrounded by a convoy of roles such as marital and parental roles) are usually more stable and include
people who play a central role in his or her network of social relationships, the exchange of many types of support. Role changes associated with
support, and guidance (Antonucci et al., 1996; Sherman et al., 2016). (The ageing (such as retirement) have a stronger effect on role relationships (i.e.
term ‘convoy’ is often used to refer to a group of ships or vehicles that travel the outer circles) than on the closer relationships (i.e. the inner circle). The
together to provide mutual support and protection.) The social convoy is general expectation is that role loss in later life leads to a decrease in role
illustrated in Figure 5.3 by three concentric circles (i.e. circles that have the relationships and a greater emphasis on family relationships in the network.
same centre). These circles represent the different levels of closeness to the Roles and changes earlier in life also affect the social network in later life,
person. specifically regarding the composition and size of the network. For example,
childless people tend to have slightly smaller immediate family networks
than those with children have, although they tend to have more friends and
till meaningful (neig
but s hb
other non-kin relationships throughout old age (see Thomése et al., 2005).
lose ou
r, w
Thus, regardless of what happens to the relatively casual friendships (such
t c b ut less close ( as loss of acquaintances through retirement), older adults still have a stable
s nt b est
rta
lea

or
po fri inner circle of close friends and family members and therefore do not usually
kc
m le (
are

op parent feel a loss of social support and well-being.

t pe
olle
en

s, c
i

tan
are

d,
who

agu
cou
r
ho

hil
po

5.2.4.2 The social exchange theory

People

dre

e, etc.)
sin, e
People w

sest, most im

n, spouse, etc.)

Social exchange theory proposes that social behaviour is the result of an

tc.)

Me exchange process (Cook et al., 2013). Social exchange suggests that people
evaluate the rewards and risks of each relationship, either consciously or
lo

subconsciously. The rewards or benefits of a relationship refer to positive

C

values, such as a sense of acceptance, support, and companionship. The risks

or costs may refer to negative values such as effort, disapproval and various
forms of punishment. When the risks outweigh the rewards, people tend to
terminate or abandon the relationship.
According to this theory, people constantly evaluate their relationships
based on the comparability of their support exchanges; that is, what they put
into a relationship and what they get out of it. Most relationships are made
up of a certain amount of give and take. People tend to prefer balanced
Adapted from Antonucci et al., 1996
exchanges in which they both provide and receive support. This balance is
Figure 5.3 Social networks in the convoy model referred to as reciprocity and can be direct, indirect, or generalised. Direct
reciprocity refers to returning the same type of support within a limited

290 291
others pertain to individual choices and strategies. Some of these theories The innermost circle represents social relationships that are close, most
are the following: important, and most meaningful. These close relationships are determined
mostly by attachment, while the relationships in the outer circles are
5.2.4.1 The social convoy model determined mostly by role requirements. Role-guided relationships such
as with co-workers can be important and affectionate, but they are tied
This model is a life-span developmental model of social networks and social primarily to the role setting, which limits them in terms of the duration and
support and is based on social role and attachment theories. According nature of the support. The closer relationships (which may also be linked to
to this model, each person moves through life surrounded by a convoy of roles such as marital and parental roles) are usually more stable and include
people who play a central role in his or her network of social relationships, the exchange of many types of support. Role changes associated with
support, and guidance (Antonucci et al., 1996; Sherman et al., 2016). (The ageing (such as retirement) have a stronger effect on role relationships (i.e.
term ‘convoy’ is often used to refer to a group of ships or vehicles that travel the outer circles) than on the closer relationships (i.e. the inner circle). The
together to provide mutual support and protection.) The social convoy is general expectation is that role loss in later life leads to a decrease in role
illustrated in Figure 5.3 by three concentric circles (i.e. circles that have the relationships and a greater emphasis on family relationships in the network.
same centre). These circles represent the different levels of closeness to the Roles and changes earlier in life also affect the social network in later life,
person. specifically regarding the composition and size of the network. For example,
childless people tend to have slightly smaller immediate family networks
than those with children have, although they tend to have more friends and
till meaningful (neig
but s hb
other non-kin relationships throughout old age (see Thomése et al., 2005).
lose ou
r, w
Thus, regardless of what happens to the relatively casual friendships (such
t c b ut less close ( as loss of acquaintances through retirement), older adults still have a stable
s nt b est
rta
lea

or
po fri inner circle of close friends and family members and therefore do not usually
kc
m le (
are

op parent feel a loss of social support and well-being.

t pe
olle
en

s, c
i

tan
are

d,
who

agu
cou
r
ho

hil
po

5.2.4.2 The social exchange theory

People

dre

e, etc.)
sin, e
People w

sest, most im

n, spouse, etc.)

Social exchange theory proposes that social behaviour is the result of an

tc.)

Me exchange process (Cook et al., 2013). Social exchange suggests that people
evaluate the rewards and risks of each relationship, either consciously or
lo

subconsciously. The rewards or benefits of a relationship refer to positive

C

values, such as a sense of acceptance, support, and companionship. The risks

or costs may refer to negative values such as effort, disapproval and various
forms of punishment. When the risks outweigh the rewards, people tend to
terminate or abandon the relationship.
According to this theory, people constantly evaluate their relationships
based on the comparability of their support exchanges; that is, what they put
into a relationship and what they get out of it. Most relationships are made
up of a certain amount of give and take. People tend to prefer balanced
Adapted from Antonucci et al., 1996
exchanges in which they both provide and receive support. This balance is
Figure 5.3 Social networks in the convoy model referred to as reciprocity and can be direct, indirect, or generalised. Direct
reciprocity refers to returning the same type of support within a limited

290 291
period (such as when one visits a friend, one would also want to be visited).
Indirect reciprocity occurs when support is returned through an intermediate
party (such as when adult children provide financially toward a caregiver
for ageing parents). Generalised reciprocity occurs when network members
give support without expecting it to be necessarily returned in the same
proportion or from the same people (e.g. paying taxes to the government in
return for good service and infrastructure). Reciprocity is also a factor in the
continuation of a relationship. If people feel that they are not receiving the
kind of support that they deserve and it is clear that this will not change in
the future, the exchange of support, and therefore the relationship, may be
ended. Therefore, satisfaction of mutual relationship ensures stability in the
relationship.
Age-related differences seem to occur in the type of support exchanges:
Younger adults experience a balance in instrumental (practical) support given
and received, whereas older adults receive support that is more instrumental
but counterbalance this with emotional support. This trend may be related
to decreasing physical capacities and changes in health in old people, which
limit their capacity to render instrumental support. However, the provision of
emotional support does not seem to be affected.
5.2.4.3 Socio-emotional selectivity theory
According to this theory, social contact is motivated by two main goals:
information seeking and emotion regulation (Carstensen, 1992; English &
Carstensen, 2016). Motivational goals shift as people proceed through the life
span (see Figure 5.4). Therefore, each of these goals has differential salience
or importance at different stages of the life span and results in very different
social behaviours.
High
Emotion
regulation
social motives
Salience of
Information
seeking
Low
Childhood Adolescence Middle age Old age
Adapted from Carstensen, Gross & Fung, 1997
Figure 5.4 The socio-emotional selectivity theory
292
During young adulthood, seeking information is the most salient social
motive. This pertains to exploring the world, gathering information about
careers and interests, trying to determine where one belongs, what others
are like, and so forth, which implies that meeting many new people is an
essential part of the process. During midlife, the two goals are in balance,
which implies that both information seeking and regulation of emotion are
important in adults’ drive towards fulfilment of their life goals. As mentioned
in Chapter 4, for older adults, emotional regulation or emotional fulfilment
is the main goal, since there is less need to acquire new information for
future needs. This means that they tend to become highly selective in their
choice of social partners and nearly always prefer people who are familiar
to them. Consequently, older people disengage from peripheral (less
important) relationships, as the emotional engagement with core network
relationships is more rewarding. In other words, the quantity of social
networks declines with age, but the overall quality remains the same or
even improves (Bjorklund, 2015). However, age per se does not necessarily
cause withdrawal from the larger group. Time perspective seems to be an
important factor: Those who perceive their time as limited are more likely
to prioritise by reducing emotional closeness to peripheral networks and
increase emotional closeness to core network members such as family and
friends. Conversely, when time is unlimited, knowledge-based goals and
novel social partners take precedence (Lang, 2000).
5.2.4.4 Social capital theory
People’s social networks comprise members of their immediate and
extended families, as well as friends in the community and in the workplace.
These networks are called social capital and refer to the set of intangible
resources in families and communities that help people cope with stress,
develop their potential, take advantage of opportunities, and express
aspirations beyond the immediate context (Amoateng et al., 2004; Moore
& Kawachi, 2017). According to social capital theory, contained within the
complex web of human relationships is the potential to generate material
resources and opportunities for personal development (Fraenkel, 2016;
Thomése et al., 2005). The decision to invest, or disinvest in a relationship
is based theoretically on present costs and expected (future) benefits, the
availability of high-quality alternative relationships in the network, and the
connectedness of the relationship to the network (Thomése et al., 2005).
People are more likely to discontinue relationships with high costs (e.g. long
travelling time) and low benefits (e.g. little perceived support), in particular
293
period (such as when one visits a friend, one would also want to be visited).
Indirect reciprocity occurs when support is returned through an intermediate
party (such as when adult children provide financially toward a caregiver
for ageing parents). Generalised reciprocity occurs when network members
give support without expecting it to be necessarily returned in the same
proportion or from the same people (e.g. paying taxes to the government in
return for good service and infrastructure). Reciprocity is also a factor in the
continuation of a relationship. If people feel that they are not receiving the
kind of support that they deserve and it is clear that this will not change in
the future, the exchange of support, and therefore the relationship, may be
ended. Therefore, satisfaction of mutual relationship ensures stability in the
relationship.
Age-related differences seem to occur in the type of support exchanges:
Younger adults experience a balance in instrumental (practical) support given
and received, whereas older adults receive support that is more instrumental
but counterbalance this with emotional support. This trend may be related
to decreasing physical capacities and changes in health in old people, which
limit their capacity to render instrumental support. However, the provision of
emotional support does not seem to be affected.
5.2.4.3 Socio-emotional selectivity theory
According to this theory, social contact is motivated by two main goals:
information seeking and emotion regulation (Carstensen, 1992; English &
Carstensen, 2016). Motivational goals shift as people proceed through the life
span (see Figure 5.4). Therefore, each of these goals has differential salience
or importance at different stages of the life span and results in very different
social behaviours.
High
Emotion
regulation
social motives
Salience of
Information
seeking
Low
Childhood Adolescence Middle age Old age
Adapted from Carstensen, Gross & Fung, 1997
Figure 5.4 The socio-emotional selectivity theory
292
During young adulthood, seeking information is the most salient social
motive. This pertains to exploring the world, gathering information about
careers and interests, trying to determine where one belongs, what others
are like, and so forth, which implies that meeting many new people is an
essential part of the process. During midlife, the two goals are in balance,
which implies that both information seeking and regulation of emotion are
important in adults’ drive towards fulfilment of their life goals. As mentioned
in Chapter 4, for older adults, emotional regulation or emotional fulfilment
is the main goal, since there is less need to acquire new information for
future needs. This means that they tend to become highly selective in their
choice of social partners and nearly always prefer people who are familiar
to them. Consequently, older people disengage from peripheral (less
important) relationships, as the emotional engagement with core network
relationships is more rewarding. In other words, the quantity of social
networks declines with age, but the overall quality remains the same or
even improves (Bjorklund, 2015). However, age per se does not necessarily
cause withdrawal from the larger group. Time perspective seems to be an
important factor: Those who perceive their time as limited are more likely
to prioritise by reducing emotional closeness to peripheral networks and
increase emotional closeness to core network members such as family and
friends. Conversely, when time is unlimited, knowledge-based goals and
novel social partners take precedence (Lang, 2000).
5.2.4.4 Social capital theory
People’s social networks comprise members of their immediate and
extended families, as well as friends in the community and in the workplace.
These networks are called social capital and refer to the set of intangible
resources in families and communities that help people cope with stress,
develop their potential, take advantage of opportunities, and express
aspirations beyond the immediate context (Amoateng et al., 2004; Moore
& Kawachi, 2017). According to social capital theory, contained within the
complex web of human relationships is the potential to generate material
resources and opportunities for personal development (Fraenkel, 2016;
Thomése et al., 2005). The decision to invest, or disinvest in a relationship
is based theoretically on present costs and expected (future) benefits, the
availability of high-quality alternative relationships in the network, and the
connectedness of the relationship to the network (Thomése et al., 2005).
People are more likely to discontinue relationships with high costs (e.g. long
travelling time) and low benefits (e.g. little perceived support), in particular
293
when they have a large network and the relationship is not connected strongly race, socio-economic, and other boundaries (Lasala et al., 2013). (See Figure
to other relationships. Social capital has been linked to emotional health of 5.5. for the extent of usage of these technologies in South Africa.) Owing
the family, children’s self-esteem, adults’ advancement in the workplace and to the effect of these social networks on human behaviour, a new term was
in the broader community, and sustainable development (Amoateng et al., created: cyber psychology.
2004). Given these favourable outcomes of social networks, what is the state
of social networks in South Africa? Some insights are provided in Box 5.1. 90
87
80
Box 5.1. Social networks in South Africa
70
In an annual evaluation of public opinion conducted in 2001 by the HSRC, the following
was indicated regarding social networks in South Africa: 60 Yes At home
60
■ People living in rural communities are isolated and tend to have contact mostly 50 No Other access
with close family and other people in the same community. Although this allows No access
for strong and supportive bonds, it provides few channels to jobs or other 40
opportunities.
Women have more limited social networks than men do. Women have fewer 30
30
■

friends both within and outside their communities than men do, and working
women have fewer friends at work than their male counterparts do. An important
20
part of women’s social networks are other women who face many of the same 13
10 10
challenges in life, and who have little social capital. Thus, like rural people, women
tend not to have access to networks that could assist them. 0
■ Contrary to popular belief, black South Africans have weaker social networks than
the other population groups and therefore have less access to resources through
social networks. Cell Phones Internet
■ Older people have fewer social contacts and more limited networks than younger
StatsSA, 2017
people do.
■ Regarding socio-economic factors, better-off people have support that is more Figure 5.5. Percentage of South African households that have cell
social and social networks that are more extensive than poorer people do. However, phones and internet access at home or elsewhere
the support and social networks poorer people have are critical to their survival
and development.
As in the case of the printed media, radio and television before it,
technological information and social networks have sparked an ongoing
debate regarding its influence on our daily lives and our psychological
5.2.4.5 Social networks in cyberspace functioning (e.g. Kraut & Burke, 2015; Mathews, 2010; Pantic, 2014).
Some of the main psychological benefits of technological social networks
With technological advancement, social networks have changed dramatically are the following:
over the last few decades. Computer and cell phone technologies have made
great strides in the development of social networks such as the electronic
mail system (email) the short message systems (SMS), WhatsApp, Facebook,
• Technological social networks may improve psychological well-being
by helping people to communicate with friends and family, meet new
Twitter, Instagram and numerous other networks. The effect of these people, create a variety of opportunities (e.g. research, professional
technological social networks on the way in which we act and think is so vast exchange, and business prospects), simplify shopping, access helpful
that people tend to live in two worlds: the real world and the virtual world. In information on a variety of subjects or just to relax and pass the time.
many respects, this virtual human interaction has a much larger scope than
real-world human interaction has, because it cuts across geographic, time,
• By using these technologies, psychological distress such as loneliness and

294 295
when they have a large network and the relationship is not connected strongly race, socio-economic, and other boundaries (Lasala et al., 2013). (See Figure
to other relationships. Social capital has been linked to emotional health of 5.5. for the extent of usage of these technologies in South Africa.) Owing
the family, children’s self-esteem, adults’ advancement in the workplace and to the effect of these social networks on human behaviour, a new term was
in the broader community, and sustainable development (Amoateng et al., created: cyber psychology.
2004). Given these favourable outcomes of social networks, what is the state
of social networks in South Africa? Some insights are provided in Box 5.1. 90
87
80
Box 5.1. Social networks in South Africa
70
In an annual evaluation of public opinion conducted in 2001 by the HSRC, the following
was indicated regarding social networks in South Africa: 60 Yes At home
60
■ People living in rural communities are isolated and tend to have contact mostly 50 No Other access
with close family and other people in the same community. Although this allows No access
for strong and supportive bonds, it provides few channels to jobs or other 40
opportunities.
Women have more limited social networks than men do. Women have fewer 30
30
■

friends both within and outside their communities than men do, and working
women have fewer friends at work than their male counterparts do. An important
20
part of women’s social networks are other women who face many of the same 13
10 10
challenges in life, and who have little social capital. Thus, like rural people, women
tend not to have access to networks that could assist them. 0
■ Contrary to popular belief, black South Africans have weaker social networks than
the other population groups and therefore have less access to resources through
social networks. Cell Phones Internet
■ Older people have fewer social contacts and more limited networks than younger
StatsSA, 2017
people do.
■ Regarding socio-economic factors, better-off people have support that is more Figure 5.5. Percentage of South African households that have cell
social and social networks that are more extensive than poorer people do. However, phones and internet access at home or elsewhere
the support and social networks poorer people have are critical to their survival
and development.
As in the case of the printed media, radio and television before it,
technological information and social networks have sparked an ongoing
debate regarding its influence on our daily lives and our psychological
5.2.4.5 Social networks in cyberspace functioning (e.g. Kraut & Burke, 2015; Mathews, 2010; Pantic, 2014).
Some of the main psychological benefits of technological social networks
With technological advancement, social networks have changed dramatically are the following:
over the last few decades. Computer and cell phone technologies have made
great strides in the development of social networks such as the electronic
mail system (email) the short message systems (SMS), WhatsApp, Facebook,
• Technological social networks may improve psychological well-being
by helping people to communicate with friends and family, meet new
Twitter, Instagram and numerous other networks. The effect of these people, create a variety of opportunities (e.g. research, professional
technological social networks on the way in which we act and think is so vast exchange, and business prospects), simplify shopping, access helpful
that people tend to live in two worlds: the real world and the virtual world. In information on a variety of subjects or just to relax and pass the time.
many respects, this virtual human interaction has a much larger scope than
real-world human interaction has, because it cuts across geographic, time,
• By using these technologies, psychological distress such as loneliness and

294 295
 depression could be alleviated, as it provides measures to communicate
with others and access to the world of information.
• Technologies such as the Internet are often used as tools of escapism, i.e.
the process in which a person uses these technologies to escape from
their troublesome circumstances.
• There is evidence that activities such as Internet search trigger key centres
in the brain that control decision-making and complex reasoning, which
may enhance brain functioning (Small & Vorgan, 2009). It also seems
to improve critical thinking skills, creativity, and self-esteem. Research
with young adults has indicated that technological social networks may
enhance memory and verbal abilities (Alloway et al., 2013).
An interesting ‘by-product’ of technological social networks is online
dating. It seems that the reasons why people date online do not differ
significantly from the reasons for offline dating. For example, two important
relationship goals – companionship and physical attraction – are viewed
similarly by people who date online and those who date offline. Research
that included almost 6 000 participants between the ages 20 to 95 who
made use of online dating, indicated that participants of all ages valued
companionship more than sex appeal, although some differences did occur:
Older participants rated sexual attraction as slightly less important than
younger participants did, while compared to men, women placed greater
emphasis on companionship than on sexual attraction (Menkin et al., 2015).
An age group whose distinctive needs have been improved especially
by technological social networks is the elderly (Boz & Karatas, 2015; Molina
et al., 2016). (See also Box 5.2 regarding computer and cell phone use by
elderly South Africans.) Next to the afore-mentioned advantages, the lives
of the elderly have been improved by benefits such as safety, security, and
independence. Research has also suggested that the use of the Internet is
associated with a reduced risk of dementia (d’Orsi et al., 2017). A study has
shown that older Internet users scored higher than non-users did on personal
growth and purpose in life. In fact, older Internet users were more like young
adults in this regard than like older non-users (Chen & Persson, 2010).
Research also indicates that technological social networks can improve the
memory and processing speed of adults. It seems that there is truth in the
saying “Technology is becoming a fountain of youth for the elderly.”
296
Box 5.2 Computer and cell phone use by elderly
South Africans
Research shows that the motivation for South African elderly to use technological
social networks are similar to findings in other parts of the world. For example:
In Cape Town interviews with elderly who were all older than 73 brought to light
that elderly people use computers, specifically the Internet to maintain contact with
family and friends outside of, and sometimes even within the neighbourhood. Obtaining
information about a variety of subjects is also regarded as important (Bosch & Currin,
2015). In this way they feel connected with society both through communication with
and observation of people, and through keeping themselves informed about news and
topics that come up in conversation. By using the Internet they communicate with more
people than they had before. Therefore they feel less isolated and lonely. Nevertheless,
their use of computers does not weaken their interpersonal contact in the ‘real world’.
Researchers at North-West University included participants between the ages of
65 and 89 years in a study to determine to what extent cell phone use fulfil the needs
of these age groups (Lamont et al., 2017). The need to stay connected with family
and friends by means of cell phone use is expressed by the majority of participants.
Another important reason is safety and security reasons and more specifically as an
essential means to access help in emergency situations. Health-related issues such as
contacting medical services also play an important role. A sense of control in their
own lives is another significant need expressed by the participants in this study. For
example, cell phones enable them to manage their daily routine, shopping, leisure and
recreation. Having a sense of control over outcomes and having a feeling of being
effective in one’s actions fulfil a basic psychological need. The researchers concluded
that cell phones meet important basic needs of older South Africans.
As can be expected, the influences of technological social networks are
not appreciated by all. Some examples are the following:
■ Critics of these networks point out that there are too many contradicting
results to be able to come to definite conclusions (Carr, 2011; Dhir et al.,
2017; Morton, 2015). Thus, in any if not most cases, there is an empirically
based counter-argument for every argument.
■ These networks have had a profound effect on the way in which people
communicate and interact. In traditional social networks, personal, and
face-to-face interaction with people (usually those whom one knows
well) are major components of interaction. During these interactions,
people continuously process non-verbal signs such as facial expressions,
tone of voice, gestures, body language, eye contact, and even the physical
distance between themselves and the other person(s). These non-verbal
signs also contribute to the way in which people react on an emotional
level to one another. In technological social networks, members very
often do not know each other, while communication via a technological
297
 depression could be alleviated, as it provides measures to communicate
with others and access to the world of information.
• Technologies such as the Internet are often used as tools of escapism, i.e.
the process in which a person uses these technologies to escape from
their troublesome circumstances.
• There is evidence that activities such as Internet search trigger key centres
in the brain that control decision-making and complex reasoning, which
may enhance brain functioning (Small & Vorgan, 2009). It also seems
to improve critical thinking skills, creativity, and self-esteem. Research
with young adults has indicated that technological social networks may
enhance memory and verbal abilities (Alloway et al., 2013).
An interesting ‘by-product’ of technological social networks is online
dating. It seems that the reasons why people date online do not differ
significantly from the reasons for offline dating. For example, two important
relationship goals – companionship and physical attraction – are viewed
similarly by people who date online and those who date offline. Research
that included almost 6 000 participants between the ages 20 to 95 who
made use of online dating, indicated that participants of all ages valued
companionship more than sex appeal, although some differences did occur:
Older participants rated sexual attraction as slightly less important than
younger participants did, while compared to men, women placed greater
emphasis on companionship than on sexual attraction (Menkin et al., 2015).
An age group whose distinctive needs have been improved especially
by technological social networks is the elderly (Boz & Karatas, 2015; Molina
et al., 2016). (See also Box 5.2 regarding computer and cell phone use by
elderly South Africans.) Next to the afore-mentioned advantages, the lives
of the elderly have been improved by benefits such as safety, security, and
independence. Research has also suggested that the use of the Internet is
associated with a reduced risk of dementia (d’Orsi et al., 2017). A study has
shown that older Internet users scored higher than non-users did on personal
growth and purpose in life. In fact, older Internet users were more like young
adults in this regard than like older non-users (Chen & Persson, 2010).
Research also indicates that technological social networks can improve the
memory and processing speed of adults. It seems that there is truth in the
saying “Technology is becoming a fountain of youth for the elderly.”
296
Box 5.2 Computer and cell phone use by elderly
South Africans
Research shows that the motivation for South African elderly to use technological
social networks are similar to findings in other parts of the world. For example:
In Cape Town interviews with elderly who were all older than 73 brought to light
that elderly people use computers, specifically the Internet to maintain contact with
family and friends outside of, and sometimes even within the neighbourhood. Obtaining
information about a variety of subjects is also regarded as important (Bosch & Currin,
2015). In this way they feel connected with society both through communication with
and observation of people, and through keeping themselves informed about news and
topics that come up in conversation. By using the Internet they communicate with more
people than they had before. Therefore they feel less isolated and lonely. Nevertheless,
their use of computers does not weaken their interpersonal contact in the ‘real world’.
Researchers at North-West University included participants between the ages of
65 and 89 years in a study to determine to what extent cell phone use fulfil the needs
of these age groups (Lamont et al., 2017). The need to stay connected with family
and friends by means of cell phone use is expressed by the majority of participants.
Another important reason is safety and security reasons and more specifically as an
essential means to access help in emergency situations. Health-related issues such as
contacting medical services also play an important role. A sense of control in their
own lives is another significant need expressed by the participants in this study. For
example, cell phones enable them to manage their daily routine, shopping, leisure and
recreation. Having a sense of control over outcomes and having a feeling of being
effective in one’s actions fulfil a basic psychological need. The researchers concluded
that cell phones meet important basic needs of older South Africans.
As can be expected, the influences of technological social networks are
not appreciated by all. Some examples are the following:
■ Critics of these networks point out that there are too many contradicting
results to be able to come to definite conclusions (Carr, 2011; Dhir et al.,
2017; Morton, 2015). Thus, in any if not most cases, there is an empirically
based counter-argument for every argument.
■ These networks have had a profound effect on the way in which people
communicate and interact. In traditional social networks, personal, and
face-to-face interaction with people (usually those whom one knows
well) are major components of interaction. During these interactions,
people continuously process non-verbal signs such as facial expressions,
tone of voice, gestures, body language, eye contact, and even the physical
distance between themselves and the other person(s). These non-verbal
signs also contribute to the way in which people react on an emotional
level to one another. In technological social networks, members very
often do not know each other, while communication via a technological
297
 device is devoid of the non-verbal signs that are the heart and soul of to alleviate the emotional suffering of persons with a psychological disorder
face-to-face interactions (Margalit, 2014). Therefore, social interactions via (Brunette et al., 2017; Kannisto et al., 2017).
technological social networks are often without responsibility, restraint, or
accountability (Lasala et al., 2013). This is called the online disinhibition Technological social networks are integral parts of our lives and will remain
effect. For example, without the non-verbal cues of face-to-face interactions, so until new networks are invented. Just as numerous other human inventions
people often use offensive and vulgar language or express anger and that have undeniable advantages, it could have negative implications if not used
threats. They may also visit certain sites (such as pornographic sites) from responsibly and cautiously – in other words, the bad usually comes with the
which they would refrain in real good. Future research (hopefully) should give us more answers in this regard.
life where societal norms are
present and conscience plays a REVIEW THIS SECTION
much more significant role.
1. How does adults’ social development differ from the social development of children?
■ Although not recognised as
2. What is intimacy? Discuss the lack of establishing intimacy in early adulthood.
a formal mental disorder, the Why may this be a difficult task?
term internet addiction or 3. What is love? Why is love a difficult concept to study? Why is studying the concept
internet addiction disorder is of love important? Does love only have a romantic colour? Discuss the biochemicals
used when a person’s life is so associated with love.
consumed by the Internet that it 4. Discuss Sternberg’s triangular theory of love.
affects his or her life negatively 5. Discuss the types of love as defined by Sternberg. What components would an ideal
in a significant way (Lau et love relationship consist of? Do these components remain equally strong
throughout the life span?
al., 2017). More specifically,
it causes significant decline 6. Discuss the theories that attempt to define why we fall in love with particular
people.
in the social, professional, or
7. How may gender and cultural factors influence the ‘laws of attraction’?
academic functioning of a
8. What is attachment? How did the attachment theory develop?
person. It is described as similar
to pathological gambling. The 9. Discuss the model of attachment relationships in adulthood. Indicate how these
Technological social networks have a profound may be related to attachment relationships in childhood.
fact that internet addiction is effect on the way we interact
10. What are the relationship characteristics of securely attached adults?
not an acknowledged clinical
11. What are the criticisms against attachment theory?
disorder with exact diagnostic criteria makes it impossible to determine the
prevalence thereof (estimates vary between approximately 1% and 30%). 12. What is a social network? What are the benefits of a social network? What are
the disadvantages of a social network? Why may older adults be more effective
It remains an open question whether ‘internet addiction’ is not only part than younger adults are in solving interpersonal problems?
of normal behaviour where a person is just engulfed in his or her field of 13. Discuss the following theoretical models of social networks:
interest, such as in music or sport. In other words, we should guard against • The convoy model
giving any unusual behaviour a psychopathological label. • The social exchange theory
■ A correlation has been found between technological social networks and • The socio-emotional selectivity theory
• The social capital theory
symptoms such as depression and low self-esteem (Pantic, 2014; Woods &
14. Discuss social networks in cyberspace. What are the main psychosocial benefits of
Scott, 2016). However, as we emphasised in Chapter 1, a correlation does not technological social networks? What are the main criticisms?
mean a causal relationship. Such a correlation does not necessarily mean
15. Discuss the following research findings: (a) Social networks of South Africans;
that use of social networks can cause depression and low self-esteem. It (b) Cell phone and Internet usage of South Africans (what is the general trend that
may also be that people use technological social networks because they are one could derive from the histograms?); (c) Computer and cell phone use by
depressed or have low self-esteem. In fact, these networks have been used elderly South Africans.

298 299
 device is devoid of the non-verbal signs that are the heart and soul of to alleviate the emotional suffering of persons with a psychological disorder
face-to-face interactions (Margalit, 2014). Therefore, social interactions via (Brunette et al., 2017; Kannisto et al., 2017).
technological social networks are often without responsibility, restraint, or
accountability (Lasala et al., 2013). This is called the online disinhibition Technological social networks are integral parts of our lives and will remain
effect. For example, without the non-verbal cues of face-to-face interactions, so until new networks are invented. Just as numerous other human inventions
people often use offensive and vulgar language or express anger and that have undeniable advantages, it could have negative implications if not used
threats. They may also visit certain sites (such as pornographic sites) from responsibly and cautiously – in other words, the bad usually comes with the
which they would refrain in real good. Future research (hopefully) should give us more answers in this regard.
life where societal norms are
present and conscience plays a REVIEW THIS SECTION
much more significant role.
1. How does adults’ social development differ from the social development of children?
■ Although not recognised as
2. What is intimacy? Discuss the lack of establishing intimacy in early adulthood.
a formal mental disorder, the Why may this be a difficult task?
term internet addiction or 3. What is love? Why is love a difficult concept to study? Why is studying the concept
internet addiction disorder is of love important? Does love only have a romantic colour? Discuss the biochemicals
used when a person’s life is so associated with love.
consumed by the Internet that it 4. Discuss Sternberg’s triangular theory of love.
affects his or her life negatively 5. Discuss the types of love as defined by Sternberg. What components would an ideal
in a significant way (Lau et love relationship consist of? Do these components remain equally strong
throughout the life span?
al., 2017). More specifically,
it causes significant decline 6. Discuss the theories that attempt to define why we fall in love with particular
people.
in the social, professional, or
7. How may gender and cultural factors influence the ‘laws of attraction’?
academic functioning of a
8. What is attachment? How did the attachment theory develop?
person. It is described as similar
to pathological gambling. The 9. Discuss the model of attachment relationships in adulthood. Indicate how these
Technological social networks have a profound may be related to attachment relationships in childhood.
fact that internet addiction is effect on the way we interact
10. What are the relationship characteristics of securely attached adults?
not an acknowledged clinical
11. What are the criticisms against attachment theory?
disorder with exact diagnostic criteria makes it impossible to determine the
prevalence thereof (estimates vary between approximately 1% and 30%). 12. What is a social network? What are the benefits of a social network? What are
the disadvantages of a social network? Why may older adults be more effective
It remains an open question whether ‘internet addiction’ is not only part than younger adults are in solving interpersonal problems?
of normal behaviour where a person is just engulfed in his or her field of 13. Discuss the following theoretical models of social networks:
interest, such as in music or sport. In other words, we should guard against • The convoy model
giving any unusual behaviour a psychopathological label. • The social exchange theory
■ A correlation has been found between technological social networks and • The socio-emotional selectivity theory
• The social capital theory
symptoms such as depression and low self-esteem (Pantic, 2014; Woods &
14. Discuss social networks in cyberspace. What are the main psychosocial benefits of
Scott, 2016). However, as we emphasised in Chapter 1, a correlation does not technological social networks? What are the main criticisms?
mean a causal relationship. Such a correlation does not necessarily mean
15. Discuss the following research findings: (a) Social networks of South Africans;
that use of social networks can cause depression and low self-esteem. It (b) Cell phone and Internet usage of South Africans (what is the general trend that
may also be that people use technological social networks because they are one could derive from the histograms?); (c) Computer and cell phone use by
depressed or have low self-esteem. In fact, these networks have been used elderly South Africans.

298 299
5.3 LIFESTYLE CHOICES regarded as the definitive milestone in the passage to adulthood (Treas &
Sanabria, 2016). However, as we shall also point out, the majority of people
still believe in the meaning of matrimony and what it stands for.
Lifestyle is related to the specific way in which an individual or group leads
To understand what marriage entails, it is important to realise that
their lives. During the past decades, several changes that have resulted in
marriage can be defined differently in different societies. This is especially
shifts in certain norms and values have taken place in South African society.
true in a culturally and religiously diverse country such as South Africa.
For example, current norms less expect people to marry, to remain married,
For a long time, marriage in South Africa (as in most Western countries)
to have children, or that there should be distinctly different roles for men and
was defined as a legally recognised union between a man and a woman.
women. These changes in norms have led to changes in lifestyles. Therefore,
This is called a civil marriage. However, because of political and other
current rules for acceptable lifestyles and interpersonal relationships are
developments, South Africa now also allows other types of marriages. For
much more flexible than in previous times.
example, in a customary marriage, the spouses are married in accordance
with the indigenous African traditions and customs (e.g. polygamy is allowed,
but only for men). A religious marriage takes place in terms of religious
requirements such as found in the Islamic and Hindu faiths. A civil union is a
specific form of marriage, often called a legalised partnership. These couples
have the same marital rights, responsibilities, and legal consequences as in a
civil marriage. For various reasons, these people do not want to marry in the
traditional way, but want to formalise their relationship and wish to ensure
that their relationship has legal recognition (Preller, 2017).

“Fortunately our son has made his career choice: He is

going to marry Miss South Africa and then he is going to
buy a pizza shop and liquor store.”

In this section, we shall be discussing the different lifestyles in which

adults engage. Some of these lifestyles involve choices such as marriage,
divorce, parenthood, cohabitation, and the single life, while others involve
changes that result from developmental transitions and events.

5.3.1 Marital and non-marital lifestyles

These lifestyles involve those bound by marital laws such as marriage,

divorce, and remarriage, and those that are not bound by these laws, such
as cohabitation and singlehood.

5.3.1.1 Marriage

As we shall discuss later, worldwide and in South Africa, the traditional and
Top left: Zulu wedding, top right: Muslim wedding,
important role of marriage in society is declining. Marriage is also no longer bottom left: Western wedding, bottom right: gay wedding cake

300 301
5.3 LIFESTYLE CHOICES regarded as the definitive milestone in the passage to adulthood (Treas &
Sanabria, 2016). However, as we shall also point out, the majority of people
still believe in the meaning of matrimony and what it stands for.
Lifestyle is related to the specific way in which an individual or group leads
To understand what marriage entails, it is important to realise that
their lives. During the past decades, several changes that have resulted in
marriage can be defined differently in different societies. This is especially
shifts in certain norms and values have taken place in South African society.
true in a culturally and religiously diverse country such as South Africa.
For example, current norms less expect people to marry, to remain married,
For a long time, marriage in South Africa (as in most Western countries)
to have children, or that there should be distinctly different roles for men and
was defined as a legally recognised union between a man and a woman.
women. These changes in norms have led to changes in lifestyles. Therefore,
This is called a civil marriage. However, because of political and other
current rules for acceptable lifestyles and interpersonal relationships are
developments, South Africa now also allows other types of marriages. For
much more flexible than in previous times.
example, in a customary marriage, the spouses are married in accordance
with the indigenous African traditions and customs (e.g. polygamy is allowed,
but only for men). A religious marriage takes place in terms of religious
requirements such as found in the Islamic and Hindu faiths. A civil union is a
specific form of marriage, often called a legalised partnership. These couples
have the same marital rights, responsibilities, and legal consequences as in a
civil marriage. For various reasons, these people do not want to marry in the
traditional way, but want to formalise their relationship and wish to ensure
that their relationship has legal recognition (Preller, 2017).

“Fortunately our son has made his career choice: He is

going to marry Miss South Africa and then he is going to
buy a pizza shop and liquor store.”

In this section, we shall be discussing the different lifestyles in which

adults engage. Some of these lifestyles involve choices such as marriage,
divorce, parenthood, cohabitation, and the single life, while others involve
changes that result from developmental transitions and events.

5.3.1 Marital and non-marital lifestyles

These lifestyles involve those bound by marital laws such as marriage,

divorce, and remarriage, and those that are not bound by these laws, such
as cohabitation and singlehood.

5.3.1.1 Marriage

As we shall discuss later, worldwide and in South Africa, the traditional and
Top left: Zulu wedding, top right: Muslim wedding,
important role of marriage in society is declining. Marriage is also no longer bottom left: Western wedding, bottom right: gay wedding cake

300 301
The above-mentioned variations also illustrate the complexity of the South
African situation and why it is so important to interpret data (e.g. statistics),
especially psychosocial phenomena such as marriage and divorce, with
great caution.
(a) The status of marriage in South Africa
Although marriage is still a popular institution for many, marriage rates in
South Africa, as mentioned earlier, have declined (Statistics South Africa,
2017). The following are some of the important reasons for this tendency:
Firstly, a new ‘broad-minded’ way of thinking, marked by a questioning of
authority, has developed where marriage is losing its special status and is
even referred to as a ‘piece of paper’. In part, this reaction could be ascribed
to ‘unrealistic’ preconditions and sanctions regarding marriages required
by society and especially religious institutions. This perspective has gained
ground as the law and religious institutions have accepted a viewpoint that
is more tolerable. Also, marriage gradually has been losing its special status
in law, as legal reforms have led to a greater recognition of equality and
neutrality in issues of common-law marriage, cohabitation, and the care
and custody of children. Secondly, getting married has significant financial
implications. For example, lobola (according to African custom the price
paid for a bride) has become unaffordable for many couples (see Box 5.3
for a discussion of the social value of lobola). Therefore, they prefer to stay
unmarried and often live together. In addition, the more traditional Western
wedding has become so expensive that many couples prefer to use the
money for other ‘more necessary’ purposes. Thirdly, as more occupational
and educational opportunities have become available for women, they
have become more career orientated. The result is that they often regard
the development of their career as more important than marriage. At the
same time, they have become financially less dependent on marriage where
traditionally they were largely dependent on the male partner.
The statistical decline of marriage rates in South Africa is also reflected
in other ways. For example, about 7 out of 10 children born in South Africa
are by women who were never married (African: 75%; Coloured: 63%; Indian:
15%; White: 18%) (Chimere-Dan, 2015). Formal weddings (traditionally a big
occasion officiated in a church and followed by an impressive festivity) has
declined to such an extent that most marriages are presently performed by
officials at the Department of Home Affairs. Couples also marry at a much
older age than a few decades ago when the average age was in the mid-
twenties. For example, the median ages of bridegrooms increased from 34
302
years in 2012 to 36 years in 2016, and those for brides increased from 30
years to 32 years during the same period (Statistics South Africa, 2019).
(The median refers to the middle value in a series of values arranged from
the smallest to largest, i.e. the value or number that separates the higher
half from the lower half. This is different from a mean, which indicates an
average value.)
Box 5.3 The social value of lobola
The payment of lobola is a tradition in most African countries and is viewed as an
integral part of the marriage process. Traditionally, lobola can be regarded as a social
symbol with spiritual links (appeasing the ancestors) to unite two families. It is accepted
as a culturally legal and valid union and marriage.
Lobola also serves as ‘compensation’ to the woman’s father and family for the
‘loss’ of a female family member. The presumed loss is because of the fact that the
father and his family spent money, time, and effort in educating and caring for a female
child. In most African cultures, children are regarded as important. This is especially
true since they continue the family name of the father; hence, a female’s ability to bear
children is important. For instance, if the female does not bear children, the male’s
family can demand that lobola be returned. They can also ask for a replacement for the
barren wife – a younger sister sometimes takes on this role.
Procedures in the presentation of lobola differ among the various sociocultural
groups in sub-Saharan Africa. However, in general, payment is made in the form of
livestock, and the final payment typically occurs after the birth of the couple’s first
live child. The traditional Zulu culture allows a bridegroom to give what he can afford,
although it is a matter of honour to give as many cattle as possible. Cattle are the main
means for the payment of lobola because they are ritually linked to the ancestral spirits
of the traditional African clan. The herding of cattle onto the land of the man would be
seen as proof by the ancestors that a female will be taken as a marriage partner.
However, factors such as urbanisation and its associated Western world values
have led to differences in the way in which the lobola tradition is practised and viewed.
There has also been international and national criticism of the lobola tradition by human
rights activists and especially feminist movements. For instance, the practice of lobola
is regarded as the commercialisation of women, especially as women have no place
in the process of lobola negotiation and the exchange is made by the male members
of the two families. Lobola is frowned upon by many who equate it to modern-day
slavery, because a woman is considered to be bought and sold. Critics also point out
that because of the financial impact of lobola and resulting differences, instead of
uniting families, it can split families.
To determine the viewpoint of black students towards lobola, Khomari et al.
(2012) conducted a study at a university in the Limpopo Province. About 60% of the
participants believed lobola to be a fair cultural practice. More than 80% believed there
should be legislation or regulation to protect it as an institution and to protect users
from exploitation. However, more than 50% of the students held the view that lobola
has lost its original meaning and is used as a business transaction, not as a gift of
thanks.
303
The above-mentioned variations also illustrate the complexity of the South
African situation and why it is so important to interpret data (e.g. statistics),
especially psychosocial phenomena such as marriage and divorce, with
great caution.
(a) The status of marriage in South Africa
Although marriage is still a popular institution for many, marriage rates in
South Africa, as mentioned earlier, have declined (Statistics South Africa,
2017). The following are some of the important reasons for this tendency:
Firstly, a new ‘broad-minded’ way of thinking, marked by a questioning of
authority, has developed where marriage is losing its special status and is
even referred to as a ‘piece of paper’. In part, this reaction could be ascribed
to ‘unrealistic’ preconditions and sanctions regarding marriages required
by society and especially religious institutions. This perspective has gained
ground as the law and religious institutions have accepted a viewpoint that
is more tolerable. Also, marriage gradually has been losing its special status
in law, as legal reforms have led to a greater recognition of equality and
neutrality in issues of common-law marriage, cohabitation, and the care
and custody of children. Secondly, getting married has significant financial
implications. For example, lobola (according to African custom the price
paid for a bride) has become unaffordable for many couples (see Box 5.3
for a discussion of the social value of lobola). Therefore, they prefer to stay
unmarried and often live together. In addition, the more traditional Western
wedding has become so expensive that many couples prefer to use the
money for other ‘more necessary’ purposes. Thirdly, as more occupational
and educational opportunities have become available for women, they
have become more career orientated. The result is that they often regard
the development of their career as more important than marriage. At the
same time, they have become financially less dependent on marriage where
traditionally they were largely dependent on the male partner.
The statistical decline of marriage rates in South Africa is also reflected
in other ways. For example, about 7 out of 10 children born in South Africa
are by women who were never married (African: 75%; Coloured: 63%; Indian:
15%; White: 18%) (Chimere-Dan, 2015). Formal weddings (traditionally a big
occasion officiated in a church and followed by an impressive festivity) has
declined to such an extent that most marriages are presently performed by
officials at the Department of Home Affairs. Couples also marry at a much
older age than a few decades ago when the average age was in the mid-
twenties. For example, the median ages of bridegrooms increased from 34
302
years in 2012 to 36 years in 2016, and those for brides increased from 30
years to 32 years during the same period (Statistics South Africa, 2019).
(The median refers to the middle value in a series of values arranged from
the smallest to largest, i.e. the value or number that separates the higher
half from the lower half. This is different from a mean, which indicates an
average value.)
Box 5.3 The social value of lobola
The payment of lobola is a tradition in most African countries and is viewed as an
integral part of the marriage process. Traditionally, lobola can be regarded as a social
symbol with spiritual links (appeasing the ancestors) to unite two families. It is accepted
as a culturally legal and valid union and marriage.
Lobola also serves as ‘compensation’ to the woman’s father and family for the
‘loss’ of a female family member. The presumed loss is because of the fact that the
father and his family spent money, time, and effort in educating and caring for a female
child. In most African cultures, children are regarded as important. This is especially
true since they continue the family name of the father; hence, a female’s ability to bear
children is important. For instance, if the female does not bear children, the male’s
family can demand that lobola be returned. They can also ask for a replacement for the
barren wife – a younger sister sometimes takes on this role.
Procedures in the presentation of lobola differ among the various sociocultural
groups in sub-Saharan Africa. However, in general, payment is made in the form of
livestock, and the final payment typically occurs after the birth of the couple’s first
live child. The traditional Zulu culture allows a bridegroom to give what he can afford,
although it is a matter of honour to give as many cattle as possible. Cattle are the main
means for the payment of lobola because they are ritually linked to the ancestral spirits
of the traditional African clan. The herding of cattle onto the land of the man would be
seen as proof by the ancestors that a female will be taken as a marriage partner.
However, factors such as urbanisation and its associated Western world values
have led to differences in the way in which the lobola tradition is practised and viewed.
There has also been international and national criticism of the lobola tradition by human
rights activists and especially feminist movements. For instance, the practice of lobola
is regarded as the commercialisation of women, especially as women have no place
in the process of lobola negotiation and the exchange is made by the male members
of the two families. Lobola is frowned upon by many who equate it to modern-day
slavery, because a woman is considered to be bought and sold. Critics also point out
that because of the financial impact of lobola and resulting differences, instead of
uniting families, it can split families.
To determine the viewpoint of black students towards lobola, Khomari et al.
(2012) conducted a study at a university in the Limpopo Province. About 60% of the
participants believed lobola to be a fair cultural practice. More than 80% believed there
should be legislation or regulation to protect it as an institution and to protect users
from exploitation. However, more than 50% of the students held the view that lobola
has lost its original meaning and is used as a business transaction, not as a gift of
thanks.
303
(b) Marriage trends in South Africa
With the onset of a more open society in South Africa, new marriage
trends also developed. Interracial marriage and same-sex marriage will be
discussed in this regard.
Interracial, intercultural or intergroup marriage is a form of marriage
outside a specific social group, involving spouses who belong to different
socially defined or racial ethnicities (see Box 5.4 for a discussion on the
importance of race). Many jurisdictions have had regulations banning or
restricting not only interracial marriage but also interracial sexual relations,
including the United States of America, Germany during the Nazi period,
and South Africa under apartheid. However, before the strict segregation
and harsh legal constraints of the Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 had been
implemented, a significant mixed race population had developed in South
Africa due to unions between mostly Europeans and Africans. Also, some
of the Xhosa people claim descent from white people. For example, the
royal family of the ImiDushane, is descended from Queen Gquma of the
Mpondo, a white British orphan that was adopted by a Xhosa chief after a
shipwreck had killed her parents. Today there are a number of high-profile
interracial couples in South Africa, such as the unions of Mmusi Maimane (a
black politician), Matthew Booth (a white soccer player), Bryan Habana (a
coloured Springbok rugby player) and Siya Kohlisi (a black Springbok rugby
player and Springbok captain).
Springbok rugby captain Siya Kolisi and his wife Rachel
What is the current trend of interracial marriages in South Africa? A
study at the North-West University in Mafikeng shows that, while the “in-
group” is still the norm in the country (i.e. marrying within one’s own ethnic
or language group), the trend has been changing slowly and consistently
304
over the years (Amoateng, 2015). This is especially true among the groups
who are the least likely to marry across the colour line: Asians, Indians, and
whites. The overall odds of a person marrying someone of the same group
dropped from 303:1 in 1996 to 95:1 in 2011. This situation is attributed to the
general changes in society and the mutual tolerance of the races through
increased contact in contexts such as education, religion, and residential
neighbourhoods.
The study suggests that about 5% of coloureds, Asians and Indians
marry outside their groups, while whites remain the least likely to do so.
The most common interracial marriages are those between Africans and
coloureds. Also, African men – especially those who are socially mobile –
are the most likely to marry outside their group, while African women are
the least likely to do so. However, South African university students who
were exposed to people from different racial, ethnic, and class backgrounds
in their high school years have attitudes that are more positive towards
interracial relationships (Amaoteng & Kalula, 2014).
Because marriage is a public and legal formalisation of an intimate
relationship between both the partners and their families, third-party factors
(such as group identification, group sanctions, and religion) continue to
influence marriage practices. Societal resistance to close, intimate, personal
relationships between most groups remains (Jacobsen & Heaton, 2008). This
implies that couples in intercultural marriages often face barriers to which
most couples of the same culture are not exposed. While disagreements
resulting from cultural differences (e.g. on religion and how to raise
children) may occur, intercultural marriages are often influenced by external
factors that can create dissonance and disagreement in relationships. The
most common external factors influencing intercultural relationships and
marriages are the acceptance of family, friends, and society (McFadden
& Moore, 2001). Sometimes, the families of the partners display rejection,
resistance, hostility and lack of acceptance of the partner or of the couple,
while societal intimidation and discrimination may also occur (Lakaje, 2014).
Therefore, it is common that the overall divorce rates are higher for interracial
marriages than for mono-racial marriages (Dainton, 2015; Pew Research
Centre, 2012). However, just as mono-racial marriages overcome problems
and strains, many interracial couples have long and happy relationships.
Interracial couples are often advised by family and friends not to have
children because they will struggle “to fit in” (Lakaje, 2014). However,
interracial parents are likely to give their children more emotional and
material resources to deal with the afore-mentioned negative social effects
that mono-racial families do not experience (Le, 2017). This could explain
305
(b) Marriage trends in South Africa
With the onset of a more open society in South Africa, new marriage
trends also developed. Interracial marriage and same-sex marriage will be
discussed in this regard.
Interracial, intercultural or intergroup marriage is a form of marriage
outside a specific social group, involving spouses who belong to different
socially defined or racial ethnicities (see Box 5.4 for a discussion on the
importance of race). Many jurisdictions have had regulations banning or
restricting not only interracial marriage but also interracial sexual relations,
including the United States of America, Germany during the Nazi period,
and South Africa under apartheid. However, before the strict segregation
and harsh legal constraints of the Mixed Marriages Act of 1949 had been
implemented, a significant mixed race population had developed in South
Africa due to unions between mostly Europeans and Africans. Also, some
of the Xhosa people claim descent from white people. For example, the
royal family of the ImiDushane, is descended from Queen Gquma of the
Mpondo, a white British orphan that was adopted by a Xhosa chief after a
shipwreck had killed her parents. Today there are a number of high-profile
interracial couples in South Africa, such as the unions of Mmusi Maimane (a
black politician), Matthew Booth (a white soccer player), Bryan Habana (a
coloured Springbok rugby player) and Siya Kohlisi (a black Springbok rugby
player and Springbok captain).
Springbok rugby captain Siya Kolisi and his wife Rachel
What is the current trend of interracial marriages in South Africa? A
study at the North-West University in Mafikeng shows that, while the “in-
group” is still the norm in the country (i.e. marrying within one’s own ethnic
or language group), the trend has been changing slowly and consistently
304
over the years (Amoateng, 2015). This is especially true among the groups
who are the least likely to marry across the colour line: Asians, Indians, and
whites. The overall odds of a person marrying someone of the same group
dropped from 303:1 in 1996 to 95:1 in 2011. This situation is attributed to the
general changes in society and the mutual tolerance of the races through
increased contact in contexts such as education, religion, and residential
neighbourhoods.
The study suggests that about 5% of coloureds, Asians and Indians
marry outside their groups, while whites remain the least likely to do so.
The most common interracial marriages are those between Africans and
coloureds. Also, African men – especially those who are socially mobile –
are the most likely to marry outside their group, while African women are
the least likely to do so. However, South African university students who
were exposed to people from different racial, ethnic, and class backgrounds
in their high school years have attitudes that are more positive towards
interracial relationships (Amaoteng & Kalula, 2014).
Because marriage is a public and legal formalisation of an intimate
relationship between both the partners and their families, third-party factors
(such as group identification, group sanctions, and religion) continue to
influence marriage practices. Societal resistance to close, intimate, personal
relationships between most groups remains (Jacobsen & Heaton, 2008). This
implies that couples in intercultural marriages often face barriers to which
most couples of the same culture are not exposed. While disagreements
resulting from cultural differences (e.g. on religion and how to raise
children) may occur, intercultural marriages are often influenced by external
factors that can create dissonance and disagreement in relationships. The
most common external factors influencing intercultural relationships and
marriages are the acceptance of family, friends, and society (McFadden
& Moore, 2001). Sometimes, the families of the partners display rejection,
resistance, hostility and lack of acceptance of the partner or of the couple,
while societal intimidation and discrimination may also occur (Lakaje, 2014).
Therefore, it is common that the overall divorce rates are higher for interracial
marriages than for mono-racial marriages (Dainton, 2015; Pew Research
Centre, 2012). However, just as mono-racial marriages overcome problems
and strains, many interracial couples have long and happy relationships.
Interracial couples are often advised by family and friends not to have
children because they will struggle “to fit in” (Lakaje, 2014). However,
interracial parents are likely to give their children more emotional and
material resources to deal with the afore-mentioned negative social effects
that mono-racial families do not experience (Le, 2017). This could explain
305
why these children are not different concerning global well-being, positive
affect, or behaviour problems (Pearce-Morris & King, 2012). A South African
study also did not find a marked effect on the identity formation of such
children (Lloyd, 2010).
Box 5.4 How important is race?
Although race is an important word in the vocabulary of most South Africans, many
misconceptions regarding this concept exist. First, it is important to realise that race
is widely regarded as a political, socio-cultural and economic concept, not a biological
or genetic one (Barnes, 2017; Jansen, 2017; Kattmann, 2017; Valentine, 2016). In most
scientific circles, the viewpoint that race has a biological-genetic basis and that each
race is therefore unique (and in some cases superior) is at least frowned upon. For
example, Yudell et al. (2016, p. 264) regard this stance as “problematic at best and
harmful at worst”. As early as 1950, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued a statement asserting that all humans belong
to the same species and that ‘race’ is not a biological reality but a fabrication. This was a
summary of the findings of an international panel of experts including anthropologists,
geneticists, sociologists, and psychologists (see Sussman, 2014). Since then, numerous
professional and other organisations have followed suit. For example, the American
Anthropological Association (2016) stated that, genetically speaking, there are no pure
races today or evidence that they ever existed in the past. There are also no major
complex behaviours that could be considered as unique to a specific race. In fact,
research has shown that all human beings are 99,9% identical in their genetic makeup
(National Human Genome Research Institute, 2016). Furthermore, as we have pointed
out before, the differences within one group often exceed the differences between two
groups. For example, there is more genetic variation in the diverse black populations
from the continent of Africa than exists in all populations from outside of Africa (the
rest of the world) combined (Fuentes, 2012). Therefore, the focus on differences
between races – especially in discriminatory ways – seems futile to many, particularly
since differences will always be found between groups (e.g. between the educated and
non-educated, the rich and the poor, the old and the young, religious and non-religious,
and males and females).
Several factors have contributed to the fact that the ‘unique pure race’ concept
has lost its effect. For example, miscegenation (interbreeding between races) has
led to the reduction and even disappearance of several noticeable external physical
features. In addition, inconsistent and questionable racial classifications have led to
people being classified dubiously. For example, during the 40 years of apartheid in
South Africa, thousands of people were classified, re-classified, and even re-reclassified
again. Similarly, the same person who is defined as black in the USA may be considered
coloured in Jamaica or Martinique, but white in the Dominican Republic (Quist-Adade,
2016). Another argument against the biological uniqueness of a race is that differences
between races are not caused by biological-racially determined factors, but rather by
environmental variables such as culture and socio-political factors.
Unfortunately, the term ‘race’ is so ingrained in societies such as South Africa that
authors hardly have a choice not to refer to findings in this regard. Even the South
African Government require an indication of race in situations when you vote or apply
for a position, a prerequisite also required by many other organisations.
306
Same-sex marriage refers to the matrimonial union of individuals who
are of the same biological sex. The term is typically being used in reference
to monogamous marriages involving only two partners. Often, it is referred
to popularly as ‘gay marriage’ to distinguish it from ‘marriage’, which is
often used strictly in the context of heterosexual matrimony (Ahmed &
Ryan, 2016). Same-sex marriage remains a highly controversial topic in most
countries, concerning both societal acceptance and legalisation. Although
many countries allow same-sex marriages and parenting, the majority
of countries do not. In fact, there are several countries such as Iran, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Somalia, and Nigeria where the death penalty can be
implemented for same-sex acts and thus same-sex marriage.
The equality clause in the Bill of Rights in the South African Constitution
expressly prohibits discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation. This
means that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons enjoy
the same legal and thus marital rights as non-LGBT persons. Progressive
decriminalisation through law and reform since the mid-1990s has enabled
homosexual persons to claim their citizenship as equal South Africans. Far-
reaching judgements in respect of medical-aid parity, custody of children,
adoption, insurance, immigration and inheritance have benefited lesbians
and gays. In November 2006, the signing of the Civil Union Act resulted
in the legal recognition of same-sex marriages. South Africa was the first
country to do so in Africa, and the fifth internationally (Roberts & Reddy,
2008). At present, more than 20 countries legally allow gay marriages,
and several others are investigating the possibility. Despite legal reform,
South African society to a large extent is still prejudiced against same-
sex marriages, however indications are that this trend is slowly changing.
For example, a recent South African study shows that between 2012 and
2015, there has been a tenfold increase in the number of South Africans
who “strongly agree” with allowing same-sex marriage. During the same
period, the number of people who ‘strongly disagree’ with allowing same
sex marriage dropped by 50%. This trend is reflected in Table 5.1.
Homosexual partnerships are far more similar to heterosexual partnerships
than different (Bjorklund, 2015). However, gay couples are likely to be happier
and more positive about their relationships than heterosexuals are (Gabb
& Fink, 2018; Lev, 2015). They maintain more equal relationships than their
heterosexual counterparts do, for example by sharing household tasks
(Richards et al., 2015). Same-sex couples also have a lower divorce rate overall
than heterosexual couples (Badgett & Mallory, 2014; Centraal Bureau voor
de Statistiek, 2016). Regarding gender, there is an indication that lesbian
marriages result in divorce easier than male gay marriages do. Nonetheless,
307
why these children are not different concerning global well-being, positive
affect, or behaviour problems (Pearce-Morris & King, 2012). A South African
study also did not find a marked effect on the identity formation of such
children (Lloyd, 2010).
Box 5.4 How important is race?
Although race is an important word in the vocabulary of most South Africans, many
misconceptions regarding this concept exist. First, it is important to realise that race
is widely regarded as a political, socio-cultural and economic concept, not a biological
or genetic one (Barnes, 2017; Jansen, 2017; Kattmann, 2017; Valentine, 2016). In most
scientific circles, the viewpoint that race has a biological-genetic basis and that each
race is therefore unique (and in some cases superior) is at least frowned upon. For
example, Yudell et al. (2016, p. 264) regard this stance as “problematic at best and
harmful at worst”. As early as 1950, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued a statement asserting that all humans belong
to the same species and that ‘race’ is not a biological reality but a fabrication. This was a
summary of the findings of an international panel of experts including anthropologists,
geneticists, sociologists, and psychologists (see Sussman, 2014). Since then, numerous
professional and other organisations have followed suit. For example, the American
Anthropological Association (2016) stated that, genetically speaking, there are no pure
races today or evidence that they ever existed in the past. There are also no major
complex behaviours that could be considered as unique to a specific race. In fact,
research has shown that all human beings are 99,9% identical in their genetic makeup
(National Human Genome Research Institute, 2016). Furthermore, as we have pointed
out before, the differences within one group often exceed the differences between two
groups. For example, there is more genetic variation in the diverse black populations
from the continent of Africa than exists in all populations from outside of Africa (the
rest of the world) combined (Fuentes, 2012). Therefore, the focus on differences
between races – especially in discriminatory ways – seems futile to many, particularly
since differences will always be found between groups (e.g. between the educated and
non-educated, the rich and the poor, the old and the young, religious and non-religious,
and males and females).
Several factors have contributed to the fact that the ‘unique pure race’ concept
has lost its effect. For example, miscegenation (interbreeding between races) has
led to the reduction and even disappearance of several noticeable external physical
features. In addition, inconsistent and questionable racial classifications have led to
people being classified dubiously. For example, during the 40 years of apartheid in
South Africa, thousands of people were classified, re-classified, and even re-reclassified
again. Similarly, the same person who is defined as black in the USA may be considered
coloured in Jamaica or Martinique, but white in the Dominican Republic (Quist-Adade,
2016). Another argument against the biological uniqueness of a race is that differences
between races are not caused by biological-racially determined factors, but rather by
environmental variables such as culture and socio-political factors.
Unfortunately, the term ‘race’ is so ingrained in societies such as South Africa that
authors hardly have a choice not to refer to findings in this regard. Even the South
African Government require an indication of race in situations when you vote or apply
for a position, a prerequisite also required by many other organisations.
306
Same-sex marriage refers to the matrimonial union of individuals who
are of the same biological sex. The term is typically being used in reference
to monogamous marriages involving only two partners. Often, it is referred
to popularly as ‘gay marriage’ to distinguish it from ‘marriage’, which is
often used strictly in the context of heterosexual matrimony (Ahmed &
Ryan, 2016). Same-sex marriage remains a highly controversial topic in most
countries, concerning both societal acceptance and legalisation. Although
many countries allow same-sex marriages and parenting, the majority
of countries do not. In fact, there are several countries such as Iran, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Somalia, and Nigeria where the death penalty can be
implemented for same-sex acts and thus same-sex marriage.
The equality clause in the Bill of Rights in the South African Constitution
expressly prohibits discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation. This
means that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons enjoy
the same legal and thus marital rights as non-LGBT persons. Progressive
decriminalisation through law and reform since the mid-1990s has enabled
homosexual persons to claim their citizenship as equal South Africans. Far-
reaching judgements in respect of medical-aid parity, custody of children,
adoption, insurance, immigration and inheritance have benefited lesbians
and gays. In November 2006, the signing of the Civil Union Act resulted
in the legal recognition of same-sex marriages. South Africa was the first
country to do so in Africa, and the fifth internationally (Roberts & Reddy,
2008). At present, more than 20 countries legally allow gay marriages,
and several others are investigating the possibility. Despite legal reform,
South African society to a large extent is still prejudiced against same-
sex marriages, however indications are that this trend is slowly changing.
For example, a recent South African study shows that between 2012 and
2015, there has been a tenfold increase in the number of South Africans
who “strongly agree” with allowing same-sex marriage. During the same
period, the number of people who ‘strongly disagree’ with allowing same
sex marriage dropped by 50%. This trend is reflected in Table 5.1.
Homosexual partnerships are far more similar to heterosexual partnerships
than different (Bjorklund, 2015). However, gay couples are likely to be happier
and more positive about their relationships than heterosexuals are (Gabb
& Fink, 2018; Lev, 2015). They maintain more equal relationships than their
heterosexual counterparts do, for example by sharing household tasks
(Richards et al., 2015). Same-sex couples also have a lower divorce rate overall
than heterosexual couples (Badgett & Mallory, 2014; Centraal Bureau voor
de Statistiek, 2016). Regarding gender, there is an indication that lesbian
marriages result in divorce easier than male gay marriages do. Nonetheless,
307
Table 5.1 Attitude towards same-sex marriage (Du Toit, 2007). They express near universal support for the importance
Attitude towards same- 2012 2015 of marriage and marital monogamy, both of which are perceived to be
sex marriage associated with better living standards and emotional security. In his study,
Strongly agree 1,5 9,9 Amoateng (2005) found that on average, almost half of South Africans are
Agree 12,0 26,7 of the opinion that married people are generally happier than unmarried
Neither agree nor disagree 8,3 14,2 people are.
Disagree 28,1 22,6 Marriage has some advantages and benefits, such as the following
Strongly disagree 48,5 23,4
(Bjorklund, 2015; Soulsby & Bennet, 2015):
Don’t know/no answer 1,6 3,2
– Married persons generally seem to be more physically and psychologically
Human Sciences Research Council, 2016
healthy than those who are separated, divorced, never married, or widowed.
– Married people tend to live longer than unmarried people do.
the suicide rate for same-sex married individuals is higher than for other – Marriage provides a source of intimacy, friendship, love, sexual fulfilment,
married individuals. This is even true in Sweden, a country with a comparatively companionship, and emotional support.
tolerant climate regarding homosexuality (Björkenstam et al., 2016). – Marriage offers opportunities to grow emotionally through a bond that
is often stronger and more mutual than the bond with siblings, friends,
or a romantic partner.
Box 5.5 A Zulu same-sex marriage – Marriage brings about economic and financial advantages.
Although same-sex marriage is regarded by many as a Western phenomenon, this is – Marriage is generally regarded as the best institution in which to raise
not the case (Bennett, 2015; De Waal, 2013): children.
In a town where one of Africa’s greatest warriors and military strategists was laid
to rest, two courageous young men were redefining what traditional masculinity is all
about. In KwaDukuza, where a memorial of Shaka kaSenzangakhona stands proud, However, this favourable picture is not related to the marital status per
Tshepo Modisane and Throb Sithole, young men in their 20s, became the first gay men se. Benefits are derived from healthy marriages or partnerships, while poor
in the province to celebrate their nuptials with a traditional, rural marriage, on Saturday marital quality may erase or lower the benefits. For example, poor marital
6th April 2013. They invited the community to come and celebrate with them . . . the
pair say they were overwhelmed by the love and affection shown them by the crowd, quality is associated with depression, hostility, and anger, which in turn is
family and friends – “It was a remarkable experience to be surrounded by so many linked to cardio-vascular morbidity (disease) and mortality (death) (Gallo
people who were loving and warm towards us,” says Sithole. “For us it was important et al., 2003).
to normalise gay marriages in the community – for people to come and witness, to
Clearly, not all marriages are successful. However, what is a successful and
come and see there’s nothing strange or scary about what we are doing. That we are
just two guys in love.” what an unsuccessful marriage? It is difficult to give a clear definition of a
successful or an unsuccessful marriage, partly because people’s perceptions
of what is good and what is bad in a marriage differ, and partly because a
good marriage can have bad moments and vice versa. In their study, Lavee
and Olson (1993) measured certain dimensions of a marital relationship,
(c) The effects of marriage on adult development
such as personality, communication, conflict management, finances, family,
and friends, and subsequently identified the following seven types of marital
Despite the fact that the marriage rate is declining worldwide and in South
relationships:
Africa, many people still believe in the importance and advantages of
marriage. While older people seem to have more positive attitudes than
younger people do, the younger generation to a large extent still have a • The vitalised relationship. Both partners experience a high degree of
satisfaction regarding all aspects of the marriage.
positive regard for marriage. For example, in a study among a group of South
African students, most thought of themselves as being destined to marry • The financially focused relationship. These marital partners are bound

308 309
Table 5.1 Attitude towards same-sex marriage (Du Toit, 2007). They express near universal support for the importance
Attitude towards same- 2012 2015 of marriage and marital monogamy, both of which are perceived to be
sex marriage associated with better living standards and emotional security. In his study,
Strongly agree 1,5 9,9 Amoateng (2005) found that on average, almost half of South Africans are
Agree 12,0 26,7 of the opinion that married people are generally happier than unmarried
Neither agree nor disagree 8,3 14,2 people are.
Disagree 28,1 22,6 Marriage has some advantages and benefits, such as the following
Strongly disagree 48,5 23,4
(Bjorklund, 2015; Soulsby & Bennet, 2015):
Don’t know/no answer 1,6 3,2
– Married persons generally seem to be more physically and psychologically
Human Sciences Research Council, 2016
healthy than those who are separated, divorced, never married, or widowed.
– Married people tend to live longer than unmarried people do.
the suicide rate for same-sex married individuals is higher than for other – Marriage provides a source of intimacy, friendship, love, sexual fulfilment,
married individuals. This is even true in Sweden, a country with a comparatively companionship, and emotional support.
tolerant climate regarding homosexuality (Björkenstam et al., 2016). – Marriage offers opportunities to grow emotionally through a bond that
is often stronger and more mutual than the bond with siblings, friends,
or a romantic partner.
Box 5.5 A Zulu same-sex marriage – Marriage brings about economic and financial advantages.
Although same-sex marriage is regarded by many as a Western phenomenon, this is – Marriage is generally regarded as the best institution in which to raise
not the case (Bennett, 2015; De Waal, 2013): children.
In a town where one of Africa’s greatest warriors and military strategists was laid
to rest, two courageous young men were redefining what traditional masculinity is all
about. In KwaDukuza, where a memorial of Shaka kaSenzangakhona stands proud, However, this favourable picture is not related to the marital status per
Tshepo Modisane and Throb Sithole, young men in their 20s, became the first gay men se. Benefits are derived from healthy marriages or partnerships, while poor
in the province to celebrate their nuptials with a traditional, rural marriage, on Saturday marital quality may erase or lower the benefits. For example, poor marital
6th April 2013. They invited the community to come and celebrate with them . . . the
pair say they were overwhelmed by the love and affection shown them by the crowd, quality is associated with depression, hostility, and anger, which in turn is
family and friends – “It was a remarkable experience to be surrounded by so many linked to cardio-vascular morbidity (disease) and mortality (death) (Gallo
people who were loving and warm towards us,” says Sithole. “For us it was important et al., 2003).
to normalise gay marriages in the community – for people to come and witness, to
Clearly, not all marriages are successful. However, what is a successful and
come and see there’s nothing strange or scary about what we are doing. That we are
just two guys in love.” what an unsuccessful marriage? It is difficult to give a clear definition of a
successful or an unsuccessful marriage, partly because people’s perceptions
of what is good and what is bad in a marriage differ, and partly because a
good marriage can have bad moments and vice versa. In their study, Lavee
and Olson (1993) measured certain dimensions of a marital relationship,
(c) The effects of marriage on adult development
such as personality, communication, conflict management, finances, family,
and friends, and subsequently identified the following seven types of marital
Despite the fact that the marriage rate is declining worldwide and in South
relationships:
Africa, many people still believe in the importance and advantages of
marriage. While older people seem to have more positive attitudes than
younger people do, the younger generation to a large extent still have a • The vitalised relationship. Both partners experience a high degree of
satisfaction regarding all aspects of the marriage.
positive regard for marriage. For example, in a study among a group of South
African students, most thought of themselves as being destined to marry • The financially focused relationship. These marital partners are bound

308 309
 by material and financial goals, but experience dissatisfaction in all other
aspects of the marriage.
• The conflicted relationship. The marital partners experience dissatis-
faction with issues relating to the partners themselves (e.g. communication,
personality, and problem-solving abilities), but they are satisfied with
external aspects such as leisure-time activities.
• The harmonious relationship. This relationship is characterised by
satisfaction with personal aspects relating to the partner, but less
satisfaction with external aspects such as leisure-time activities.
• The traditional relationship. Here, partners experience considerable
stress in their relationship, but a great deal of satisfaction regarding
family and religious values.
• The balanced relationship. Partners in this relationship are generally
satisfied with most aspects of their marriage, regardless of certain
problems at certain times.
• The devitalised relationship. In this relationship, both partners experience
a high degree of dissatisfaction regarding all aspects of their marriage.
These seven types of marriage relationships describe the nature of
possible relationships between partners, but do not define the marriage
as successful or unsuccessful. According to the researchers, the reason
for this is that some persons who experience their marriage as generally
happy do sometimes consider divorce (often because they think they can
be even happier), while others who perceive their marriage as primarily
unhappy never consider divorce (often because they think they may be even
unhappier). Lavee and Olson suggest that each of the above-mentioned
types of marital relationships either have, or do not have a chance of survival.
Although researchers that are more current did not necessarily find all seven
types in their research, Lavee and Olson’s typology is still used widely (see
Howe, 2011).
Several factors that could promote the chances of a successful marriage
have been identified. These factors are the following:
■ Age and maturity of the marital partners. Marriages between people
who are very young, such as those in their teens or early twenties, are
regarded as high-risk marriages. A key factor is the relative psychological
maturity necessary for a good marital relationship. In terms of Erikson’s
theory, this means that such young people have not yet completed their
identity formation process, and it will be difficult to develop intimacy
310
Let’s go out and Okay, but if you
have some fun come home before
tonight for once! I do, leave the hall
light on ....
(which is necessary for a successful marriage) unless their identities have
been established. Initially, many young couples believe that they have the
same values and attitudes and that they are compatible, only to find later
(as their identities develop) that this is not the case. Furthermore, the
sacrifices, compromises, and interdependence that are part of intimacy
development are difficult to attain if individuals themselves do not know
who they are. Apart from the above, such young couples often have
additional burdens, such as an unplanned pregnancy, unemployment,
or difficult in-laws, which contribute to their marriage starting on an
unsound basis.
■ Similarity. A marriage has a greater chance of survival when marital
partners share similarities, such as the same interests, attitudes and
goals (Kraeger, 2014). In addition, being from similar socio-economic
backgrounds and religious, ethnic, race and age groups also enhance
their chances of success. Couples who differ considerably are more likely
to have less successful marriages, presumably because differences tend
to create the potential for stress and conflict (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-
Fields, 2015). However, some research suggests that couples who have
some complementary characteristics may have healthy relationships as
this leads to a sense of wholeness (see Burpee & Langer, 2005).
■ Marital equity. A further factor that determines marital success is related
to the extent to which couples experience equality in the relationship.
This refers to the equity theory and social exchange theory discussed
earlier, in which both partners feel that they are making a useful
contribution to the relationship. The marriage is regarded as successful
311
 by material and financial goals, but experience dissatisfaction in all other
aspects of the marriage.
• The conflicted relationship. The marital partners experience dissatis-
faction with issues relating to the partners themselves (e.g. communication,
personality, and problem-solving abilities), but they are satisfied with
external aspects such as leisure-time activities.
• The harmonious relationship. This relationship is characterised by
satisfaction with personal aspects relating to the partner, but less
satisfaction with external aspects such as leisure-time activities.
• The traditional relationship. Here, partners experience considerable
stress in their relationship, but a great deal of satisfaction regarding
family and religious values.
• The balanced relationship. Partners in this relationship are generally
satisfied with most aspects of their marriage, regardless of certain
problems at certain times.
• The devitalised relationship. In this relationship, both partners experience
a high degree of dissatisfaction regarding all aspects of their marriage.
These seven types of marriage relationships describe the nature of
possible relationships between partners, but do not define the marriage
as successful or unsuccessful. According to the researchers, the reason
for this is that some persons who experience their marriage as generally
happy do sometimes consider divorce (often because they think they can
be even happier), while others who perceive their marriage as primarily
unhappy never consider divorce (often because they think they may be even
unhappier). Lavee and Olson suggest that each of the above-mentioned
types of marital relationships either have, or do not have a chance of survival.
Although researchers that are more current did not necessarily find all seven
types in their research, Lavee and Olson’s typology is still used widely (see
Howe, 2011).
Several factors that could promote the chances of a successful marriage
have been identified. These factors are the following:
■ Age and maturity of the marital partners. Marriages between people
who are very young, such as those in their teens or early twenties, are
regarded as high-risk marriages. A key factor is the relative psychological
maturity necessary for a good marital relationship. In terms of Erikson’s
theory, this means that such young people have not yet completed their
identity formation process, and it will be difficult to develop intimacy
310
Let’s go out and Okay, but if you
have some fun come home before
tonight for once! I do, leave the hall
light on ....
(which is necessary for a successful marriage) unless their identities have
been established. Initially, many young couples believe that they have the
same values and attitudes and that they are compatible, only to find later
(as their identities develop) that this is not the case. Furthermore, the
sacrifices, compromises, and interdependence that are part of intimacy
development are difficult to attain if individuals themselves do not know
who they are. Apart from the above, such young couples often have
additional burdens, such as an unplanned pregnancy, unemployment,
or difficult in-laws, which contribute to their marriage starting on an
unsound basis.
■ Similarity. A marriage has a greater chance of survival when marital
partners share similarities, such as the same interests, attitudes and
goals (Kraeger, 2014). In addition, being from similar socio-economic
backgrounds and religious, ethnic, race and age groups also enhance
their chances of success. Couples who differ considerably are more likely
to have less successful marriages, presumably because differences tend
to create the potential for stress and conflict (Cavanaugh & Blanchard-
Fields, 2015). However, some research suggests that couples who have
some complementary characteristics may have healthy relationships as
this leads to a sense of wholeness (see Burpee & Langer, 2005).
■ Marital equity. A further factor that determines marital success is related
to the extent to which couples experience equality in the relationship.
This refers to the equity theory and social exchange theory discussed
earlier, in which both partners feel that they are making a useful
contribution to the relationship. The marriage is regarded as successful
311
 when the exchange of tasks is regarded as divided equitably. Couples
often experience problems achieving equity because of competing
demands between work and family.
■ Effective interaction. Successful marriages are those in which the
marital partners like each other, enjoy each other’s company and respect
and trust each other. Good communication, in which thoughts, feelings,
ideas and wishes are shared with each other, forms the cornerstone
of a healthy and successful marriage. However, successful marriages
are not necessarily without conflict. Of importance are empathetic
skills, communication skills, openness, and the ability to resolve
conflicts. Gottman and Silver (1994) identified a ratio of five positive
to one negative interaction as an indication of marital success (also see
Crooks & Bauer, 2016; Gottman Institute, 2017). For example, in stable
marriages, there are five times more touching, complimenting, smiling,
and laughter than sarcasm, criticism, and insults. When characterised
by stubbornness, defensiveness, and withdrawal, conflicts become
detrimental to the relationship because these elements remove the
possibility for cooperation and constructive interaction.
■ Personality factors. Happily married couples seem to have personality
characteristics that are more positive, such as self-confidence, maturity, a
positive self-concept, and the ability to be nurturing towards each other,
than unhappily married couples do. Certain personality characteristics,
such as emotional stability and general life satisfaction, also contribute
toward marital happiness, while emotional instability, poor impulse
control and hypersensitivity to criticism may lead to higher rates of
conflict and lower rates of marital satisfaction (Nemechek & Olson, 1999).
In addition, mindfulness, the ability to be sensitive towards the point of
view of one’s partner, may help to foster marital relationships that are
more positive and satisfying by creating an environment that is rich with
open-mindedness and flexibility, rather than criticism and rigidity (McGill,
2016). On the other hand, mindlessness is associated with unwillingness
to accept or appreciate differences, or one’s assumption that another
person’s unique qualities are less favourable than one’s own (Burpee &
Langer, 2005).
■ Sexual intimacy. Sexual behaviour and satisfaction remain an important
factor during the adult life span and continue to play a significant role
in marital happiness. It has been found that higher sexual satisfaction is
related to greater marital happiness, also in the later years (Bookwala,
2016).
312
Box 5.6 Black adults’ perceptions of marriage and
healthy family functioning
Culture plays a major role in maintaining healthy family functioning. For example, in a
traditional black family, values and norms include respect for the elderly, conformity
to tradition, and strict discipline from the father as indisputable head of the family.
The family is organised hierarchically, from the oldest member to the youngest child.
Members of the family are bound together by reciprocal understanding of their roles
and responsibilities. For example, the father is a decision-maker and a provider of food,
shelter, clothing, and other resources that enhance human development. Mothers are
responsible for issues involving children’s needs including those precipitated by health
problems. Black African mothers spend more time with children and provide emotional
support to the family and children.
Marriage is an important culturally supported mechanism that contributes to the
healthy functioning of the family. Traditionally, marriage is regarded as part of family
building and procreation. For example, as we have discussed elsewhere, a man has
to pay a bride price (lobola) to the bride’s family. The bride price emphasises the
perception of the community of women as valuable and worthy, and is a gesture of
appreciation from the groom’s family. If the man gets married, he is not alone; nor
does the wife belong to him alone, because the kinship group is also extended through
marriage. This means that relatives from both sides, the groom and the bride, become
part of the family. After the marriage, the couple is expected to have children. From the
traditional African perspective, children are the glory of marriage, and the more there
are of them, the greater the glory. Children are valued greatly and considered wealth
to the family.
Against this background, a study was conducted to determine black adults’
perceptions of the factors involved in healthy family functioning (Zwane et al., 2012).
The participants were between 26 and 56 years old, represented different African
languages, and most had university qualifications. The results indicated that the
participants regarded the following as important for a healthy marital and family
functioning: effective communication, appropriate affective involvement, well-defined
family rules, clear family boundaries, and a common religion. The findings are largely
similar to other South African and international findings.
(d) Marital satisfaction
How happy and satisfied are people in their marriages? Although marital
satisfaction remains relatively constant through the years (i.e. marriages
that are initially happy remain happy, and vice versa), there are certain
tendencies in partners’ experiences of marital satisfaction. The level of
marital satisfaction is usually high in the years after marriage and before
the first child is born. A decline takes place when children are born and
only increases again after the children have left home. This is referred to as
the upswing hypothesis of marital satisfaction (Erber, 2013). These shifts in
marital satisfaction seem to be related to the role demands that increasingly
313
 when the exchange of tasks is regarded as divided equitably. Couples
often experience problems achieving equity because of competing
demands between work and family.
■ Effective interaction. Successful marriages are those in which the
marital partners like each other, enjoy each other’s company and respect
and trust each other. Good communication, in which thoughts, feelings,
ideas and wishes are shared with each other, forms the cornerstone
of a healthy and successful marriage. However, successful marriages
are not necessarily without conflict. Of importance are empathetic
skills, communication skills, openness, and the ability to resolve
conflicts. Gottman and Silver (1994) identified a ratio of five positive
to one negative interaction as an indication of marital success (also see
Crooks & Bauer, 2016; Gottman Institute, 2017). For example, in stable
marriages, there are five times more touching, complimenting, smiling,
and laughter than sarcasm, criticism, and insults. When characterised
by stubbornness, defensiveness, and withdrawal, conflicts become
detrimental to the relationship because these elements remove the
possibility for cooperation and constructive interaction.
■ Personality factors. Happily married couples seem to have personality
characteristics that are more positive, such as self-confidence, maturity, a
positive self-concept, and the ability to be nurturing towards each other,
than unhappily married couples do. Certain personality characteristics,
such as emotional stability and general life satisfaction, also contribute
toward marital happiness, while emotional instability, poor impulse
control and hypersensitivity to criticism may lead to higher rates of
conflict and lower rates of marital satisfaction (Nemechek & Olson, 1999).
In addition, mindfulness, the ability to be sensitive towards the point of
view of one’s partner, may help to foster marital relationships that are
more positive and satisfying by creating an environment that is rich with
open-mindedness and flexibility, rather than criticism and rigidity (McGill,
2016). On the other hand, mindlessness is associated with unwillingness
to accept or appreciate differences, or one’s assumption that another
person’s unique qualities are less favourable than one’s own (Burpee &
Langer, 2005).
■ Sexual intimacy. Sexual behaviour and satisfaction remain an important
factor during the adult life span and continue to play a significant role
in marital happiness. It has been found that higher sexual satisfaction is
related to greater marital happiness, also in the later years (Bookwala,
2016).
312
Box 5.6 Black adults’ perceptions of marriage and
healthy family functioning
Culture plays a major role in maintaining healthy family functioning. For example, in a
traditional black family, values and norms include respect for the elderly, conformity
to tradition, and strict discipline from the father as indisputable head of the family.
The family is organised hierarchically, from the oldest member to the youngest child.
Members of the family are bound together by reciprocal understanding of their roles
and responsibilities. For example, the father is a decision-maker and a provider of food,
shelter, clothing, and other resources that enhance human development. Mothers are
responsible for issues involving children’s needs including those precipitated by health
problems. Black African mothers spend more time with children and provide emotional
support to the family and children.
Marriage is an important culturally supported mechanism that contributes to the
healthy functioning of the family. Traditionally, marriage is regarded as part of family
building and procreation. For example, as we have discussed elsewhere, a man has
to pay a bride price (lobola) to the bride’s family. The bride price emphasises the
perception of the community of women as valuable and worthy, and is a gesture of
appreciation from the groom’s family. If the man gets married, he is not alone; nor
does the wife belong to him alone, because the kinship group is also extended through
marriage. This means that relatives from both sides, the groom and the bride, become
part of the family. After the marriage, the couple is expected to have children. From the
traditional African perspective, children are the glory of marriage, and the more there
are of them, the greater the glory. Children are valued greatly and considered wealth
to the family.
Against this background, a study was conducted to determine black adults’
perceptions of the factors involved in healthy family functioning (Zwane et al., 2012).
The participants were between 26 and 56 years old, represented different African
languages, and most had university qualifications. The results indicated that the
participants regarded the following as important for a healthy marital and family
functioning: effective communication, appropriate affective involvement, well-defined
family rules, clear family boundaries, and a common religion. The findings are largely
similar to other South African and international findings.
(d) Marital satisfaction
How happy and satisfied are people in their marriages? Although marital
satisfaction remains relatively constant through the years (i.e. marriages
that are initially happy remain happy, and vice versa), there are certain
tendencies in partners’ experiences of marital satisfaction. The level of
marital satisfaction is usually high in the years after marriage and before
the first child is born. A decline takes place when children are born and
only increases again after the children have left home. This is referred to as
the upswing hypothesis of marital satisfaction (Erber, 2013). These shifts in
marital satisfaction seem to be related to the role demands that increasingly
313
become part of the marriage. The addition of children seems to have As emphasised in Chapter 1, a correlation does not necessarily indicate
particularly far-reaching effects on the marital relationship. For example, the causality; therefore, the results should be interpreted with caution. This
demands associated with childcare place a great deal of strain on the marital means that other external or internal factors could play a role in people’s life
couple’s time and energy. During this phase, the marital partners also have satisfaction. For example, unhappiness at work could have an influence on
to put in a great deal of effort to establish their careers, with the result that marital satisfaction, while some people are intrinsically happy or unhappy,
the couple often has little time to spend together. This could affect their regardless of external variables such as marital status.
marital satisfaction. However, one should bear in mind that not all marriages Does the marital relationship
follow this course, and that many couples experience high levels of marital undergo any change as people grow
satisfaction irrespective of the strains of multiple and demanding roles. This older? According to longitudinal
is especially true when there is mutual understanding and support in the and cross-sectional studies, it seems
marriage. It also seems that marriages that show the greatest decline in that both continuity (stability) and
marital satisfaction are characterised by mutual criticism and other negative discontinuity (change) are important
behaviour right from the beginning. In fact, research suggests that specific factors (Glenn, 1991). For example,
and overall problems in marriage largely remain stable during the first four the single best predictor of marital
years of marriage (Lavner et al., 2014). This finding also underlines the myth satisfaction in the later years is the
that many young couples-to-be who experience difficulties believe that quality of the marital relationship
once they are married, ‘things will go better’. during the early years. This means
A South African study investigating the relationship between marital that those who had a high level of
status and life satisfaction indicated that married people are generally emotional intimacy or a high level of Marital satisfaction plays an important role in
adult development
more satisfied with life compared to those who are single, cohabiting (living conflict in their younger years will also
together), widowed, or divorced; in other words, there is a correlation experience this in their later years.
between being married and experiencing life satisfaction (Botha & Booysen, This is an indication that relationships could continue in the same manner
2013). However, as indicated in Table 5.2, only about 50% of the married throughout adulthood.
group regard themselves as satisfied or very satisfied with life. Older couples tend to experience less conflict and more happiness
than middle-aged couples do in several areas of marital life (Kulik, 2016).
Table 5.2. Marital status and life satisfaction (percentages) A reason for this is that the accumulation of shared life experiences (e.g.
Life Marital status living in the same house, caring for the same children, sharing the same
satisfaction financial circumstances) tend to make individuals more compatible. These
Single Cohabiting Widowed Divorced/ Married
Separated shared events could contribute to the development of greater similarities
regarding personalities, perspectives, and values. The shared life experiences
Very 15,0 14,2 14,5 15,5 9,00
unsatisfied and shared decision making could also contribute to spouses experiencing
their relationship as more equitable (fair) and egalitarian (equal). Spouses
Unsatisfied 24,6 28,0 28,4 19,5 19,2
also report that the degree of conflict declines and that the quality of their
Neutral 18,5 20,2 19,7 19,5 20,8
communication patterns improves (see Erber, 2013).
Satisfied 24,7 22,9 22,6 25,2 28,5 Two factors give the marriage relationship of older people a unique
Very 17,2 14,7 14,7 20,3 22,3 character. First, retirement from employment. Many couples find that they
satisfied now have more time for each other, a factor that can promote marital
Botha & Booysen, 2013 happiness. However, it seems that marital quality is lower if the husband
is retired but the wife still works. This is particularly true if the couple’s
relationship was characterised by traditional gender roles (Bookwala, 2016).

314 315
become part of the marriage. The addition of children seems to have As emphasised in Chapter 1, a correlation does not necessarily indicate
particularly far-reaching effects on the marital relationship. For example, the causality; therefore, the results should be interpreted with caution. This
demands associated with childcare place a great deal of strain on the marital means that other external or internal factors could play a role in people’s life
couple’s time and energy. During this phase, the marital partners also have satisfaction. For example, unhappiness at work could have an influence on
to put in a great deal of effort to establish their careers, with the result that marital satisfaction, while some people are intrinsically happy or unhappy,
the couple often has little time to spend together. This could affect their regardless of external variables such as marital status.
marital satisfaction. However, one should bear in mind that not all marriages Does the marital relationship
follow this course, and that many couples experience high levels of marital undergo any change as people grow
satisfaction irrespective of the strains of multiple and demanding roles. This older? According to longitudinal
is especially true when there is mutual understanding and support in the and cross-sectional studies, it seems
marriage. It also seems that marriages that show the greatest decline in that both continuity (stability) and
marital satisfaction are characterised by mutual criticism and other negative discontinuity (change) are important
behaviour right from the beginning. In fact, research suggests that specific factors (Glenn, 1991). For example,
and overall problems in marriage largely remain stable during the first four the single best predictor of marital
years of marriage (Lavner et al., 2014). This finding also underlines the myth satisfaction in the later years is the
that many young couples-to-be who experience difficulties believe that quality of the marital relationship
once they are married, ‘things will go better’. during the early years. This means
A South African study investigating the relationship between marital that those who had a high level of
status and life satisfaction indicated that married people are generally emotional intimacy or a high level of Marital satisfaction plays an important role in
adult development
more satisfied with life compared to those who are single, cohabiting (living conflict in their younger years will also
together), widowed, or divorced; in other words, there is a correlation experience this in their later years.
between being married and experiencing life satisfaction (Botha & Booysen, This is an indication that relationships could continue in the same manner
2013). However, as indicated in Table 5.2, only about 50% of the married throughout adulthood.
group regard themselves as satisfied or very satisfied with life. Older couples tend to experience less conflict and more happiness
than middle-aged couples do in several areas of marital life (Kulik, 2016).
Table 5.2. Marital status and life satisfaction (percentages) A reason for this is that the accumulation of shared life experiences (e.g.
Life Marital status living in the same house, caring for the same children, sharing the same
satisfaction financial circumstances) tend to make individuals more compatible. These
Single Cohabiting Widowed Divorced/ Married
Separated shared events could contribute to the development of greater similarities
regarding personalities, perspectives, and values. The shared life experiences
Very 15,0 14,2 14,5 15,5 9,00
unsatisfied and shared decision making could also contribute to spouses experiencing
their relationship as more equitable (fair) and egalitarian (equal). Spouses
Unsatisfied 24,6 28,0 28,4 19,5 19,2
also report that the degree of conflict declines and that the quality of their
Neutral 18,5 20,2 19,7 19,5 20,8
communication patterns improves (see Erber, 2013).
Satisfied 24,7 22,9 22,6 25,2 28,5 Two factors give the marriage relationship of older people a unique
Very 17,2 14,7 14,7 20,3 22,3 character. First, retirement from employment. Many couples find that they
satisfied now have more time for each other, a factor that can promote marital
Botha & Booysen, 2013 happiness. However, it seems that marital quality is lower if the husband
is retired but the wife still works. This is particularly true if the couple’s
relationship was characterised by traditional gender roles (Bookwala, 2016).

314 315
Second, the gradual shift of emphasis away from the children. Married
couples generally experience greater intimacy, mutual support, and harmony
after the children have left. Therefore, the so-called empty nest syndrome is
largely exaggerated and even regarded by many as a myth (Mitchell, 2016;
Mount & Moas, 2015). However, the
‘empty nest’ may be short-lived, as it is
not uncommon for many adult children
to return to their parental home due to
divorce, economic difficulties, or illness.
Which factors play a role in marital
satisfaction? Compared to young and
middle-aged couples, older couples
consider emotional security and
loyalty as having greater importance
than sexual intimacy does. On the
other hand, young couples consider The empty nest syndrome is largely
communication more important than exaggerated
middle-aged and older couples do,
perhaps because older couples take good communication for granted
(Levenson et al., 1993). However, communication remains important at all
life stages. The following are examples of communication styles that are
associated with couples who are happily married Belsky (2013):
• There is a high ratio of positive versus negative comments. People who
are happily married also experience conflict, sometimes intensely. The
key is to ensure that the number of caring and loving comments in the
relationship outweighs the negative ones.
• Disagreements do not get personal and destructive. Happily married
couples rather confine disagreements to the problem, for example: “I
don’t like it when I come home and the house is messy. What can we do
to avoid this?”
• Happy couples are sensitive regarding the right time to communicate
over something that bothers them. To communicate effectively it is
important to select the ‘right’ emotional moment.
The number of years or decades married is not necessarily an
indication of marital satisfaction. Some couples remain dissatisfied in their
relationships although they remain married. Generally, these relationships
are characterised by disagreement and conflict, although older adults seem
to control negative expression of emotions better than dissatisfied middle-
316
aged and younger adults do (Erber, 2013).
An aspect that could challenge older people’s marital satisfaction is
caring for a chronically ill spouse. The pledge taken at marriage to love
each other “in sickness and in health” is often tested severely (Cavanaugh
& Blanchard-Fields, 2015). Spousal caregivers usually assume this role
after decades of shared responsibilities in marriage. In the event of chronic
illness, the division of responsibilities and roles has to be readjusted, which
may burden the relationship with additional stress. Furthermore, spousal
caregivers may feel a loss of companionship and intimacy over the course
of caregiving. However, marital satisfaction and the caregiving spouse’s
perception of his or her competence to care for the ill spouse may influence
his or her ability to adjust and cope. Nevertheless, providing full-time care
for a spouse is very stressful. For example, caring for a spouse who may not
remember your name or who you are, who becomes aggressive towards
you and who may not be able to perform basic tasks (such as dressing,
bathing, or toileting) due to a chronic or fatal illness, may challenge even the
happiest of marriages and may even have serious health consequences for
the caregiving spouse.
(e) Divorce
Most adults enter marriage with the belief that the union will last forever.
However, for many people, this does not happen. Their intimacy fails to grow
and rather than growing together, they grow apart. Continuous conflict over
various matters adds to the decision to rather divorce.
According to Statistics South Africa (2019), more than 25 000 divorces
were granted in South Africa in 2016 (in the same year, almost 140 000
marriages were registered). The highest divorce rate was among people who
had been married for five to nine years. Generally, the proportion of divorces
for black South Africans increased, while that of the white population group
declined from 2003 to 2016. About two thirds of divorces were initiated by
the wives rather than the husbands. The legal aspects of divorce in South
Africa are discussed in Box 5.7.
As the divorce statistics indicate, divorce seems to occur earlier in the
marriage (therefore in early adulthood). The probability of divorce seems
to be higher for people who marry young, people who have lived together
before marrying, and people who had parents who divorced (Amoateng et
al., 2004). However, divorce among middle-aged and older adults seems
to be on the rise (Lin et al., 2016). For example, in the USA the divorce rate
among adults aged 50 and older doubled between 1990 and 2010 (Brown
317
Second, the gradual shift of emphasis away from the children. Married
couples generally experience greater intimacy, mutual support, and harmony
after the children have left. Therefore, the so-called empty nest syndrome is
largely exaggerated and even regarded by many as a myth (Mitchell, 2016;
Mount & Moas, 2015). However, the
‘empty nest’ may be short-lived, as it is
not uncommon for many adult children
to return to their parental home due to
divorce, economic difficulties, or illness.
Which factors play a role in marital
satisfaction? Compared to young and
middle-aged couples, older couples
consider emotional security and
loyalty as having greater importance
than sexual intimacy does. On the
other hand, young couples consider The empty nest syndrome is largely
communication more important than exaggerated
middle-aged and older couples do,
perhaps because older couples take good communication for granted
(Levenson et al., 1993). However, communication remains important at all
life stages. The following are examples of communication styles that are
associated with couples who are happily married Belsky (2013):
• There is a high ratio of positive versus negative comments. People who
are happily married also experience conflict, sometimes intensely. The
key is to ensure that the number of caring and loving comments in the
relationship outweighs the negative ones.
• Disagreements do not get personal and destructive. Happily married
couples rather confine disagreements to the problem, for example: “I
don’t like it when I come home and the house is messy. What can we do
to avoid this?”
• Happy couples are sensitive regarding the right time to communicate
over something that bothers them. To communicate effectively it is
important to select the ‘right’ emotional moment.
The number of years or decades married is not necessarily an
indication of marital satisfaction. Some couples remain dissatisfied in their
relationships although they remain married. Generally, these relationships
are characterised by disagreement and conflict, although older adults seem
to control negative expression of emotions better than dissatisfied middle-
316
aged and younger adults do (Erber, 2013).
An aspect that could challenge older people’s marital satisfaction is
caring for a chronically ill spouse. The pledge taken at marriage to love
each other “in sickness and in health” is often tested severely (Cavanaugh
& Blanchard-Fields, 2015). Spousal caregivers usually assume this role
after decades of shared responsibilities in marriage. In the event of chronic
illness, the division of responsibilities and roles has to be readjusted, which
may burden the relationship with additional stress. Furthermore, spousal
caregivers may feel a loss of companionship and intimacy over the course
of caregiving. However, marital satisfaction and the caregiving spouse’s
perception of his or her competence to care for the ill spouse may influence
his or her ability to adjust and cope. Nevertheless, providing full-time care
for a spouse is very stressful. For example, caring for a spouse who may not
remember your name or who you are, who becomes aggressive towards
you and who may not be able to perform basic tasks (such as dressing,
bathing, or toileting) due to a chronic or fatal illness, may challenge even the
happiest of marriages and may even have serious health consequences for
the caregiving spouse.
(e) Divorce
Most adults enter marriage with the belief that the union will last forever.
However, for many people, this does not happen. Their intimacy fails to grow
and rather than growing together, they grow apart. Continuous conflict over
various matters adds to the decision to rather divorce.
According to Statistics South Africa (2019), more than 25 000 divorces
were granted in South Africa in 2016 (in the same year, almost 140 000
marriages were registered). The highest divorce rate was among people who
had been married for five to nine years. Generally, the proportion of divorces
for black South Africans increased, while that of the white population group
declined from 2003 to 2016. About two thirds of divorces were initiated by
the wives rather than the husbands. The legal aspects of divorce in South
Africa are discussed in Box 5.7.
As the divorce statistics indicate, divorce seems to occur earlier in the
marriage (therefore in early adulthood). The probability of divorce seems
to be higher for people who marry young, people who have lived together
before marrying, and people who had parents who divorced (Amoateng et
al., 2004). However, divorce among middle-aged and older adults seems
to be on the rise (Lin et al., 2016). For example, in the USA the divorce rate
among adults aged 50 and older doubled between 1990 and 2010 (Brown
317

Box 5.7. The legal aspects of divorce in South Africa
• A divorce is granted on the following legal grounds:
– The irretrievable breakdown of the marriage, i.e. the court is satisfied that
the marital relationship between the parties has reached such a state of
disintegration that there is no reasonable prospect of the restoration of a normal
marital relationship. There is no obligation to prove fault on the side of either party,
but merely that the marriage has broken down irreversibly.
– Adultery (voluntary sexual intercourse between a married person and a person
who is not his or her spouse).
– A serious mental disorder.
– The spouse is declared a habitual criminal.
– A long and continuous unconsciousness (coma).
• The costs of a divorce:
An uncontested divorce (i.e. both parties agree on the divorce) can cost anything
between about R1 000 and R20 000. The costs mostly depend on the complexity
of the divorce settlement agreement and the complexity surrounding the care and
contact of any minor children. A contested divorce (one of the partners dispute or
challenge the divorce) can be extremely expensive in fees and expenditures. Sadly,
it is the present authors’ experience that in such acrimonious (hostile) divorces
the parents do not realise (even if this is repeatedly pointed out to them) that
this money could be spent on the care and well-being of the children, rather than
fighting each other.
• Duration of the divorce proceedings:
If a divorce is undefended (uncontested), it can take a few weeks. However, if it is a
contested divorce, it can take many months and even years.
• Consent to get divorced:
Spouses do not have to get consent from each other to divorce. If the one spouse
is not willing to get divorced, the other one can get a divorce
& Lin, 2012). Divorce among persons aged 50 and older is generally known
as ‘grey divorce’. The increase of the grey divorce rate could be attributed
to especially three factors: First, the stigma of getting divorced has declined
significantly over the last
few decades. In other
words, where unhappily
married couples would
stay together in the
past, they now feel much
more comfortable to take
the step. Second, many
couples stay together ‘for
the sake of the children’.
When these children
reach adulthood, couples ‘Grey divorce’ is on the increase
318
view it as the ‘right time’ to get divorced. Third, the population is ageing
with the result that there are more married couples and therefore more
divorces. Contrary to earlier explanations, the onset of an empty nest, the
wife’s or husband’s retirement, and the wife’s or husbands chronic health
conditions seem to be unrelated to the likelihood of grey divorce (Lin et al.,
2016). Rather, factors traditionally associated with divorce among younger
adults are also valid for older adults.
The reasons why people divorce are diverse and may differ from cultural
group to cultural group and from individual to individual. The most common
reasons that people indicate for divorce in South Africa (Preller, 2012)
overlap largely with international research (Sabour Esmaeili & Schoebi,
2017; Gravningen et al., 2017; Scott, 2013):
• Communication problems. A lack of communication constitutes the
central reason for divorce and accounts for most of all breakdowns
in a marriage relationship (Grobbelaar & Alsemgeest, 2016; Knapp
2015). Without effective communication, no relationship can function
efficiently. Communication not only improves a couple’s relationships
but also resolves the differences that inevitably arise in the relationship.
In such situations, the goal of positive communication is to compromise,
not to confront or retaliate. This means the communication should
have a cooperative rather than competitive basis, while mutual respect
should be a major component. This will enable the spouses to overcome
the challenges of marriage, since communication is ‘the grease that
smoothes frictions’ between partners (Abanyam, 2014). The following
are examples of communication patterns that could lead to relational
breakups such as divorce (Guerrero et al., 2011):
– Negative communication. All couples have disagreements that can lead
to conflict and arguments. Research has shown that it is not primarily the
presence or absence of conflict that will determine whether a relationship
will endure, but the way in which the couple deals with the conflict that is
more important. The following are examples of negative communication
in such and other situations: continuously interrupting the other partner,
blaming, name-calling, bringing up the past, comparing the partner to
someone else, or being sarcastic, threatening, insulting, or judgemental.
A type of communication that is regarded as ‘more common than
adultery and potentially as toxic’, is nagging (Bernstein, 2012). Nagging
refers to continuing demands, complaints, and fault-finding. Research
has indicated that people who are subjected to constant nagging are
2,5 times more likely to die within 10 years than those with less stressful
319

Box 5.7. The legal aspects of divorce in South Africa
• A divorce is granted on the following legal grounds:
– The irretrievable breakdown of the marriage, i.e. the court is satisfied that
the marital relationship between the parties has reached such a state of
disintegration that there is no reasonable prospect of the restoration of a normal
marital relationship. There is no obligation to prove fault on the side of either party,
but merely that the marriage has broken down irreversibly.
– Adultery (voluntary sexual intercourse between a married person and a person
who is not his or her spouse).
– A serious mental disorder.
– The spouse is declared a habitual criminal.
– A long and continuous unconsciousness (coma).
• The costs of a divorce:
An uncontested divorce (i.e. both parties agree on the divorce) can cost anything
between about R1 000 and R20 000. The costs mostly depend on the complexity
of the divorce settlement agreement and the complexity surrounding the care and
contact of any minor children. A contested divorce (one of the partners dispute or
challenge the divorce) can be extremely expensive in fees and expenditures. Sadly,
it is the present authors’ experience that in such acrimonious (hostile) divorces
the parents do not realise (even if this is repeatedly pointed out to them) that
this money could be spent on the care and well-being of the children, rather than
fighting each other.
• Duration of the divorce proceedings:
If a divorce is undefended (uncontested), it can take a few weeks. However, if it is a
contested divorce, it can take many months and even years.
• Consent to get divorced:
Spouses do not have to get consent from each other to divorce. If the one spouse
is not willing to get divorced, the other one can get a divorce
& Lin, 2012). Divorce among persons aged 50 and older is generally known
as ‘grey divorce’. The increase of the grey divorce rate could be attributed
to especially three factors: First, the stigma of getting divorced has declined
significantly over the last
few decades. In other
words, where unhappily
married couples would
stay together in the
past, they now feel much
more comfortable to take
the step. Second, many
couples stay together ‘for
the sake of the children’.
When these children
reach adulthood, couples ‘Grey divorce’ is on the increase
318
view it as the ‘right time’ to get divorced. Third, the population is ageing
with the result that there are more married couples and therefore more
divorces. Contrary to earlier explanations, the onset of an empty nest, the
wife’s or husband’s retirement, and the wife’s or husbands chronic health
conditions seem to be unrelated to the likelihood of grey divorce (Lin et al.,
2016). Rather, factors traditionally associated with divorce among younger
adults are also valid for older adults.
The reasons why people divorce are diverse and may differ from cultural
group to cultural group and from individual to individual. The most common
reasons that people indicate for divorce in South Africa (Preller, 2012)
overlap largely with international research (Sabour Esmaeili & Schoebi,
2017; Gravningen et al., 2017; Scott, 2013):
• Communication problems. A lack of communication constitutes the
central reason for divorce and accounts for most of all breakdowns
in a marriage relationship (Grobbelaar & Alsemgeest, 2016; Knapp
2015). Without effective communication, no relationship can function
efficiently. Communication not only improves a couple’s relationships
but also resolves the differences that inevitably arise in the relationship.
In such situations, the goal of positive communication is to compromise,
not to confront or retaliate. This means the communication should
have a cooperative rather than competitive basis, while mutual respect
should be a major component. This will enable the spouses to overcome
the challenges of marriage, since communication is ‘the grease that
smoothes frictions’ between partners (Abanyam, 2014). The following
are examples of communication patterns that could lead to relational
breakups such as divorce (Guerrero et al., 2011):
– Negative communication. All couples have disagreements that can lead
to conflict and arguments. Research has shown that it is not primarily the
presence or absence of conflict that will determine whether a relationship
will endure, but the way in which the couple deals with the conflict that is
more important. The following are examples of negative communication
in such and other situations: continuously interrupting the other partner,
blaming, name-calling, bringing up the past, comparing the partner to
someone else, or being sarcastic, threatening, insulting, or judgemental.
A type of communication that is regarded as ‘more common than
adultery and potentially as toxic’, is nagging (Bernstein, 2012). Nagging
refers to continuing demands, complaints, and fault-finding. Research
has indicated that people who are subjected to constant nagging are
2,5 times more likely to die within 10 years than those with less stressful
319
 relationships are (Lund et al.,
2014). An important reason for
this is that, while nagging is a
relatively low level of stress,
the continuous nature thereof
significantly affects the immune
system. Nagging is especially,
but not exclusively, a complaint
by men.
– Withdrawal. This happens when
one spouse continuously with- Communication problems plays a central
role in divorce
draws from communicating with
the other. The person either avoids any communication with the other
spouse or, when in interaction, does not respond at all or only minimally.
Men tend to use this type of dysfunctional communication more often
than women do.
– Lack of openness. Although couples need a certain level of privacy
and independence, a degree of disclosure is necessary. (As we have
stated elsewhere, disclosure refers to revealing intimate and personal
information of yourself to your partner.) Several studies have found that
the lack of self-disclosure is associated with unsuccessful relationships.
Significantly more women than men mention lack of openness as a
major factor in the termination of their relationship.
• Physical and/or emotional abuse. Domestic abuse or violence is one of
the most underreported crimes in the world (Amoateng-Boahen, 2015).
It is also one of the most important reasons for divorce. Abusers can
be either a husband or a wife. Abuse occurs among heterosexual and
homosexual married couples, and in all age ranges, culture groups, and
socio-economic levels. While women and children are usually the victims,
men are also abused, especially verbally and emotionally but sometimes
also physically. Physical abuse usually manifests in physically aggressive
behaviour such as hitting, kicking, biting, shoving, hair pulling, pinching,
and slapping. Marital rape is a form of physical abuse where force is use
to have sexual intercourse with one’s spouse without her or his consent.
Although this act is not illegal in all countries, South Africa criminalised
marital rape in 1993. Emotional (psychological or mental) abuse is a
pattern of behaviour where the one partner continuously belittles,
criticises, threatens, intimidates, and humiliates his or her partner to
undermine the other person’s self-esteem and self-worth. Emotional
abuse can even be more psychologically harmful than physical abuse is,
320
and the victims often suffer from mental disorders such as depression,
anxiety, eating disorders, and alcohol/drug abuse (Ouellet-Morin et al.,
2015; Wong & Mellor, 2014).
• Lack or loss of trust. To trust one’s partner means that one believes that
he or she is reliable, dependable, honest, and responsible, and that one
feels physically safe and emotionally secure in the relationship. Trust
is regarded as a precondition for a couple’s long-term success, which
is a prerequisite for a marriage to reach its full potential (Diamond et
al., 2017). Therefore, it is understandable that trust is regarded as the
glue that keeps a relationship intact, while the lack or loss of trust is
one of the main reasons for divorce (Asante et al., 2014). The reason
is that distrust brings forth the worst in people: jealousy, suspicion,
anger, self-doubt, possessiveness, withdrawal, as well as psychological
problems such as anxiety, depression, and alcohol/drug abuse. Another
reason why distrust often leads to divorce is that many people find it
very difficult and even impossible to restore the trust they had. The
German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844 – 1900) said, “I’m not
upset because you lied to me, I’m upset that from now on I can’t trust
you.”
• Adultery. Adultery refers to being sexually unfaithful in a marital
relationship. It is a leading cause of divorce worldwide and in South
Africa. The terms adultery and infidelity are often used interchangeably.
However, there is a technical difference: Adultery refers to physical
sexual activity where at least one of the partners is married to another
person. In the case of infidelity, the relationship can be emotional only,
although it often includes a sexual component. Infidelity can occur in
marital as well as committed relationships, although there is a tendency
to occur mostly in committed relationships. Both adultery and infidelity
are commonly known as “cheating”. Worldwide, men are more likely to
commit adultery than women are, although some studies indicate that
men and women cheat at about the same rate (e.g. Eaves & Robertson-
Smith, 2017). The serious condemnation of adultery in certain cultures
is illustrated by the fact that several countries (e.g. Saudi Arabia, Sudan,
Iran, Somalia, and Yemen) legally punish it by death, or by punishments
such as stoning.
The psychological reasons why people commit adultery and
infidelity are multiple and complex. Gender differences may occur
(Egan & Angus, 2004). Males typically place less emphasis on
emotional attachment for sexual relationships, have a greater desire for
anonymous sexual encounters, and desire a greater number of sexual
321
 relationships are (Lund et al.,
2014). An important reason for
this is that, while nagging is a
relatively low level of stress,
the continuous nature thereof
significantly affects the immune
system. Nagging is especially,
but not exclusively, a complaint
by men.
– Withdrawal. This happens when
one spouse continuously with- Communication problems plays a central
role in divorce
draws from communicating with
the other. The person either avoids any communication with the other
spouse or, when in interaction, does not respond at all or only minimally.
Men tend to use this type of dysfunctional communication more often
than women do.
– Lack of openness. Although couples need a certain level of privacy
and independence, a degree of disclosure is necessary. (As we have
stated elsewhere, disclosure refers to revealing intimate and personal
information of yourself to your partner.) Several studies have found that
the lack of self-disclosure is associated with unsuccessful relationships.
Significantly more women than men mention lack of openness as a
major factor in the termination of their relationship.
• Physical and/or emotional abuse. Domestic abuse or violence is one of
the most underreported crimes in the world (Amoateng-Boahen, 2015).
It is also one of the most important reasons for divorce. Abusers can
be either a husband or a wife. Abuse occurs among heterosexual and
homosexual married couples, and in all age ranges, culture groups, and
socio-economic levels. While women and children are usually the victims,
men are also abused, especially verbally and emotionally but sometimes
also physically. Physical abuse usually manifests in physically aggressive
behaviour such as hitting, kicking, biting, shoving, hair pulling, pinching,
and slapping. Marital rape is a form of physical abuse where force is use
to have sexual intercourse with one’s spouse without her or his consent.
Although this act is not illegal in all countries, South Africa criminalised
marital rape in 1993. Emotional (psychological or mental) abuse is a
pattern of behaviour where the one partner continuously belittles,
criticises, threatens, intimidates, and humiliates his or her partner to
undermine the other person’s self-esteem and self-worth. Emotional
abuse can even be more psychologically harmful than physical abuse is,
320
and the victims often suffer from mental disorders such as depression,
anxiety, eating disorders, and alcohol/drug abuse (Ouellet-Morin et al.,
2015; Wong & Mellor, 2014).
• Lack or loss of trust. To trust one’s partner means that one believes that
he or she is reliable, dependable, honest, and responsible, and that one
feels physically safe and emotionally secure in the relationship. Trust
is regarded as a precondition for a couple’s long-term success, which
is a prerequisite for a marriage to reach its full potential (Diamond et
al., 2017). Therefore, it is understandable that trust is regarded as the
glue that keeps a relationship intact, while the lack or loss of trust is
one of the main reasons for divorce (Asante et al., 2014). The reason
is that distrust brings forth the worst in people: jealousy, suspicion,
anger, self-doubt, possessiveness, withdrawal, as well as psychological
problems such as anxiety, depression, and alcohol/drug abuse. Another
reason why distrust often leads to divorce is that many people find it
very difficult and even impossible to restore the trust they had. The
German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844 – 1900) said, “I’m not
upset because you lied to me, I’m upset that from now on I can’t trust
you.”
• Adultery. Adultery refers to being sexually unfaithful in a marital
relationship. It is a leading cause of divorce worldwide and in South
Africa. The terms adultery and infidelity are often used interchangeably.
However, there is a technical difference: Adultery refers to physical
sexual activity where at least one of the partners is married to another
person. In the case of infidelity, the relationship can be emotional only,
although it often includes a sexual component. Infidelity can occur in
marital as well as committed relationships, although there is a tendency
to occur mostly in committed relationships. Both adultery and infidelity
are commonly known as “cheating”. Worldwide, men are more likely to
commit adultery than women are, although some studies indicate that
men and women cheat at about the same rate (e.g. Eaves & Robertson-
Smith, 2017). The serious condemnation of adultery in certain cultures
is illustrated by the fact that several countries (e.g. Saudi Arabia, Sudan,
Iran, Somalia, and Yemen) legally punish it by death, or by punishments
such as stoning.
The psychological reasons why people commit adultery and
infidelity are multiple and complex. Gender differences may occur
(Egan & Angus, 2004). Males typically place less emphasis on
emotional attachment for sexual relationships, have a greater desire for
anonymous sexual encounters, and desire a greater number of sexual
321
 partners than females do. The social double standard, that it seems to available option (Eversole Law, 2017). Much more research on the role of
be more acceptable for men than women to be unfaithful, may play a alcohol has been done than on drug abuse in divorce. Note, however, that
role in these gender differences. Specific qualities of unfaithful males alcohol is also a drug and the distinction between alcohol and drugs is not
and females are the following: Unfaithful males tend to be extraverted only scientifically wrong, but it also testifies to the inconsistency of society
and have psychopathic tendencies such as manipulativeness and lack of in this regard.
guilt feelings. Contradicting evidence exists regarding the self-esteem
of unfaithful males: both high and low self-esteem have been reported
(Eaves & Robertson-Smith, 2017; Schmitt, 2005). Adulterous females
tend to be more neurotic (less emotionally stable) and score high on
agreeableness and social desirability. They are also more selective than
men about whom they are willing to be unfaithful with.
Unfaithful spouses often report a poor sexual relationship and lack
of intimacy in their relationship. The need for reassurance (to feel loved
and understood) also plays an important role. This is accompanied by
a quest for new emotions, especially where boredom is present in the
Drug abuse (alcohol and cigarettes are also drugs)
relationship. However, it must be
emphasised that adultery is often
An extensive study involving almost 20 000 participants revealed
a consequence, rather than the
that nearly 50% of the participants with a past or present case of an
cause of marital conflict (Delvin,
alcohol use disorder divorced at some point in their lives (Cranford,
2013). This means that many men
2014). Among couples in marital therapy, approximately 30% report that
and women who are in unhappy
alcohol is a source of conflict (Cox et al., 2013). The National Healthy
marital relationships ‘escape’
Marriage Resource Centre (2017) provides the following information on
(albeit temporarily) into an extra-
the effects of alcohol on marital quality:
marital affair with someone who
– General marital distress. Individuals in marriages in which one or both
they find more understanding,
spouses abuse alcohol report higher general and extensive levels of
amiable, and even more attractive
marital distress and discontent than do married individuals who are not
than their current spouse. A woman confronts her adulterous husband
married to alcohol abusers.
There are few, if any, other
– Poor communication. Spouses who abuse alcohol tend to use
occurrence in a marital relationship that has such a devastating effect on
communication that is more negative and damaging (e.g. criticising,
the non-involved spouse and children than adultery. Next to the strong
blaming, and contempt), express more anger, and show lower levels of
possibility of a divorce, the non-involved spouse and children usually react
warmth when trying to solve a problem than non-abusers do.
with intense feelings of anger, anxiety, guilt, shame, sadness, and confusion,
– Reduced family responsibilities. Alcohol abuse decreases the drinking
while depression and posttraumatic stress disorder are not uncommon.
spouse’s ability to participate in everyday household tasks and other
Violence occurs frequently. Therefore, it is understandable that adultery is
important responsibilities. A decrease in income is common (Kühn et al.,
a leading cause of divorce in most countries.
2017).
• Alcohol and drug abuse. Alcohol and drug abuse has been described as
– Effects on others. Alcohol abuse not only has a degrading effect on the
a black hole that sucks in everything in its path of destruction. Marriage
person and his/her spouse, but most often leaves disastrous emotional,
is often one of the fatalities. In such a situation, even the strongest of
social, academic, and behavioural scars on the children. Often, also
marriages can corrode quickly to the point where divorce is the best

322 323
 partners than females do. The social double standard, that it seems to available option (Eversole Law, 2017). Much more research on the role of
be more acceptable for men than women to be unfaithful, may play a alcohol has been done than on drug abuse in divorce. Note, however, that
role in these gender differences. Specific qualities of unfaithful males alcohol is also a drug and the distinction between alcohol and drugs is not
and females are the following: Unfaithful males tend to be extraverted only scientifically wrong, but it also testifies to the inconsistency of society
and have psychopathic tendencies such as manipulativeness and lack of in this regard.
guilt feelings. Contradicting evidence exists regarding the self-esteem
of unfaithful males: both high and low self-esteem have been reported
(Eaves & Robertson-Smith, 2017; Schmitt, 2005). Adulterous females
tend to be more neurotic (less emotionally stable) and score high on
agreeableness and social desirability. They are also more selective than
men about whom they are willing to be unfaithful with.
Unfaithful spouses often report a poor sexual relationship and lack
of intimacy in their relationship. The need for reassurance (to feel loved
and understood) also plays an important role. This is accompanied by
a quest for new emotions, especially where boredom is present in the
Drug abuse (alcohol and cigarettes are also drugs)
relationship. However, it must be
emphasised that adultery is often
An extensive study involving almost 20 000 participants revealed
a consequence, rather than the
that nearly 50% of the participants with a past or present case of an
cause of marital conflict (Delvin,
alcohol use disorder divorced at some point in their lives (Cranford,
2013). This means that many men
2014). Among couples in marital therapy, approximately 30% report that
and women who are in unhappy
alcohol is a source of conflict (Cox et al., 2013). The National Healthy
marital relationships ‘escape’
Marriage Resource Centre (2017) provides the following information on
(albeit temporarily) into an extra-
the effects of alcohol on marital quality:
marital affair with someone who
– General marital distress. Individuals in marriages in which one or both
they find more understanding,
spouses abuse alcohol report higher general and extensive levels of
amiable, and even more attractive
marital distress and discontent than do married individuals who are not
than their current spouse. A woman confronts her adulterous husband
married to alcohol abusers.
There are few, if any, other
– Poor communication. Spouses who abuse alcohol tend to use
occurrence in a marital relationship that has such a devastating effect on
communication that is more negative and damaging (e.g. criticising,
the non-involved spouse and children than adultery. Next to the strong
blaming, and contempt), express more anger, and show lower levels of
possibility of a divorce, the non-involved spouse and children usually react
warmth when trying to solve a problem than non-abusers do.
with intense feelings of anger, anxiety, guilt, shame, sadness, and confusion,
– Reduced family responsibilities. Alcohol abuse decreases the drinking
while depression and posttraumatic stress disorder are not uncommon.
spouse’s ability to participate in everyday household tasks and other
Violence occurs frequently. Therefore, it is understandable that adultery is
important responsibilities. A decrease in income is common (Kühn et al.,
a leading cause of divorce in most countries.
2017).
• Alcohol and drug abuse. Alcohol and drug abuse has been described as
– Effects on others. Alcohol abuse not only has a degrading effect on the
a black hole that sucks in everything in its path of destruction. Marriage
person and his/her spouse, but most often leaves disastrous emotional,
is often one of the fatalities. In such a situation, even the strongest of
social, academic, and behavioural scars on the children. Often, also
marriages can corrode quickly to the point where divorce is the best

322 323
 relatives and friends are affected significantly.
– Physical violence. Alcohol intoxication often is associated with aggression
• Differences in priorities and responsibilities. Most partners share
similar priorities in the beginning of their relationship. However, people
and impulsivity, while the ability to think rationally is reduced. Between
grow and change; sometimes they grow together in the same direction,
40% and 60% of battered women report that their husbands are heavy
and at other times, they grow apart (Olver, 2013). When one or both
or problem drinkers. Among married men admitted to alcohol treatment
partners change their priorities in ways that are unacceptable to their
centres, 50% to 70% report involvement in partner violence.
spouse, it may be especially challenging and may lead to the end of a
– Physical and sexual intimacy. Because of the afore-mentioned effects of
relationship. Examples are different opinions regarding having children,
alcohol (including a decline in personal hygiene), it is understandable
a major change in religious beliefs and practices, or significant changes
that physical and sexual intimacy is affected seriously. Alcohol abuse is
in friendships or conflicting relationships with in-laws. Shared interests,
also related to sexual problems such as erectile dysfunction in men and
goals, and ideals form a necessary basis for a successful marriage. When
orgasmic problems in women.
these interests, goals, and ideals are not similar, it remains important to
– Physical and mental health. An additional factor that often has a
seek each other’s input on plans and decisions. Involving each other in
significant effect on abusers and their families is physical and mental
planning and decision making may also result in both partners feeling
health. Regarding physical health, chronic alcohol abuse can reduce a
valued and included in each other’s lives. Such feelings may then lead
person’s life expectancy by 10 years (Schuckit, 2014). The World Health
to higher supportiveness from each other, which in turn would enable
Organization (2014) reports that alcohol abuse contributes to more
partners to carry out their plans more effectively. Research findings show
than 200 diseases (e.g. liver cirrhosis and cancers) and an annual global
that the less spouses share priorities and plan jointly, the greater the
death toll of about 3,5 million. Regarding mental health, chronic alcohol
chances for divorce are (Gere et al., 2016). Differences in responsibilities
abuse is associated with mental disorders such as depression, anxiety,
can also lead to intense conflict in a marriage. For example, domestic
and psychosis (a serious mental disorder where the person loses contact
responsibilities have been described as a marital time bomb if household
with reality). It is estimated that the risk of having a mental illness is
tasks are not shared, especially in cases where both spouses have a
about four times higher for people who abuse alcohol than for people
full-time occupation. According to a study by the Pew Research Centre
who do not. Equally tragic is that, due to the abuser’s behaviour, family
(2007), sharing household chores ranks third in importance on a list of
members often also experience mental problems such as depression,
items often associated with successful marriages, well ahead of factors
anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder.
such as adequate income, good housing, common interests, and shared
• Finances. The saying “If marriage is all about love, then divorce is all
religious beliefs. This is a significant increase since 1990 when much
about money” has a solid basis. According to research, differences over
fewer adults said sharing household chores were very important to a
money are a main reason for marital conflict and divorce (Dew et al.,
successful marriage. In the years since then, no other item on the list
2012; Meyers, 2012). There are different reasons for this. Divergent values
of the Pew Research Centre has risen in importance nearly as much.
and perspectives on money is a major cause of conflict. A typical example
Interestingly, this rise occurs in all demographic areas: among men as
is when the one spouse is a ‘spender’ and the other a ‘saver’. Another
well as women, among married and unmarried couples, and among the
issue relates to the perceived shared control over finances. Obviously,
old as well as the young. Another time bomb in this area is parental
an autocratic attitude in this regard can lead to tension and feelings of
responsibilities. There are many examples, but the following two are
being dominated and controlled. An unstable income, as in the case of
among the most important. First, the one parent (most often the father)
loss or lack of employment, can create a feeling of insecurity and doubt
largely withdraws from the upbringing of the children. Excuses such as “I
that forms a breeding ground for conflict. However, finances are not
had a hard day at work”; ”You are better with children than I”; and “It is a
always the only reason for divorce. It is often the ‘symptom’, rather than
mother’s responsibility” are often heard. Second, differences occur in the
the ‘disease’. In other words, financial problems frequently ensue from
upbringing and disciplining of the children. For example, the father may
other marital problems such as lack of communication or alcohol abuse.

324 325
 relatives and friends are affected significantly.
– Physical violence. Alcohol intoxication often is associated with aggression
• Differences in priorities and responsibilities. Most partners share
similar priorities in the beginning of their relationship. However, people
and impulsivity, while the ability to think rationally is reduced. Between
grow and change; sometimes they grow together in the same direction,
40% and 60% of battered women report that their husbands are heavy
and at other times, they grow apart (Olver, 2013). When one or both
or problem drinkers. Among married men admitted to alcohol treatment
partners change their priorities in ways that are unacceptable to their
centres, 50% to 70% report involvement in partner violence.
spouse, it may be especially challenging and may lead to the end of a
– Physical and sexual intimacy. Because of the afore-mentioned effects of
relationship. Examples are different opinions regarding having children,
alcohol (including a decline in personal hygiene), it is understandable
a major change in religious beliefs and practices, or significant changes
that physical and sexual intimacy is affected seriously. Alcohol abuse is
in friendships or conflicting relationships with in-laws. Shared interests,
also related to sexual problems such as erectile dysfunction in men and
goals, and ideals form a necessary basis for a successful marriage. When
orgasmic problems in women.
these interests, goals, and ideals are not similar, it remains important to
– Physical and mental health. An additional factor that often has a
seek each other’s input on plans and decisions. Involving each other in
significant effect on abusers and their families is physical and mental
planning and decision making may also result in both partners feeling
health. Regarding physical health, chronic alcohol abuse can reduce a
valued and included in each other’s lives. Such feelings may then lead
person’s life expectancy by 10 years (Schuckit, 2014). The World Health
to higher supportiveness from each other, which in turn would enable
Organization (2014) reports that alcohol abuse contributes to more
partners to carry out their plans more effectively. Research findings show
than 200 diseases (e.g. liver cirrhosis and cancers) and an annual global
that the less spouses share priorities and plan jointly, the greater the
death toll of about 3,5 million. Regarding mental health, chronic alcohol
chances for divorce are (Gere et al., 2016). Differences in responsibilities
abuse is associated with mental disorders such as depression, anxiety,
can also lead to intense conflict in a marriage. For example, domestic
and psychosis (a serious mental disorder where the person loses contact
responsibilities have been described as a marital time bomb if household
with reality). It is estimated that the risk of having a mental illness is
tasks are not shared, especially in cases where both spouses have a
about four times higher for people who abuse alcohol than for people
full-time occupation. According to a study by the Pew Research Centre
who do not. Equally tragic is that, due to the abuser’s behaviour, family
(2007), sharing household chores ranks third in importance on a list of
members often also experience mental problems such as depression,
items often associated with successful marriages, well ahead of factors
anxiety, and posttraumatic stress disorder.
such as adequate income, good housing, common interests, and shared
• Finances. The saying “If marriage is all about love, then divorce is all
religious beliefs. This is a significant increase since 1990 when much
about money” has a solid basis. According to research, differences over
fewer adults said sharing household chores were very important to a
money are a main reason for marital conflict and divorce (Dew et al.,
successful marriage. In the years since then, no other item on the list
2012; Meyers, 2012). There are different reasons for this. Divergent values
of the Pew Research Centre has risen in importance nearly as much.
and perspectives on money is a major cause of conflict. A typical example
Interestingly, this rise occurs in all demographic areas: among men as
is when the one spouse is a ‘spender’ and the other a ‘saver’. Another
well as women, among married and unmarried couples, and among the
issue relates to the perceived shared control over finances. Obviously,
old as well as the young. Another time bomb in this area is parental
an autocratic attitude in this regard can lead to tension and feelings of
responsibilities. There are many examples, but the following two are
being dominated and controlled. An unstable income, as in the case of
among the most important. First, the one parent (most often the father)
loss or lack of employment, can create a feeling of insecurity and doubt
largely withdraws from the upbringing of the children. Excuses such as “I
that forms a breeding ground for conflict. However, finances are not
had a hard day at work”; ”You are better with children than I”; and “It is a
always the only reason for divorce. It is often the ‘symptom’, rather than
mother’s responsibility” are often heard. Second, differences occur in the
the ‘disease’. In other words, financial problems frequently ensue from
upbringing and disciplining of the children. For example, the father may
other marital problems such as lack of communication or alcohol abuse.

324 325
 feel the mother is too overprotective and over-involved. Mothers, on the
other hand, often complain that the father is either too strict or too lax
as far as disciplining the children is concerned. As children in many ways
form the core interest of the family, such differences could have a serious
effect on marital stability.
• Priorities regarding sexual behaviour. This is an intimate and private
area of a couple’s relationship, but it often leads to incompatibilities,
which in turn results in marital dissatisfaction. A common complaint
relates to the frequency of sexual intercourse (either too frequent or
too infrequent) or sexual experimentation (either the lack thereof or
too much or unacceptable in nature). Sexual incompatibility remains
an important reason for marital unhappiness and therefore a potential
ground for divorce. Sexual incompatibility is also often used by the guilty
spouse as an excuse for infidelity.
In most cases, divorce is not the result of only one of the aforementioned
factors, but rather a combination of several of these variables. Of course, the
golden rule in psychology also applies: Every person, and therefore every
couple, is unique. (See also Box 5.8 regarding young black South Africans’
perception of divorce.)
Box 5.8. Young black people’s perception of divorce
In an exploratory study, Maubane and Langa (2015) investigated young black South
Africans’ perceptions on divorce in post-apartheid South Africa by interviewing third-
year students at the University of the Witwatersrand. The research was done against
the background that the divorce rate in the black population has been increasing after
1994, possibly due to changing socio-economic conditions and traditional values, as
well as cultural expectations regarding marriage.
The participants declared that they would rather divorce a partner if they
found themselves unhappy in a marriage. Both males and females felt that feelings
of happiness were more important than staying in a marriage solely for financial
stability. Therefore, this study contradicts studies that found that women would rather
stay in unhappy marriages because they felt they are financially dependent on their
husbands. It also emerged that men prefer to encourage their partners to be financially
independent rather than depend on them. According to the researchers, this finding
shows that gender dynamics are not static, but dynamic as changes are taking place
in South Africa.
How do people react to divorce? Divorce is usually a stressful life-
changing experience, even when the marriage was unhappy and divorce was
desired. During this time, individuals have to deal with many stressors such
326
as interpersonal conflicts, prolonged uncertainty, divorce negotiations, and
residential and financial changes and challenges. Thus, divorce is viewed as
a source of multiple chronic strains that might have serious short- and long-
term consequences for the divorcees. It includes the following (Allemand et
al., 2015):
■ Well-being. A decline in well-being across multiple life dimensions for
a significant period of time occurs. Although some studies suggest that
the period of decline in well-being after a divorce usually lasts about
two to three years, other researchers found that these declines could
last much longer and in some cases never quite return to ‘normal’ levels
again.
■ Mental health. Divorcees experience a decrease in general mental
health. Symptoms include depression, anxiety, an identity crisis, anger
(especially towards the former spouse), substance abuse, low self-
esteem, and general feelings of hopelessness, worthlessness, or guilt.
Suicide also occurs more among divorced than among married people
(Stack, 2016).
■ Physical health. Although less recognised, divorce also affects
the divorcees’ physical health. Weight change, fatigue, headaches,
cardiovascular illnesses, and lowered immunity against a variety of
diseases (especially colds and flu) are some of the common consequences.
A higher mortality rate has also been reported (Malgaroli et al., 2017).
■ Children in divorce. When children are involved, the situation is usually
worse (Leopold & Kalmijn, 2016). The fight over who should get custody
of the children often leads to not only intense emotional conflict, but
also legal battles that add to the financial strain. This conflict often
continues after the divorce when new struggles such as visitation rights
and non-payment of alimony arise. In the post-divorce situation, the
parents have to adjust to their redefined roles as residential and non-
residential parents. Divorced parents’ parenting skills may be affected
negatively due to role overload, irritability, and inability to respond to
their children’s needs. They also have to cope with the different and
often difficult ways in which the children deal with their own divorce
trauma.
■ Economic consequences. Divorce has major economic consequences.
Because divorce means that financial resources that originally went
to one household now have to go to two households, there is usually
a decrease in general lifestyle. This is especially true for women and
children. Sometimes, the homemaker (usually the mother) who used to
327
 feel the mother is too overprotective and over-involved. Mothers, on the
other hand, often complain that the father is either too strict or too lax
as far as disciplining the children is concerned. As children in many ways
form the core interest of the family, such differences could have a serious
effect on marital stability.
• Priorities regarding sexual behaviour. This is an intimate and private
area of a couple’s relationship, but it often leads to incompatibilities,
which in turn results in marital dissatisfaction. A common complaint
relates to the frequency of sexual intercourse (either too frequent or
too infrequent) or sexual experimentation (either the lack thereof or
too much or unacceptable in nature). Sexual incompatibility remains
an important reason for marital unhappiness and therefore a potential
ground for divorce. Sexual incompatibility is also often used by the guilty
spouse as an excuse for infidelity.
In most cases, divorce is not the result of only one of the aforementioned
factors, but rather a combination of several of these variables. Of course, the
golden rule in psychology also applies: Every person, and therefore every
couple, is unique. (See also Box 5.8 regarding young black South Africans’
perception of divorce.)
Box 5.8. Young black people’s perception of divorce
In an exploratory study, Maubane and Langa (2015) investigated young black South
Africans’ perceptions on divorce in post-apartheid South Africa by interviewing third-
year students at the University of the Witwatersrand. The research was done against
the background that the divorce rate in the black population has been increasing after
1994, possibly due to changing socio-economic conditions and traditional values, as
well as cultural expectations regarding marriage.
The participants declared that they would rather divorce a partner if they
found themselves unhappy in a marriage. Both males and females felt that feelings
of happiness were more important than staying in a marriage solely for financial
stability. Therefore, this study contradicts studies that found that women would rather
stay in unhappy marriages because they felt they are financially dependent on their
husbands. It also emerged that men prefer to encourage their partners to be financially
independent rather than depend on them. According to the researchers, this finding
shows that gender dynamics are not static, but dynamic as changes are taking place
in South Africa.
How do people react to divorce? Divorce is usually a stressful life-
changing experience, even when the marriage was unhappy and divorce was
desired. During this time, individuals have to deal with many stressors such
326
as interpersonal conflicts, prolonged uncertainty, divorce negotiations, and
residential and financial changes and challenges. Thus, divorce is viewed as
a source of multiple chronic strains that might have serious short- and long-
term consequences for the divorcees. It includes the following (Allemand et
al., 2015):
■ Well-being. A decline in well-being across multiple life dimensions for
a significant period of time occurs. Although some studies suggest that
the period of decline in well-being after a divorce usually lasts about
two to three years, other researchers found that these declines could
last much longer and in some cases never quite return to ‘normal’ levels
again.
■ Mental health. Divorcees experience a decrease in general mental
health. Symptoms include depression, anxiety, an identity crisis, anger
(especially towards the former spouse), substance abuse, low self-
esteem, and general feelings of hopelessness, worthlessness, or guilt.
Suicide also occurs more among divorced than among married people
(Stack, 2016).
■ Physical health. Although less recognised, divorce also affects
the divorcees’ physical health. Weight change, fatigue, headaches,
cardiovascular illnesses, and lowered immunity against a variety of
diseases (especially colds and flu) are some of the common consequences.
A higher mortality rate has also been reported (Malgaroli et al., 2017).
■ Children in divorce. When children are involved, the situation is usually
worse (Leopold & Kalmijn, 2016). The fight over who should get custody
of the children often leads to not only intense emotional conflict, but
also legal battles that add to the financial strain. This conflict often
continues after the divorce when new struggles such as visitation rights
and non-payment of alimony arise. In the post-divorce situation, the
parents have to adjust to their redefined roles as residential and non-
residential parents. Divorced parents’ parenting skills may be affected
negatively due to role overload, irritability, and inability to respond to
their children’s needs. They also have to cope with the different and
often difficult ways in which the children deal with their own divorce
trauma.
■ Economic consequences. Divorce has major economic consequences.
Because divorce means that financial resources that originally went
to one household now have to go to two households, there is usually
a decrease in general lifestyle. This is especially true for women and
children. Sometimes, the homemaker (usually the mother) who used to
327
 stay home with the children is compelled to start working or work longer
hours to cope. In turn, this has a negative effect on her well-being and
functioning, also as a single parent.
■ Social relationships. The social effects of divorce should not be
underestimated (Burke et al., 2009; Greif, 2012). For example, family
and friends often tend to take sides, with the result that each spouse
suffers the loss of important friendships and other relationships. This is
aggravated by the fact that it also regularly happens that one or both
spouses have to leave their home, often moving to another town or city
’to get away from it all’.
This sombre picture of the effects of divorce, however, is not applicable
to all cases. It is often more stressful for both adults and children to remain
caught up in an unhappy marriage. Some divorcees may even describe their
divorce as the best thing they have ever done. This does not mean that such
divorcees are exempt from the abovementioned effects of divorce, but much
rather that they feel free and released from the trauma of their stressful
marriage (Bourassa et al., 2015). In fact, many adults and children adjust well
to the changed circumstances and are even able to grow psychologically and
emotionally because of the experience. Various factors influence the ways in
which couples adjust to divorce (Burke et al., 2009; Halford & Sweeper, 2013;
Henley et al., 2017):
• Pre-divorce functioning. The individual’s pre-divorce psychological
functioning forms an important basis. Those who have higher levels of
emotional stability and psychological functioning, as well as better coping
skills before the divorce, are generally more well-adjusted afterwards.
• Demographic factors can play a role. For example, factors such as
higher education, higher socio-economic status, and being employed are
associated with better post-divorce adjustment.
• Attachment to former spouse. The degree of attachment to the former
spouse can affect adjustment. When one or both spouses remain
preoccupied with their former spouse – with feelings of either love or hate
– post-divorce adjustment is hindered.
• Social support is a very important factor that influences the effects of any
trauma and thus divorce. To most divorcees, social support in the form
of family, friends, and other groups such as the church provides a buffer
against the stress and creates a sense of belonging, kinship, and security.
• Social involvement. Divorcees who are less involved socially and more
isolated socially following divorce generally have a more difficult time
328
adjusting. Higher levels of social involvement, including new romantic
relationships, are associated with lessened attachment to the former spouse.
It is also a way to challenge loneliness and enhance a feeling of belonging.
• Belief systems. Divorcees’ belief system regarding divorce can influence
their post-divorce adjustment. Those who hold views about marriage that are
more traditional and religious and believe that divorce is unacceptable and
even a sin exhibit poorer adjustment than those with views about marriage
that are more non-traditional and who view divorce more positively.
• Care and contact of children. In a divorce, children are allocated to one
parent for their daily care (the residential parent), while the other parent
has contact on a regular basis (the non-residential parent). Non-residential
parents (usually men) are particularly vulnerable. A main reason is the
experience that they have ‘lost’ their children. Thus, feelings of severe loss,
guilt, and parental inadequacy are prominent.
• Initiator of divorce. Being the initiator or non-initiator of the divorce can
have a significant effect on the adjustment of both spouses (Steiner et al.,
2015). Since the person who takes the initiative to end the marriage may feel
he or she is more in control of the situation, he or she often experiences less
distress and self-doubt. On the other hand, the non-initiators may feel that
they have lost control and thus experience a sense of powerlessness and
hopelessness over this major, undesired, and life-changing event. Therefore,
it is understandable that the post-divorce adjustment of the initiator is
usually better than that of the non-initiator.
• The presence of children can have a significant effect on the adjustment of
their parents. As mentioned elsewhere, factors such as regular arguments
over various aspects involving the children, as well as dealing with children
who are also trying to come to terms with their own grief create an important
extra burden.
Are there gender differences regarding the effects of divorce? Generally
speaking, divorce is associated with worse physical and mental health for
men than for women (McClintock, 2014; Robards et al., 2012). Men are also
more likely than women are to commit suicide after a separation (Kölves,
2010). A recent study found that although women initially experience more
emotional pain following a breakup, they recover more extensively (Morris
et al., 2015). A main reason is that men are much more dependent on their
wives than they tend to admit. As they are usually the non-resident parent,
they experience that they have not only lost a house but also a home that
provides emotional security and comfort. As mentioned earlier, the feeling
that they have ‘lost’ their children and that they play a relatively small role
329
 stay home with the children is compelled to start working or work longer
hours to cope. In turn, this has a negative effect on her well-being and
functioning, also as a single parent.
■ Social relationships. The social effects of divorce should not be
underestimated (Burke et al., 2009; Greif, 2012). For example, family
and friends often tend to take sides, with the result that each spouse
suffers the loss of important friendships and other relationships. This is
aggravated by the fact that it also regularly happens that one or both
spouses have to leave their home, often moving to another town or city
’to get away from it all’.
This sombre picture of the effects of divorce, however, is not applicable
to all cases. It is often more stressful for both adults and children to remain
caught up in an unhappy marriage. Some divorcees may even describe their
divorce as the best thing they have ever done. This does not mean that such
divorcees are exempt from the abovementioned effects of divorce, but much
rather that they feel free and released from the trauma of their stressful
marriage (Bourassa et al., 2015). In fact, many adults and children adjust well
to the changed circumstances and are even able to grow psychologically and
emotionally because of the experience. Various factors influence the ways in
which couples adjust to divorce (Burke et al., 2009; Halford & Sweeper, 2013;
Henley et al., 2017):
• Pre-divorce functioning. The individual’s pre-divorce psychological
functioning forms an important basis. Those who have higher levels of
emotional stability and psychological functioning, as well as better coping
skills before the divorce, are generally more well-adjusted afterwards.
• Demographic factors can play a role. For example, factors such as
higher education, higher socio-economic status, and being employed are
associated with better post-divorce adjustment.
• Attachment to former spouse. The degree of attachment to the former
spouse can affect adjustment. When one or both spouses remain
preoccupied with their former spouse – with feelings of either love or hate
– post-divorce adjustment is hindered.
• Social support is a very important factor that influences the effects of any
trauma and thus divorce. To most divorcees, social support in the form
of family, friends, and other groups such as the church provides a buffer
against the stress and creates a sense of belonging, kinship, and security.
• Social involvement. Divorcees who are less involved socially and more
isolated socially following divorce generally have a more difficult time
328
adjusting. Higher levels of social involvement, including new romantic
relationships, are associated with lessened attachment to the former spouse.
It is also a way to challenge loneliness and enhance a feeling of belonging.
• Belief systems. Divorcees’ belief system regarding divorce can influence
their post-divorce adjustment. Those who hold views about marriage that are
more traditional and religious and believe that divorce is unacceptable and
even a sin exhibit poorer adjustment than those with views about marriage
that are more non-traditional and who view divorce more positively.
• Care and contact of children. In a divorce, children are allocated to one
parent for their daily care (the residential parent), while the other parent
has contact on a regular basis (the non-residential parent). Non-residential
parents (usually men) are particularly vulnerable. A main reason is the
experience that they have ‘lost’ their children. Thus, feelings of severe loss,
guilt, and parental inadequacy are prominent.
• Initiator of divorce. Being the initiator or non-initiator of the divorce can
have a significant effect on the adjustment of both spouses (Steiner et al.,
2015). Since the person who takes the initiative to end the marriage may feel
he or she is more in control of the situation, he or she often experiences less
distress and self-doubt. On the other hand, the non-initiators may feel that
they have lost control and thus experience a sense of powerlessness and
hopelessness over this major, undesired, and life-changing event. Therefore,
it is understandable that the post-divorce adjustment of the initiator is
usually better than that of the non-initiator.
• The presence of children can have a significant effect on the adjustment of
their parents. As mentioned elsewhere, factors such as regular arguments
over various aspects involving the children, as well as dealing with children
who are also trying to come to terms with their own grief create an important
extra burden.
Are there gender differences regarding the effects of divorce? Generally
speaking, divorce is associated with worse physical and mental health for
men than for women (McClintock, 2014; Robards et al., 2012). Men are also
more likely than women are to commit suicide after a separation (Kölves,
2010). A recent study found that although women initially experience more
emotional pain following a breakup, they recover more extensively (Morris
et al., 2015). A main reason is that men are much more dependent on their
wives than they tend to admit. As they are usually the non-resident parent,
they experience that they have not only lost a house but also a home that
provides emotional security and comfort. As mentioned earlier, the feeling
that they have ‘lost’ their children and that they play a relatively small role
329
in their upbringing and daily lives, aggravates their negative emotional state
(Corcoran, 1997). In addition, men are more reluctant to seek professional
help and rather prefer to hide behind a mask of masculinity. This attitude
can only prolong the post-divorce adjustment.
What are the typical stages in adjustment to divorce? Neumann (2011)
proposed five psychological stages of divorce:
■ Stage 1: Blaming the spouse. During this stage, the focus is on the
spouse. The person blames his or her spouse for all of the past, present,
and future problems in his or her life. The individual is depressed much
of the time and experiences a low energy level. Relatives and friends
describe the individual as “very upset” This stage is regarded as the
most difficult of the stages of divorce because of the profound changes,
the loss, and the fear of the unknown.
■ Stage 2: Mourning the loss. Acknowledging the end of the relationship
takes place in this stage. The grief is experienced as overwhelming.
Often an exaggerated ‘poor me’ attitude is present. The future appears
hopeless and meaningless. During this stage, individuals have difficulty
concentrating on tasks, as they are lost in a world of emotions.
■ Stage 3: Anger. Although anger is experienced in nearly every stage of
the divorce process, it is now dominant. Most often, the anger is directed
toward the spouse, but ‘all women’ or ‘all men’ are also targets. There is
a sense of righteousness to the anger: The spouse is wrong and deserves
to suffer. The individual’s energy level and self-esteem are higher than
during the earlier stages.
■ Stage 4: Being single. A significant change is the growing sense of
being a whole person, of not needing the spouse to make him or her
complete. Men and women start to trust themselves to make their own
decisions, and their self-image is much improved over the earlier stages.
Their energy level is higher than in the earlier stages.
■ Stage 5: Re-entry. This last stage of the divorce process is a time of
settling down. The feeling that the person is in control of his or her life
again is predominant. Individuals in this stage are able to make long-
term plans and commitments.
As is the case with basically all developmental stages, unique individual
differences may occur. Therefore, the above-mentioned stages should be
regarded as a rough guideline only, since not all people undergoing a divorce
may experience all of the stages, or in the same sequence.
330
(f) Remarriage
Although divorce is a traumatic event, many people form new relationships
and are willing to try marriage for a second and even a third time. Hence the
expression: “Remarriage represents the triumph of hope over experience.”
Remarriage is particularly probable if the divorced person is still relatively
young, partly because of the availability of potential partners. Partner
availability favours men at all ages in the life span because men tend to
marry women younger than they are. For this reason, the probability that
a divorced woman will remarry declines with increasing age (Bramlet &
Mosher, 2002).
Although the physical and psychological well-being of remarried people
are usually not as high as that of continuously married people, it is better
than that of divorced people or people who have never married. Remarried
people often experience their second marriage differently from their first
marriage. They tend to enjoy better communication, resolve disagreements
more positively, arrive at decisions more equitably, and divide chores more
fairly. However, this does not mean that, as the lyric implies, “Love is better
the second time round.” People who remarry often report less marital
satisfaction than during their first marriage, and the divorce rate for second
marriages is higher than for first marriages (Banschick, 2012; Livingston,
2014). A possible reason for this could be that divorcees tend to remarry too
soon after their divorce when their emotional trauma and conflicts resulting
from the divorce have not been resolved yet. These negative emotions often
are sustained by a wrathful ex-spouse who regularly adds fuel to the fire. In
many instances, the presence of stepchildren is exceedingly stressful and
often causes the breakup of the second marriage. It is also possible that,
due to their particular temperament, some persons are more vulnerable to
divorce. This implies that people who generally are dissatisfied, difficult and
intolerant, or very adventurous, may find it difficult to find happiness in a
marriage. Similarly, many people do not see themselves as being responsible
for failure of their previous marriage. They minimise their role in the divorce
and view their ex-spouse as the proverbial villain in the story. This lack of
insight into themselves can easily pave the way for marital conflict. It is
also possible that previously married persons may identify the signs of a
disintegrating marriage much sooner and therefore may decide to divorce
much earlier than was the case with the first marriage. In certain cases, it also
seems that once a person discovers that he or she can manage a divorce,
they are less afraid of going through the process again.
It seems that remarriage during late adulthood is more satisfying than
331
in their upbringing and daily lives, aggravates their negative emotional state
(Corcoran, 1997). In addition, men are more reluctant to seek professional
help and rather prefer to hide behind a mask of masculinity. This attitude
can only prolong the post-divorce adjustment.
What are the typical stages in adjustment to divorce? Neumann (2011)
proposed five psychological stages of divorce:
■ Stage 1: Blaming the spouse. During this stage, the focus is on the
spouse. The person blames his or her spouse for all of the past, present,
and future problems in his or her life. The individual is depressed much
of the time and experiences a low energy level. Relatives and friends
describe the individual as “very upset” This stage is regarded as the
most difficult of the stages of divorce because of the profound changes,
the loss, and the fear of the unknown.
■ Stage 2: Mourning the loss. Acknowledging the end of the relationship
takes place in this stage. The grief is experienced as overwhelming.
Often an exaggerated ‘poor me’ attitude is present. The future appears
hopeless and meaningless. During this stage, individuals have difficulty
concentrating on tasks, as they are lost in a world of emotions.
■ Stage 3: Anger. Although anger is experienced in nearly every stage of
the divorce process, it is now dominant. Most often, the anger is directed
toward the spouse, but ‘all women’ or ‘all men’ are also targets. There is
a sense of righteousness to the anger: The spouse is wrong and deserves
to suffer. The individual’s energy level and self-esteem are higher than
during the earlier stages.
■ Stage 4: Being single. A significant change is the growing sense of
being a whole person, of not needing the spouse to make him or her
complete. Men and women start to trust themselves to make their own
decisions, and their self-image is much improved over the earlier stages.
Their energy level is higher than in the earlier stages.
■ Stage 5: Re-entry. This last stage of the divorce process is a time of
settling down. The feeling that the person is in control of his or her life
again is predominant. Individuals in this stage are able to make long-
term plans and commitments.
As is the case with basically all developmental stages, unique individual
differences may occur. Therefore, the above-mentioned stages should be
regarded as a rough guideline only, since not all people undergoing a divorce
may experience all of the stages, or in the same sequence.
330
(f) Remarriage
Although divorce is a traumatic event, many people form new relationships
and are willing to try marriage for a second and even a third time. Hence the
expression: “Remarriage represents the triumph of hope over experience.”
Remarriage is particularly probable if the divorced person is still relatively
young, partly because of the availability of potential partners. Partner
availability favours men at all ages in the life span because men tend to
marry women younger than they are. For this reason, the probability that
a divorced woman will remarry declines with increasing age (Bramlet &
Mosher, 2002).
Although the physical and psychological well-being of remarried people
are usually not as high as that of continuously married people, it is better
than that of divorced people or people who have never married. Remarried
people often experience their second marriage differently from their first
marriage. They tend to enjoy better communication, resolve disagreements
more positively, arrive at decisions more equitably, and divide chores more
fairly. However, this does not mean that, as the lyric implies, “Love is better
the second time round.” People who remarry often report less marital
satisfaction than during their first marriage, and the divorce rate for second
marriages is higher than for first marriages (Banschick, 2012; Livingston,
2014). A possible reason for this could be that divorcees tend to remarry too
soon after their divorce when their emotional trauma and conflicts resulting
from the divorce have not been resolved yet. These negative emotions often
are sustained by a wrathful ex-spouse who regularly adds fuel to the fire. In
many instances, the presence of stepchildren is exceedingly stressful and
often causes the breakup of the second marriage. It is also possible that,
due to their particular temperament, some persons are more vulnerable to
divorce. This implies that people who generally are dissatisfied, difficult and
intolerant, or very adventurous, may find it difficult to find happiness in a
marriage. Similarly, many people do not see themselves as being responsible
for failure of their previous marriage. They minimise their role in the divorce
and view their ex-spouse as the proverbial villain in the story. This lack of
insight into themselves can easily pave the way for marital conflict. It is
also possible that previously married persons may identify the signs of a
disintegrating marriage much sooner and therefore may decide to divorce
much earlier than was the case with the first marriage. In certain cases, it also
seems that once a person discovers that he or she can manage a divorce,
they are less afraid of going through the process again.
It seems that remarriage during late adulthood is more satisfying than
331
remarriage during earlier adulthood (Bogard & Spilka, 1996; Watkins &
(g) Widowhood
Waldron, 2017). A reason for this is that both spouses may be widowed
rather than divorced. Their previous experience of a stable relationship
A marriage is dissolved not only by divorce, but also by the death of a partner.
forms a basis for a second successful relationship. They seem to be more
The term widowhood refers to the status of a person who has lost a spouse
trusting and accepting, and less in need of deep sharing of personal feelings.
through death and has not remarried (Erber, 2013). In the case of a woman,
In addition, since the children of both spouses have generally left the
she is called a widow. A widower is the male equivalent. Worldwide, more
parental home, they do not have the additional problems of stepchildren.
women than men are widowed.
However, this does not mean that this kind of marriage is without problems.
The effect of widowhood goes far beyond the ending of a long-term
Some widows and widowers idealise the deceased spouse and are inclined
relationship. The death of a partner represents one of the greatest emotional
to make comparisons. Sometimes children, grandchildren, and others may
and social losses that an individual can experience during the normal
also make comparisons that could be hurtful to the new spouse. In addition,
inheritance may also be a sensitive issue; for example, children may feel
unhappy about the way in which the inheritance is divided between the
biological and stepchildren.
However, even though problems do exist, a remarriage in late adulthood
is often more preferable to alternatives such as loneliness. In addition, it
seems that several factors can act as shields against the inherent difficulties
of a remarriage. For example, researchers of the University of Stellenbosch
(Greeff & Du Toit, 2009), as well as a cross-cultural study investigating
remarried and reconstituted families (i.e. the combined families of the two
remarried couples) in South Africa and Belgium (Greeff & Cloete, 2015)
identified the following resilience factors in this regard:

– Good family relationships and support (mutual respect, cooperation,

and a loving bond).
– Family communication that is affirming and that conveys care and
support. The death of a partner is extremely traumatic
– The family’s ability to have a sense of control over outcomes in life by
having an active orientation in adjusting to and managing stressful
course of life. (Other great losses such as the death of a parent during one’s
situations.
childhood or the death of a child are regarded as unusual (non-normative)
– Activities and routines that help the family to spend time together and
events that happen to relatively few people.)
to create togetherness.
The loss of an intimate personal relationship is characterised by intense
– A strong marital relationship.
grief and a long period of readjustment. The individual has to come to terms
– Support from family and friends.
with the event and accept a new social status and role. For many people, role
– The internal and external handling of problems by redefining stressful
and status change are extremely difficult transitions necessitating profound
events and acquiring and accepting social support.
changes in daily living with the risk of possible social isolation. For both
– Spirituality and religion, which provide meaning and purpose in life
genders, the loss of a spouse means that part of the other partner’s role has
beyond crisis situations.
to be learnt: Widows sometimes have to handle financial matters for the

332 333
remarriage during earlier adulthood (Bogard & Spilka, 1996; Watkins &
(g) Widowhood
Waldron, 2017). A reason for this is that both spouses may be widowed
rather than divorced. Their previous experience of a stable relationship
A marriage is dissolved not only by divorce, but also by the death of a partner.
forms a basis for a second successful relationship. They seem to be more
The term widowhood refers to the status of a person who has lost a spouse
trusting and accepting, and less in need of deep sharing of personal feelings.
through death and has not remarried (Erber, 2013). In the case of a woman,
In addition, since the children of both spouses have generally left the
she is called a widow. A widower is the male equivalent. Worldwide, more
parental home, they do not have the additional problems of stepchildren.
women than men are widowed.
However, this does not mean that this kind of marriage is without problems.
The effect of widowhood goes far beyond the ending of a long-term
Some widows and widowers idealise the deceased spouse and are inclined
relationship. The death of a partner represents one of the greatest emotional
to make comparisons. Sometimes children, grandchildren, and others may
and social losses that an individual can experience during the normal
also make comparisons that could be hurtful to the new spouse. In addition,
inheritance may also be a sensitive issue; for example, children may feel
unhappy about the way in which the inheritance is divided between the
biological and stepchildren.
However, even though problems do exist, a remarriage in late adulthood
is often more preferable to alternatives such as loneliness. In addition, it
seems that several factors can act as shields against the inherent difficulties
of a remarriage. For example, researchers of the University of Stellenbosch
(Greeff & Du Toit, 2009), as well as a cross-cultural study investigating
remarried and reconstituted families (i.e. the combined families of the two
remarried couples) in South Africa and Belgium (Greeff & Cloete, 2015)
identified the following resilience factors in this regard:

– Good family relationships and support (mutual respect, cooperation,

and a loving bond).
– Family communication that is affirming and that conveys care and
support. The death of a partner is extremely traumatic
– The family’s ability to have a sense of control over outcomes in life by
having an active orientation in adjusting to and managing stressful
course of life. (Other great losses such as the death of a parent during one’s
situations.
childhood or the death of a child are regarded as unusual (non-normative)
– Activities and routines that help the family to spend time together and
events that happen to relatively few people.)
to create togetherness.
The loss of an intimate personal relationship is characterised by intense
– A strong marital relationship.
grief and a long period of readjustment. The individual has to come to terms
– Support from family and friends.
with the event and accept a new social status and role. For many people, role
– The internal and external handling of problems by redefining stressful
and status change are extremely difficult transitions necessitating profound
events and acquiring and accepting social support.
changes in daily living with the risk of possible social isolation. For both
– Spirituality and religion, which provide meaning and purpose in life
genders, the loss of a spouse means that part of the other partner’s role has
beyond crisis situations.
to be learnt: Widows sometimes have to handle financial matters for the

332 333
first time, and widowers have to manage household chores. The physical
and psychological effects of grief after the death of a spouse or partner are
discussed in Chapter 7.
As in any life crisis, the way in which widowhood will affect individuals
depends on factors such as personality and circumstances. Although the loss
of a spouse is always painful (even in bad marriages) and the adjustment
process takes time, the adjustment regarding practical aspects of everyday
life probably will be easier if both partners are involved in the practical,
financial, and housekeeping matters in the earlier stages of their lives.
5.3.1.2 Cohabitation
Relationships have undergone significant changes over the past decades.
Marriage rates have decreased, divorce rates have risen, and an increasing
number of couples cohabit (Gassen & Perelli-Harri, 2015; Mhongo & Budlender,
2013; Statistics South Africa, 2015). Cohabitation is generally defined as the
state of two people living together as romantically and intimately involved
partners without being married. Reasons for the worldwide increase in
cohabitation are the following (e.g. Imo, 2017; Makiwane, 2004; Stepien-
Sporek and & Ryznar, 2016):
• Changing societal norms. This refers to increased permissive attitudes
towards sexuality, peer pressure, and the decrease in parental authority
resulting in the crumbling of traditional norms. As cohabitation becomes
increasingly common, cohabitating couples are under less social
pressure to marry. In the past, negative attitudes towards ‘living in sin’
(especially aimed at premarital sex) and the stigma that was attached to
it, acted as an important deterrent against cohabitation. However, since
the ‘sexual revolution’ in the 1960s, there has been a profound change in
this regard. A more permissive and non-judgemental societal view has
led to a greater acceptance of premarital sex, especially in a loving and
long-term relationship.
• Changing societal structures. Many young people experience extended
periods of training and studying, and are often simultaneously involved
in long-term love relationships. They are often mature enough for
marriage, but cannot marry, because of practical difficulties, such as
finances. The fact that living together helps to split the living costs is an
important factor why many couples cohabit. Sharing the rent, electricity,
and other living costs makes life more affordable, especially for couples
who struggle financially. Living together may also be more convenient in
334
terms of time and transport factors.
• Fear of divorce. Many young South Africans who have been the
products of marital dissolution and conflict fear divorce. Couples
regard cohabitation as a trial marriage in order to determine whether
they would be compatible for marriage, and to discover a partner’s
habits, expectations, oddities, and willingness to share responsibilities.
Many couples believe that cohabitation will improve their chances of
a successful marriage. Therefore, pre-marital cohabitation seems to
accompany the trend to marry later. The viewpoint is also that if the
relationship does not work out, it is easier to walk away from a failed
relationship than from a failed marriage. The stigmatisation is also less
than being a divorcee.
• Legal reforms. As we have discussed elsewhere, marriage has largely
lost its special legal status, as legal reforms have led to a greater
recognition of equality and neutrality in matters of common-law
marriage, cohabitation, and custody of children. Therefore, cohabitation
often becomes a permanent alternative to marriage.
• Equality. Independence and equality are very important factors to many
modern people. Marriage is often associated with dominance of one
partner; therefore, some regard the traditional marriage as a form of
forced inequality. Cohabitation, on the other hand, represents a more
flexible, free, and egalitarian relationship.
However, as logical and ‘attractive’ as cohabitation may sound, there are
still many societal opposition and other deterrents to this lifestyle choice.
Some of these are the following:
■ Many cultures, subcultures, and religions are still strongly opposed to
cohabitation. In some countries, especially Muslim countries, premarital
sex is regarded as a crime that could be punished severely, even by
death (Tausch, 2016). Also in South Africa, several religious groups
still regard cohabitation as ‘living in sin’; consequently, such a couple
may be stigmatised and even ostracised (Posel & Rudwick, 2014). Such
condemning attitudes of the family and community could place a heavy
burden on a relationship.
■ Some people believe that marriage creates a particular mindset, which in
turn increases commitment and perseverance (DePaulo, 2012; Goodman,
2017). Marriage begins with the members of the couple committing
vows to each other regarding sacrifice, fidelity, and loyalty. These vows
are absent when couples just move in together.
335
first time, and widowers have to manage household chores. The physical
and psychological effects of grief after the death of a spouse or partner are
discussed in Chapter 7.
As in any life crisis, the way in which widowhood will affect individuals
depends on factors such as personality and circumstances. Although the loss
of a spouse is always painful (even in bad marriages) and the adjustment
process takes time, the adjustment regarding practical aspects of everyday
life probably will be easier if both partners are involved in the practical,
financial, and housekeeping matters in the earlier stages of their lives.
5.3.1.2 Cohabitation
Relationships have undergone significant changes over the past decades.
Marriage rates have decreased, divorce rates have risen, and an increasing
number of couples cohabit (Gassen & Perelli-Harri, 2015; Mhongo & Budlender,
2013; Statistics South Africa, 2015). Cohabitation is generally defined as the
state of two people living together as romantically and intimately involved
partners without being married. Reasons for the worldwide increase in
cohabitation are the following (e.g. Imo, 2017; Makiwane, 2004; Stepien-
Sporek and & Ryznar, 2016):
• Changing societal norms. This refers to increased permissive attitudes
towards sexuality, peer pressure, and the decrease in parental authority
resulting in the crumbling of traditional norms. As cohabitation becomes
increasingly common, cohabitating couples are under less social
pressure to marry. In the past, negative attitudes towards ‘living in sin’
(especially aimed at premarital sex) and the stigma that was attached to
it, acted as an important deterrent against cohabitation. However, since
the ‘sexual revolution’ in the 1960s, there has been a profound change in
this regard. A more permissive and non-judgemental societal view has
led to a greater acceptance of premarital sex, especially in a loving and
long-term relationship.
• Changing societal structures. Many young people experience extended
periods of training and studying, and are often simultaneously involved
in long-term love relationships. They are often mature enough for
marriage, but cannot marry, because of practical difficulties, such as
finances. The fact that living together helps to split the living costs is an
important factor why many couples cohabit. Sharing the rent, electricity,
and other living costs makes life more affordable, especially for couples
who struggle financially. Living together may also be more convenient in
334
terms of time and transport factors.
• Fear of divorce. Many young South Africans who have been the
products of marital dissolution and conflict fear divorce. Couples
regard cohabitation as a trial marriage in order to determine whether
they would be compatible for marriage, and to discover a partner’s
habits, expectations, oddities, and willingness to share responsibilities.
Many couples believe that cohabitation will improve their chances of
a successful marriage. Therefore, pre-marital cohabitation seems to
accompany the trend to marry later. The viewpoint is also that if the
relationship does not work out, it is easier to walk away from a failed
relationship than from a failed marriage. The stigmatisation is also less
than being a divorcee.
• Legal reforms. As we have discussed elsewhere, marriage has largely
lost its special legal status, as legal reforms have led to a greater
recognition of equality and neutrality in matters of common-law
marriage, cohabitation, and custody of children. Therefore, cohabitation
often becomes a permanent alternative to marriage.
• Equality. Independence and equality are very important factors to many
modern people. Marriage is often associated with dominance of one
partner; therefore, some regard the traditional marriage as a form of
forced inequality. Cohabitation, on the other hand, represents a more
flexible, free, and egalitarian relationship.
However, as logical and ‘attractive’ as cohabitation may sound, there are
still many societal opposition and other deterrents to this lifestyle choice.
Some of these are the following:
■ Many cultures, subcultures, and religions are still strongly opposed to
cohabitation. In some countries, especially Muslim countries, premarital
sex is regarded as a crime that could be punished severely, even by
death (Tausch, 2016). Also in South Africa, several religious groups
still regard cohabitation as ‘living in sin’; consequently, such a couple
may be stigmatised and even ostracised (Posel & Rudwick, 2014). Such
condemning attitudes of the family and community could place a heavy
burden on a relationship.
■ Some people believe that marriage creates a particular mindset, which in
turn increases commitment and perseverance (DePaulo, 2012; Goodman,
2017). Marriage begins with the members of the couple committing
vows to each other regarding sacrifice, fidelity, and loyalty. These vows
are absent when couples just move in together.
335
■ There is a tendency with a significant number of cohabitating couples and mutually understood plans to marry their partners; and they did not
to continue postponing a wedding, which often results in never getting cohabit until the age of 23 or later.
married. Many people find the lack of guarantee that a wedding will How does cohabitation affect older adults? Although cohabitation is still
eventually take place, unacceptable. associated with young people, unmarried cohabitation is becoming a popular
■ Although many legal reforms regarding marriage and cohabitation arrangement for middle-aged and older adults who have been widowed or
have been implemented in South Africa, cohabitation as such is not divorced (Brown & Wright, 2017). In later life, unmarried unions are more
recognised as a legal relationship by South African law (Family Law, 2017; stable and long lasting and cohabitation appears to operate as a long-term
Vermeulen, 2017). In simple terms, men and women living together do alternative to marriage instead of a trial marriage (Treas & Sanabria, 2016).
not have the same legal rights and protection that married couples have.
This is the case irrespective of the duration of the relationship. Therefore, 5.3.1.3 Singlehood
it is understandable that couples do not want to enter a situation where
they do not have definite legal rights and securities as in the case of Another choice in lifestyle is to remain single: the state of being unmarried
marriage. or not involved in a long-term
■ Another argument that is often used against premarital cohabitation is romantic relationship. Singles
the inertia effect. This means that once a couple cohabits, a momentum include people who have never
towards marriage begins and it becomes more difficult to break up been married or those who are
because of the greater investment. The inertia effect is problematic not yet married as well as those
because it drives some couples that would otherwise not have married, who are divorced or widowed
to marry eventually (DiDonato, 2014). and who do not remarry. Single-
hood is increasing in South
How does premarital cohabitation compare with marriage regarding Africa, as elsewhere in the world
stability and quality of the relationship? Older research (e.g. Bramlett & (McKeown, 2015; Stats SA, 2015).
Mosher, 2002; Seltzer, 2000) indicated that cohabiting unions tended The reasons for being single
to be less stable than marriages and that most marriages that involved are diverse. In view of the high
cohabitation tended to be less happy and had a greater likelihood of divorce rate and number of
ending in divorce. However, this finding is now regarded as a reflection of unhappy marriages, an increasing
the people of a previous era who chose to cohabit: They tended to be less number of people are sceptical
conventional and had fewer traditional family and religious values (Guzzo, of marriage. Many also had
2014; Treas & Senabria, 2016). The findings of more recent studies tend to traumatic childhood experiences
be more positive (DePaulo, 2012; Kuperberg, 2014; Mernitz & Kamp Dush, of their parents’ marriage, while
2016): The divorce rate of couples who first cohabit before they marry is others had negative relationship
not higher than the rate of couples who did not cohabit. There are also no experiences as adults. Some stay
differences regarding emotional well-being, satisfaction with relationship, single because they have never
Single — and happy
and effect on the children of such relationships. It seems that not the found the right partners.
cohabitation factor as such will determine marital bliss, but much rather the Although attitudes towards diverse lifestyles are more accepting, the
quality of the relationship, which depends on variables such as personality attitude towards singles has not always been positive, as the single lifestyle
features and support from family and friends. Other important factors that often has been regarded with suspicion. This attitude is still maintained in
could determine that those who cohabited before marriage are likely to many circles. For example, it is often believed that single people are ‘different’
have marital outcomes similar to those who did not live together before and do not want to commit to anybody, or that they would actually have
marriage, are the following (Scott, 2014): The partners only ever cohabited liked to marry, but because of some physical or psychological shortcoming,
with the person they marry; they only began to cohabit after having clear
336 337
■ There is a tendency with a significant number of cohabitating couples and mutually understood plans to marry their partners; and they did not
to continue postponing a wedding, which often results in never getting cohabit until the age of 23 or later.
married. Many people find the lack of guarantee that a wedding will How does cohabitation affect older adults? Although cohabitation is still
eventually take place, unacceptable. associated with young people, unmarried cohabitation is becoming a popular
■ Although many legal reforms regarding marriage and cohabitation arrangement for middle-aged and older adults who have been widowed or
have been implemented in South Africa, cohabitation as such is not divorced (Brown & Wright, 2017). In later life, unmarried unions are more
recognised as a legal relationship by South African law (Family Law, 2017; stable and long lasting and cohabitation appears to operate as a long-term
Vermeulen, 2017). In simple terms, men and women living together do alternative to marriage instead of a trial marriage (Treas & Sanabria, 2016).
not have the same legal rights and protection that married couples have.
This is the case irrespective of the duration of the relationship. Therefore, 5.3.1.3 Singlehood
it is understandable that couples do not want to enter a situation where
they do not have definite legal rights and securities as in the case of Another choice in lifestyle is to remain single: the state of being unmarried
marriage. or not involved in a long-term
■ Another argument that is often used against premarital cohabitation is romantic relationship. Singles
the inertia effect. This means that once a couple cohabits, a momentum include people who have never
towards marriage begins and it becomes more difficult to break up been married or those who are
because of the greater investment. The inertia effect is problematic not yet married as well as those
because it drives some couples that would otherwise not have married, who are divorced or widowed
to marry eventually (DiDonato, 2014). and who do not remarry. Single-
hood is increasing in South
How does premarital cohabitation compare with marriage regarding Africa, as elsewhere in the world
stability and quality of the relationship? Older research (e.g. Bramlett & (McKeown, 2015; Stats SA, 2015).
Mosher, 2002; Seltzer, 2000) indicated that cohabiting unions tended The reasons for being single
to be less stable than marriages and that most marriages that involved are diverse. In view of the high
cohabitation tended to be less happy and had a greater likelihood of divorce rate and number of
ending in divorce. However, this finding is now regarded as a reflection of unhappy marriages, an increasing
the people of a previous era who chose to cohabit: They tended to be less number of people are sceptical
conventional and had fewer traditional family and religious values (Guzzo, of marriage. Many also had
2014; Treas & Senabria, 2016). The findings of more recent studies tend to traumatic childhood experiences
be more positive (DePaulo, 2012; Kuperberg, 2014; Mernitz & Kamp Dush, of their parents’ marriage, while
2016): The divorce rate of couples who first cohabit before they marry is others had negative relationship
not higher than the rate of couples who did not cohabit. There are also no experiences as adults. Some stay
differences regarding emotional well-being, satisfaction with relationship, single because they have never
Single — and happy
and effect on the children of such relationships. It seems that not the found the right partners.
cohabitation factor as such will determine marital bliss, but much rather the Although attitudes towards diverse lifestyles are more accepting, the
quality of the relationship, which depends on variables such as personality attitude towards singles has not always been positive, as the single lifestyle
features and support from family and friends. Other important factors that often has been regarded with suspicion. This attitude is still maintained in
could determine that those who cohabited before marriage are likely to many circles. For example, it is often believed that single people are ‘different’
have marital outcomes similar to those who did not live together before and do not want to commit to anybody, or that they would actually have
marriage, are the following (Scott, 2014): The partners only ever cohabited liked to marry, but because of some physical or psychological shortcoming,
with the person they marry; they only began to cohabit after having clear
336 337
cannot find a partner (Craig, 1996; Timonen & Doyle, 2014). Another image
is that of a flamboyant and exciting lifestyle; although the latter may be true
in isolated cases, it cannot be generalised.
However, an increasing number of individuals are single by choice,
motivated by the evolving spirit of personal freedom and individual
choices of the last few decades. Singlehood may provide opportunities to
take risks and experiment with change, travel, pursue one’s career, further
one’s education, or do creative work without concern about how one’s
quest for self-fulfilment affects another. Such people are ‘single at heart’.
For these people, living single is the way in which they live their best and
most meaningful lives. They are not motivated by negative factors (e.g. bad
experiences) but by the kind of life they want to live. Reasons why some
people are happy being single include the following (DePaulo, 2015):
• Some people are best able to pursue their interests and passions, and
make meaningful life choices, when they are single. An important reason
is that their focus is not on partner relationships but much broader.
Consequently, they are often more likely than married people are to have
a sense of continued growth and development as individuals.
• Especially in Western countries, it is a treasured value to feel autonomous
and in control of your own life. Many single people have a greater sense
of autonomy and self-determination than married people do.
• In a study comparing married people with people who had always
been single, there were no differences in self-sufficiency (wanting to
manage things on one’s own) (Bookwala & Fekete, 2009). However, self-
sufficiency seemed to have an advantage for single people. The more
self-sufficient singles are, the less they experience negative emotions.
However, the more married couples embrace self-sufficiency, the more
they experience negative emotions.
• People who are single at heart have a different attitude about the other
people in their lives. They want to have more options. For example,
sometimes they want to go to places with friends or family instead of a
romantic partner. Sometimes they want to socialise with more than one
person at a time. Alternatively, they do not want to socialise at all and
prefer to decline a social invitation that does not interest them. Single
life affords more opportunities to create the style of socialising that
works for the individual.
• The single at heart like to be in charge of their life choices, from minor
matters such as whether to exercise more or indulge in a treat, to
338
significant issues such as major life-defining decisions. This does not
mean they are not interested in feedback. However, they want the
ultimate decision to be their own and to live life on their own terms.
• Many single people enjoy their solitude. People who are single at heart
tend to think more fondly about the prospect of spending time alone,
whereas people who are not single at heart are more likely to worry that
they might be lonely. For those who value it rather than fear it, solitude
can be refreshing, relaxing, rejuvenating, and inspirational.
How does a single lifestyle affect the individual’s psychological
development? Judging from our discussion above, the single lifestyle provides
opportunities for growth and self-actualisation (i.e. the development of one’s
potential) and the potential for productivity and happiness. The general
perception that single people are lonely and isolated is not necessarily
true. Many singles have extensive networks involving family and friends
who provide support, while some prefer to be alone and are lifelong loners.
Generally, a person’s feeling of loneliness is related to his or her quality of
relationships (many people feel lonely even in marriage), while personality
also plays a role. For example, many people feel more at ease with their own
company than in the company of others. Therefore, happiness need not be
determined by external factors such as marriage (Sigelman & Rider, 2009).
However, the aforementioned should not be interpreted as propaganda
for singlehood but rather as an attempt to present a more balanced view,
especially as most research in the past focused on the disadvantages
of singlehood. It is widely accepted that in certain cases, permanent
singlehood can have important negative implications for people in terms
of emotional and economic support, well-being, and health. For example,
single people can be more exposed to loneliness and, since they are not
supported emotionally and economically by a partner, they are often more
likely to experience psychological and material disadvantages, especially
in old age (Bellani et al., 2017). Therefore, it should be kept in mind that
marriage and singlehood should not be regarded as a contest: No one side
is the winner (DePaulo, 2015). Once again, the uniqueness of the individual
and the situation will determine what is best for him or her.
339
cannot find a partner (Craig, 1996; Timonen & Doyle, 2014). Another image
is that of a flamboyant and exciting lifestyle; although the latter may be true
in isolated cases, it cannot be generalised.
However, an increasing number of individuals are single by choice,
motivated by the evolving spirit of personal freedom and individual
choices of the last few decades. Singlehood may provide opportunities to
take risks and experiment with change, travel, pursue one’s career, further
one’s education, or do creative work without concern about how one’s
quest for self-fulfilment affects another. Such people are ‘single at heart’.
For these people, living single is the way in which they live their best and
most meaningful lives. They are not motivated by negative factors (e.g. bad
experiences) but by the kind of life they want to live. Reasons why some
people are happy being single include the following (DePaulo, 2015):
• Some people are best able to pursue their interests and passions, and
make meaningful life choices, when they are single. An important reason
is that their focus is not on partner relationships but much broader.
Consequently, they are often more likely than married people are to have
a sense of continued growth and development as individuals.
• Especially in Western countries, it is a treasured value to feel autonomous
and in control of your own life. Many single people have a greater sense
of autonomy and self-determination than married people do.
• In a study comparing married people with people who had always
been single, there were no differences in self-sufficiency (wanting to
manage things on one’s own) (Bookwala & Fekete, 2009). However, self-
sufficiency seemed to have an advantage for single people. The more
self-sufficient singles are, the less they experience negative emotions.
However, the more married couples embrace self-sufficiency, the more
they experience negative emotions.
• People who are single at heart have a different attitude about the other
people in their lives. They want to have more options. For example,
sometimes they want to go to places with friends or family instead of a
romantic partner. Sometimes they want to socialise with more than one
person at a time. Alternatively, they do not want to socialise at all and
prefer to decline a social invitation that does not interest them. Single
life affords more opportunities to create the style of socialising that
works for the individual.
• The single at heart like to be in charge of their life choices, from minor
matters such as whether to exercise more or indulge in a treat, to
338
significant issues such as major life-defining decisions. This does not
mean they are not interested in feedback. However, they want the
ultimate decision to be their own and to live life on their own terms.
• Many single people enjoy their solitude. People who are single at heart
tend to think more fondly about the prospect of spending time alone,
whereas people who are not single at heart are more likely to worry that
they might be lonely. For those who value it rather than fear it, solitude
can be refreshing, relaxing, rejuvenating, and inspirational.
How does a single lifestyle affect the individual’s psychological
development? Judging from our discussion above, the single lifestyle provides
opportunities for growth and self-actualisation (i.e. the development of one’s
potential) and the potential for productivity and happiness. The general
perception that single people are lonely and isolated is not necessarily
true. Many singles have extensive networks involving family and friends
who provide support, while some prefer to be alone and are lifelong loners.
Generally, a person’s feeling of loneliness is related to his or her quality of
relationships (many people feel lonely even in marriage), while personality
also plays a role. For example, many people feel more at ease with their own
company than in the company of others. Therefore, happiness need not be
determined by external factors such as marriage (Sigelman & Rider, 2009).
However, the aforementioned should not be interpreted as propaganda
for singlehood but rather as an attempt to present a more balanced view,
especially as most research in the past focused on the disadvantages
of singlehood. It is widely accepted that in certain cases, permanent
singlehood can have important negative implications for people in terms
of emotional and economic support, well-being, and health. For example,
single people can be more exposed to loneliness and, since they are not
supported emotionally and economically by a partner, they are often more
likely to experience psychological and material disadvantages, especially
in old age (Bellani et al., 2017). Therefore, it should be kept in mind that
marriage and singlehood should not be regarded as a contest: No one side
is the winner (DePaulo, 2015). Once again, the uniqueness of the individual
and the situation will determine what is best for him or her.
339

REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is a person’s lifestyle? How have the lifestyles of South Africans changed over
the past few decades?
2. Discuss the following types of marriages: a civil marriage, a customary marriage, a
religious marriage, and a civil union.
3. Discuss the reasons for the decline in marriage rates in South Africa.
4. Discuss the social value of lobola.
5. Discuss interracial marriage. What are the barriers that some interracial couples may
face? Are children from these unions necessarily disadvantaged?
6. What does a same-sex marriage imply? What is the legal status of same-sex
marriages in South Africa? How does this legal status compare with those in other
countries? How has legal reform changed attitudes regarding same-sex marriages in
South Africa?
7. Despite the low marital rate, what are South Africans’ attitudes towards marriage in
general? What are the advantages and benefits of marriage?
8. Describe the seven types of marriage relationships. Do these types necessarily
indicate whether the marriage may be successful or not?
9. Which factors may promote the chances of a successful marriage?
10. Discuss marital satisfaction during the adult life course: How happy and satisfied are
people in their marriages? Does the marital relationship undergo change as people
grow older? Which factors play a role in marital satisfaction? Do all older people
experience a happy marital relationship? How does spousal caregiving affect a
person’s marital satisfaction?
11. What is the current divorce rate in South Africa? What do the divorce statistics
indicate? Discuss the legal aspects of divorce in South Africa.
12. Discuss the most common reasons why people divorce.
13. What effects does divorce have on adults? Which factors may contribute to adults’
adjustment after divorce?
14. Discuss gender differences regarding the effects of divorce.
15. Describe the typical stages in adjustment to divorce.
16. Discuss remarriage. Why does remarriage represent the ‘triumph of hope over
experience’? Is remarriage necessarily better the ‘second time round’? Which
resilience factors may shield remarried people and reconstituted families against the
inherent difficulties of remarriage?
17. Discuss the effects of widowhood.
18. What is cohabitation? What are the reasons for an increase in cohabitation? What
are the major societal oppositions and other deterrents against the cohabitation
lifestyle? How does cohabitation compare with marriage regarding stability and
quality of the relationship? Refer to older and more recent research in this regard.
Which variables may affect the quality of the cohabiting relationship?
19. Your friend indicates that she would like to remain single rather than being committed
to a marital or cohabiting relationship. Should you be worried about her psychological
development? Give reasons for your answer. Why may some people choose a single
lifestyle rather than a married or cohabiting lifestyle?
340
5.3.2 Family lifestyles and relationships
In this section, we shall discuss the various types of family formations, as
well as the different types of relationships in the family.
5.3.2.1 The family
Although the family is regarded as the fundamental unit of most societies,
the term family is not easy to define. In fact, thousands of definitions of
‘family’ exist, depending on variables such as culture and scientific discipline.
In South Africa, the definition in the White Paper on Families in South Africa
by the Department of Social Development (2012, p. 11) is used widely: “A
societal group that is related by blood (kinship), adoption, foster care or the
ties of marriage (civil, customary, or religious), civil union or cohabitation, and
go beyond a particular physical residence”. The White Paper calls attention
to the fact that family members do not necessarily have close emotional
attachments to one another.
Although the family is the cornerstone of society, its form and structure
varies widely. It also transforms over time because of social, economic,
cultural, and political changes. South Africa is a prime example in this regard
(Kgadima, 2017): For centuries, the African family has been characterised
by the extended family system. This means that a family includes not only
the nuclear family (mother, father and children) but also members of their
extended family (grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, in-laws, nephews,
and nieces). Therefore, the extended family is a much bigger unit of relations
and accompanying responsibilities that gave rise to the old African proverb:
“It takes a village to raise a child.” Several advantages have been attributed
to the extended family system (Bashir, 2009; Milardo, 2016). An important
advantage is a much larger group that can take co-responsibility for a wide
variety of tasks and crises, for example by assisting parents with tasks such
as financial struggles, taking care of the elderly, and childcare. In fact, the
extended family in South Africa continues to be the most important social
safety net for children who lose their parents, as these children usually are
absorbed into their relatives’ families (Department of Social Development,
2012). The extended family also has many role models, and the individual
has the opportunity to learn about the values and norms of the society from
different people. This means exposure to different points of view and sharing
of opinions. Children who grow up in extended families learn to cooperate
and care for others, an ability that is an important asset in ‘the outside
world’. This does not mean that the extended family system does not have
341

REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is a person’s lifestyle? How have the lifestyles of South Africans changed over
the past few decades?
2. Discuss the following types of marriages: a civil marriage, a customary marriage, a
religious marriage, and a civil union.
3. Discuss the reasons for the decline in marriage rates in South Africa.
4. Discuss the social value of lobola.
5. Discuss interracial marriage. What are the barriers that some interracial couples may
face? Are children from these unions necessarily disadvantaged?
6. What does a same-sex marriage imply? What is the legal status of same-sex
marriages in South Africa? How does this legal status compare with those in other
countries? How has legal reform changed attitudes regarding same-sex marriages in
South Africa?
7. Despite the low marital rate, what are South Africans’ attitudes towards marriage in
general? What are the advantages and benefits of marriage?
8. Describe the seven types of marriage relationships. Do these types necessarily
indicate whether the marriage may be successful or not?
9. Which factors may promote the chances of a successful marriage?
10. Discuss marital satisfaction during the adult life course: How happy and satisfied are
people in their marriages? Does the marital relationship undergo change as people
grow older? Which factors play a role in marital satisfaction? Do all older people
experience a happy marital relationship? How does spousal caregiving affect a
person’s marital satisfaction?
11. What is the current divorce rate in South Africa? What do the divorce statistics
indicate? Discuss the legal aspects of divorce in South Africa.
12. Discuss the most common reasons why people divorce.
13. What effects does divorce have on adults? Which factors may contribute to adults’
adjustment after divorce?
14. Discuss gender differences regarding the effects of divorce.
15. Describe the typical stages in adjustment to divorce.
16. Discuss remarriage. Why does remarriage represent the ‘triumph of hope over
experience’? Is remarriage necessarily better the ‘second time round’? Which
resilience factors may shield remarried people and reconstituted families against the
inherent difficulties of remarriage?
17. Discuss the effects of widowhood.
18. What is cohabitation? What are the reasons for an increase in cohabitation? What
are the major societal oppositions and other deterrents against the cohabitation
lifestyle? How does cohabitation compare with marriage regarding stability and
quality of the relationship? Refer to older and more recent research in this regard.
Which variables may affect the quality of the cohabiting relationship?
19. Your friend indicates that she would like to remain single rather than being committed
to a marital or cohabiting relationship. Should you be worried about her psychological
development? Give reasons for your answer. Why may some people choose a single
lifestyle rather than a married or cohabiting lifestyle?
340
5.3.2 Family lifestyles and relationships
In this section, we shall discuss the various types of family formations, as
well as the different types of relationships in the family.
5.3.2.1 The family
Although the family is regarded as the fundamental unit of most societies,
the term family is not easy to define. In fact, thousands of definitions of
‘family’ exist, depending on variables such as culture and scientific discipline.
In South Africa, the definition in the White Paper on Families in South Africa
by the Department of Social Development (2012, p. 11) is used widely: “A
societal group that is related by blood (kinship), adoption, foster care or the
ties of marriage (civil, customary, or religious), civil union or cohabitation, and
go beyond a particular physical residence”. The White Paper calls attention
to the fact that family members do not necessarily have close emotional
attachments to one another.
Although the family is the cornerstone of society, its form and structure
varies widely. It also transforms over time because of social, economic,
cultural, and political changes. South Africa is a prime example in this regard
(Kgadima, 2017): For centuries, the African family has been characterised
by the extended family system. This means that a family includes not only
the nuclear family (mother, father and children) but also members of their
extended family (grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, in-laws, nephews,
and nieces). Therefore, the extended family is a much bigger unit of relations
and accompanying responsibilities that gave rise to the old African proverb:
“It takes a village to raise a child.” Several advantages have been attributed
to the extended family system (Bashir, 2009; Milardo, 2016). An important
advantage is a much larger group that can take co-responsibility for a wide
variety of tasks and crises, for example by assisting parents with tasks such
as financial struggles, taking care of the elderly, and childcare. In fact, the
extended family in South Africa continues to be the most important social
safety net for children who lose their parents, as these children usually are
absorbed into their relatives’ families (Department of Social Development,
2012). The extended family also has many role models, and the individual
has the opportunity to learn about the values and norms of the society from
different people. This means exposure to different points of view and sharing
of opinions. Children who grow up in extended families learn to cooperate
and care for others, an ability that is an important asset in ‘the outside
world’. This does not mean that the extended family system does not have
341
disadvantages: Members of this system often complain that there is a lack
of privacy (“everybody knows all your business”) and that some members
do not contribute equally to the group. There is also the possibility that
members can become group thinkers, which means that individual thinking
could be eroded.
Owing to the colonisation of and the accompanying westernisation
process, this kind of family system gradually began to crumble, especially
in urban areas. In South Africa, the situation was aggravated by centuries
of racial discrimination that accumulated in the apartheid system where
oppressive laws further splintered African traditions (Makiwane et al.,
2017). For example, many African men left their families in rural areas
and migrated to cities in search of jobs to provide for their families. The
system did not promote favourable conditions for African families, as only
labourers were permitted to live in men-only hostels in the towns and cities;
consequently, many African families became fragmented (Kgadima, 2017).
This fragmentation also continued because of other factors. For example,
African men and later also women became more career oriented and moved
away from the extended family to promote their careers. The influence of
the more individualistic Western culture has also caused African people to
focus more on their own needs and preferences, rather than placing the
emphasis on other people (Botha & Booysen, 2013; Kgadima, 2017).
At present, the nuclear family dominates in South Africa. The advantages
of this family system are that it often creates stronger bonds because of its
size. It also promotes a situation in which children can develop individuality
according to their own unique personalities, and provides parents more
control in this regard. Similarly, the nuclear family unit provides a much
greater opportunity for taking autonomous decisions (e.g. with whom to
socialise) without interference from other members from the extended
family. There is also more opportunity for family time.
However, both the nuclear and extended family systems are essential
family units in our society and should not be played off against each other.
Both meet important needs of individuals and groups, depending on the
uniqueness of factors such as culture, time, geographic area, as well as
individual and group needs.
Next to the nuclear family and extended family, several other family
systems exist in South Africa, for example single parents with children;
reconstituted families with stepparents and stepchildren; same-sex parents
with children; and childless families. In addition, in contrast to the traditional
male-headed households, many families are female-headed households,
grandparent-headed households, and child-headed households. Some of
342
these family units are discussed later in this chapter.
Regardless of the nature of the family system, every family has certain
psycho-social and biological functions, which include the following
(Anastasiu, 2012; Mokomane, 2012):
• Psychological functions. Providing for the psychological needs of its
members is a major and universal function of a family. The family offers
emotional security. This security not only provides a shelter of emotional
safety that the members can always turn to, but also prepares the young
members to enter the outside world confidently. Equally important is
the love, affection, and respect that family members, especially children,
experience. This gives them self-confidence and a belief that they are
wanted – characteristics that enable them to face the hardships of the
world. The family also plays a very important role in the socialisation of
the children, teaching them about the norms of society, especially about
what is right and wrong.
• Social functions. The family provides its members with a social identity.
(Social identity is a person’s sense of his or her status in a group or
society.) A person’s first social status is determined largely by the social
standing of his or her family in the group or society, the relative wealth
of the family, where they live, and what the professions of the parents
are. Social identity plays an important role in a person’s self-esteem and
confidence.
• Biological functions. The family plays a very important role in regulating
sexual activity and sexual reproduction. Although the expression of
sexual desire is determined by variables such as culture, religion, and
time period in history, no society allows its members to satisfy their
sexual urges without any
limitation. The societal
unit that plays a major
role to determine norms
in this regard is the family.
Another biological function
of the family is to reproduce
(i.e. parents reproduce off-
spring), a function without
which the society will
disappear.
• Economic functions. In
most societies, the family is Families are regarded as the building blocks of
communities
343
disadvantages: Members of this system often complain that there is a lack
of privacy (“everybody knows all your business”) and that some members
do not contribute equally to the group. There is also the possibility that
members can become group thinkers, which means that individual thinking
could be eroded.
Owing to the colonisation of and the accompanying westernisation
process, this kind of family system gradually began to crumble, especially
in urban areas. In South Africa, the situation was aggravated by centuries
of racial discrimination that accumulated in the apartheid system where
oppressive laws further splintered African traditions (Makiwane et al.,
2017). For example, many African men left their families in rural areas
and migrated to cities in search of jobs to provide for their families. The
system did not promote favourable conditions for African families, as only
labourers were permitted to live in men-only hostels in the towns and cities;
consequently, many African families became fragmented (Kgadima, 2017).
This fragmentation also continued because of other factors. For example,
African men and later also women became more career oriented and moved
away from the extended family to promote their careers. The influence of
the more individualistic Western culture has also caused African people to
focus more on their own needs and preferences, rather than placing the
emphasis on other people (Botha & Booysen, 2013; Kgadima, 2017).
At present, the nuclear family dominates in South Africa. The advantages
of this family system are that it often creates stronger bonds because of its
size. It also promotes a situation in which children can develop individuality
according to their own unique personalities, and provides parents more
control in this regard. Similarly, the nuclear family unit provides a much
greater opportunity for taking autonomous decisions (e.g. with whom to
socialise) without interference from other members from the extended
family. There is also more opportunity for family time.
However, both the nuclear and extended family systems are essential
family units in our society and should not be played off against each other.
Both meet important needs of individuals and groups, depending on the
uniqueness of factors such as culture, time, geographic area, as well as
individual and group needs.
Next to the nuclear family and extended family, several other family
systems exist in South Africa, for example single parents with children;
reconstituted families with stepparents and stepchildren; same-sex parents
with children; and childless families. In addition, in contrast to the traditional
male-headed households, many families are female-headed households,
grandparent-headed households, and child-headed households. Some of
342
these family units are discussed later in this chapter.
Regardless of the nature of the family system, every family has certain
psycho-social and biological functions, which include the following
(Anastasiu, 2012; Mokomane, 2012):
• Psychological functions. Providing for the psychological needs of its
members is a major and universal function of a family. The family offers
emotional security. This security not only provides a shelter of emotional
safety that the members can always turn to, but also prepares the young
members to enter the outside world confidently. Equally important is
the love, affection, and respect that family members, especially children,
experience. This gives them self-confidence and a belief that they are
wanted – characteristics that enable them to face the hardships of the
world. The family also plays a very important role in the socialisation of
the children, teaching them about the norms of society, especially about
what is right and wrong.
• Social functions. The family provides its members with a social identity.
(Social identity is a person’s sense of his or her status in a group or
society.) A person’s first social status is determined largely by the social
standing of his or her family in the group or society, the relative wealth
of the family, where they live, and what the professions of the parents
are. Social identity plays an important role in a person’s self-esteem and
confidence.
• Biological functions. The family plays a very important role in regulating
sexual activity and sexual reproduction. Although the expression of
sexual desire is determined by variables such as culture, religion, and
time period in history, no society allows its members to satisfy their
sexual urges without any
limitation. The societal
unit that plays a major
role to determine norms
in this regard is the family.
Another biological function
of the family is to reproduce
(i.e. parents reproduce off-
spring), a function without
which the society will
disappear.
• Economic functions. In
most societies, the family is Families are regarded as the building blocks of
communities
343
 the basic economic unit. This means that it earns an income that is used
to satisfy the basic needs of its members, for example food, clothing,
housing, education, health care, and general comfort.
However, no family is an island. Family resources to provide for and
support family members are critical to the functionality of families. Families
with fewer resources, such as insufficient income or a lack of capable
individuals to perform needed activities, high costs, and a large number of
dependent individuals, may have difficulties (and even cease) to perform
traditional family functions because they are unable to provide for the
material or psychological needs of members. For these reasons, poverty,
unemployment, as well as high rates of social dependency (such as disability,
illness, or substance use), place severe strains on the resources of families
(Amoateng & Richter, 2004).
What are the characteristics of a psychologically healthy family? The
following are some of the major qualities (Clark-Jones, 2018; Newland, 2015;
Sale, 2001):
■ Commitment. It is very important that all family members are committed
to the family and to one another. For example, they consider the effect
on family members before they make important decisions. The family
as a whole is committed to seeing that each member reaches his or
her potential. This may be accomplished by sharing responsibilities,
having reasonable expectations for each other, respecting the roles each
member plays in the family, and building one another’s self-esteem. The
family provides emotional security: Family members are dependable
and reliable, and they are available in a time of crisis.
■ Communication. Strong families are characterised by positive,
constructive, and meaningful communication. They find it easy to share
their feelings with one another and enjoy talking and listening to one
another. If there are differences of opinion, they respect one another’s
points of view. However, even heated conflict is a part of every family. In
such cases, the main goal is to solve the problem and not to prove one
right, becoming disrespectful, sarcastic and insulting in the process.
■ Appreciation and respect. People in psychologically healthy families
deeply care for one another. They express their appreciation and respect
regularly, for example by gentle touches and considerate actions.
■ Spending time together. Healthy families frequently spend meaningful
time with one another. They have a number of common interests and
enjoy one another’s company. For example, these families have traditions
344
of ‘family meal time’, family outings, attending one another’s birthdays,
and other celebrations and important activities.
■ Coping skills. Healthy families are able to deal effectively and creatively
with daily stressors and difficult life crises. During these times, they
depend upon one another for support. When healthy families cannot
solve their problems, they are willing to seek external help.
■ Spirituality. Many experts regard spirituality as a powerful source
of strength for healthy families. This not necessarily implies that they
belong to a specific church or religion. It rather means that they share a
belief in a higher being or power, something greater than they are. They
share the same moral values and a worldview that acts as a driving force
and gives them purpose in life and a sense of optimism. Spiritual well-
being has been described as the caring centre in each individual that
promotes sharing, love, and compassion (DeFrain & Asay, 2007).
Conversely, when families continually and regularly interact in ways
that undermine the psychological well-being and physical health of its
members, they are called dysfunctional families. As dysfunctional families
mostly put up a front and deny any wrongdoing, it is almost impossible to
determine the prevalence of such families in a society. Most international
authors estimate that the prevalence rate is more than 50%. This estimation
may not be much different for South Africa (e.g. see Holborn & Eddy, 2011;
Kheswa, 2017). The following are some of the most common characteristics
of dysfunctional families (see Hussung, 2017). Note that the characteristics
of a psychologically healthy family discussed above are basically absent in
dysfunctional families:
• Poor communication. As mentioned before, communication is one of the
most important building blocks of a healthy family life. Communication
in dysfunctional families is usually not only superficial but also negative,
which takes the form of complaints, criticism and other expressions of
displeasure. Individual members often feel misunderstood or that their
voices are not heard. In addition, communication in dysfunctional families
is deceptive, rather than honest and direct: Family members preferably
talk about a particular family member to other members of the family,
but do not confront the person directly. This creates tension, mistrust,
and general negativity.
• Substance abuse. Few other factors can destroy a family as much as
substance (drug and alcohol) abuse does. When substance abuse exists
in a family, the substance(s) become the core of their existence, with
345
 the basic economic unit. This means that it earns an income that is used
to satisfy the basic needs of its members, for example food, clothing,
housing, education, health care, and general comfort.
However, no family is an island. Family resources to provide for and
support family members are critical to the functionality of families. Families
with fewer resources, such as insufficient income or a lack of capable
individuals to perform needed activities, high costs, and a large number of
dependent individuals, may have difficulties (and even cease) to perform
traditional family functions because they are unable to provide for the
material or psychological needs of members. For these reasons, poverty,
unemployment, as well as high rates of social dependency (such as disability,
illness, or substance use), place severe strains on the resources of families
(Amoateng & Richter, 2004).
What are the characteristics of a psychologically healthy family? The
following are some of the major qualities (Clark-Jones, 2018; Newland, 2015;
Sale, 2001):
■ Commitment. It is very important that all family members are committed
to the family and to one another. For example, they consider the effect
on family members before they make important decisions. The family
as a whole is committed to seeing that each member reaches his or
her potential. This may be accomplished by sharing responsibilities,
having reasonable expectations for each other, respecting the roles each
member plays in the family, and building one another’s self-esteem. The
family provides emotional security: Family members are dependable
and reliable, and they are available in a time of crisis.
■ Communication. Strong families are characterised by positive,
constructive, and meaningful communication. They find it easy to share
their feelings with one another and enjoy talking and listening to one
another. If there are differences of opinion, they respect one another’s
points of view. However, even heated conflict is a part of every family. In
such cases, the main goal is to solve the problem and not to prove one
right, becoming disrespectful, sarcastic and insulting in the process.
■ Appreciation and respect. People in psychologically healthy families
deeply care for one another. They express their appreciation and respect
regularly, for example by gentle touches and considerate actions.
■ Spending time together. Healthy families frequently spend meaningful
time with one another. They have a number of common interests and
enjoy one another’s company. For example, these families have traditions
344
of ‘family meal time’, family outings, attending one another’s birthdays,
and other celebrations and important activities.
■ Coping skills. Healthy families are able to deal effectively and creatively
with daily stressors and difficult life crises. During these times, they
depend upon one another for support. When healthy families cannot
solve their problems, they are willing to seek external help.
■ Spirituality. Many experts regard spirituality as a powerful source
of strength for healthy families. This not necessarily implies that they
belong to a specific church or religion. It rather means that they share a
belief in a higher being or power, something greater than they are. They
share the same moral values and a worldview that acts as a driving force
and gives them purpose in life and a sense of optimism. Spiritual well-
being has been described as the caring centre in each individual that
promotes sharing, love, and compassion (DeFrain & Asay, 2007).
Conversely, when families continually and regularly interact in ways
that undermine the psychological well-being and physical health of its
members, they are called dysfunctional families. As dysfunctional families
mostly put up a front and deny any wrongdoing, it is almost impossible to
determine the prevalence of such families in a society. Most international
authors estimate that the prevalence rate is more than 50%. This estimation
may not be much different for South Africa (e.g. see Holborn & Eddy, 2011;
Kheswa, 2017). The following are some of the most common characteristics
of dysfunctional families (see Hussung, 2017). Note that the characteristics
of a psychologically healthy family discussed above are basically absent in
dysfunctional families:
• Poor communication. As mentioned before, communication is one of the
most important building blocks of a healthy family life. Communication
in dysfunctional families is usually not only superficial but also negative,
which takes the form of complaints, criticism and other expressions of
displeasure. Individual members often feel misunderstood or that their
voices are not heard. In addition, communication in dysfunctional families
is deceptive, rather than honest and direct: Family members preferably
talk about a particular family member to other members of the family,
but do not confront the person directly. This creates tension, mistrust,
and general negativity.
• Substance abuse. Few other factors can destroy a family as much as
substance (drug and alcohol) abuse does. When substance abuse exists
in a family, the substance(s) become the core of their existence, with
345
 the result that family rules, roles, and relationships are established and
organised around the substances. Conflict, which often results in verbal
and physical abuse, is common. Isolation often occurs as the substance
abuser regularly embarrasses the family, with the result that the family
withdraws from other family members, friends, and social activities. As
money is spent on substances and the person frequently loses his or
her job, these families commonly are in a financial crisis. The effects of
substance abuse frequently extend beyond the nuclear family. Extended
family members may experience feelings of abandonment, anxiety, fear,
anger, concern, embarrassment, or guilt; they may wish to ignore or cut
ties with the person abusing substances. Some family members even may
feel the need for legal protection from the person abusing substances.
Moreover, the effects on families may continue for generations (Centre
for Substance Abuse Treatment, 2013).
• Denial. Dysfunctional families often live in denial. This means that they
do not acknowledge what is happening in their homes (e.g. conflict,
violence, and abuse). They could believe that the (dysfunctional)
situation is normal and even beneficial. This denial takes various forms.
For example, they believe that “all families are like this”, or they may
minimise the problem (“I know of families where it is much worse”).
Therefore, it is understandable that these family members do not often
seek professional help.
• Inconsistency and unpredictability. These two characteristics often go
hand in hand in dysfunctional families. Parental inconsistency creates a
less structured and thus unpredictable family environment. This makes
it difficult for children to understand and follow their parents’ rules
and expectations (Carrasco et al., 2015). With boundaries that change
all the time, the family members’ self-confidence is eroded; therefore,
they do not have a sense of security and stability that is important for
their general well-being. Thus, an environment is created in which they
constantly feel anxious and fearful.
• Excessive control. In a dysfunctional family structure, it is common
that one or both parents often focus on controlling their children to an
excessive extent. For example, an adolescent child is hardly ever allowed
to leave the house to visit friends or invite friends to their own home.
This adds to the isolation in which the family already finds themselves.
It can also have a serious effect on the development of the children,
as their independent functioning and confidence do not develop
sufficiently. Moreover, this could affect their performance at school and
in the workplace significantly. The irony is that such parents are often
346
perfectionistic in certain areas, have very high expectations for children
or other family members, and do not accept failure. This puts additional
pressure on the family members, which could easily lead to stress,
anxiety, depression and other psychopathological symptoms.
From the above, it is clear that conflict is a trademark of dysfunctional
families and that their psychological well-being leaves much to be desired.
Equally, if not more tragic, is that individuals from such families often
continue with this cycle by perpetuating the same or similar dysfunctional
dynamics in their own families (Hussung, 2017).
5.3.2.2 Parenthood and parenting
Parenthood is the state of being a parent. It involves the role one takes as a
mother or father and as a co-parent with one’s partner. Parenting involves
rearing a child, the process of promoting and supporting the psychological
and physical development of a child from infancy to (and including)
adulthood. It also refers specifically to the techniques, methods, and skills
parents use in raising their child (Labuzan-Lopez, 2015). However, the two
terms are often used interchangeably.
In this section, the different forms of parenthood and parenting will be
explored.
(a) Parents and children
Although increasingly more people decide against parenthood, the wish to
have children is still a universal phenomenon. The birth of a child transforms
a couple (or a single parent) into a family. Although many pregnancies
are unintended or unplanned, one of the biggest decisions a couple has
to make is whether to have children and in which stage of their marriage
or relationship to have children. This decision may be complicated and
involves the weighing up of the many benefits of having children (such
as personal satisfaction, fulfilling personal needs, continuing the family
line, and companionship), against the many possible drawbacks such as
expenses and lifestyle changes. Marital and psychological issues may also
play a role: Marital issues are associated with the partners’ experience of
marital satisfaction, their perceptions of the stability of the marriage, and
their perceptions of the effect of the addition of children on the marital
relationship. Unfortunately, many people believe that children can ‘rescue’
a shaky marriage. However, they do not realise that the role responsibilities
347
 the result that family rules, roles, and relationships are established and
organised around the substances. Conflict, which often results in verbal
and physical abuse, is common. Isolation often occurs as the substance
abuser regularly embarrasses the family, with the result that the family
withdraws from other family members, friends, and social activities. As
money is spent on substances and the person frequently loses his or
her job, these families commonly are in a financial crisis. The effects of
substance abuse frequently extend beyond the nuclear family. Extended
family members may experience feelings of abandonment, anxiety, fear,
anger, concern, embarrassment, or guilt; they may wish to ignore or cut
ties with the person abusing substances. Some family members even may
feel the need for legal protection from the person abusing substances.
Moreover, the effects on families may continue for generations (Centre
for Substance Abuse Treatment, 2013).
• Denial. Dysfunctional families often live in denial. This means that they
do not acknowledge what is happening in their homes (e.g. conflict,
violence, and abuse). They could believe that the (dysfunctional)
situation is normal and even beneficial. This denial takes various forms.
For example, they believe that “all families are like this”, or they may
minimise the problem (“I know of families where it is much worse”).
Therefore, it is understandable that these family members do not often
seek professional help.
• Inconsistency and unpredictability. These two characteristics often go
hand in hand in dysfunctional families. Parental inconsistency creates a
less structured and thus unpredictable family environment. This makes
it difficult for children to understand and follow their parents’ rules
and expectations (Carrasco et al., 2015). With boundaries that change
all the time, the family members’ self-confidence is eroded; therefore,
they do not have a sense of security and stability that is important for
their general well-being. Thus, an environment is created in which they
constantly feel anxious and fearful.
• Excessive control. In a dysfunctional family structure, it is common
that one or both parents often focus on controlling their children to an
excessive extent. For example, an adolescent child is hardly ever allowed
to leave the house to visit friends or invite friends to their own home.
This adds to the isolation in which the family already finds themselves.
It can also have a serious effect on the development of the children,
as their independent functioning and confidence do not develop
sufficiently. Moreover, this could affect their performance at school and
in the workplace significantly. The irony is that such parents are often
346
perfectionistic in certain areas, have very high expectations for children
or other family members, and do not accept failure. This puts additional
pressure on the family members, which could easily lead to stress,
anxiety, depression and other psychopathological symptoms.
From the above, it is clear that conflict is a trademark of dysfunctional
families and that their psychological well-being leaves much to be desired.
Equally, if not more tragic, is that individuals from such families often
continue with this cycle by perpetuating the same or similar dysfunctional
dynamics in their own families (Hussung, 2017).
5.3.2.2 Parenthood and parenting
Parenthood is the state of being a parent. It involves the role one takes as a
mother or father and as a co-parent with one’s partner. Parenting involves
rearing a child, the process of promoting and supporting the psychological
and physical development of a child from infancy to (and including)
adulthood. It also refers specifically to the techniques, methods, and skills
parents use in raising their child (Labuzan-Lopez, 2015). However, the two
terms are often used interchangeably.
In this section, the different forms of parenthood and parenting will be
explored.
(a) Parents and children
Although increasingly more people decide against parenthood, the wish to
have children is still a universal phenomenon. The birth of a child transforms
a couple (or a single parent) into a family. Although many pregnancies
are unintended or unplanned, one of the biggest decisions a couple has
to make is whether to have children and in which stage of their marriage
or relationship to have children. This decision may be complicated and
involves the weighing up of the many benefits of having children (such
as personal satisfaction, fulfilling personal needs, continuing the family
line, and companionship), against the many possible drawbacks such as
expenses and lifestyle changes. Marital and psychological issues may also
play a role: Marital issues are associated with the partners’ experience of
marital satisfaction, their perceptions of the stability of the marriage, and
their perceptions of the effect of the addition of children on the marital
relationship. Unfortunately, many people believe that children can ‘rescue’
a shaky marriage. However, they do not realise that the role responsibilities
347
associated with having children may complicate a risky marriage even
further. As we have seen in the previous section, marital satisfaction is
compromised often during the childbearing years. Psychological factors
are related to the potential parents’ relationships with their own parents
when they were children: Some individuals do not want children because
of their own negative experiences. Personality factors such as flexibility,
independence, and emotional stability may also play a role (see Gerdes et
al., 1998; Prinzie et al., 2009).
Parenting can be a rewarding experience, with children playing a great
role in adult development. Adults report that children may cause them to
shift their values or priorities; integrate memories or experiences previously
disowned or repressed; become more creative and cognitively flexible; and
look at the world with more wonder, awe, and curiosity. Furthermore, when
adults let children become part of their developmental journey, children
themselves feel important and valued rather than feel like stepping-stones
towards the parents fulfilling their own needs (Dillon, 2002). A recent study
also found that men and women who have at least one child experience
lower mortality risks than childless men and women do (Modig et al., 2017).
Regardless of the universally held view about the joy of parenthood,
researchers recently began to ask the question whether parenthood really
brings the joy usually assumed. Some researchers have found that there is
no difference in the psychological well-being of parents and non-parents,
while single parents report less life satisfaction than non-parents do (Deaton
& Stone, 2014; Pollmann-Schult, 2014). However, in three related studies,
Nelson and her co-researchers (2012) found that parents (especially fathers)
reported relatively higher levels of happiness, positive emotion, and meaning
in life than non-parents did. At the same time, a cross-national study of 22
countries found that this variable differed from country to country (Glass et
al., 2016). An interesting finding of this study was that governmental policies
that made provision for parents to better combine their employment with
parental obligations played a most important role in parental happiness
– for both fathers and mothers. Examples are paid leave to look after ill
children and even subsidised childcare. In addition to this finding, the
present authors hold the view that the same applies to company policies that
disallow parents to enjoy and share in some of their children’s school and
other activities. However, as we have indicated repeatedly throughout this
book, the findings of studies like these are based on averages and specific
groups; therefore, we should be careful to generalise the results. Happiness,
and therefore parental (and non-parental) happiness, is a unique personal
characteristic: Some people would be happy in circumstances that other
348
Box 5.9 The challenges South African parents face
Parenting does not happen in a vacuum, and South African parents face a range
of challenges. Poverty constitutes a particular risk for parenting. A lack of financial
resources not only affects the ability of parents to provide nutrition, health care, and
education, but also makes parenting much more difficult. In addition, more than 50%
of children in South Africa grow up in households where caregivers parent without
the support of the other parent. Parents struggling with poverty are more likely to
suffer from depression, and depressed parents are more likely to use harsh punishment
and to be inconsistent in their responses to their children’s behaviour. Mothers in this
situation are less likely to be affectionate towards their children, and more likely to
use corporal punishment. They are also likely to leave their children unsupervised. This
type of harsh, inconsistent parenting, which features a lack of warmth and supervision,
increases the likelihood of children abusing drugs or alcohol, engaging in risky sexual
behaviour, and becoming involved in crime. Parents living in poverty are also less likely
to have the social support that assists better-off parents with their parenting. This
makes it particularly essential to put into place evidence-based programmes that
support parents.
For example, Gould and Ward (2015) conducted a study in a disadvantaged
community in the Western Cape. They found that physical punishment such as hitting
and slapping, parenting stress, parental mental health, and intimate partner violence in
the home were associated significantly with children’s depression, anxiety, aggression,
and violence. The study also found that more than half of the parents living in the
community wanted help with their parenting, and felt that they would benefit from
home visits or a course on positive parenting (54,1% of parents said they would like a
home visit from someone who could help them with the challenges of parenting, and
37,3% said they would like a course on parenting).
(From Gould & Ward, 2016, pp. 1-3.)
people dislike. Thus, parental happiness may differ from parent to parent,
while factors such as personality, mental health, social support structures,
and socio-economic factors may play a role. (See Box 5.9 regarding the
challenges that many South African parents face.)
An aspect of parenting that has led to numerous studies is parenting
styles, the way parents interact with their children. The most widely accepted
research in this regard was done by Diana Baumrind (1971, 1989, 2012), who
identified three parenting styles, while Maccoby and Martin (1983) later
added a fourth style. These parenting styles are based on the following
four dimensions of parenting: warmth and nurturance; consistent control;
expectations; and communication. The following description is based on
Louw and Louw (2014):
• The authoritative parenting style. These parents meet the standards
of all four dimensions of parenting: warmth and nurturance, consistent
349
associated with having children may complicate a risky marriage even
further. As we have seen in the previous section, marital satisfaction is
compromised often during the childbearing years. Psychological factors
are related to the potential parents’ relationships with their own parents
when they were children: Some individuals do not want children because
of their own negative experiences. Personality factors such as flexibility,
independence, and emotional stability may also play a role (see Gerdes et
al., 1998; Prinzie et al., 2009).
Parenting can be a rewarding experience, with children playing a great
role in adult development. Adults report that children may cause them to
shift their values or priorities; integrate memories or experiences previously
disowned or repressed; become more creative and cognitively flexible; and
look at the world with more wonder, awe, and curiosity. Furthermore, when
adults let children become part of their developmental journey, children
themselves feel important and valued rather than feel like stepping-stones
towards the parents fulfilling their own needs (Dillon, 2002). A recent study
also found that men and women who have at least one child experience
lower mortality risks than childless men and women do (Modig et al., 2017).
Regardless of the universally held view about the joy of parenthood,
researchers recently began to ask the question whether parenthood really
brings the joy usually assumed. Some researchers have found that there is
no difference in the psychological well-being of parents and non-parents,
while single parents report less life satisfaction than non-parents do (Deaton
& Stone, 2014; Pollmann-Schult, 2014). However, in three related studies,
Nelson and her co-researchers (2012) found that parents (especially fathers)
reported relatively higher levels of happiness, positive emotion, and meaning
in life than non-parents did. At the same time, a cross-national study of 22
countries found that this variable differed from country to country (Glass et
al., 2016). An interesting finding of this study was that governmental policies
that made provision for parents to better combine their employment with
parental obligations played a most important role in parental happiness
– for both fathers and mothers. Examples are paid leave to look after ill
children and even subsidised childcare. In addition to this finding, the
present authors hold the view that the same applies to company policies that
disallow parents to enjoy and share in some of their children’s school and
other activities. However, as we have indicated repeatedly throughout this
book, the findings of studies like these are based on averages and specific
groups; therefore, we should be careful to generalise the results. Happiness,
and therefore parental (and non-parental) happiness, is a unique personal
characteristic: Some people would be happy in circumstances that other
348
Box 5.9 The challenges South African parents face
Parenting does not happen in a vacuum, and South African parents face a range
of challenges. Poverty constitutes a particular risk for parenting. A lack of financial
resources not only affects the ability of parents to provide nutrition, health care, and
education, but also makes parenting much more difficult. In addition, more than 50%
of children in South Africa grow up in households where caregivers parent without
the support of the other parent. Parents struggling with poverty are more likely to
suffer from depression, and depressed parents are more likely to use harsh punishment
and to be inconsistent in their responses to their children’s behaviour. Mothers in this
situation are less likely to be affectionate towards their children, and more likely to
use corporal punishment. They are also likely to leave their children unsupervised. This
type of harsh, inconsistent parenting, which features a lack of warmth and supervision,
increases the likelihood of children abusing drugs or alcohol, engaging in risky sexual
behaviour, and becoming involved in crime. Parents living in poverty are also less likely
to have the social support that assists better-off parents with their parenting. This
makes it particularly essential to put into place evidence-based programmes that
support parents.
For example, Gould and Ward (2015) conducted a study in a disadvantaged
community in the Western Cape. They found that physical punishment such as hitting
and slapping, parenting stress, parental mental health, and intimate partner violence in
the home were associated significantly with children’s depression, anxiety, aggression,
and violence. The study also found that more than half of the parents living in the
community wanted help with their parenting, and felt that they would benefit from
home visits or a course on positive parenting (54,1% of parents said they would like a
home visit from someone who could help them with the challenges of parenting, and
37,3% said they would like a course on parenting).
(From Gould & Ward, 2016, pp. 1-3.)
people dislike. Thus, parental happiness may differ from parent to parent,
while factors such as personality, mental health, social support structures,
and socio-economic factors may play a role. (See Box 5.9 regarding the
challenges that many South African parents face.)
An aspect of parenting that has led to numerous studies is parenting
styles, the way parents interact with their children. The most widely accepted
research in this regard was done by Diana Baumrind (1971, 1989, 2012), who
identified three parenting styles, while Maccoby and Martin (1983) later
added a fourth style. These parenting styles are based on the following
four dimensions of parenting: warmth and nurturance; consistent control;
expectations; and communication. The following description is based on
Louw and Louw (2014):
• The authoritative parenting style. These parents meet the standards
of all four dimensions of parenting: warmth and nurturance, consistent
349
 control, expectations, and communication. It involves high acceptance
and involvement, adaptive control techniques, and the granting of
appropriate autonomy. Parents are warm and sensitive to their children’s
needs but set appropriate limits. The following is an example: “You
know you should not have done this. Let us talk on how you can handle
the situation next time.” This style is regarded as the most successful
approach to child rearing and is linked to many aspects of competence
throughout childhood and adolescence. These include a positive mood,
self-control, task persistence, cooperativeness, social and moral maturity,
and good academic performance.
• The authoritarian parenting style. This style is high in control and
expectations, but low in nurturance and communication. Authoritarian
parents appear cold and rejecting. They frequently degrade their
children by putting them down. To exert control, they shout, command,
and criticise: “‘You do as I tell you, or else …” or “Because I said so.” If the
child disobeys, they resort to force and punishment, including spanking.
Outcomes for these children are generally negative: They tend to be
unhappy and anxious, show high rates of anger and defiance, and tend
to be dependent and overwhelmed by challenging tasks.
• The permissive parenting style. These parents show warmth and
nurturance, but fail as far as expectations, control, and communication
are concerned. Parents are generally warm and accepting, but rather
than being involved, they tend to be overindulgent and inattentive.
They exert little control over their children’s behaviour, with the result
that children have to make many of their own decisions at an age when
they are not yet capable of doing so. An example is that young children
are allowed to go to bed or watch TV whenever they want. Children of
permissive parents tend to be impulsive, disobedient, and rebellious.
They also tend to be overly demanding and dependent on adults and
show less persistence in tasks than children do whose parents have more
control and expectation demands.
• The uninvolved parenting style. These parents do not meet the
expectations of any of the parenting styles. They tend to be emotionally
detached, often because of their own overwhelming problems or
because they are attracted to more exciting activities. They tend to
have little time and energy left to cater for their children’s needs. For
example, when watching her 3-year-old grab a toy from another child,
the uninvolved parent does not attempt to intervene in any way. At its
extreme, uninvolved parents often maltreat their children by neglecting
them. This style disrupts virtually all aspects of development, including
350
attachment, cognition, as well as emotional, academic, and social skills.
Despite general agreement on the advantages and disadvantages of
parenting styles, it is equally true that the correlations between parenting
styles and expected child behaviour are not always strong (Bernstein, 2018;
Cherry, 2017). The expected child outcomes do not always realise and
sometimes have the opposite result; for example, parents with authoritative
parenting styles could have children who are rebels or are guilty of antisocial
conduct. Various factors such as cultural variations, the personalities of the
parents and the child, socio-economic status, and access to extended family
also remind us that child-rearing practices should be understood in their
broader context. It should also be considered that, although it is generally
accepted that parents can influence their children’s behaviour, a child’s
characteristics, which are often determined by genetics, can also influence
the parenting style (Oliver et al., 2014). For example, a child might misbehave
not because the parents are permissive, but the parents became permissive
because they just gave up trying to change their child’s antisocial behaviour.
As mentioned, culture variations may play a significant role in parenting
styles. This is especially true in South Africa with its unique cultural
composition. Roman et al. (2016) provide the following overview on
parenting in the South African context:
■ Several studies show that parents use mainly an authoritative parenting
style across ethnic groups, with the resulting benefits for young children,
adolescents, and young adults. These studies also suggest that overly
strict parental behavioural control, monitoring and limit setting predict
high rates of substance abuse during adolescence.
■ Parenting styles of mothers and fathers are perceived as significantly
different between and within ethnic groups. It seems that mothers
are generally perceived as being more involved than fathers are. This
suggests that there are stronger relationships between mothers and
their children than between fathers and their children, indicated by
nurturance, support, satisfaction, affection, and intimacy.
■ Black South African fathers scored significantly lower on both
authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles than whites did. This
finding is consistent within the groups as well. This significant difference
could be because historically and culturally, black African fathers have
been less involved with their children. This could be related to gender
ideologies (i.e. females care for children), and/or to socio-political
reasons where fathers have to work away from their families. The greater
extent of the authoritative parenting style of white parents with more
351
 control, expectations, and communication. It involves high acceptance
and involvement, adaptive control techniques, and the granting of
appropriate autonomy. Parents are warm and sensitive to their children’s
needs but set appropriate limits. The following is an example: “You
know you should not have done this. Let us talk on how you can handle
the situation next time.” This style is regarded as the most successful
approach to child rearing and is linked to many aspects of competence
throughout childhood and adolescence. These include a positive mood,
self-control, task persistence, cooperativeness, social and moral maturity,
and good academic performance.
• The authoritarian parenting style. This style is high in control and
expectations, but low in nurturance and communication. Authoritarian
parents appear cold and rejecting. They frequently degrade their
children by putting them down. To exert control, they shout, command,
and criticise: “‘You do as I tell you, or else …” or “Because I said so.” If the
child disobeys, they resort to force and punishment, including spanking.
Outcomes for these children are generally negative: They tend to be
unhappy and anxious, show high rates of anger and defiance, and tend
to be dependent and overwhelmed by challenging tasks.
• The permissive parenting style. These parents show warmth and
nurturance, but fail as far as expectations, control, and communication
are concerned. Parents are generally warm and accepting, but rather
than being involved, they tend to be overindulgent and inattentive.
They exert little control over their children’s behaviour, with the result
that children have to make many of their own decisions at an age when
they are not yet capable of doing so. An example is that young children
are allowed to go to bed or watch TV whenever they want. Children of
permissive parents tend to be impulsive, disobedient, and rebellious.
They also tend to be overly demanding and dependent on adults and
show less persistence in tasks than children do whose parents have more
control and expectation demands.
• The uninvolved parenting style. These parents do not meet the
expectations of any of the parenting styles. They tend to be emotionally
detached, often because of their own overwhelming problems or
because they are attracted to more exciting activities. They tend to
have little time and energy left to cater for their children’s needs. For
example, when watching her 3-year-old grab a toy from another child,
the uninvolved parent does not attempt to intervene in any way. At its
extreme, uninvolved parents often maltreat their children by neglecting
them. This style disrupts virtually all aspects of development, including
350
attachment, cognition, as well as emotional, academic, and social skills.
Despite general agreement on the advantages and disadvantages of
parenting styles, it is equally true that the correlations between parenting
styles and expected child behaviour are not always strong (Bernstein, 2018;
Cherry, 2017). The expected child outcomes do not always realise and
sometimes have the opposite result; for example, parents with authoritative
parenting styles could have children who are rebels or are guilty of antisocial
conduct. Various factors such as cultural variations, the personalities of the
parents and the child, socio-economic status, and access to extended family
also remind us that child-rearing practices should be understood in their
broader context. It should also be considered that, although it is generally
accepted that parents can influence their children’s behaviour, a child’s
characteristics, which are often determined by genetics, can also influence
the parenting style (Oliver et al., 2014). For example, a child might misbehave
not because the parents are permissive, but the parents became permissive
because they just gave up trying to change their child’s antisocial behaviour.
As mentioned, culture variations may play a significant role in parenting
styles. This is especially true in South Africa with its unique cultural
composition. Roman et al. (2016) provide the following overview on
parenting in the South African context:
■ Several studies show that parents use mainly an authoritative parenting
style across ethnic groups, with the resulting benefits for young children,
adolescents, and young adults. These studies also suggest that overly
strict parental behavioural control, monitoring and limit setting predict
high rates of substance abuse during adolescence.
■ Parenting styles of mothers and fathers are perceived as significantly
different between and within ethnic groups. It seems that mothers
are generally perceived as being more involved than fathers are. This
suggests that there are stronger relationships between mothers and
their children than between fathers and their children, indicated by
nurturance, support, satisfaction, affection, and intimacy.
■ Black South African fathers scored significantly lower on both
authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles than whites did. This
finding is consistent within the groups as well. This significant difference
could be because historically and culturally, black African fathers have
been less involved with their children. This could be related to gender
ideologies (i.e. females care for children), and/or to socio-political
reasons where fathers have to work away from their families. The greater
extent of the authoritative parenting style of white parents with more
351
 father involvement than in the other ethnic groups could be linked to a
more Westernised approach to parenting.
■ Different relationships exist and different interactions occur based on the
gender of the child and the gender of the parent. For example, mothers
tend to be significantly more authoritarian towards their sons and more
authoritative towards their daughters.
■ Although there has been a shift to a more humanitarian and democratic
society with new child protection laws and family policy, the majority
of the South African population continues to live in poverty, with
accompanying social problems such as unemployment, substance abuse,
and crime. Therefore, these parents could be considered at-risk for harsh
and punitive parenting. After almost two decades of democracy, with
the acquisition of new child and family laws as well as the abolition of
corporal punishment, there is an assumption that parenting should be
more positive and less punitive. However, research indicates that there
are still serious problems in some families, especially concerning a lack of
parental responsibility. In addition, although child and family laws have
been implemented, parents have not been provided with alternative,
more positive means of discipline and child-rearing methods.
(b) Adoptive and foster parents
Parenthood is not established through biological birth only. Parents may
adopt or foster children. An adoptive parent is a person who, through a
legal process, adopts a child of another parent or parents as his or her own
child. Foster parents are people who officially take a child into their family
for a period, without becoming the child’s legal parents. The child is referred
to as their foster child.
There are several reasons why people adopt children. Infertility (the
inability to reproduce biologically) is one of the main reasons. However,
some fertile couples also adopt because they are at risk of passing on a
serious genetic or medical condition; they would rather provide a future for
a child who would otherwise have few chances in life; or a pregnancy would
interfere with their lifestyle or career. Single people may adopt because they
lack an appropriate partner or, also as in the case with homosexual couples,
prefer adoption to using a sperm donor or surrogate mother. Stepparents
also often adopt their stepchildren to strengthen the family unity. Many
childless couples informally adopt a relative’s child to address infertility
(Gerrand, 2011).
352
Abandoned and orphaned children are a growing problem in South
Africa, and the number of children entering the legal childcare and
protection systems is large. Present policy and legislation endorse adoption
as the preferred placement of children when their families or primary
care-givers are considered not the best way of securing stability in the
children’s lives. Adoption affords children the opportunity to be protected
and nurtured and to establish lifetime relationships in a constitutionally
entrenched, supportive, and healthy family environment (Children’s Act 38
of 2005). Nevertheless, the number of court-ordered adoptions in South
Africa has declined in recent years (Mokomane et al., 2011; Ntongana, 2014).
The majority of children being adopted in South Africa are white children
adopted by stepparents, but the overwhelming number of children in the
childcare and protection system that are eligible for adoption are black.
However, the number of black applicants for adoptions is very low. Some
of the reasons for this phenomenon are the following (Gerrand & Nathane-
Taulela, 2015):
• Foster care is currently favoured due to the foster care grant, that is,
people receive financial assistance for fostering children, but not when
they are legally adopted.
• Most black citizens regard the legal adoption process as not in line
with their cultural and ancestral belief systems. Most families practise
ceremonies to introduce the biological child to living relatives and
ancestral spirits so that the child can develop a sense of belonging
and identity. Therefore, it is difficult to formally adopt a child whose
origins they do not know – as in the case of an abandoned child – and
then proceed to change the child’s name after the adoption has been
finalised. Many black South Africans perceive adoption as severing the
child’s relationship with his or her clan roots, with serious repercussions
for the adopted child’s lineage and well-being.
• The adoption screening process is generally complex, costly, intense,
and time-consuming. This causes many prospective adoptive parents to
abandon the process. Since they already may have taken responsibility
for raising a relative’s child, they feel that the intensive screening process
is unnecessary.
• Since there is intense pressure on black women to prove their fertility
and thereby meet lineage requirements by giving birth to a child, many
childless couples are reluctant to be open about adopting a child. They
tend to fear the possible stigma associated with infertility and the fear
353
 father involvement than in the other ethnic groups could be linked to a
more Westernised approach to parenting.
■ Different relationships exist and different interactions occur based on the
gender of the child and the gender of the parent. For example, mothers
tend to be significantly more authoritarian towards their sons and more
authoritative towards their daughters.
■ Although there has been a shift to a more humanitarian and democratic
society with new child protection laws and family policy, the majority
of the South African population continues to live in poverty, with
accompanying social problems such as unemployment, substance abuse,
and crime. Therefore, these parents could be considered at-risk for harsh
and punitive parenting. After almost two decades of democracy, with
the acquisition of new child and family laws as well as the abolition of
corporal punishment, there is an assumption that parenting should be
more positive and less punitive. However, research indicates that there
are still serious problems in some families, especially concerning a lack of
parental responsibility. In addition, although child and family laws have
been implemented, parents have not been provided with alternative,
more positive means of discipline and child-rearing methods.
(b) Adoptive and foster parents
Parenthood is not established through biological birth only. Parents may
adopt or foster children. An adoptive parent is a person who, through a
legal process, adopts a child of another parent or parents as his or her own
child. Foster parents are people who officially take a child into their family
for a period, without becoming the child’s legal parents. The child is referred
to as their foster child.
There are several reasons why people adopt children. Infertility (the
inability to reproduce biologically) is one of the main reasons. However,
some fertile couples also adopt because they are at risk of passing on a
serious genetic or medical condition; they would rather provide a future for
a child who would otherwise have few chances in life; or a pregnancy would
interfere with their lifestyle or career. Single people may adopt because they
lack an appropriate partner or, also as in the case with homosexual couples,
prefer adoption to using a sperm donor or surrogate mother. Stepparents
also often adopt their stepchildren to strengthen the family unity. Many
childless couples informally adopt a relative’s child to address infertility
(Gerrand, 2011).
352
Abandoned and orphaned children are a growing problem in South
Africa, and the number of children entering the legal childcare and
protection systems is large. Present policy and legislation endorse adoption
as the preferred placement of children when their families or primary
care-givers are considered not the best way of securing stability in the
children’s lives. Adoption affords children the opportunity to be protected
and nurtured and to establish lifetime relationships in a constitutionally
entrenched, supportive, and healthy family environment (Children’s Act 38
of 2005). Nevertheless, the number of court-ordered adoptions in South
Africa has declined in recent years (Mokomane et al., 2011; Ntongana, 2014).
The majority of children being adopted in South Africa are white children
adopted by stepparents, but the overwhelming number of children in the
childcare and protection system that are eligible for adoption are black.
However, the number of black applicants for adoptions is very low. Some
of the reasons for this phenomenon are the following (Gerrand & Nathane-
Taulela, 2015):
• Foster care is currently favoured due to the foster care grant, that is,
people receive financial assistance for fostering children, but not when
they are legally adopted.
• Most black citizens regard the legal adoption process as not in line
with their cultural and ancestral belief systems. Most families practise
ceremonies to introduce the biological child to living relatives and
ancestral spirits so that the child can develop a sense of belonging
and identity. Therefore, it is difficult to formally adopt a child whose
origins they do not know – as in the case of an abandoned child – and
then proceed to change the child’s name after the adoption has been
finalised. Many black South Africans perceive adoption as severing the
child’s relationship with his or her clan roots, with serious repercussions
for the adopted child’s lineage and well-being.
• The adoption screening process is generally complex, costly, intense,
and time-consuming. This causes many prospective adoptive parents to
abandon the process. Since they already may have taken responsibility
for raising a relative’s child, they feel that the intensive screening process
is unnecessary.
• Since there is intense pressure on black women to prove their fertility
and thereby meet lineage requirements by giving birth to a child, many
childless couples are reluctant to be open about adopting a child. They
tend to fear the possible stigma associated with infertility and the fear
353
 that telling others would weaken the parent-child relationship. They
also reason that if secrecy is not maintained, members of the family, the
ancestors, and members of the community might reject the child.
However, interracial adoption, also called transracial or cross-racial,
adoption (i.e. parents and children are not of the same race or ethnicity)
is on the rise. Because of a growing number of black and coloured children
available for adoption and the significantly more white adoption applicants,
legalisation of transracial adoption became a necessity for South Africa. The
practice of transracial adoption was legalised in 1991.
This policy is not without controversy. For example, some traditionalists
argue that black children adopted by white parents lose touch with their
culture and end up losing their identity. Culturally conservative black
people tend to argue that this practice is a form of cultural genocide, an
indirect means employed by white people to emasculate (weaken) the black
community and its culture and traditions, which is not in accordance with
the best interests of the child (Tanga & Nyasha, 2017). However, a study
among young black adults in South Africa revealed a more positive attitude
towards interracial adoption (Bilodeau, 2015). These young adults view the
adoption of black children by white parents as a positive adoptive option
that provides children with stable homes. They also regard it unnecessary
that white adoptive parents raise their black children any differently than
they would a child from their own race, but expressed the importance to
educate the child about his or her cultural background.
Most white people maintain that the practice of interracial adoption is
the most viable alternative option for children in need of care and protection,
since every child has the right to parental care and deserves a permanent
home, as stipulated by the Children’s Act 38 of 2005 (Tanga & Nyasha,
2017). Some find the argument that a child or baby given up for adoption
still belongs to a particular culture or race, problematic. The assumption is
that the child is not seen as born free, but attached to its ancestors, culture,
or community. Whites, coloureds and Indians seem to be of the opinion
that interracial adoption can play a vital role in the evolution of a colour-
blind South Africa. In addition, the practice of interracial adoption provides
opportunities for children to learn about different cultures, which will
stand them in good stead to cope in a world that is becoming increasingly
globalised. (See Box 5.10 regarding parents’ and adult adoptee’s experience
of interracial adoption.)
Research indicates that the great majority of adoptive parents are
354
Box. 5.10 Parents’ and adult adoptee’s experience of
interracial adoption
South African parents who have adopted children from another racial group than their
own have made the following comments (Brown, 2014; Ntongana, 2014):
• It is not always clear what it means to teach a child ‘their own culture’. Culture is a
difficult issue. It is just as important for a child to see how many different
experiences there are in this country.
• The greatest challenge is the comments that other people make – oblivious of the
impact of what they say has on the child. Some people react with confusion,
ignorance, and insensitivity. Others respond with enthusiasm, interest, and
admiration. However, most parents would prefer to be accepted as any other
family and not commented about.
• The challenge is not to deny a child’s skin colour or to suggest it is irrelevant but to
find other ways of belonging and an ability to live with multiple-identities.
• I adopted out of love: The child I fell in love with just happened to be black.
• My parents are Indian and I am coloured. I am largely at peace with how I fit into
the world around me.
• People always tell me I should go and find my roots. But my roots are with my
family – the ones that adopted me.
• I can’t really say I subscribe to any one culture at this point. Mostly that’s good, but
occasionally, of course, you yearn to just identify to one thing.
satisfied with their decision to adopt (Child Welfare Information Gateway,
2015; Vandivere et al., 2009). Many of the parenting issues involved in
raising biological children may also be present in raising adopted or fostered
children. However, some special problems may arise as well. One special issue
concerns the forming of attachment bonds. The core problem in families
where children are placed in foster care or where older children are adopted
is often (as in stepfamilies) the formation of attachment bonds, because
children have already formed a bond with their biological parents. However,
these attachment relationships are often unstable and destructive, which
could affect the attachment formation in the new family. Another reason
for problems with bond formation is that some of these children have never
been attached to anyone, with the result that they rebuff any attempts made
by the foster or adoptive parents to establish attachment. When the child is
adopted as a baby, attachment formation is naturally much easier. However,
this bond could be tested during adolescence, especially since adopted
children often tend to become rebellious during this stage. Reasons for this
are usually divergent and vary from the tendency to use rebelliousness as
a test of the parents’ love or a desire to locate their biological parents, to
355
 that telling others would weaken the parent-child relationship. They
also reason that if secrecy is not maintained, members of the family, the
ancestors, and members of the community might reject the child.
However, interracial adoption, also called transracial or cross-racial,
adoption (i.e. parents and children are not of the same race or ethnicity)
is on the rise. Because of a growing number of black and coloured children
available for adoption and the significantly more white adoption applicants,
legalisation of transracial adoption became a necessity for South Africa. The
practice of transracial adoption was legalised in 1991.
This policy is not without controversy. For example, some traditionalists
argue that black children adopted by white parents lose touch with their
culture and end up losing their identity. Culturally conservative black
people tend to argue that this practice is a form of cultural genocide, an
indirect means employed by white people to emasculate (weaken) the black
community and its culture and traditions, which is not in accordance with
the best interests of the child (Tanga & Nyasha, 2017). However, a study
among young black adults in South Africa revealed a more positive attitude
towards interracial adoption (Bilodeau, 2015). These young adults view the
adoption of black children by white parents as a positive adoptive option
that provides children with stable homes. They also regard it unnecessary
that white adoptive parents raise their black children any differently than
they would a child from their own race, but expressed the importance to
educate the child about his or her cultural background.
Most white people maintain that the practice of interracial adoption is
the most viable alternative option for children in need of care and protection,
since every child has the right to parental care and deserves a permanent
home, as stipulated by the Children’s Act 38 of 2005 (Tanga & Nyasha,
2017). Some find the argument that a child or baby given up for adoption
still belongs to a particular culture or race, problematic. The assumption is
that the child is not seen as born free, but attached to its ancestors, culture,
or community. Whites, coloureds and Indians seem to be of the opinion
that interracial adoption can play a vital role in the evolution of a colour-
blind South Africa. In addition, the practice of interracial adoption provides
opportunities for children to learn about different cultures, which will
stand them in good stead to cope in a world that is becoming increasingly
globalised. (See Box 5.10 regarding parents’ and adult adoptee’s experience
of interracial adoption.)
Research indicates that the great majority of adoptive parents are
354
Box. 5.10 Parents’ and adult adoptee’s experience of
interracial adoption
South African parents who have adopted children from another racial group than their
own have made the following comments (Brown, 2014; Ntongana, 2014):
• It is not always clear what it means to teach a child ‘their own culture’. Culture is a
difficult issue. It is just as important for a child to see how many different
experiences there are in this country.
• The greatest challenge is the comments that other people make – oblivious of the
impact of what they say has on the child. Some people react with confusion,
ignorance, and insensitivity. Others respond with enthusiasm, interest, and
admiration. However, most parents would prefer to be accepted as any other
family and not commented about.
• The challenge is not to deny a child’s skin colour or to suggest it is irrelevant but to
find other ways of belonging and an ability to live with multiple-identities.
• I adopted out of love: The child I fell in love with just happened to be black.
• My parents are Indian and I am coloured. I am largely at peace with how I fit into
the world around me.
• People always tell me I should go and find my roots. But my roots are with my
family – the ones that adopted me.
• I can’t really say I subscribe to any one culture at this point. Mostly that’s good, but
occasionally, of course, you yearn to just identify to one thing.
satisfied with their decision to adopt (Child Welfare Information Gateway,
2015; Vandivere et al., 2009). Many of the parenting issues involved in
raising biological children may also be present in raising adopted or fostered
children. However, some special problems may arise as well. One special issue
concerns the forming of attachment bonds. The core problem in families
where children are placed in foster care or where older children are adopted
is often (as in stepfamilies) the formation of attachment bonds, because
children have already formed a bond with their biological parents. However,
these attachment relationships are often unstable and destructive, which
could affect the attachment formation in the new family. Another reason
for problems with bond formation is that some of these children have never
been attached to anyone, with the result that they rebuff any attempts made
by the foster or adoptive parents to establish attachment. When the child is
adopted as a baby, attachment formation is naturally much easier. However,
this bond could be tested during adolescence, especially since adopted
children often tend to become rebellious during this stage. Reasons for this
are usually divergent and vary from the tendency to use rebelliousness as
a test of the parents’ love or a desire to locate their biological parents, to
355
wanting to acquire an identity that is the complete opposite to that of the
parents (Berger, 1994).
All these complications make parenthood considerably more difficult for
non-biological parents. On the other hand, these relationships can be very
positive, and most foster and adoptive parents cherish their experiences
with their children. Berger (1994, p. 513) puts it as follows: Perhaps even
more than biological parenthood, alternative routes to parenthood tend
to make adults more humble, less self-absorbed, and more aware of the
problems facing children everywhere. When this occurs, adults become true
exemplars of generativity. As Erikson described it, characterised by the virtue
that is perhaps the most important of all – caring for others.
(c) Surrogate parents
Developments in reproductive technologies and views that are more
permissive in this regard have led to new ways in which families are formed.
Surrogacy is one of the latest of these reproductive developments.
Surrogacy refers to a situation where a woman (called a surrogate
mother) agrees to become pregnant and give birth for a contracted party
who, after the birth, will be the legal parent(s) of the baby. The reason for
surrogacy is usually medical in nature; for example, one or both of the
intended parent(s) are infertile or the intended mother has health problems.
However, the parents-to-be can also be a homosexual couple.
Although any form of surrogacy is illegal in many countries in the
world, it is legal in South Africa. However, there are certain preconditions.
For example, it can be done for altruistic reasons only, and the surrogate
mother must have had a child of her own. She may not receive any financial
compensation for carrying the baby, but could be reimbursed for (pre-)
birth medical expenses and loss of income.
In 1987, Ferreira Jorge (25) and her mother, Pat Anthony (47), made
international headlines when they became the first surrogacy case in South
Africa. Because of a hysterectomy, Ferreira could not conceive another child.
Four of Ferreira’s eggs were fertilised in a laboratory by the father’s sperms
and then implanted into Anthony’s uterus. Three of the eggs developed into
embryos with the result that the grandmother carried the triplets for the
mother. The triplets (one girl and two boys) were born without complications
and grew into healthy adults.
There are two forms of surrogacy. First, gestational surrogacy is the
process where the egg of a married woman is fertilised artificially with
356
the sperm of her husband. The resulting embryo is then implanted in the
surrogate mother’s womb. Thus, the child is not genetically related to the
surrogate mother but only to his or her legal parents. Second, with traditional
surrogacy, the surrogate mother is impregnated artificially with the sperm
of a married man whose wife is medically unable to get pregnant. Therefore,
the baby is related to the father and the surrogate mother, but not to the
legal mother.
It is understandable that surrogacy is a very controversial form of assisted
reproduction. Some of the criticisms include that prenatal bonding between
the child and intended mother is absent; that the intended mother may
experience feelings of inferiority and even depression; that the community
and even family members may become prejudiced towards the child and
parents; and that the child could suffer psychologically. Unfortunately, little
empirical research has been conducted to determine the effects of surrogacy
on surrogate mothers, surrogacy parents, and children (Golombok, 2015).
With the research data available, it is safe to conclude at this stage that by
far the majority of studies have found the following (Golombok, 2016; Ruiz-
Robledillo et al., 2016; Söderström-Anttila et al., 2016):
• Surrogate mothers usually do not experience doubt handing over
the baby to the intended parents. They also do not experience later
psychological problems.
• The legal parents adjust well to the new family member. No major
differences in psychological state are indicated between intended
mothers, mothers who conceived by means of other types of assisted
reproductive technologies (ART), and mothers whose pregnancies were
the result of natural conception.
• There are no significant differences concerning psychological well-being
between surrogacy children and children born after other types of ART
or after natural conception. This is also true for surrogate children of
homosexual parents (Golombok et al., 2017).
(d) Fatherhood
For decades, psychologists and other researchers assumed that the mother-
child relationship was the most important one in a child’s life. They focused
on studying these relationships, and however a child turned out, the mother
often received the credit (or blame). The role of the father was almost
357
wanting to acquire an identity that is the complete opposite to that of the
parents (Berger, 1994).
All these complications make parenthood considerably more difficult for
non-biological parents. On the other hand, these relationships can be very
positive, and most foster and adoptive parents cherish their experiences
with their children. Berger (1994, p. 513) puts it as follows: Perhaps even
more than biological parenthood, alternative routes to parenthood tend
to make adults more humble, less self-absorbed, and more aware of the
problems facing children everywhere. When this occurs, adults become true
exemplars of generativity. As Erikson described it, characterised by the virtue
that is perhaps the most important of all – caring for others.
(c) Surrogate parents
Developments in reproductive technologies and views that are more
permissive in this regard have led to new ways in which families are formed.
Surrogacy is one of the latest of these reproductive developments.
Surrogacy refers to a situation where a woman (called a surrogate
mother) agrees to become pregnant and give birth for a contracted party
who, after the birth, will be the legal parent(s) of the baby. The reason for
surrogacy is usually medical in nature; for example, one or both of the
intended parent(s) are infertile or the intended mother has health problems.
However, the parents-to-be can also be a homosexual couple.
Although any form of surrogacy is illegal in many countries in the
world, it is legal in South Africa. However, there are certain preconditions.
For example, it can be done for altruistic reasons only, and the surrogate
mother must have had a child of her own. She may not receive any financial
compensation for carrying the baby, but could be reimbursed for (pre-)
birth medical expenses and loss of income.
In 1987, Ferreira Jorge (25) and her mother, Pat Anthony (47), made
international headlines when they became the first surrogacy case in South
Africa. Because of a hysterectomy, Ferreira could not conceive another child.
Four of Ferreira’s eggs were fertilised in a laboratory by the father’s sperms
and then implanted into Anthony’s uterus. Three of the eggs developed into
embryos with the result that the grandmother carried the triplets for the
mother. The triplets (one girl and two boys) were born without complications
and grew into healthy adults.
There are two forms of surrogacy. First, gestational surrogacy is the
process where the egg of a married woman is fertilised artificially with
356
the sperm of her husband. The resulting embryo is then implanted in the
surrogate mother’s womb. Thus, the child is not genetically related to the
surrogate mother but only to his or her legal parents. Second, with traditional
surrogacy, the surrogate mother is impregnated artificially with the sperm
of a married man whose wife is medically unable to get pregnant. Therefore,
the baby is related to the father and the surrogate mother, but not to the
legal mother.
It is understandable that surrogacy is a very controversial form of assisted
reproduction. Some of the criticisms include that prenatal bonding between
the child and intended mother is absent; that the intended mother may
experience feelings of inferiority and even depression; that the community
and even family members may become prejudiced towards the child and
parents; and that the child could suffer psychologically. Unfortunately, little
empirical research has been conducted to determine the effects of surrogacy
on surrogate mothers, surrogacy parents, and children (Golombok, 2015).
With the research data available, it is safe to conclude at this stage that by
far the majority of studies have found the following (Golombok, 2016; Ruiz-
Robledillo et al., 2016; Söderström-Anttila et al., 2016):
• Surrogate mothers usually do not experience doubt handing over
the baby to the intended parents. They also do not experience later
psychological problems.
• The legal parents adjust well to the new family member. No major
differences in psychological state are indicated between intended
mothers, mothers who conceived by means of other types of assisted
reproductive technologies (ART), and mothers whose pregnancies were
the result of natural conception.
• There are no significant differences concerning psychological well-being
between surrogacy children and children born after other types of ART
or after natural conception. This is also true for surrogate children of
homosexual parents (Golombok et al., 2017).
(d) Fatherhood
For decades, psychologists and other researchers assumed that the mother-
child relationship was the most important one in a child’s life. They focused
on studying these relationships, and however a child turned out, the mother
often received the credit (or blame). The role of the father was almost
357
regarded as insignificant. This viewpoint was even held by most courts
in the world, including South Africa. For example, in the large majority of
family cases (e.g. child custody) the courts would side with the mother.
Only recently, South Africa by means of legislation moved to greater gender
equality in family cases. However, the practical application of this legislation
still has a long way to go.
In the last several decades, researchers have increasingly realised the
significance of the father – and that fathers affect their children just as much,
and sometimes even more, than the mother does (Oliker, 2011; Pappas, 2012;
also see Khaleque & Rohner, 2012). One hypothesis in this regard is that
the father most often is regarded as the ‘leader’ of the family (‘the strong
man’ and protector) with the result that his opinion and behaviour may have
a greater effect. For example, an active and nurturing style of fathering is
associated with various advantages for the children, such as better mental
and physical health and satisfaction with life, as well as enhanced cognitive
development including verbal skills, general intellectual functioning, and
academic achievement. A positive father figure also helps his son to develop
positive and appropriate gender-role characteristics. Furthermore, knowing
that they feel loved and appreciated by their father is a good predictor of
young adults’ sense of general well-being. Another interesting finding is that
there seems to be a correlation between a father’s involvement with his
children and the mother’s marital satisfaction (Fuhrmans et al., 2014). (See
Box 5.11 regarding father-daughter relationships.)
The mentioned positive developments are brought about by fathers who
are actively involved with their children. Active involvement is often defined
in terms of engagement (direct interaction), accessibility (being available)
and responsibility (providing resources). Actively-involved fathers have
close and affectionate relationships with their children, they spend time
with their children, they talk to them about things that matter to the child,
they listen to them, they set appropriate rules, but also grant appropriate
freedoms – and they are the kind of person their children would want to be
when they are adults (Pappas, 2012; Peterson, 2011).
The opposite is equally true: rejection by the father can have serious
effects on the children. In fact, it seems that depression, behaviour problems
such as substance abuse, as well as general psychological adjustment are
linked more closely to the father’s rejection than to the mother’s. A poor
relationship with the father can also lead to low self-esteem, poor academic
achievements, feelings of inadequacy and a negative outlook on the world.
358
In this regard, absence of the father can play a critical role: Father absence
refers to the situation where the father is physically and/or emotionally
absent to his children. Physical absence is caused by factors such as divorce,
work obligations, denial of paternity, as well as abandonment due to factors
such as domestic conflict or an extramarital affair. Emotional absence refers
to the father’s emotional detachment from his child or children. However, a
few issues should be considered when studying father absence: First, the
fact that the father is physically present does not mean that he is emotionally
present (i.e. emotionally involved with his children). Second, in certain cases,
the father’s presence does more emotional harm to the family than his
absence. Third, a father can be physically absent but still be emotionally
present (e.g. by being caring, supportive, and compassionate).
Despite the fact that men’s (and father’s) presence benefit both their
partners and their children, fathers are often sadly absent from their families’
lives. It is a parenting tragedy that South Africa has one of the highest rates
of absent fathers in the world. More than 50% of the children growing up
in South Africa do so without a father present in the home (UNICEF, 2014).
This compares to one third in the USA. Regarding father absence among
the population groups in South Africa, black African families especially
are affected negatively (see Figure 5.6). Various factors are responsible
for this situation, such as the political history of South Africa that had a
devastating effect on the family life of many African families (e.g. migrant
labour and splitting of families) and the current socio-economic situation,
especially poverty (Ratele et al., 2012). Gender norms about childcare and
the different roles attached to fathers and mothers are still playing an
important role (Eddy et al., 2013). Among both men and women, fathers are
widely considered as being primarily responsible for supporting the family
financially. Generally, these norms lead to men sidestepping non-financial
care responsibilities such as emotional involvement with their children and
parenting responsibilities, even if they are physically present.
Despite this bleak picture, many men are proactively involved in the lives
of their parents and siblings, their own children, those of a partner or sibling,
and in their extended family. Recent research involving black South African
fathers has indicated that a significant number of men choose to be involved
fully in the care of their children, despite economic difficulty (Khan, 2017;
also see Makusha & Richter, 2014). This also indicates that many African
men are willing to move away from patriarchal traditions that sustain gender
inequality. There are also other indications that fatherhood in South Africa
359
regarded as insignificant. This viewpoint was even held by most courts
in the world, including South Africa. For example, in the large majority of
family cases (e.g. child custody) the courts would side with the mother.
Only recently, South Africa by means of legislation moved to greater gender
equality in family cases. However, the practical application of this legislation
still has a long way to go.
In the last several decades, researchers have increasingly realised the
significance of the father – and that fathers affect their children just as much,
and sometimes even more, than the mother does (Oliker, 2011; Pappas, 2012;
also see Khaleque & Rohner, 2012). One hypothesis in this regard is that
the father most often is regarded as the ‘leader’ of the family (‘the strong
man’ and protector) with the result that his opinion and behaviour may have
a greater effect. For example, an active and nurturing style of fathering is
associated with various advantages for the children, such as better mental
and physical health and satisfaction with life, as well as enhanced cognitive
development including verbal skills, general intellectual functioning, and
academic achievement. A positive father figure also helps his son to develop
positive and appropriate gender-role characteristics. Furthermore, knowing
that they feel loved and appreciated by their father is a good predictor of
young adults’ sense of general well-being. Another interesting finding is that
there seems to be a correlation between a father’s involvement with his
children and the mother’s marital satisfaction (Fuhrmans et al., 2014). (See
Box 5.11 regarding father-daughter relationships.)
The mentioned positive developments are brought about by fathers who
are actively involved with their children. Active involvement is often defined
in terms of engagement (direct interaction), accessibility (being available)
and responsibility (providing resources). Actively-involved fathers have
close and affectionate relationships with their children, they spend time
with their children, they talk to them about things that matter to the child,
they listen to them, they set appropriate rules, but also grant appropriate
freedoms – and they are the kind of person their children would want to be
when they are adults (Pappas, 2012; Peterson, 2011).
The opposite is equally true: rejection by the father can have serious
effects on the children. In fact, it seems that depression, behaviour problems
such as substance abuse, as well as general psychological adjustment are
linked more closely to the father’s rejection than to the mother’s. A poor
relationship with the father can also lead to low self-esteem, poor academic
achievements, feelings of inadequacy and a negative outlook on the world.
358
In this regard, absence of the father can play a critical role: Father absence
refers to the situation where the father is physically and/or emotionally
absent to his children. Physical absence is caused by factors such as divorce,
work obligations, denial of paternity, as well as abandonment due to factors
such as domestic conflict or an extramarital affair. Emotional absence refers
to the father’s emotional detachment from his child or children. However, a
few issues should be considered when studying father absence: First, the
fact that the father is physically present does not mean that he is emotionally
present (i.e. emotionally involved with his children). Second, in certain cases,
the father’s presence does more emotional harm to the family than his
absence. Third, a father can be physically absent but still be emotionally
present (e.g. by being caring, supportive, and compassionate).
Despite the fact that men’s (and father’s) presence benefit both their
partners and their children, fathers are often sadly absent from their families’
lives. It is a parenting tragedy that South Africa has one of the highest rates
of absent fathers in the world. More than 50% of the children growing up
in South Africa do so without a father present in the home (UNICEF, 2014).
This compares to one third in the USA. Regarding father absence among
the population groups in South Africa, black African families especially
are affected negatively (see Figure 5.6). Various factors are responsible
for this situation, such as the political history of South Africa that had a
devastating effect on the family life of many African families (e.g. migrant
labour and splitting of families) and the current socio-economic situation,
especially poverty (Ratele et al., 2012). Gender norms about childcare and
the different roles attached to fathers and mothers are still playing an
important role (Eddy et al., 2013). Among both men and women, fathers are
widely considered as being primarily responsible for supporting the family
financially. Generally, these norms lead to men sidestepping non-financial
care responsibilities such as emotional involvement with their children and
parenting responsibilities, even if they are physically present.
Despite this bleak picture, many men are proactively involved in the lives
of their parents and siblings, their own children, those of a partner or sibling,
and in their extended family. Recent research involving black South African
fathers has indicated that a significant number of men choose to be involved
fully in the care of their children, despite economic difficulty (Khan, 2017;
also see Makusha & Richter, 2014). This also indicates that many African
men are willing to move away from patriarchal traditions that sustain gender
inequality. There are also other indications that fatherhood in South Africa
359
 Box 5.11 Father-daughter relationships
Despite the many psychosocial benefits that a good quality father-daughter relationship
holds for female development, it is the least researched bond internationally and in
South Africa. Therefore, we have relatively little empirical information concerning the
effect of fathers’ involvement on their daughters’ psychosocial development. This is
especially true for South Africa with its unique multicultural composition and socio-
political history. The following is a brief summary of what researchers have discovered
thus far (see Lesch & Scheffler, 2016):

• The involvement of authoritative (as opposed to authoritarian, restrictive, or

permissive) fathers, who encourage a perspective that is more ‘democratic’ usually
predicts better psychological well-being for their daughters.
• Fathers who support gender equality views and who encourage their daughters
to challenge gender discrimination can play a significant role in encouraging and
supporting their daughters to break free from unequal gender-based practices.
• Fathers have different relationships with daughters and sons. For example, fathers
tend to be more actively involved with their sons than with their daughters; show
greater attachment behaviours with their sons; appear to be more attuned to and
sensitive towards their sons than to their daughters; and often find it difficult to
be emotional role models for their daughters. However, there is an indication that
Adapted from Mabusela, 2014
differential treatment is found more often in patriarchal societies where males
Figure 5.6 Percentages of present fathers among the population enjoy privileged positions. Therefore, parental preferences seem to be influenced
groups in South Africa by the different roles a specific society ascribes to males and females.
• There seems to be consensus that daughter outcomes are strongly linked to the
quality of the father-daughter relationship as well as to the father’s characteristics,
is entering a new phase: In and that a father can and does play an important role in his daughter’s life. In order
for father involvement to have a positive influence on daughters, fathers should
the last decade, there has
be engaged, accessible, and responsible. The quality of the father-adolescent
been an increase in local daughter relationship influences daughters’ psychosocial well-being in a variety
research on fatherhood (see of ways: A good father-daughter relationship is associated with stress responses
Smith et al., 2014), while in daughters that are positive or more adaptive. The father-daughter relationship
can also determine to what extent a daughter will participate in risk behaviour in
several projects have been adolescence and later in life.
launched to enhance men’s • There is general agreement that fathers are believed to play an important role
care and protection of their in their daughters’ psychosexual development. Fathers’ presence, or absence, has
children. An example is The been reported to influence daughters’ onset of menarche, as well as sex-related
decision-making such as engaging in risky sexual behaviour. Fathers also play a
Fatherhood Project of the role in daughters’ ability to form and maintain intimate relationships in adulthood.
Human Sciences Research Fathers who are perceived by daughters as supportive and understanding have
Council in Pretoria, which positive implications for daughters’ ability to decline unwanted sexual advances.
• Research has shown that fathers influence daughters’ educational achievement
has received national and
and career success. For example, fathers’ own levels of education often have
international recognition. the greatest influence on their daughters in this regard, while daughters’ career
achievements are related closely to their childhood relationships with their fathers.
In addition, close and supportive relationships with fathers are related to daughters’
better academic progress and higher occupational aspirations. However, as we
know by now, many other factors may also play a role in children’s academic
achievement, and that the influence of a father is only one of these factors (albeit
an important one). For example, factors such as academic potential, an academic
Many fathers are proactively involved in the
lives of their children conducive environment, and the quality of father interaction may also play a role.

360 361
 Box 5.11 Father-daughter relationships
Despite the many psychosocial benefits that a good quality father-daughter relationship
holds for female development, it is the least researched bond internationally and in
South Africa. Therefore, we have relatively little empirical information concerning the
effect of fathers’ involvement on their daughters’ psychosocial development. This is
especially true for South Africa with its unique multicultural composition and socio-
political history. The following is a brief summary of what researchers have discovered
thus far (see Lesch & Scheffler, 2016):

• The involvement of authoritative (as opposed to authoritarian, restrictive, or

permissive) fathers, who encourage a perspective that is more ‘democratic’ usually
predicts better psychological well-being for their daughters.
• Fathers who support gender equality views and who encourage their daughters
to challenge gender discrimination can play a significant role in encouraging and
supporting their daughters to break free from unequal gender-based practices.
• Fathers have different relationships with daughters and sons. For example, fathers
tend to be more actively involved with their sons than with their daughters; show
greater attachment behaviours with their sons; appear to be more attuned to and
sensitive towards their sons than to their daughters; and often find it difficult to
be emotional role models for their daughters. However, there is an indication that
Adapted from Mabusela, 2014
differential treatment is found more often in patriarchal societies where males
Figure 5.6 Percentages of present fathers among the population enjoy privileged positions. Therefore, parental preferences seem to be influenced
groups in South Africa by the different roles a specific society ascribes to males and females.
• There seems to be consensus that daughter outcomes are strongly linked to the
quality of the father-daughter relationship as well as to the father’s characteristics,
is entering a new phase: In and that a father can and does play an important role in his daughter’s life. In order
for father involvement to have a positive influence on daughters, fathers should
the last decade, there has
be engaged, accessible, and responsible. The quality of the father-adolescent
been an increase in local daughter relationship influences daughters’ psychosocial well-being in a variety
research on fatherhood (see of ways: A good father-daughter relationship is associated with stress responses
Smith et al., 2014), while in daughters that are positive or more adaptive. The father-daughter relationship
can also determine to what extent a daughter will participate in risk behaviour in
several projects have been adolescence and later in life.
launched to enhance men’s • There is general agreement that fathers are believed to play an important role
care and protection of their in their daughters’ psychosexual development. Fathers’ presence, or absence, has
children. An example is The been reported to influence daughters’ onset of menarche, as well as sex-related
decision-making such as engaging in risky sexual behaviour. Fathers also play a
Fatherhood Project of the role in daughters’ ability to form and maintain intimate relationships in adulthood.
Human Sciences Research Fathers who are perceived by daughters as supportive and understanding have
Council in Pretoria, which positive implications for daughters’ ability to decline unwanted sexual advances.
• Research has shown that fathers influence daughters’ educational achievement
has received national and
and career success. For example, fathers’ own levels of education often have
international recognition. the greatest influence on their daughters in this regard, while daughters’ career
achievements are related closely to their childhood relationships with their fathers.
In addition, close and supportive relationships with fathers are related to daughters’
better academic progress and higher occupational aspirations. However, as we
know by now, many other factors may also play a role in children’s academic
achievement, and that the influence of a father is only one of these factors (albeit
an important one). For example, factors such as academic potential, an academic
Many fathers are proactively involved in the
lives of their children conducive environment, and the quality of father interaction may also play a role.

360 361
(e) Same-sex parenting
Like families headed by heterosexual parents, homosexual parents and their
children are a diverse group. Children enter such families in various ways.
For example, some men and women have had children in a heterosexual
relationship that dissolved after one or both parents preferred to rather
accept their sexual orientation and continue with a homosexual lifestyle, or
a lesbian mother may choose artificial insemination, while other same-sex
couples may choose to adopt children.
Many myths exist regarding the fitness of homosexuals to parent children.
General beliefs that homosexual parents are mentally ill; that lesbian mothers
are less maternal than heterosexual women; that homosexuals’ relationships
with sexual partners leave little time for ongoing relationships with children;
and that children’s development will be compromised on a variety of levels,
have been refuted by a number of studies. The American Psychological
Association’s task force on homosexual parenting (APA, 2005; 2013) and
other research on this topic (e.g. Crouch et al., 2014; Manning et al., 2015)
indicate the following:
• Heterosexual and homosexual
parents have not been found
to differ markedly either in
their overall mental health or
in their approaches to child
rearing.
• There are no reasons to believe
that homosexual parents are
unfit parents. They are just as
likely as heterosexual parents
Many myths exist regarding homosexual parents
to provide supportive home
environments for children.
• There is no evidence to believe that the psychosocial development of
children of homosexual parents is affected negatively, relative to that of
children of heterosexual parents. Children’s gender identity, gender-role
behaviour, gender orientation and relationships with peers, adults and
significant others are not compromised. Indeed, homosexual parents are
just as likely as heterosexual parents to support and enable children’s
psychosocial growth.
• Children of homosexual parents are also not disadvantaged in other
aspects of psychological functioning such as self-concept, academic
362
performance, cognitive development, school adjustment, psychological
health, locus of control, and moral adjustment. Overall, the belief
that children of lesbian and gay parents suffer deficits in personal
development has no empirical foundation.
• Some studies have found that children from same-sex parents enjoy
higher levels of health and well-being than their peers from traditional
family units do. One explanation is that these parents, because they are
aware of possible risks such as discrimination, try harder to fulfil their
parental roles.
(f) Stepfamilies and step-parenting
The stepfamily is one of the fastest growing forms of family in the world,
including South Africa. Stepfamilies, also known as reconstituted families
or blended families, are formed when people remarry after a divorce or
after the death of a spouse and establish a new family. Such a family may
consist of children from a previous marriage, from either the husband or
the wife’s side, or from both. Often, children are also born from this new
union – thus, literally a situation of “yours, mine, and ours”. It can be
exceedingly difficult to link all the different members of the new family into
a unified whole that functions effectively. Therefore, it is understandable
that parenting is regarded as the most difficult aspect of stepfamily life
(American Psychological Association, 2018).
Patricia Papernow (1988) introduced the stepfamily cycle in the 1980s
to establish norms, as well as to provide realistic expectations and a frame of
reference about what to expect regarding the adjustments to a stepfamily.
Since then, she has developed and expanded the model (Papernow, 2013,
2015, 2018). According to Papernow, the adequately adjusted stepfamily
follows seven stages of individual and family system development. These
include three early stages, two middle stages, and two later stages:
• Early stages. The early stages consist of the following sub stages:
– In the fantasy stage, the adults try to heal the pain created by divorce
or death. The couple are in love and feel excited about their future life
together. Thoughts often include how the children and stepparent
are going to love each other, how the stepparent will be a good
parent to the children and that everyone’s life (children included)
will be enhanced by the marriage. Ex-spouses are beginning to fade
into the background.
– During the immersion stage, the realities of stepfamily functioning
363
(e) Same-sex parenting
Like families headed by heterosexual parents, homosexual parents and their
children are a diverse group. Children enter such families in various ways.
For example, some men and women have had children in a heterosexual
relationship that dissolved after one or both parents preferred to rather
accept their sexual orientation and continue with a homosexual lifestyle, or
a lesbian mother may choose artificial insemination, while other same-sex
couples may choose to adopt children.
Many myths exist regarding the fitness of homosexuals to parent children.
General beliefs that homosexual parents are mentally ill; that lesbian mothers
are less maternal than heterosexual women; that homosexuals’ relationships
with sexual partners leave little time for ongoing relationships with children;
and that children’s development will be compromised on a variety of levels,
have been refuted by a number of studies. The American Psychological
Association’s task force on homosexual parenting (APA, 2005; 2013) and
other research on this topic (e.g. Crouch et al., 2014; Manning et al., 2015)
indicate the following:
• Heterosexual and homosexual
parents have not been found
to differ markedly either in
their overall mental health or
in their approaches to child
rearing.
• There are no reasons to believe
that homosexual parents are
unfit parents. They are just as
likely as heterosexual parents
Many myths exist regarding homosexual parents
to provide supportive home
environments for children.
• There is no evidence to believe that the psychosocial development of
children of homosexual parents is affected negatively, relative to that of
children of heterosexual parents. Children’s gender identity, gender-role
behaviour, gender orientation and relationships with peers, adults and
significant others are not compromised. Indeed, homosexual parents are
just as likely as heterosexual parents to support and enable children’s
psychosocial growth.
• Children of homosexual parents are also not disadvantaged in other
aspects of psychological functioning such as self-concept, academic
362
performance, cognitive development, school adjustment, psychological
health, locus of control, and moral adjustment. Overall, the belief
that children of lesbian and gay parents suffer deficits in personal
development has no empirical foundation.
• Some studies have found that children from same-sex parents enjoy
higher levels of health and well-being than their peers from traditional
family units do. One explanation is that these parents, because they are
aware of possible risks such as discrimination, try harder to fulfil their
parental roles.
(f) Stepfamilies and step-parenting
The stepfamily is one of the fastest growing forms of family in the world,
including South Africa. Stepfamilies, also known as reconstituted families
or blended families, are formed when people remarry after a divorce or
after the death of a spouse and establish a new family. Such a family may
consist of children from a previous marriage, from either the husband or
the wife’s side, or from both. Often, children are also born from this new
union – thus, literally a situation of “yours, mine, and ours”. It can be
exceedingly difficult to link all the different members of the new family into
a unified whole that functions effectively. Therefore, it is understandable
that parenting is regarded as the most difficult aspect of stepfamily life
(American Psychological Association, 2018).
Patricia Papernow (1988) introduced the stepfamily cycle in the 1980s
to establish norms, as well as to provide realistic expectations and a frame of
reference about what to expect regarding the adjustments to a stepfamily.
Since then, she has developed and expanded the model (Papernow, 2013,
2015, 2018). According to Papernow, the adequately adjusted stepfamily
follows seven stages of individual and family system development. These
include three early stages, two middle stages, and two later stages:
• Early stages. The early stages consist of the following sub stages:
– In the fantasy stage, the adults try to heal the pain created by divorce
or death. The couple are in love and feel excited about their future life
together. Thoughts often include how the children and stepparent
are going to love each other, how the stepparent will be a good
parent to the children and that everyone’s life (children included)
will be enhanced by the marriage. Ex-spouses are beginning to fade
into the background.
– During the immersion stage, the realities of stepfamily functioning
363
 begin to set in. Living together exposes differences not known before,
and in this stage, it is normal for family members to experience
increased disagreements. The adult has the uneasy feeling that
something is not quite right, but cannot determine precisely what
it is. Stepparents encounter unexpected negative feelings such as
jealousy, resentment, confusion and inadequacy, as they are subtly,
but consistently, excluded by the spouse and stepchildren. Parents
may start feeling conflicting loyalties, caught in the middle between
their new spouse and their children. It especially becomes clear
that parenting differences exist and conflict between the couple
about expectations, rules, and consequences for the children occur.
However, Papernow found that families who begin the journey with a
better understanding of stepfamily challenges spend less time going
through the fantasy and immersion stages.
– In the awareness stage, stepfamilies get more clarity and acceptance.
For example, a better understanding about the biological parent-
child bond helps stepparents to comprehend why they often feel like
outsiders. Many of the conflicts from the previous stage remain, but
the emotional reactions from family members are more tempered.
In short, the stepfamily is able to meet the challenges with more
confidence.
• Middle stages. These stages are characterised primarily by reorganising
and establishing the relationships between the new family members
more firmly:
– During the mobilisation stage, the family, particularly the couple,
air differences more openly. Although it may create the impression
that the family is moving in the wrong direction (especially as these
arguments can end in turmoil), increased disagreements in this stage
are due to family members feeling more comfortable and confident
with each other. These disagreements can also lead to needed and
positive changes in the family.
– In the action stage, new agreements about how the family will function
are negotiated actively. These actions change the family structure,
family functioning, and family relationships. There is a feeling that
things are coming together and will work out. Each member of the
couple has a better understanding of what is important to his or her
partner, and shared experiences among family members become
common ground.
• Later stages. The later stages are characterised by feelings of caring and
stabilisation:
364
– During the contact stage, the relationship between the stepparent
and the stepchildren, as well as between the stepchildren, has
stabilised. This bond can strengthen over time and last a lifetime. The
marital relationship becomes a source of nourishment and support.
Only now, after the major structural changes of the middle stages, a
clearly defined stepparent role emerges.
– By the resolution stage, the stepfamily has solid relationships, and a
feeling of wholeness as a family exists. Some children prefer to talk
to a stepparent about certain subjects. Conflicts in the family are
now viewed as a normal part of family life and are handled as such.
Family members appreciate their unique identity as a stepfamily.
As we know well by now, formulas in psychology are not always reliable.
The uniqueness of a human does not allow for it in the same way as in
the natural sciences. The same is true for the stepfamily cycle. Stages of a
stepfamily are not cast in stone: They are changeable and even unpredictable.
Families can also move back and forth between stages as life events occur.
The ‘average’ successful stepfamily completes the cycle within a few years,
while the less successful families may take a decade and longer. In certain
cases, as in the case of many biological families, expectations and hopes are
not fulfilled. The family can continue to function as a dysfunctional family or
decide that divorce is a better option.
Although millions of stepfamilies have strong and loving relationships,
studies on average show that non-stepfamilies are better off, albeit only
modestly (Keil, 2014). Why is this? Specific problems resulting from a
reconstituted family include the following (see Australia Counselling, 2018;
Emery, 2004; Hetherington & Kelly, 2002):
■ Unrealistic expectations. Reconstituted families differ considerably from
biological families. To expect a reconstituted family to continue from
where the original family left off would be unrealistic. Stepparents and
stepchildren need to adjust to one another before loving relationships
can be formed. Couples who are unrealistic and have a ‘romantic’ notion
about creating the perfect family atmosphere immediately tend to be
overly sensitive if anything does not ‘go according to plan’ and then
often tend to overreact. In a stepfamily setting, sacrifices come with
the proverbial territory. Blending families is not a day’s work. It usually
requires years of effort, communication, and courage.
■ Relationships with stepchildren. Many children find it very difficult to
adjust to their new stepfamily situation. They may feel confused and
365
 begin to set in. Living together exposes differences not known before,
and in this stage, it is normal for family members to experience
increased disagreements. The adult has the uneasy feeling that
something is not quite right, but cannot determine precisely what
it is. Stepparents encounter unexpected negative feelings such as
jealousy, resentment, confusion and inadequacy, as they are subtly,
but consistently, excluded by the spouse and stepchildren. Parents
may start feeling conflicting loyalties, caught in the middle between
their new spouse and their children. It especially becomes clear
that parenting differences exist and conflict between the couple
about expectations, rules, and consequences for the children occur.
However, Papernow found that families who begin the journey with a
better understanding of stepfamily challenges spend less time going
through the fantasy and immersion stages.
– In the awareness stage, stepfamilies get more clarity and acceptance.
For example, a better understanding about the biological parent-
child bond helps stepparents to comprehend why they often feel like
outsiders. Many of the conflicts from the previous stage remain, but
the emotional reactions from family members are more tempered.
In short, the stepfamily is able to meet the challenges with more
confidence.
• Middle stages. These stages are characterised primarily by reorganising
and establishing the relationships between the new family members
more firmly:
– During the mobilisation stage, the family, particularly the couple,
air differences more openly. Although it may create the impression
that the family is moving in the wrong direction (especially as these
arguments can end in turmoil), increased disagreements in this stage
are due to family members feeling more comfortable and confident
with each other. These disagreements can also lead to needed and
positive changes in the family.
– In the action stage, new agreements about how the family will function
are negotiated actively. These actions change the family structure,
family functioning, and family relationships. There is a feeling that
things are coming together and will work out. Each member of the
couple has a better understanding of what is important to his or her
partner, and shared experiences among family members become
common ground.
• Later stages. The later stages are characterised by feelings of caring and
stabilisation:
364
– During the contact stage, the relationship between the stepparent
and the stepchildren, as well as between the stepchildren, has
stabilised. This bond can strengthen over time and last a lifetime. The
marital relationship becomes a source of nourishment and support.
Only now, after the major structural changes of the middle stages, a
clearly defined stepparent role emerges.
– By the resolution stage, the stepfamily has solid relationships, and a
feeling of wholeness as a family exists. Some children prefer to talk
to a stepparent about certain subjects. Conflicts in the family are
now viewed as a normal part of family life and are handled as such.
Family members appreciate their unique identity as a stepfamily.
As we know well by now, formulas in psychology are not always reliable.
The uniqueness of a human does not allow for it in the same way as in
the natural sciences. The same is true for the stepfamily cycle. Stages of a
stepfamily are not cast in stone: They are changeable and even unpredictable.
Families can also move back and forth between stages as life events occur.
The ‘average’ successful stepfamily completes the cycle within a few years,
while the less successful families may take a decade and longer. In certain
cases, as in the case of many biological families, expectations and hopes are
not fulfilled. The family can continue to function as a dysfunctional family or
decide that divorce is a better option.
Although millions of stepfamilies have strong and loving relationships,
studies on average show that non-stepfamilies are better off, albeit only
modestly (Keil, 2014). Why is this? Specific problems resulting from a
reconstituted family include the following (see Australia Counselling, 2018;
Emery, 2004; Hetherington & Kelly, 2002):
■ Unrealistic expectations. Reconstituted families differ considerably from
biological families. To expect a reconstituted family to continue from
where the original family left off would be unrealistic. Stepparents and
stepchildren need to adjust to one another before loving relationships
can be formed. Couples who are unrealistic and have a ‘romantic’ notion
about creating the perfect family atmosphere immediately tend to be
overly sensitive if anything does not ‘go according to plan’ and then
often tend to overreact. In a stepfamily setting, sacrifices come with
the proverbial territory. Blending families is not a day’s work. It usually
requires years of effort, communication, and courage.
■ Relationships with stepchildren. Many children find it very difficult to
adjust to their new stepfamily situation. They may feel confused and
365
 depressed, have a low self-worth, and even harbour feelings of anger
and aggression towards the stepparent and his or her children. This does
not lay a good basis for stepparent-stepchild relationships. The situation
is often aggravated by the fact that stepchildren’s ambivalent reactions
to family transitions is taken personally instead of seeing them as normal
reactions to a stressful situation. Therefore, it is understandable that the
biggest problems for parents in stepfamilies concern adjusting to the
personalities and habits of the children, and acceptance by the children.
Stepmothers, in particular, have problems adjusting, partly because of
the stereotypes of the ‘wicked stepmother’ and partly because of the fact
that she often spends more time with the children than the stepfather
does. Disciplining the stepchildren is another aspect of stepfamilies that
can create conflict situations and lead to hurtful statements such as
the often heard “You are not my real parent.” According to research,
it is best for parents to discipline their own children – at least in the
beginning (Tartakovsky, 2016). The importance of good relationships
with stepchildren is underlined by the fact that poor relationships with
stepchildren are often a significant reason for a second divorce.
■ Attachment. A family is only as strong as the attachment bonds in the
family. This is also true for stepfamilies. Unfortunately, the formation
of attachment bonds is a core problem many reconstituted families
experience. A major reason for this is that the trauma that results from
the loss caused by a divorce or death causes many adults and children
to find it difficult to trust, love, and feel secure again – three important
components of attachment (Brogaard, 2016). It also seems that the
negative community stereotypes and myths about stepfamilies (‘wicked
stepmother’, ‘bad stepfather’), which are also shared by members of
stepfamilies themselves, could affect the formation of attachment
bonds negatively (see Planitz & Feeney, 2009). In a study conducted in
Gauteng, the Northern Cape, and the Western Cape, it was found that,
although stepfamily members considered their families to be attached,
factors such as the stepparent-stepchild relationship, length of marriage,
and unrealistic expectations had a negative influence on attachment
(Corrie, 2003).
■ Extended family. A further problem experienced by reconstituted
families, but not by biological families, is the larger extended family
group, consisting of ex-spouses, ex in-laws, own family, and new in-laws.
Relationships are often harmed by anger, guilt, jealousy, conflicting value
systems, fear, and misconceptions. One particularly difficult challenge
faced by reconstituted families is the presence of an ex-spouse who is
366
also a biological parent. They might want to dictate the upbringing of
their children or demand undivided love from their children. Sometimes
stepchildren are very attached to the ex-spouses and may begin to
suffer from separation anxiety. Feelings of jealousy may also emerge in
the new partner because of the continued interactions of the present
spouse with the former spouse.
■ New way of life. Reconstituted families have to form new family
traditions and develop new ways of doing things. This means that the
reconstituted family has to form a new social unit, which implies that
new relationships and communication styles, disciplinary techniques
and problem-solving strategies have to be developed. This could create
and aggravate adjustment problems.
However, a reconstituted family can survive the hurdles if they make an
effort to acknowledge their individual losses and work on fostering the new-
founded relationships. With the right attitude and persistence in developing
their unique family traditions and interactions, stepfamilies can eventually
develop lasting and emotionally rich relationships (Australia Counselling,
2018). This family structure is called a neo-traditional family. This means
that, when family structures change, biological mothers, fathers, and
siblings, as well as stepparents, step-siblings, and extended family, continue
to be significantly connected (Willis, 2012). In other words, the parents form
a solid committed partnership in which they not only nurture their own
marriage, but also raise their children effectively. Thus, a loving and secure
home could be created that often is psychologically more satisfying than
the conflict-ridden original family.
(g) Grandparenthood
Grandparents play a significant role in any community. This role has become
more important and even essential over the last few decades. South African
researchers give the following reasons for this situation: mothers’ greater
participation in the work force; frequent father absence; health problems
or death of one or both parents caused by HIV/AIDS and other illnesses;
substance abuse by parents; divorce of the parents; and parents’ mental or
socio-economic inability to care for the children (Jacobs et al., 2016; Wild,
2018).
Many advantages are attached to the grandparent role (Bordone &
Arpino, 2016; Hayslip & Blumenthal, 2016). It provides a sense of purpose in
life and a feeling of being valued at a time in the lives of many adults when
367
 depressed, have a low self-worth, and even harbour feelings of anger
and aggression towards the stepparent and his or her children. This does
not lay a good basis for stepparent-stepchild relationships. The situation
is often aggravated by the fact that stepchildren’s ambivalent reactions
to family transitions is taken personally instead of seeing them as normal
reactions to a stressful situation. Therefore, it is understandable that the
biggest problems for parents in stepfamilies concern adjusting to the
personalities and habits of the children, and acceptance by the children.
Stepmothers, in particular, have problems adjusting, partly because of
the stereotypes of the ‘wicked stepmother’ and partly because of the fact
that she often spends more time with the children than the stepfather
does. Disciplining the stepchildren is another aspect of stepfamilies that
can create conflict situations and lead to hurtful statements such as
the often heard “You are not my real parent.” According to research,
it is best for parents to discipline their own children – at least in the
beginning (Tartakovsky, 2016). The importance of good relationships
with stepchildren is underlined by the fact that poor relationships with
stepchildren are often a significant reason for a second divorce.
■ Attachment. A family is only as strong as the attachment bonds in the
family. This is also true for stepfamilies. Unfortunately, the formation
of attachment bonds is a core problem many reconstituted families
experience. A major reason for this is that the trauma that results from
the loss caused by a divorce or death causes many adults and children
to find it difficult to trust, love, and feel secure again – three important
components of attachment (Brogaard, 2016). It also seems that the
negative community stereotypes and myths about stepfamilies (‘wicked
stepmother’, ‘bad stepfather’), which are also shared by members of
stepfamilies themselves, could affect the formation of attachment
bonds negatively (see Planitz & Feeney, 2009). In a study conducted in
Gauteng, the Northern Cape, and the Western Cape, it was found that,
although stepfamily members considered their families to be attached,
factors such as the stepparent-stepchild relationship, length of marriage,
and unrealistic expectations had a negative influence on attachment
(Corrie, 2003).
■ Extended family. A further problem experienced by reconstituted
families, but not by biological families, is the larger extended family
group, consisting of ex-spouses, ex in-laws, own family, and new in-laws.
Relationships are often harmed by anger, guilt, jealousy, conflicting value
systems, fear, and misconceptions. One particularly difficult challenge
faced by reconstituted families is the presence of an ex-spouse who is
366
also a biological parent. They might want to dictate the upbringing of
their children or demand undivided love from their children. Sometimes
stepchildren are very attached to the ex-spouses and may begin to
suffer from separation anxiety. Feelings of jealousy may also emerge in
the new partner because of the continued interactions of the present
spouse with the former spouse.
■ New way of life. Reconstituted families have to form new family
traditions and develop new ways of doing things. This means that the
reconstituted family has to form a new social unit, which implies that
new relationships and communication styles, disciplinary techniques
and problem-solving strategies have to be developed. This could create
and aggravate adjustment problems.
However, a reconstituted family can survive the hurdles if they make an
effort to acknowledge their individual losses and work on fostering the new-
founded relationships. With the right attitude and persistence in developing
their unique family traditions and interactions, stepfamilies can eventually
develop lasting and emotionally rich relationships (Australia Counselling,
2018). This family structure is called a neo-traditional family. This means
that, when family structures change, biological mothers, fathers, and
siblings, as well as stepparents, step-siblings, and extended family, continue
to be significantly connected (Willis, 2012). In other words, the parents form
a solid committed partnership in which they not only nurture their own
marriage, but also raise their children effectively. Thus, a loving and secure
home could be created that often is psychologically more satisfying than
the conflict-ridden original family.
(g) Grandparenthood
Grandparents play a significant role in any community. This role has become
more important and even essential over the last few decades. South African
researchers give the following reasons for this situation: mothers’ greater
participation in the work force; frequent father absence; health problems
or death of one or both parents caused by HIV/AIDS and other illnesses;
substance abuse by parents; divorce of the parents; and parents’ mental or
socio-economic inability to care for the children (Jacobs et al., 2016; Wild,
2018).
Many advantages are attached to the grandparent role (Bordone &
Arpino, 2016; Hayslip & Blumenthal, 2016). It provides a sense of purpose in
life and a feeling of being valued at a time in the lives of many adults when
367
it is especially needed and appreciated. It can buffer social isolation and
loneliness, have a positive effect on health and certain aspects of cognitive
functioning, and promote a more active lifestyle. There is evidence that it
may even lower the mortality rate (Hilbrand et al., 2017).
Many regard the role that grandparents play in their grandchildren’s
lives as a key contribution to the community. For example, in transmitting
values and being a source of wisdom, grandparents can have a very positive
influence on their grandchildren. Grandparents often act as attachment
figures to provide additional stability and security in their grandchildren’s
lives. They also often serve as a support system in a time of crisis and can
soften the blow of a divorce, mental disorder, or death of a parent. A study
in a rural area of the Western Cape indicated that when grandparents
are the primary caregivers, the grandchildren’s behaviour and academic
functioning do not differ significantly from their peers who are raised by
their own parents (Booys et al., 2015). This is notwithstanding financial and
age-related constraints.
However, grandparents could have a negative influence. For example,
some grandparents, as in the case of some parents and other role models,
could foster maladaptive behaviour in their grandchildren by setting bad
examples or displaying psychopathological behaviour (Hayslip et al.,
2015). They can also contribute to marital discord between the parents by
deliberately becoming entangled in their relationship.
Becoming a grandparent is an exciting time for most adults and
represents the acquisition of new roles. However, the role of grandparents is
defined poorly in modern societies, and in practice, it is determined mainly
by the needs and interpersonal relationships in the family. This means
that grandparenting styles could differ considerably in different individual
families, ethnic and (sub) cultural groups, and situations. Factors such as the
personality and ages of the grandparents and grandchildren, the distance
between their homes, the relationship between the grandparents and
parents, and the health and socio-economic status of everybody involved
could also play a role.
Regardless of the mentioned differences, some general grandparenting
styles have been identified (see Berger, 2014; Cavanaugh & Blanchard-
Fields, 2006):
• The distant style. These grandparents are emotionally distant from their
grandchildren. This emotional distance is usually caused by a geographical
distance between the grandparents and their grandchildren. The distant
grandparent appears mainly on special occasions such as birthdays, and
368
usually presents gifts. However, they remain respected, appreciated, and
treasured.
• The formal style. These grandparents usually see their role in traditional
terms, such as occasionally indulging the grandchild, occasionally
babysitting, expressing a strong interest in the grandchild, but maintaining
a hands-off attitude towards childrearing, leaving that aspect to the
parents.
• The companionship style. These grandparents see their grandchildren
often and like to share activities with them. They very rarely fulfil a
parental role and act as companions rather than caregivers. They also
refrain from interfering with their children regarding the raising of their
grandchildren and feel quite comfortable to leave the parenting role to
their children. This style is often characterised by informal playfulness
and fun.
• The involved style. These grandparents are active in the day-to-day
lives of their grandchildren and assume a parental role. They usually live
nearby their grandchildren. As in the case of the companionship style,
they see their grandchildren often and have a playful relationship with
them, but contrary to the companionship style, they are also involved
in the raising of the children, for instance by giving advice or providing
practical help.
Most grandparents experience their role as very satisfactory (Anuradha
et al., 2016). In fact, the majority of grandparents hold the view that being
a grandparent is the most satisfying and important aspect of their lives and
that it even brings them closer to their own children (Mansson, 2016). Because
grandparents are mainly free from the continuous demands and responsibilities
of parenthood, they often enjoy grandparenthood more than parenthood.
Most grandparents experience their role as very satisfactory
369
it is especially needed and appreciated. It can buffer social isolation and
loneliness, have a positive effect on health and certain aspects of cognitive
functioning, and promote a more active lifestyle. There is evidence that it
may even lower the mortality rate (Hilbrand et al., 2017).
Many regard the role that grandparents play in their grandchildren’s
lives as a key contribution to the community. For example, in transmitting
values and being a source of wisdom, grandparents can have a very positive
influence on their grandchildren. Grandparents often act as attachment
figures to provide additional stability and security in their grandchildren’s
lives. They also often serve as a support system in a time of crisis and can
soften the blow of a divorce, mental disorder, or death of a parent. A study
in a rural area of the Western Cape indicated that when grandparents
are the primary caregivers, the grandchildren’s behaviour and academic
functioning do not differ significantly from their peers who are raised by
their own parents (Booys et al., 2015). This is notwithstanding financial and
age-related constraints.
However, grandparents could have a negative influence. For example,
some grandparents, as in the case of some parents and other role models,
could foster maladaptive behaviour in their grandchildren by setting bad
examples or displaying psychopathological behaviour (Hayslip et al.,
2015). They can also contribute to marital discord between the parents by
deliberately becoming entangled in their relationship.
Becoming a grandparent is an exciting time for most adults and
represents the acquisition of new roles. However, the role of grandparents is
defined poorly in modern societies, and in practice, it is determined mainly
by the needs and interpersonal relationships in the family. This means
that grandparenting styles could differ considerably in different individual
families, ethnic and (sub) cultural groups, and situations. Factors such as the
personality and ages of the grandparents and grandchildren, the distance
between their homes, the relationship between the grandparents and
parents, and the health and socio-economic status of everybody involved
could also play a role.
Regardless of the mentioned differences, some general grandparenting
styles have been identified (see Berger, 2014; Cavanaugh & Blanchard-
Fields, 2006):
• The distant style. These grandparents are emotionally distant from their
grandchildren. This emotional distance is usually caused by a geographical
distance between the grandparents and their grandchildren. The distant
grandparent appears mainly on special occasions such as birthdays, and
368
usually presents gifts. However, they remain respected, appreciated, and
treasured.
• The formal style. These grandparents usually see their role in traditional
terms, such as occasionally indulging the grandchild, occasionally
babysitting, expressing a strong interest in the grandchild, but maintaining
a hands-off attitude towards childrearing, leaving that aspect to the
parents.
• The companionship style. These grandparents see their grandchildren
often and like to share activities with them. They very rarely fulfil a
parental role and act as companions rather than caregivers. They also
refrain from interfering with their children regarding the raising of their
grandchildren and feel quite comfortable to leave the parenting role to
their children. This style is often characterised by informal playfulness
and fun.
• The involved style. These grandparents are active in the day-to-day
lives of their grandchildren and assume a parental role. They usually live
nearby their grandchildren. As in the case of the companionship style,
they see their grandchildren often and have a playful relationship with
them, but contrary to the companionship style, they are also involved
in the raising of the children, for instance by giving advice or providing
practical help.
Most grandparents experience their role as very satisfactory (Anuradha
et al., 2016). In fact, the majority of grandparents hold the view that being
a grandparent is the most satisfying and important aspect of their lives and
that it even brings them closer to their own children (Mansson, 2016). Because
grandparents are mainly free from the continuous demands and responsibilities
of parenthood, they often enjoy grandparenthood more than parenthood.
Most grandparents experience their role as very satisfactory
369
 A family structure that has become more prominent in the last few
decades is the skipped generation family where grandparents (usually the
grandmother) raise the children because the parents are absent from the
household. Therefore, the term refers to the absence or ‘skipped’ middle
generation (the parents). However, grandparents who are the primary or only
caregivers in this situation could pay an emotional, physical, and financial
price (e.g. Mohale, 2013). On a psychological level, such grandparents
are especially at risk for depression (Hadfield, 2014). Although many
grandparents view this role positively and regard it as a second chance at
parenting, an opportunity to provide a better future for their grandchildren,
and as companionship for themselves, many experience stress associated
with this added responsibility on the one hand, and on the other hand,
express feelings of grief or anger towards their adult sons and daughters
who are not parenting their own children. Some may even experience guilt
and stigmatisation associated with having raised ‘irresponsible’ children
(Mokone, 2006). Many grandmothers also deprive themselves in order to
provide for their grandchildren. Moreover, many grandparents would prefer
not to have these care-giving responsibilities; they would rather use their
time in a way they choose (Westaway et al., 2007). However, grandparents’
satisfaction with this caregiving role may also be associated with the support
they receive (instrumentally, financially), their spirituality, and leisure-time
activities (such as clubs for the elderly) (Mokone, 2006).
(h) Intergenerational parenting
In developmental psychology, the term intergenerational parenting mostly
refers to the relationship between ageing parents and their adult children.
A core question in this regard is: What happens to the attachment bond
between parents and children? Does it end, does it fade, or does it continue,
with adjustments made for the developmental changes that occur in both the
ageing adult and the adult child? There seems to be a worldwide tendency
that adult children maintain greater contact with their older mothers than
with their older fathers. This is especially true in South Africa where about
50% of children grow up without their fathers, though their fathers are alive
(Statistics South Africa, 2016). Therefore, it is understandable that there will
not be a strong bond between most of these children and their fathers when
they become adults.
Several researchers have found that the relationship between ageing
parents and their adult children is characterised by varying degrees of
ambivalence (see Santrock, 2015). In psychology, ambivalence refers to the
370
simultaneous experience of both positive and negative feelings about the
same relationship or individual (e.g. feelings of both love and irritation).
For example, the ambivalence of adult children may stem from negative
experiences that originated in their childhood years, or worries about their
parents’ declining health. Older parents may feel ambivalent when adult
children do not meet their expectations with regard to gender roles, lifestyle,
family life, work orientation, career success, or financial stability (Erber, 2013).
Overall, adult children seem to report greater ambivalence than their parents
do. However, research has also shown that although ambivalence does exist
in intergenerational relationships, affection and support are more prevalent
(Hogerbrugge & Komter, 2012). It also seems that, as adult children become
middle-aged, their views and relationships concerning their parents become
less ambivalent and more positive. Although the quality of the relationship
may be ambivalent, in most cases, parent-child relationships maintain their
importance throughout life. For older adults, these relationships play a vital
role in their general physical and psychological well-being. For adult children,
the attachment bonds remain strong.
As children proceed through adulthood, their relationship with their
ageing parents may undergo developmental changes. For example, by taking
on the status of an adult and the associated responsibilities (employment,
parenthood, and involvement in the community), the relationship may
become more equal. This process is referred to as filial maturity, the
acceptance of the parent as a peer with imperfections (Fine & Fincham,
2013). In some cultures, children feel committed to take care of their ageing
parents in the same way that they were cared for as children. This is referred
to as filial obligation, and is typically encountered in communal societies
(Whitbourne, 2008). For example, there is a defined difference between the
living arrangements between white and black elderly people in South Africa.
While most white elderly persons live separately and tend to conform to first-
world lifestyles, the majority of Indian, coloured and black older persons live
in multigenerational (or co-resident) households. Care and financial security
for blacks are cited as the most important benefits for the old living in co-
residence. It seems that both child and parent needs are met in co-resident
households, since many older women fulfil a care-giving role to children and
play an important part in the welfare of the household (Hunter & May, 2003).
However, it should be noted that in South Africa, families are increasingly
diverse in age because of divorce and remarriage, the effect of AIDS (where
grandparents increasingly are taking care of the younger generation) and
cultural and familial factors, such as extended family members sharing the
same dwelling. Therefore, many forms of relationships provide alternatives to
371
 A family structure that has become more prominent in the last few
decades is the skipped generation family where grandparents (usually the
grandmother) raise the children because the parents are absent from the
household. Therefore, the term refers to the absence or ‘skipped’ middle
generation (the parents). However, grandparents who are the primary or only
caregivers in this situation could pay an emotional, physical, and financial
price (e.g. Mohale, 2013). On a psychological level, such grandparents
are especially at risk for depression (Hadfield, 2014). Although many
grandparents view this role positively and regard it as a second chance at
parenting, an opportunity to provide a better future for their grandchildren,
and as companionship for themselves, many experience stress associated
with this added responsibility on the one hand, and on the other hand,
express feelings of grief or anger towards their adult sons and daughters
who are not parenting their own children. Some may even experience guilt
and stigmatisation associated with having raised ‘irresponsible’ children
(Mokone, 2006). Many grandmothers also deprive themselves in order to
provide for their grandchildren. Moreover, many grandparents would prefer
not to have these care-giving responsibilities; they would rather use their
time in a way they choose (Westaway et al., 2007). However, grandparents’
satisfaction with this caregiving role may also be associated with the support
they receive (instrumentally, financially), their spirituality, and leisure-time
activities (such as clubs for the elderly) (Mokone, 2006).
(h) Intergenerational parenting
In developmental psychology, the term intergenerational parenting mostly
refers to the relationship between ageing parents and their adult children.
A core question in this regard is: What happens to the attachment bond
between parents and children? Does it end, does it fade, or does it continue,
with adjustments made for the developmental changes that occur in both the
ageing adult and the adult child? There seems to be a worldwide tendency
that adult children maintain greater contact with their older mothers than
with their older fathers. This is especially true in South Africa where about
50% of children grow up without their fathers, though their fathers are alive
(Statistics South Africa, 2016). Therefore, it is understandable that there will
not be a strong bond between most of these children and their fathers when
they become adults.
Several researchers have found that the relationship between ageing
parents and their adult children is characterised by varying degrees of
ambivalence (see Santrock, 2015). In psychology, ambivalence refers to the
370
simultaneous experience of both positive and negative feelings about the
same relationship or individual (e.g. feelings of both love and irritation).
For example, the ambivalence of adult children may stem from negative
experiences that originated in their childhood years, or worries about their
parents’ declining health. Older parents may feel ambivalent when adult
children do not meet their expectations with regard to gender roles, lifestyle,
family life, work orientation, career success, or financial stability (Erber, 2013).
Overall, adult children seem to report greater ambivalence than their parents
do. However, research has also shown that although ambivalence does exist
in intergenerational relationships, affection and support are more prevalent
(Hogerbrugge & Komter, 2012). It also seems that, as adult children become
middle-aged, their views and relationships concerning their parents become
less ambivalent and more positive. Although the quality of the relationship
may be ambivalent, in most cases, parent-child relationships maintain their
importance throughout life. For older adults, these relationships play a vital
role in their general physical and psychological well-being. For adult children,
the attachment bonds remain strong.
As children proceed through adulthood, their relationship with their
ageing parents may undergo developmental changes. For example, by taking
on the status of an adult and the associated responsibilities (employment,
parenthood, and involvement in the community), the relationship may
become more equal. This process is referred to as filial maturity, the
acceptance of the parent as a peer with imperfections (Fine & Fincham,
2013). In some cultures, children feel committed to take care of their ageing
parents in the same way that they were cared for as children. This is referred
to as filial obligation, and is typically encountered in communal societies
(Whitbourne, 2008). For example, there is a defined difference between the
living arrangements between white and black elderly people in South Africa.
While most white elderly persons live separately and tend to conform to first-
world lifestyles, the majority of Indian, coloured and black older persons live
in multigenerational (or co-resident) households. Care and financial security
for blacks are cited as the most important benefits for the old living in co-
residence. It seems that both child and parent needs are met in co-resident
households, since many older women fulfil a care-giving role to children and
play an important part in the welfare of the household (Hunter & May, 2003).
However, it should be noted that in South Africa, families are increasingly
diverse in age because of divorce and remarriage, the effect of AIDS (where
grandparents increasingly are taking care of the younger generation) and
cultural and familial factors, such as extended family members sharing the
same dwelling. Therefore, many forms of relationships provide alternatives to
371
traditional parent-child interactions.
What is the nature of intergenerational relationships? The solidarity-
conflict model has been developed to address this issue (Giarrusso et al.,
2005). This model includes conflict and affection to describe the complex
interactions between intergenerational family members. The following four
types are identified:
– The amicable relationship refers to high affection and low conflict.
– The ambivalent relationship reflects high affection but also high conflict.
– The disharmonious relationship is characterised by low affection and
high conflict.
– The civil relationship characterises a pattern of emotional strain but
behavioural decency.
Giarrusso’s study indicated that intergenerational relationships between
older parents and adult children tend to be more amicable than between
middle-aged parents and their young adult children. The latter group
are more inclined to evaluate the relationship as ambivalent. In addition,
perceptions of parents and children of the same situation may differ. For
example, in general, parents tend to view the parent-child relationship more
favourably than their children do.
An aspect of intergenerational relationships that may be stressful is when
adult children have to provide care for their elderly parents. This is referred
to as the sandwich generation – a generation of people, usually in their
thirties or forties, responsible for bringing up their own children and caring
for their ageing (and often frail) parents (and possibly also grandparents)
(see Oxford Living Dictionaries, 2018). About 25% of working South Africans
are part of the sandwich generation (Old Mutual Corporate Retirement
Monitor, 2017). Although caregiving can be fulfilling, added responsibility
and a host of demands create tremendous tensions and challenges for the
carer. For families that are poor or who have insufficient income, the need
to provide for the family may lead to more stress and even to abuse of the
elderly (see Chapter 6), such as being left alone or unattended. This could
cause loyalty strains and compromise positive interactions between adult
children, their own children, and their elderly parents. For these reasons,
many elderly persons regard a home for the aged as the most suitable form
of accommodation when compared with other arrangements, especially
in crowded urban settings (Mokone, 1999). (However, many older people
have to care for ill adult children, which may bring about a different set of
dynamics.)
372
Grandparents and/or
ageing parents
Younger adults
Children
Sandwich generation
5.3.2.3 Single-parent families
The term single-parent family refers to a family structure in which a woman
and her children or a man and his children live alone, for example due to
divorce, desertion, separation and death, or by choice. The most common
causes of single-parent families in South Africa are divorce, separation,
migrant labour and non-marriage, and in most cases, the mother is the
single parent. About half of South African households are single-parent
families (Meintjies & Hall, 2013; Seggie, 2015). This is in sharp contrast with
the world average of 14% (Chamie, 2016). However, single-parent families
have increased significantly in most countries over the last few decades.
Socio-economic factors such as poverty and political aspects such as
discrimination have played an important role, while AIDS has also taken its
toll. On the other hand, it is equally true that changing value systems such
as the emphasis on freedom of choice have led to greater social acceptance
and even support.
Several researchers have commented on the negative consequences of
single-parent families, specifically regarding the effects on the children (De
Lange et al., 2014; Gounden, 2016), possibly because of the negative effects
single parenthood may have on their parents. For example, both single
373
traditional parent-child interactions.
What is the nature of intergenerational relationships? The solidarity-
conflict model has been developed to address this issue (Giarrusso et al.,
2005). This model includes conflict and affection to describe the complex
interactions between intergenerational family members. The following four
types are identified:
– The amicable relationship refers to high affection and low conflict.
– The ambivalent relationship reflects high affection but also high conflict.
– The disharmonious relationship is characterised by low affection and
high conflict.
– The civil relationship characterises a pattern of emotional strain but
behavioural decency.
Giarrusso’s study indicated that intergenerational relationships between
older parents and adult children tend to be more amicable than between
middle-aged parents and their young adult children. The latter group
are more inclined to evaluate the relationship as ambivalent. In addition,
perceptions of parents and children of the same situation may differ. For
example, in general, parents tend to view the parent-child relationship more
favourably than their children do.
An aspect of intergenerational relationships that may be stressful is when
adult children have to provide care for their elderly parents. This is referred
to as the sandwich generation – a generation of people, usually in their
thirties or forties, responsible for bringing up their own children and caring
for their ageing (and often frail) parents (and possibly also grandparents)
(see Oxford Living Dictionaries, 2018). About 25% of working South Africans
are part of the sandwich generation (Old Mutual Corporate Retirement
Monitor, 2017). Although caregiving can be fulfilling, added responsibility
and a host of demands create tremendous tensions and challenges for the
carer. For families that are poor or who have insufficient income, the need
to provide for the family may lead to more stress and even to abuse of the
elderly (see Chapter 6), such as being left alone or unattended. This could
cause loyalty strains and compromise positive interactions between adult
children, their own children, and their elderly parents. For these reasons,
many elderly persons regard a home for the aged as the most suitable form
of accommodation when compared with other arrangements, especially
in crowded urban settings (Mokone, 1999). (However, many older people
have to care for ill adult children, which may bring about a different set of
dynamics.)
372
Grandparents and/or
ageing parents
Younger adults
Children
Sandwich generation
5.3.2.3 Single-parent families
The term single-parent family refers to a family structure in which a woman
and her children or a man and his children live alone, for example due to
divorce, desertion, separation and death, or by choice. The most common
causes of single-parent families in South Africa are divorce, separation,
migrant labour and non-marriage, and in most cases, the mother is the
single parent. About half of South African households are single-parent
families (Meintjies & Hall, 2013; Seggie, 2015). This is in sharp contrast with
the world average of 14% (Chamie, 2016). However, single-parent families
have increased significantly in most countries over the last few decades.
Socio-economic factors such as poverty and political aspects such as
discrimination have played an important role, while AIDS has also taken its
toll. On the other hand, it is equally true that changing value systems such
as the emphasis on freedom of choice have led to greater social acceptance
and even support.
Several researchers have commented on the negative consequences of
single-parent families, specifically regarding the effects on the children (De
Lange et al., 2014; Gounden, 2016), possibly because of the negative effects
single parenthood may have on their parents. For example, both single
373
mothers and single fathers may feel overburdened with family responsibilities
and may not be emotionally or instrumentally available to their children.
Men are generally less prepared than women are for the simultaneous role
as breadwinner and child-minder, while women may struggle financially. In
fact, in South Africa the poverty gap between female- and male-headed
households could be as large as
100% (Rogan, 2014). This does
not mean that single mothers
mainly suffer financially. Single
mothers also experience more
constraints in combining work,
care, and leisure in daily life than
co-parents do (Bakker & Karsten,
2013).
Single parents often report
feelings of downheartedness
and loneliness. They tend to find The single-parent role is influenced by many
it difficult to form friendship factors
relationships and to establish
other support systems. However, some single parents are fortunate because
they form part of an extended family. This family structure provides
additional financial, psychological, and social support to the single parent
and because of this, they do not feel as overwhelmed by the demands of
single parenthood. Furthermore, the way in which parents perceive their
single-parent role also influences their coping behaviour. For example, to
adopt an active rather than a passive orientation towards crises, utilise
community resources, support and friendships, and redefine crisis situations
in terms of meaningfulness may contribute to the single-parent family’s
adjustment (Greeff & Aspeling, 2007).
In fact, single parents are not necessarily worse off than two parents are.
In many cases (e.g. divorce), they are freed from a relationship of continuous
conflict that may have affected their whole being very negatively. This could
lead to new self-confidence, a feeling of security, and even creativity that form
the basis of a new future. Even the effect of single parenting on the children,
probably the most important concern of single parents, does not have to be
negative. For example, many single parents state increased bonding time
with the children as an important advantage. Some studies also found that
positive single parenting does not show any negative influence on the social
and educational development of the children (see Kunz, 2015.) However, it
should be noted that the term ‘positive parenting’ is the key concept.
374
5.3.2.4 Emigration: Parents left behind
Over the past few decades, migration has increased dramatically (UNICEF,
2018). (Migration refers to moving from one country or area to another. A
person is an emigrant upon leaving his or her homeland and an immigrant
upon arriving at his or her destination. In the context of this book, the focus
primarily will be on emigration.) Unfavourable political situations such as
war and discrimination, socio-economic factors such as poverty and crime,
relatives and friends who have migrated, and an adventurous spirit are some
of the factors motivating individuals and families to move to another country.
Emigration has been part of the history of South Africa for a long time.
In the apartheid era, many black and white South Africans left the country.
(Blacks primarily because of the dangerousness of the situation and whites
for reasons of conscience. Elon Musk, mentioned in Chapter 1, was one of the
many conscientious objectors who became famous overseas.) In present-
day South Africa, emigration is a social phenomenon that affects many
people’s lives. Especially (but not exclusively) whites have been emigrating
because of factors such as the
high and particularly violent
crime rate, affirmative action, and
trying to secure a better future
for their children. The reasons for
emigration by South Africans are
similar to reasons given by citizens
of other countries (Ferreira, 2015).
However, in many cases the
Emigration has a significant effect on many
saying ”The grass is not always people’s lives
greener on the other side” also
applies to emigration (and immigration). Next to problems such as financial
hardships, cultural adjustments, and discrimination, it is generally accepted
that migrants are an at-risk group for mental disorders such as depression,
anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, and psychosomatic disorders
(physical symptoms caused by psychological factors) (Bas-Sarmiento et al.,
2017; Watson, 2017). Emigration could also have a significant negative, and in
some cases disastrous, effect on family life. It seems that mothers of children
who emigrate are affected significantly more negatively than fathers are
(Mosca & Barrett, 2016). (See Box 5.12 regarding a mother’s emotions after
a child has emigrated.)
Although relatively little South African research has been done on the
effect of emigration on the parents who stay behind, Marchetti-Mercer
375
mothers and single fathers may feel overburdened with family responsibilities
and may not be emotionally or instrumentally available to their children.
Men are generally less prepared than women are for the simultaneous role
as breadwinner and child-minder, while women may struggle financially. In
fact, in South Africa the poverty gap between female- and male-headed
households could be as large as
100% (Rogan, 2014). This does
not mean that single mothers
mainly suffer financially. Single
mothers also experience more
constraints in combining work,
care, and leisure in daily life than
co-parents do (Bakker & Karsten,
2013).
Single parents often report
feelings of downheartedness
and loneliness. They tend to find The single-parent role is influenced by many
it difficult to form friendship factors
relationships and to establish
other support systems. However, some single parents are fortunate because
they form part of an extended family. This family structure provides
additional financial, psychological, and social support to the single parent
and because of this, they do not feel as overwhelmed by the demands of
single parenthood. Furthermore, the way in which parents perceive their
single-parent role also influences their coping behaviour. For example, to
adopt an active rather than a passive orientation towards crises, utilise
community resources, support and friendships, and redefine crisis situations
in terms of meaningfulness may contribute to the single-parent family’s
adjustment (Greeff & Aspeling, 2007).
In fact, single parents are not necessarily worse off than two parents are.
In many cases (e.g. divorce), they are freed from a relationship of continuous
conflict that may have affected their whole being very negatively. This could
lead to new self-confidence, a feeling of security, and even creativity that form
the basis of a new future. Even the effect of single parenting on the children,
probably the most important concern of single parents, does not have to be
negative. For example, many single parents state increased bonding time
with the children as an important advantage. Some studies also found that
positive single parenting does not show any negative influence on the social
and educational development of the children (see Kunz, 2015.) However, it
should be noted that the term ‘positive parenting’ is the key concept.
374
5.3.2.4 Emigration: Parents left behind
Over the past few decades, migration has increased dramatically (UNICEF,
2018). (Migration refers to moving from one country or area to another. A
person is an emigrant upon leaving his or her homeland and an immigrant
upon arriving at his or her destination. In the context of this book, the focus
primarily will be on emigration.) Unfavourable political situations such as
war and discrimination, socio-economic factors such as poverty and crime,
relatives and friends who have migrated, and an adventurous spirit are some
of the factors motivating individuals and families to move to another country.
Emigration has been part of the history of South Africa for a long time.
In the apartheid era, many black and white South Africans left the country.
(Blacks primarily because of the dangerousness of the situation and whites
for reasons of conscience. Elon Musk, mentioned in Chapter 1, was one of the
many conscientious objectors who became famous overseas.) In present-
day South Africa, emigration is a social phenomenon that affects many
people’s lives. Especially (but not exclusively) whites have been emigrating
because of factors such as the
high and particularly violent
crime rate, affirmative action, and
trying to secure a better future
for their children. The reasons for
emigration by South Africans are
similar to reasons given by citizens
of other countries (Ferreira, 2015).
However, in many cases the
Emigration has a significant effect on many
saying ”The grass is not always people’s lives
greener on the other side” also
applies to emigration (and immigration). Next to problems such as financial
hardships, cultural adjustments, and discrimination, it is generally accepted
that migrants are an at-risk group for mental disorders such as depression,
anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, and psychosomatic disorders
(physical symptoms caused by psychological factors) (Bas-Sarmiento et al.,
2017; Watson, 2017). Emigration could also have a significant negative, and in
some cases disastrous, effect on family life. It seems that mothers of children
who emigrate are affected significantly more negatively than fathers are
(Mosca & Barrett, 2016). (See Box 5.12 regarding a mother’s emotions after
a child has emigrated.)
Although relatively little South African research has been done on the
effect of emigration on the parents who stay behind, Marchetti-Mercer
375
(2012, 2013, 2016, 2017) of the University of the Witwatersrand has made
important and interesting contributions by means of a number of studies.
An overarching theme of Marchetti-Mercer’s research is that family who
stay behind often experience emigration as a loss, even comparing it to
a ‘death’. The term migratory mourning is used in this regard. In general,
emotional ambivalence prevails in parents’ responses: They understand
their children’s reasons for emigrating, but still experience deep distress, not
only since their children will no longer be physically present in their lives,
but also because of the loss of a close relationship with grandchildren. As
emigration of children commonly takes place when the parents have entered
the last phase of their lives, they may be left lonely, isolated and without a
psychosocial support system. As one parent put it: “We raised them to leave
us” (Minnaar et al., 2014). Therefore, it is common that parents and family
who remain in South Africa feel that those emigrating do not acknowledge
and understand the emotional pain of those left behind. Furthermore, it
should be considered that those who emigrate also have to do without the
important role that grandparents and other family members can play in the
family system and the lives of their children. It also seems that the available
modern communication technologies do not compensate for the void left
by the physical absence (‘the touch, the smell’) of loved ones. Other South
African researchers such as Ferreira (2015) and Minnaar et al. (2014) came
to similar conclusions. On the other hand, Marchetti-Mercer also refers to
international research that shows that parents and their migrant children can
maintain mutually supportive relationships and that emotional connections
can remain. Démurger (2015) also emphasises that the effect of a family
member’s migration on those who stay behind can be either positive or
negative, depending on individual factors and circumstances.
Box 5.12 That’s All
The following poem, based on the well-known Afrikaans poem Dis Al by Jan F.E. Cilliers,
was written by a participant in Ferreira’s (2015) research and reflects the emotions of
a mother left behind:
It’s the blonde
it’s the blue
it’s the veld
it’s the air
and my child is leaving on a lonely flight,
that’s all (silence)
She will return one day over the mighty ocean,
and stand next to my grave with a falling tear;
that’s all.
376
5.3.2.5 Childless couples
Since the beginning of time, it has been expected of able women to have
children. In all countries in the world, the vast majority of people still hold
this viewpoint. However, owing to factors such as advances in contraception,
education, and women’s rights, childlessness is presently seen by many in a
different and more acceptable light (see Avison & Furnham, 2015).
Usually, a distinction is made between involuntary and voluntary
childlessness (sometimes called ‘childless by circumstance’ and ‘childless
by choice’), although some cases could have elements of both. Involuntary
childlessness is the result of infertility problems, which occur in about 2%
of all women. Voluntary childlessness refers to people who, for a number of
reasons, make a conscious lifelong voluntary decision not to have children,
including biological, adopted, or stepchildren. Such adults prefer to call
themselves ‘childfree’. This group represents between about 2% and 15% of
young adults (e.g. Fiori et al, 2017; Tunalilar, 2016) and is associated with a
higher income and education level. Support for the voluntary childlessness
viewpoint – which includes viewpoints such as ‘Real women have children,
wise women choose for themselves’ and ‘Parenthood is a life option and
not a duty’ – has grown to such an extent that 1 August of every year was
officially declared International Childfree Day.
There are various reasons why people choose the childfree option, including
the following (e.g. Blacksone & Stewart, 2016; Bimha & Chadwick, 2016):
• They rather want to focus on each other and their relationship, without
the interference and demands of children. This includes the freedom to
travel and take part in time-consuming activities.
• They are afraid that the children may inherit certain genetic physical or
mental characteristics.
• They feel that that they will not be good parents because of their own
experiences as children, or they just do not feel attached to children.
• They are alarmed about environmental effects such as overpopulation
and pollution.
• Women may be concerned about the possible negative effects that
pregnancy may have on their bodies.
• Research suggests that personality plays a considerable role in
influencing choices concerning parenthood (Avison et al., 2015). Childfree
adults tend to be more independent, less agreeable, more introverted,
less religious, and politically more liberal. They also feel stronger about
gender equality.
377
(2012, 2013, 2016, 2017) of the University of the Witwatersrand has made
important and interesting contributions by means of a number of studies.
An overarching theme of Marchetti-Mercer’s research is that family who
stay behind often experience emigration as a loss, even comparing it to
a ‘death’. The term migratory mourning is used in this regard. In general,
emotional ambivalence prevails in parents’ responses: They understand
their children’s reasons for emigrating, but still experience deep distress, not
only since their children will no longer be physically present in their lives,
but also because of the loss of a close relationship with grandchildren. As
emigration of children commonly takes place when the parents have entered
the last phase of their lives, they may be left lonely, isolated and without a
psychosocial support system. As one parent put it: “We raised them to leave
us” (Minnaar et al., 2014). Therefore, it is common that parents and family
who remain in South Africa feel that those emigrating do not acknowledge
and understand the emotional pain of those left behind. Furthermore, it
should be considered that those who emigrate also have to do without the
important role that grandparents and other family members can play in the
family system and the lives of their children. It also seems that the available
modern communication technologies do not compensate for the void left
by the physical absence (‘the touch, the smell’) of loved ones. Other South
African researchers such as Ferreira (2015) and Minnaar et al. (2014) came
to similar conclusions. On the other hand, Marchetti-Mercer also refers to
international research that shows that parents and their migrant children can
maintain mutually supportive relationships and that emotional connections
can remain. Démurger (2015) also emphasises that the effect of a family
member’s migration on those who stay behind can be either positive or
negative, depending on individual factors and circumstances.
Box 5.12 That’s All
The following poem, based on the well-known Afrikaans poem Dis Al by Jan F.E. Cilliers,
was written by a participant in Ferreira’s (2015) research and reflects the emotions of
a mother left behind:
It’s the blonde
it’s the blue
it’s the veld
it’s the air
and my child is leaving on a lonely flight,
that’s all (silence)
She will return one day over the mighty ocean,
and stand next to my grave with a falling tear;
that’s all.
376
5.3.2.5 Childless couples
Since the beginning of time, it has been expected of able women to have
children. In all countries in the world, the vast majority of people still hold
this viewpoint. However, owing to factors such as advances in contraception,
education, and women’s rights, childlessness is presently seen by many in a
different and more acceptable light (see Avison & Furnham, 2015).
Usually, a distinction is made between involuntary and voluntary
childlessness (sometimes called ‘childless by circumstance’ and ‘childless
by choice’), although some cases could have elements of both. Involuntary
childlessness is the result of infertility problems, which occur in about 2%
of all women. Voluntary childlessness refers to people who, for a number of
reasons, make a conscious lifelong voluntary decision not to have children,
including biological, adopted, or stepchildren. Such adults prefer to call
themselves ‘childfree’. This group represents between about 2% and 15% of
young adults (e.g. Fiori et al, 2017; Tunalilar, 2016) and is associated with a
higher income and education level. Support for the voluntary childlessness
viewpoint – which includes viewpoints such as ‘Real women have children,
wise women choose for themselves’ and ‘Parenthood is a life option and
not a duty’ – has grown to such an extent that 1 August of every year was
officially declared International Childfree Day.
There are various reasons why people choose the childfree option, including
the following (e.g. Blacksone & Stewart, 2016; Bimha & Chadwick, 2016):
• They rather want to focus on each other and their relationship, without
the interference and demands of children. This includes the freedom to
travel and take part in time-consuming activities.
• They are afraid that the children may inherit certain genetic physical or
mental characteristics.
• They feel that that they will not be good parents because of their own
experiences as children, or they just do not feel attached to children.
• They are alarmed about environmental effects such as overpopulation
and pollution.
• Women may be concerned about the possible negative effects that
pregnancy may have on their bodies.
• Research suggests that personality plays a considerable role in
influencing choices concerning parenthood (Avison et al., 2015). Childfree
adults tend to be more independent, less agreeable, more introverted,
less religious, and politically more liberal. They also feel stronger about
gender equality.
377
 A cross-cultural study indicates that reasons for being childfree reported
by middle-class heterosexual women in South Africa are similar to those
reported by women in Western contexts (Bimha & Chadwick, 2016). However,
regardless of the growing support for the voluntary childlessness viewpoint,
this stance is not supported by the large majority worldwide, including
South Africa (Morris et al., 2015; Reining, 2017). It is also clear that cultural
differences occur. In most traditional black communities in South Africa,
the birth of a child is concrete proof of a man’s virility and potency and of
a women’s fertility (Preston-Whyte, 1993). Although people are evaluated
increasingly in terms of their educational achievements, professional status,
wealth, and respect in the community, men and women are still expected
to have children. Childlessness is regarded as a tragedy, implying that the
individual will be left without any support during old age. Although this
support is regarded mainly in economic terms, old age is also regarded as
a period in which a person is surrounded by children and grandchildren.
Therefore, the birth of a child is valued highly, and in certain instances, this
value is regarded so highly that the prerequisite of a marriage in which
children could be born often becomes irrelevant. Although it is expected
of men to marry to pass on the agnatic name, many men are proud of their
children born in non-marriage. Many women would like to marry, but if it
does not happen, their lives may take another direction in which the birth
of children (even in non-marriage) is regarded as an important milestone.
The question whether there is a difference between couples with and
without children as far as life and marital satisfaction is concerned, remains
largely unanswered at this stage. Some studies report in favour of couples
with children, whereas others found evidence in favour of childfree couples,
and a third group of studies could not find any significant difference (Bień
et al., 2017; Glass et al., 2016; Shapiro, 2014). One of the reasons for these
different findings is that child-free parenthood is a relatively new field of
study, and more research in the future will hopefully bring more clarity. In
addition, so many variables are involved in this type of research that it is
impossible for researchers to focus on all of the variables in one specific study.
Understandably, differential approaches to the phenomenon, accompanied
by different methodologies, may result in differences in research findings.
5.3.2.6 Sibling relationships
When people think of long-term family relationships, they usually think of
parents, spouses, and their children. However, the longest-lasting family
378
relationship is with siblings. Between 80% and 90% of all people on earth
have at least one living brother or sister. Relationships between brothers and
sisters are not governed by legal obligations such as the marital relationship
and the parent-child relationship. Therefore, commitment to siblings is often
less, as spouse, children, and parents mostly take precedence; consequently,
the significance of siblings to one another is variable. Some researchers
have attempted to classify sibling relationships in terms of closeness and
involvement, frequency of contact, and levels of envy and resentment. Five
categories have been identified (Gold, 1989; Gold et al., 1990; also see Erber
2013):
• Intimate siblings consider each other as ‘best friends’ and are highly
devoted to one another, share a relationship of mutual love and
understanding, and confide their personal thoughts and feelings. They
have frequent contact, including visits and telephone calls.
• Congenial siblings feel strong friendship and caring. However, their
emotional ties are not as deep, except in times of crisis or stress. The
contact is usually weekly or monthly. Congenial siblings would name a
child or spouse as the person to whom they feel closest and not a sibling.
• Loyal siblings have a bond based on shared family background and
experience a strong sense of family obligation. There is relatively
little contact. However, upon request they do attend important family
occasions such as weddings, funerals, and festive celebrations. They
rarely exchange emotional support, but they would help in times of
crises such as illness or financial difficulties.
• Apathetic siblings are not close and are not interested in taking any
responsibility for one another. They do not attend family occasions, and
contact is rare, even if they live nearby. They may go for years without
talking to each other, not because of anger or disagreement, but rather
because of apathy or indifference.
• Hostile siblings go out of their way to avoid one another. They feel
contempt and anger and they reject any requests for contact or support.
They are emotionally involved, but in a negative way. Hostility usually
stems from a dispute (e.g. about an inheritance) or envy from past
sibling rivalry or parental favouritism.
Although Gold’s model is still used by researchers (e.g. Donato & Dillow,
2017; Myers, 2015), it remains an open question whether the model is culture
379
 A cross-cultural study indicates that reasons for being childfree reported
by middle-class heterosexual women in South Africa are similar to those
reported by women in Western contexts (Bimha & Chadwick, 2016). However,
regardless of the growing support for the voluntary childlessness viewpoint,
this stance is not supported by the large majority worldwide, including
South Africa (Morris et al., 2015; Reining, 2017). It is also clear that cultural
differences occur. In most traditional black communities in South Africa,
the birth of a child is concrete proof of a man’s virility and potency and of
a women’s fertility (Preston-Whyte, 1993). Although people are evaluated
increasingly in terms of their educational achievements, professional status,
wealth, and respect in the community, men and women are still expected
to have children. Childlessness is regarded as a tragedy, implying that the
individual will be left without any support during old age. Although this
support is regarded mainly in economic terms, old age is also regarded as
a period in which a person is surrounded by children and grandchildren.
Therefore, the birth of a child is valued highly, and in certain instances, this
value is regarded so highly that the prerequisite of a marriage in which
children could be born often becomes irrelevant. Although it is expected
of men to marry to pass on the agnatic name, many men are proud of their
children born in non-marriage. Many women would like to marry, but if it
does not happen, their lives may take another direction in which the birth
of children (even in non-marriage) is regarded as an important milestone.
The question whether there is a difference between couples with and
without children as far as life and marital satisfaction is concerned, remains
largely unanswered at this stage. Some studies report in favour of couples
with children, whereas others found evidence in favour of childfree couples,
and a third group of studies could not find any significant difference (Bień
et al., 2017; Glass et al., 2016; Shapiro, 2014). One of the reasons for these
different findings is that child-free parenthood is a relatively new field of
study, and more research in the future will hopefully bring more clarity. In
addition, so many variables are involved in this type of research that it is
impossible for researchers to focus on all of the variables in one specific study.
Understandably, differential approaches to the phenomenon, accompanied
by different methodologies, may result in differences in research findings.
5.3.2.6 Sibling relationships
When people think of long-term family relationships, they usually think of
parents, spouses, and their children. However, the longest-lasting family
378
relationship is with siblings. Between 80% and 90% of all people on earth
have at least one living brother or sister. Relationships between brothers and
sisters are not governed by legal obligations such as the marital relationship
and the parent-child relationship. Therefore, commitment to siblings is often
less, as spouse, children, and parents mostly take precedence; consequently,
the significance of siblings to one another is variable. Some researchers
have attempted to classify sibling relationships in terms of closeness and
involvement, frequency of contact, and levels of envy and resentment. Five
categories have been identified (Gold, 1989; Gold et al., 1990; also see Erber
2013):
• Intimate siblings consider each other as ‘best friends’ and are highly
devoted to one another, share a relationship of mutual love and
understanding, and confide their personal thoughts and feelings. They
have frequent contact, including visits and telephone calls.
• Congenial siblings feel strong friendship and caring. However, their
emotional ties are not as deep, except in times of crisis or stress. The
contact is usually weekly or monthly. Congenial siblings would name a
child or spouse as the person to whom they feel closest and not a sibling.
• Loyal siblings have a bond based on shared family background and
experience a strong sense of family obligation. There is relatively
little contact. However, upon request they do attend important family
occasions such as weddings, funerals, and festive celebrations. They
rarely exchange emotional support, but they would help in times of
crises such as illness or financial difficulties.
• Apathetic siblings are not close and are not interested in taking any
responsibility for one another. They do not attend family occasions, and
contact is rare, even if they live nearby. They may go for years without
talking to each other, not because of anger or disagreement, but rather
because of apathy or indifference.
• Hostile siblings go out of their way to avoid one another. They feel
contempt and anger and they reject any requests for contact or support.
They are emotionally involved, but in a negative way. Hostility usually
stems from a dispute (e.g. about an inheritance) or envy from past
sibling rivalry or parental favouritism.
Although Gold’s model is still used by researchers (e.g. Donato & Dillow,
2017; Myers, 2015), it remains an open question whether the model is culture
379
fair (Gold did his research on older white Americans) and to what extent and often provide support on a variety of levels. More than 2000 years ago,
it is still valid in a world where family functioning and thus relations are the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle identified three types of friendships
changing continuously. that are still referred to today. The first is friendship of utility, which is not
The relationship that develops among siblings in childhood may differ based on affection for each other, but both people derive some benefit from
significantly from the relationship that evolves in adulthood. Sibling each other. An example is a business relationship. The second is friendship
relationships in adulthood is characterised mostly by affection, loyalty, of pleasure where the other person is not viewed as a sincere friend, but
warmth, support, and a sense of security and belonging. Conversely, it could rather as a source of pleasure or enjoyment. An example is to enjoy the
also be characterised by ambivalence and ambiguity, becoming hurtful, company of a very witty person. The third is friendship of the good, which
apathetic, uncertain, competitive, or exhausting (Greif & Woolley, 2015). is based on mutual respect and appreciation for what the other represents
However, the majority of sibling relationships in adulthood are close and as a person. Aristotle regarded the first two friendships as relatively short-
caring (see Santrock, 2015). Those siblings who are emotionally close in lived and superficial, and the friendship of the good as the only true and
adulthood usually had the same relationship during childhood. Close sibling long-lasting one. In this section, we shall focus on friends and peripheral
relationships rarely develop for the first time in adulthood. Adults with social relationships.
positive sibling relationships report higher life satisfaction and lower rates
of depression later in life (Lohmann, 2014). (a)  Friends
Variability in sibling relationships usually occurs over time, since the
extent of commitment to particular family members can be influenced by Friends remain important in each phase of the life span. Friends serve as a
life events (Connidis, 2010; Spitze & Trent, 2016). As children grow up and buffer against stress and provide a sense of identity and history. Friendships
form their own attachments, and when partners are lost through divorce and are often based on mutual interests and values and usually develop
death, older persons may need and want to reinvest in other relationships, among people of the same generation or at the same stage of family life.
including those with siblings. On the other hand, adults who have not had The meaning of friendship changes little over the life span, but its context
long-term partners and/or children may have had higher involvement with and content may change. There is overwhelming evidence that friendship
siblings throughout their lives, both as recipients and providers of support.
This is particularly true of women. In multigenerational and extended families,
siblings may be involved in childcare and other support. Furthermore, sisters
tend to be more involved than their brothers are when caring for ageing
parents, although brothers tend to show responsibility on a more practical
level.
Most research on siblings involves biological kinships. However, owing
to increases in divorce, remarriage, cohabiting, and births out of wedlock,
the number of half-siblings (one shared biological parent), step-siblings
(unrelated through biological ties), and step-like siblings (through parent’s
cohabiting partner) create more complex family interactions and more
diverse sibling relationships and may constitute unique tensions and
ambivalence (Connidis, 2005).

5.3.2.7 Friendships

Although social ties with family members remain an important aspect

throughout people’s lives, not all social ties are with family members. Both Friends play a very important role in our lives
friends and other acquaintances form meaningful parts of people’s daily lives
380 381
fair (Gold did his research on older white Americans) and to what extent and often provide support on a variety of levels. More than 2000 years ago,
it is still valid in a world where family functioning and thus relations are the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle identified three types of friendships
changing continuously. that are still referred to today. The first is friendship of utility, which is not
The relationship that develops among siblings in childhood may differ based on affection for each other, but both people derive some benefit from
significantly from the relationship that evolves in adulthood. Sibling each other. An example is a business relationship. The second is friendship
relationships in adulthood is characterised mostly by affection, loyalty, of pleasure where the other person is not viewed as a sincere friend, but
warmth, support, and a sense of security and belonging. Conversely, it could rather as a source of pleasure or enjoyment. An example is to enjoy the
also be characterised by ambivalence and ambiguity, becoming hurtful, company of a very witty person. The third is friendship of the good, which
apathetic, uncertain, competitive, or exhausting (Greif & Woolley, 2015). is based on mutual respect and appreciation for what the other represents
However, the majority of sibling relationships in adulthood are close and as a person. Aristotle regarded the first two friendships as relatively short-
caring (see Santrock, 2015). Those siblings who are emotionally close in lived and superficial, and the friendship of the good as the only true and
adulthood usually had the same relationship during childhood. Close sibling long-lasting one. In this section, we shall focus on friends and peripheral
relationships rarely develop for the first time in adulthood. Adults with social relationships.
positive sibling relationships report higher life satisfaction and lower rates
of depression later in life (Lohmann, 2014). (a)  Friends
Variability in sibling relationships usually occurs over time, since the
extent of commitment to particular family members can be influenced by Friends remain important in each phase of the life span. Friends serve as a
life events (Connidis, 2010; Spitze & Trent, 2016). As children grow up and buffer against stress and provide a sense of identity and history. Friendships
form their own attachments, and when partners are lost through divorce and are often based on mutual interests and values and usually develop
death, older persons may need and want to reinvest in other relationships, among people of the same generation or at the same stage of family life.
including those with siblings. On the other hand, adults who have not had The meaning of friendship changes little over the life span, but its context
long-term partners and/or children may have had higher involvement with and content may change. There is overwhelming evidence that friendship
siblings throughout their lives, both as recipients and providers of support.
This is particularly true of women. In multigenerational and extended families,
siblings may be involved in childcare and other support. Furthermore, sisters
tend to be more involved than their brothers are when caring for ageing
parents, although brothers tend to show responsibility on a more practical
level.
Most research on siblings involves biological kinships. However, owing
to increases in divorce, remarriage, cohabiting, and births out of wedlock,
the number of half-siblings (one shared biological parent), step-siblings
(unrelated through biological ties), and step-like siblings (through parent’s
cohabiting partner) create more complex family interactions and more
diverse sibling relationships and may constitute unique tensions and
ambivalence (Connidis, 2005).

5.3.2.7 Friendships

Although social ties with family members remain an important aspect

throughout people’s lives, not all social ties are with family members. Both Friends play a very important role in our lives
friends and other acquaintances form meaningful parts of people’s daily lives
380 381
contributes significantly to mental and physical well-being in adulthood.
Although the number of friends remains more or less constant throughout
the adult years, some developmental trends are noticeable. People not only
tend to make more friends during early adulthood than during any later
stage, but friendships also reach a special functionality during this period.
Since many people in this stage have moved away from their parents and
do not have the responsibilities that come with spouses and children, their
friends provide important companionship and support (see Berger, 2014). As
young adults become involved in committed romantic relationships, some
of the friendships they had as individuals are being replaced by, or added
to, couple friendships (i.e. friendships with other couples) (Blieszner, 2016).
During middle adulthood, social networks tend to become smaller and more
intimate. The reason for this may be that during middle age, people are
involved more intensely with their own families and work and therefore have
less time to devote to a wide circle of friends. However, the quality of midlife
friendships often makes up for what they lack in quantity. Among older
adults, friendships are typically no longer limited to work and parenting as
in earlier periods of adulthood, but are more focused on companionship and
support. The fact that people choose their friendships may be especially
important to older people, who often experience diminishing control over
their lives. This element of choice may explain why many older people have
close friends, and why those who have an active circle of friends are happier
and healthier (Chen, 2017; Huxhold et al., 2014). In fact, research suggests
that older adults could value friendships even more than family relationships
(Chopik, 2017).
A good friendship has several characteristics (Degges-White & Van
Tieghem, 2015; Whitbourne, 2008):
• Reciprocity is regarded as a major dimension that underlies close
friendships. The fundamental characteristic of reciprocity is a mutual
exchange (give and take) at a deep emotional level of intimacy, support,
sharing, and companionship.
• Trustworthiness is often the so-called ‘make or break’ element in any
friendship. It refers to qualities such as reliability, truthfulness, and
integrity. This means friends can confide in each other.
• Dependability means that friends are always available for one another
and that they are willing to support each other at any time.
• Loyalty in a friendship indicates that the friends will stand by each other,
382
regardless of the situation. There is also a strong assurance that secrets
will be kept and gossiping to and by others will not happen.
• Honesty means openly and truthfully communicating one’s emotions,
motivations and goals to one’s friends. This implies that one sometimes
has to confront one’s friend. However, an open friendship will make
room for an honest relationship. Lying to a friend not only devalues the
relationship but also can affect a person’s physical and mental health
(Kelly, 2012).
Despite these characteristics, friendship relations during adulthood
are divergent. The following friendship styles have been identified and are
among those used most widely by researchers (Matthews, 1986, 2000;
Miche et al., 2013):
■ The independent style. Adults who follow this friendship style enjoy
interaction with others, but do not have a close relationship with anyone.
They emphasise their self-sufficiency and independence and maintain a
psychological distance from others. In general, they do not desire close,
intimate, and long-lasting friendships.
■ The discerning style. Adults who follow this friendship style have a small
circle of friends to whom they are attached and whom they regard as
very important. They also clearly distinguish between close, dependable,
and long-term friends and more casual, impersonal acquaintances. These
people usually do not make new friends in late adulthood but keep their
friends throughout life.
■ The gregarious (or acquisitive) style. These people usually form close
friendships with many people. Some of these they describe as special
friends and others as friends whose companionship they enjoy. They are
always ready to form new friendships and are optimistic about forming
new friendships.
In addition to these divergent friendship styles, gender differences in
friendships are also evident in adulthood and may reflect continuity in the
learnt behaviours from childhood. Women’s friendship relationships tend
to be more intimate and based on reciprocal trust and support, especially
in times of crises. Self-disclosure is also more common than in men. It is
also characterised by a stronger emotional element, often accompanied
by a higher incidence of anxiety and jealousy. Men’s friendships are often
characterised by friendly competition and social interaction such as playing
383
contributes significantly to mental and physical well-being in adulthood.
Although the number of friends remains more or less constant throughout
the adult years, some developmental trends are noticeable. People not only
tend to make more friends during early adulthood than during any later
stage, but friendships also reach a special functionality during this period.
Since many people in this stage have moved away from their parents and
do not have the responsibilities that come with spouses and children, their
friends provide important companionship and support (see Berger, 2014). As
young adults become involved in committed romantic relationships, some
of the friendships they had as individuals are being replaced by, or added
to, couple friendships (i.e. friendships with other couples) (Blieszner, 2016).
During middle adulthood, social networks tend to become smaller and more
intimate. The reason for this may be that during middle age, people are
involved more intensely with their own families and work and therefore have
less time to devote to a wide circle of friends. However, the quality of midlife
friendships often makes up for what they lack in quantity. Among older
adults, friendships are typically no longer limited to work and parenting as
in earlier periods of adulthood, but are more focused on companionship and
support. The fact that people choose their friendships may be especially
important to older people, who often experience diminishing control over
their lives. This element of choice may explain why many older people have
close friends, and why those who have an active circle of friends are happier
and healthier (Chen, 2017; Huxhold et al., 2014). In fact, research suggests
that older adults could value friendships even more than family relationships
(Chopik, 2017).
A good friendship has several characteristics (Degges-White & Van
Tieghem, 2015; Whitbourne, 2008):
• Reciprocity is regarded as a major dimension that underlies close
friendships. The fundamental characteristic of reciprocity is a mutual
exchange (give and take) at a deep emotional level of intimacy, support,
sharing, and companionship.
• Trustworthiness is often the so-called ‘make or break’ element in any
friendship. It refers to qualities such as reliability, truthfulness, and
integrity. This means friends can confide in each other.
• Dependability means that friends are always available for one another
and that they are willing to support each other at any time.
• Loyalty in a friendship indicates that the friends will stand by each other,
382
regardless of the situation. There is also a strong assurance that secrets
will be kept and gossiping to and by others will not happen.
• Honesty means openly and truthfully communicating one’s emotions,
motivations and goals to one’s friends. This implies that one sometimes
has to confront one’s friend. However, an open friendship will make
room for an honest relationship. Lying to a friend not only devalues the
relationship but also can affect a person’s physical and mental health
(Kelly, 2012).
Despite these characteristics, friendship relations during adulthood
are divergent. The following friendship styles have been identified and are
among those used most widely by researchers (Matthews, 1986, 2000;
Miche et al., 2013):
■ The independent style. Adults who follow this friendship style enjoy
interaction with others, but do not have a close relationship with anyone.
They emphasise their self-sufficiency and independence and maintain a
psychological distance from others. In general, they do not desire close,
intimate, and long-lasting friendships.
■ The discerning style. Adults who follow this friendship style have a small
circle of friends to whom they are attached and whom they regard as
very important. They also clearly distinguish between close, dependable,
and long-term friends and more casual, impersonal acquaintances. These
people usually do not make new friends in late adulthood but keep their
friends throughout life.
■ The gregarious (or acquisitive) style. These people usually form close
friendships with many people. Some of these they describe as special
friends and others as friends whose companionship they enjoy. They are
always ready to form new friendships and are optimistic about forming
new friendships.
In addition to these divergent friendship styles, gender differences in
friendships are also evident in adulthood and may reflect continuity in the
learnt behaviours from childhood. Women’s friendship relationships tend
to be more intimate and based on reciprocal trust and support, especially
in times of crises. Self-disclosure is also more common than in men. It is
also characterised by a stronger emotional element, often accompanied
by a higher incidence of anxiety and jealousy. Men’s friendships are often
characterised by friendly competition and social interaction such as playing
383
sports and games. They talk more about external matters such as sports,
cars, work, and politics (in early adulthood, girls and sex are important
themes). They are less likely to tell other men about their failures, emotional
problems, and relationship dilemmas (Berger, 2014). Male friends also touch
one another less than female friends do.
However, contrary to conclusions that females are the more sociable sex,
some studies demonstrate that males exhibit a higher threshold of tolerance
of same-sex peers than females do. This means that they are more accepting
of the stresses and strains within friendship or peer relationships. Compared
to females, males interact in larger groups across a variety of institutions
and form more enduring relationships with same-sex peers. In contrast,
females appear to hold higher standards for friendship relationships than
males do, perhaps because of their greater desire for intimacy. Females
tend to be more aware of social signals and may weigh negative information
more heavily than males do, because negative information disrupts the
establishment of intimacy. For this reason, more female than male students
tend to request a change of roommates at campus residences (Benenson et
al., 2009).
(b) Peripheral social relationships
As we have seen from the convoy model, older adults tend to limit their social
interactions with individuals with whom they emotionally feel less close
and are generally less interested than younger adults are in socialising with
unfamiliar individuals. As noted earlier, younger adults typically have larger
social networks, including less intimate acquaintances. Nevertheless, many
older adults maintain some peripheral ties with people who are not intimate
members of their social circle. These may be people with whom they have
regular contact, but extensive social and emotional support is not expected,
although some level of instrumental support may be given, such as service
providers (e.g. a religious or spiritual leader, caregiver, nursing home or old-
age home staff, doctor, dentist, pharmacist, hairdresser, and supermarket
and department store workers) or neighbours. Such contacts are not
intimate, but they hold some significance in older adults’ daily lives (Erber,
2005). These relationships are also mentioned with great appreciation by a
critically acclaimed South African writer, who at the age of 95 published her
last book in which she described her experience of the ageing process and
her increasing reliance on such support systems (Joubert, 2017).
384
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Why is it difficult to define the term family? What is the South African definition of
a family? Do all family members necessarily have close emotional attachments to
one another?
2. Discuss the nature of family systems in South Africa. Which factors contribute to the
changes in family systems?
3. Discuss the functions of a family system. Discuss the characteristics of a
psychologically healthy family. Discuss the characteristics of a dysfunctional family.
4. Discuss the statement that ‘the decision to have children may be complicated’. What
advantages and disadvantages may having children have? What challenges do
many South African parents face?
5. Discuss Baumrind and Maccoby and Martin’s styles of parenting and the influence
these styles may have on children. Why may the correlations between parenting
styles and expected child behaviour not always be strong? Discuss Roman et al.’s
research on parenting in the South African context.
6. What is the difference between an adoptive parent and a foster parent? Describe
the reasons why people adopt children. What are the functions of adoption? Discuss
the reasons why black couples are reluctant to adopt.
7. What is interracial adoption? Why is it on the rise? Discuss the controversy regarding
interracial adoption.
8. How may parenting issues in raising adopted children be similar and/or dissimilar to
raising biological children?
9. What is surrogacy? Distinguish between gestational surrogacy and traditional
surrogacy. Why is surrogacy a controversial form of assisted reproduction? Discuss
the current research findings regarding surrogacy.
10. Discuss the importance of a father in the development of his children. How could
father absence affect a child? What are the reasons for the high rate of father
absence in the black population of South Africa? What is the aim of the Fatherhood
Project of the Human Sciences Research Council?
11. What are the myths regarding the fitness of homosexual couples to parent children?
Discuss the findings of the task force of the American Psychological Association and
other research on homosexual parents and the effects of their parenting on their
children.
12. What is a reconstituted or blended family? How are these families formed? Discuss
the stepfamily cycle as formulated by Patricia Papernow. Do all reconstituted families
go through these cycles in the same order? Discuss the specific problems that may
be encountered by reconstituted families. How could problems largely be avoided?
What is a neo-traditional family?
13. Why has the role of grandparents become more important in the last few decades?
What are the advantages attached to the grandparent role for the grandparent?
What contributions do grandparents make to their grandchildren? Are these
influences always positive?
385
sports and games. They talk more about external matters such as sports,
cars, work, and politics (in early adulthood, girls and sex are important
themes). They are less likely to tell other men about their failures, emotional
problems, and relationship dilemmas (Berger, 2014). Male friends also touch
one another less than female friends do.
However, contrary to conclusions that females are the more sociable sex,
some studies demonstrate that males exhibit a higher threshold of tolerance
of same-sex peers than females do. This means that they are more accepting
of the stresses and strains within friendship or peer relationships. Compared
to females, males interact in larger groups across a variety of institutions
and form more enduring relationships with same-sex peers. In contrast,
females appear to hold higher standards for friendship relationships than
males do, perhaps because of their greater desire for intimacy. Females
tend to be more aware of social signals and may weigh negative information
more heavily than males do, because negative information disrupts the
establishment of intimacy. For this reason, more female than male students
tend to request a change of roommates at campus residences (Benenson et
al., 2009).
(b) Peripheral social relationships
As we have seen from the convoy model, older adults tend to limit their social
interactions with individuals with whom they emotionally feel less close
and are generally less interested than younger adults are in socialising with
unfamiliar individuals. As noted earlier, younger adults typically have larger
social networks, including less intimate acquaintances. Nevertheless, many
older adults maintain some peripheral ties with people who are not intimate
members of their social circle. These may be people with whom they have
regular contact, but extensive social and emotional support is not expected,
although some level of instrumental support may be given, such as service
providers (e.g. a religious or spiritual leader, caregiver, nursing home or old-
age home staff, doctor, dentist, pharmacist, hairdresser, and supermarket
and department store workers) or neighbours. Such contacts are not
intimate, but they hold some significance in older adults’ daily lives (Erber,
2005). These relationships are also mentioned with great appreciation by a
critically acclaimed South African writer, who at the age of 95 published her
last book in which she described her experience of the ageing process and
her increasing reliance on such support systems (Joubert, 2017).
384
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Why is it difficult to define the term family? What is the South African definition of
a family? Do all family members necessarily have close emotional attachments to
one another?
2. Discuss the nature of family systems in South Africa. Which factors contribute to the
changes in family systems?
3. Discuss the functions of a family system. Discuss the characteristics of a
psychologically healthy family. Discuss the characteristics of a dysfunctional family.
4. Discuss the statement that ‘the decision to have children may be complicated’. What
advantages and disadvantages may having children have? What challenges do
many South African parents face?
5. Discuss Baumrind and Maccoby and Martin’s styles of parenting and the influence
these styles may have on children. Why may the correlations between parenting
styles and expected child behaviour not always be strong? Discuss Roman et al.’s
research on parenting in the South African context.
6. What is the difference between an adoptive parent and a foster parent? Describe
the reasons why people adopt children. What are the functions of adoption? Discuss
the reasons why black couples are reluctant to adopt.
7. What is interracial adoption? Why is it on the rise? Discuss the controversy regarding
interracial adoption.
8. How may parenting issues in raising adopted children be similar and/or dissimilar to
raising biological children?
9. What is surrogacy? Distinguish between gestational surrogacy and traditional
surrogacy. Why is surrogacy a controversial form of assisted reproduction? Discuss
the current research findings regarding surrogacy.
10. Discuss the importance of a father in the development of his children. How could
father absence affect a child? What are the reasons for the high rate of father
absence in the black population of South Africa? What is the aim of the Fatherhood
Project of the Human Sciences Research Council?
11. What are the myths regarding the fitness of homosexual couples to parent children?
Discuss the findings of the task force of the American Psychological Association and
other research on homosexual parents and the effects of their parenting on their
children.
12. What is a reconstituted or blended family? How are these families formed? Discuss
the stepfamily cycle as formulated by Patricia Papernow. Do all reconstituted families
go through these cycles in the same order? Discuss the specific problems that may
be encountered by reconstituted families. How could problems largely be avoided?
What is a neo-traditional family?
13. Why has the role of grandparents become more important in the last few decades?
What are the advantages attached to the grandparent role for the grandparent?
What contributions do grandparents make to their grandchildren? Are these
influences always positive?
385
 REVIEW THIS SECTION (continued)
14. Discuss the various styles of grandparenting. What factors contribute to the
different grandparenting styles? How do most grandparents experience their role?
What is a skipped-generation family? How do grandparents in a skipped-generation
family experience their role?
15. What is intergenerational parenting? What is the core question in this regard? Why
may the relationship between ageing parents and their adult children be ambivalent?
Describe the age-related changes in intergenerational relationships. Discuss
the solidarity-conflict model as an example of the complexity of intergenerational
relationships. Discuss the issue of the so-called sandwich generation.
16. What is a single-parent family? How may this family structure be formed? What may
the specific stressors of a single-parent family be? Which factors may guard against
the negative effects of single-parenthood?
17. Discuss the effects on parents of children who emigrate to other countries.
18. Distinguish between involuntary and voluntary childlessness. Discuss the reasons
why people may choose the option to be childfree. How may culture have an
influence on a person’s decision to remain childless? Are there differences between
couples with and without children regarding life and marital satisfaction?
19. Describe the nature of sibling relationships in adulthood. Discuss Gold’s five
categories of sibling relationships in terms of closeness and involvement. How may
sibling relationships in adulthood differ from sibling relationships during childhood?
How may changes in life events affect the relationship?
20. Describe the type of friendships defined by Aristotle more than 2000 years ago.
Do you think these types may still apply today? Give reasons for your answer. What
is the function of friends in adulthood? How do friendships change over the adult life
span? What are the characteristics of a good friendship? Discuss the divergent
friendship styles during adulthood. How do men’s and women’s friendships differ?
What are the peripheral social relationships of the elderly? Why may these be
important?
5.4 WORK AND LEISURE
Work is something common to all of humanity and always has been (Nydegger
et al., 2017). In fact, human civilisation was built on work. In the earliest
stages of human civilisation, work was confined to simple tasks involving
the most basic of human needs: food, childcare, and shelter. However, owing
to technological, cultural, political, and economic developments, work has
become not only an essential part of our lives to survive and develop,
but also a factor that could have a major effect on our general well-being
(Hannan et al., 2017).
386
5.4.1 The importance of work
Apart from the economic value of work, it also contributes to an individual’s
identity. For example, many adults may answer the question “Who are you?”
in terms of their careers. Additionally, work is a way in which individuals
satisfy many of their psychological and social needs. More specifically, work
fulfils the following functions (Bosman et al., 2005; Santrock, 2015):
• A person’s identity is often defined according to the kind of work he
or she does. This is illustrated by the fact that a person’s occupation
is often one of the first subjects that come up when strangers meet or
when one asks about someone one does not know.
• Work is a means to physical survival and provides an income to feed,
clothe and shelter families and important others.
• Work provides opportunities to be creative or productive. Therefore,
work is a form of self-expression.
• Work improves physical health by reducing the risk of diseases such as
high blood pressure, diabetes, and coronary heart disease.
• Work improves mental health by decreasing stress, depression, and
anxiety, and generates a general sense of well-being.
• Work determines an individual’s place and status in society.
• Work contributes to the individual’s feeling of self-esteem and therefore
contributes to the formation of his or her self-concept.
• Work creates a structure and rhythm to life: It defines one’s daily
schedules and outlines the programme for days, weeks, and months of
the year.
• Work provides opportunities for social interactions outside the family.
• Work provides opportunities for personal development and intellectual
growth.
Not all individuals value work in the same way. Some individuals focus
on the intrinsic factors of their work and others on the extrinsic factors
(Bektas, 2017; Whitbourne, 2008). Intrinsic factors refer to the attitude
of the individual towards her/his job and to the characteristics of work
(such as being interesting or challenging) as well as to the specific skills
that it requires. Extrinsic factors refer to aspects such as salary, the work
environment, working hours, attitudes and support from colleagues, and
opportunities for promotion. People who focus on the intrinsic factors are
more inclined to experience work satisfaction, motivation, and personal
involvement in their work than those who focus on extrinsic factors. They
387
 REVIEW THIS SECTION (continued)
14. Discuss the various styles of grandparenting. What factors contribute to the
different grandparenting styles? How do most grandparents experience their role?
What is a skipped-generation family? How do grandparents in a skipped-generation
family experience their role?
15. What is intergenerational parenting? What is the core question in this regard? Why
may the relationship between ageing parents and their adult children be ambivalent?
Describe the age-related changes in intergenerational relationships. Discuss
the solidarity-conflict model as an example of the complexity of intergenerational
relationships. Discuss the issue of the so-called sandwich generation.
16. What is a single-parent family? How may this family structure be formed? What may
the specific stressors of a single-parent family be? Which factors may guard against
the negative effects of single-parenthood?
17. Discuss the effects on parents of children who emigrate to other countries.
18. Distinguish between involuntary and voluntary childlessness. Discuss the reasons
why people may choose the option to be childfree. How may culture have an
influence on a person’s decision to remain childless? Are there differences between
couples with and without children regarding life and marital satisfaction?
19. Describe the nature of sibling relationships in adulthood. Discuss Gold’s five
categories of sibling relationships in terms of closeness and involvement. How may
sibling relationships in adulthood differ from sibling relationships during childhood?
How may changes in life events affect the relationship?
20. Describe the type of friendships defined by Aristotle more than 2000 years ago.
Do you think these types may still apply today? Give reasons for your answer. What
is the function of friends in adulthood? How do friendships change over the adult life
span? What are the characteristics of a good friendship? Discuss the divergent
friendship styles during adulthood. How do men’s and women’s friendships differ?
What are the peripheral social relationships of the elderly? Why may these be
important?
5.4 WORK AND LEISURE
Work is something common to all of humanity and always has been (Nydegger
et al., 2017). In fact, human civilisation was built on work. In the earliest
stages of human civilisation, work was confined to simple tasks involving
the most basic of human needs: food, childcare, and shelter. However, owing
to technological, cultural, political, and economic developments, work has
become not only an essential part of our lives to survive and develop,
but also a factor that could have a major effect on our general well-being
(Hannan et al., 2017).
386
5.4.1 The importance of work
Apart from the economic value of work, it also contributes to an individual’s
identity. For example, many adults may answer the question “Who are you?”
in terms of their careers. Additionally, work is a way in which individuals
satisfy many of their psychological and social needs. More specifically, work
fulfils the following functions (Bosman et al., 2005; Santrock, 2015):
• A person’s identity is often defined according to the kind of work he
or she does. This is illustrated by the fact that a person’s occupation
is often one of the first subjects that come up when strangers meet or
when one asks about someone one does not know.
• Work is a means to physical survival and provides an income to feed,
clothe and shelter families and important others.
• Work provides opportunities to be creative or productive. Therefore,
work is a form of self-expression.
• Work improves physical health by reducing the risk of diseases such as
high blood pressure, diabetes, and coronary heart disease.
• Work improves mental health by decreasing stress, depression, and
anxiety, and generates a general sense of well-being.
• Work determines an individual’s place and status in society.
• Work contributes to the individual’s feeling of self-esteem and therefore
contributes to the formation of his or her self-concept.
• Work creates a structure and rhythm to life: It defines one’s daily
schedules and outlines the programme for days, weeks, and months of
the year.
• Work provides opportunities for social interactions outside the family.
• Work provides opportunities for personal development and intellectual
growth.
Not all individuals value work in the same way. Some individuals focus
on the intrinsic factors of their work and others on the extrinsic factors
(Bektas, 2017; Whitbourne, 2008). Intrinsic factors refer to the attitude
of the individual towards her/his job and to the characteristics of work
(such as being interesting or challenging) as well as to the specific skills
that it requires. Extrinsic factors refer to aspects such as salary, the work
environment, working hours, attitudes and support from colleagues, and
opportunities for promotion. People who focus on the intrinsic factors are
more inclined to experience work satisfaction, motivation, and personal
involvement in their work than those who focus on extrinsic factors. They
387
are also more inclined to define their identities in terms of their work.
The value that work has for the individual can be derived from the fact
that most people indicate that they would continue to work, even if it were
not necessary (e.g. if they should win or inherit a lot of money), or that
they would like to continue working after retirement, even if only on a part-
time basis. Other evidence regarding the meaning of work for individuals is
related to their reactions when they lose their jobs.
However, not everybody is fortunate to have a job or career. Rising
unemployment is a worldwide phenomenon. In South Africa, the
unemployment rate is about 25% or 15 million people (Statistics South
Africa, 2018). (Comparative international figures are USA, UK and Germany
about 4%; Greece about 25%, Brazil about 12% and Niger in West Africa
less than 3%.) This phenomenon is attributable to various factors that may
vary from country to country. These factors include low productivity, lack of
entrepreneurship to create own employment opportunities, technological
development that has replaced human labour with technical processes, poor
education and resulting inadequate
skills, poor governmental economic
policies, and political corruption.
Unemployment is regarded as
one of the most serious dilemmas
a country could face, as the
consequences involve all spheres
of life. Unemployment not only has
serious economic consequences,
but also far-reaching psychological
effects such as problems with life
goals, stigmatisation, poor self-
concept, and uncertain identity.
The latter could lead to anxiety and
depression, as well as feelings of
worthlessness, anger, aggression,
lack of self-confidence, boredom, Unemployment is one of South Africa’s most
reduced motivation, and isolation serious dilemmas
from friends and family (Belle et al.,
2018). Unemployment also affects the marital relationship, often with divorce
as a result. Family life may also be affected negatively, for example through
family violence and child abuse, while suicide and even homicide have been
reported. The authority of the parents could also be undermined, which
in turn obstructs the maintenance of discipline and control. Unemployed
fathers are also inclined to withdraw from their parental duties (Richter,
2008). An unemployed person’s physical health may be compromised in
several ways, for example by headaches, heart problems, alcohol and drug
abuse, sleep disorders, and eating disorders. An increased mortality rate has
also been found (Santrock, 2015).
Another factor relating to the changing employment scene is job
insecurity. Employees who anticipate potential job loss and those who have
retained their positions after experiencing downsizing may feel the adverse
effects as profoundly as those who are made redundant. Some negative
effects include burnout, low morale, decreased commitment, reduced
loyalty, and reduced performance (Bosman et al., 2005).
An important factor that contributes to a person’s adjustment after
losing his or her job is the context in which the person evaluates the situation.
Some individuals can transform unemployment into new opportunities for
emotional and professional growth. For example, they begin to explore
career options and to direct their search toward jobs that provide a better
person-job fit than the one they had (Kanfer & Button, 2015). Unemployment
could also stimulate entrepreneurship and creativity. The ingenuity of
some people in desperate circumstances is often astonishing and a salient
reminder of the resilience people show in the face of adversity. Consider, for
example, the informal sector, small businesses and flea markets that have
become important features of the South African economy.
5.4.2 The career cycle
Some authors such as Daniel Levinson have proposed that adult growth and
development proceed through a series of stages and transitional phases.
During each stage, certain tasks have to be fulfilled, while the transitional
phases are characterised by the questioning and reassessment of the
existing structure, the exploration of possible changes and the taking of
appropriate decisions. These, and similar viewpoints, have been applied in
career psychology. Various researchers propose a series of stages according
to which people’s career cycle develops (see Bergh, 2017; Coetzee &
Schreuder, 2016). Some of the stages, tasks, and issues of the career cycle
are the following:
(a) The pre-career period (younger than 20 years)
During this period, the focus is on career choice and preparation for a
career. This usually occurs during late adolescence when various options

388 389
are also more inclined to define their identities in terms of their work.
The value that work has for the individual can be derived from the fact
that most people indicate that they would continue to work, even if it were
not necessary (e.g. if they should win or inherit a lot of money), or that
they would like to continue working after retirement, even if only on a part-
time basis. Other evidence regarding the meaning of work for individuals is
related to their reactions when they lose their jobs.
However, not everybody is fortunate to have a job or career. Rising
unemployment is a worldwide phenomenon. In South Africa, the
unemployment rate is about 25% or 15 million people (Statistics South
Africa, 2018). (Comparative international figures are USA, UK and Germany
about 4%; Greece about 25%, Brazil about 12% and Niger in West Africa
less than 3%.) This phenomenon is attributable to various factors that may
vary from country to country. These factors include low productivity, lack of
entrepreneurship to create own employment opportunities, technological
development that has replaced human labour with technical processes, poor
education and resulting inadequate
skills, poor governmental economic
policies, and political corruption.
Unemployment is regarded as
one of the most serious dilemmas
a country could face, as the
consequences involve all spheres
of life. Unemployment not only has
serious economic consequences,
but also far-reaching psychological
effects such as problems with life
goals, stigmatisation, poor self-
concept, and uncertain identity.
The latter could lead to anxiety and
depression, as well as feelings of
worthlessness, anger, aggression,
lack of self-confidence, boredom, Unemployment is one of South Africa’s most
reduced motivation, and isolation serious dilemmas
from friends and family (Belle et al.,
2018). Unemployment also affects the marital relationship, often with divorce
as a result. Family life may also be affected negatively, for example through
family violence and child abuse, while suicide and even homicide have been
reported. The authority of the parents could also be undermined, which
in turn obstructs the maintenance of discipline and control. Unemployed
fathers are also inclined to withdraw from their parental duties (Richter,
2008). An unemployed person’s physical health may be compromised in
several ways, for example by headaches, heart problems, alcohol and drug
abuse, sleep disorders, and eating disorders. An increased mortality rate has
also been found (Santrock, 2015).
Another factor relating to the changing employment scene is job
insecurity. Employees who anticipate potential job loss and those who have
retained their positions after experiencing downsizing may feel the adverse
effects as profoundly as those who are made redundant. Some negative
effects include burnout, low morale, decreased commitment, reduced
loyalty, and reduced performance (Bosman et al., 2005).
An important factor that contributes to a person’s adjustment after
losing his or her job is the context in which the person evaluates the situation.
Some individuals can transform unemployment into new opportunities for
emotional and professional growth. For example, they begin to explore
career options and to direct their search toward jobs that provide a better
person-job fit than the one they had (Kanfer & Button, 2015). Unemployment
could also stimulate entrepreneurship and creativity. The ingenuity of
some people in desperate circumstances is often astonishing and a salient
reminder of the resilience people show in the face of adversity. Consider, for
example, the informal sector, small businesses and flea markets that have
become important features of the South African economy.
5.4.2 The career cycle
Some authors such as Daniel Levinson have proposed that adult growth and
development proceed through a series of stages and transitional phases.
During each stage, certain tasks have to be fulfilled, while the transitional
phases are characterised by the questioning and reassessment of the
existing structure, the exploration of possible changes and the taking of
appropriate decisions. These, and similar viewpoints, have been applied in
career psychology. Various researchers propose a series of stages according
to which people’s career cycle develops (see Bergh, 2017; Coetzee &
Schreuder, 2016). Some of the stages, tasks, and issues of the career cycle
are the following:
(a) The pre-career period (younger than 20 years)
During this period, the focus is on career choice and preparation for a
career. This usually occurs during late adolescence when various options

388 389
are considered. Choosing a career is one of the most important and difficult
decisions of a person’s life. A variety of factors such as finances, aptitude,
interest, and opportunities play a role and even complicate the decision. The
career that is chosen will determine what kind of training will be necessary, if
any. If training is necessary, it means that actual entry into a career could be
postponed by several years. It is common during this period of training that
individuals realise that they have made the wrong choice and should rather
pursue another career.
(b) The early career period
This stage means that the person is entering a career and that a challenging
and interesting phase in his or her life has begun. Entering a career is
accompanied by new roles and responsibilities. When individuals enter the
world of careers for the first time, they are often confronted by unexpected
problems and frustrations. For example, new workers often enter the work
situation with high expectations, but often experience a ‘reality shock’. This
reality shock can be attributed to a gap between the expectations of the work
situation and the reality that is experienced. Individuals often have a ‘dream’
regarding the goals they would like to reach in their careers. Therefore, it is
not strange for young workers to experience less job satisfaction than older
workers do (Iroegbu, 2015), or change jobs more often than older workers
do (Fan & DeVaro, 2015). Job-hopping by younger workers is often related
to the fact that, over time, they tend to acquire better insight into their own
personalities, abilities, and aspirations and thus realise that their initial career
choices were incorrect. In due course, the initial frustrations are overcome,
especially as workers acquire skills and their self-confidence improves. A
mentor is often of the utmost importance in assisting new workers in their
adjustment process. Hereafter, a period of consolidation and establishment
occurs, which implies that individuals become more realistic regarding their
careers.
(c) The mid-career period (about 35 to 50 years)
The importance and influence of work continue during mid-life. During this
period, workers are usually in the maintenance stage, which is marked by
continual adjustment processes to improve their position. In general, workers
obtain more autonomy in their work situation and work life as they grow
older. If they advance in status and salary, workers are likely to experience
more job satisfaction than during the earlier career stages. Job satisfaction
390
is the positive feelings that result from an appraisal of one’s work; in other
words, how content one is with one’s work. In general, job satisfaction tends
to increase gradually with age, although age is not the only defining factor.
Other factors such as a good fit between the job and the person, relationship
with colleagues, relationship with leadership, financial compensation,
benefits and perks, and opportunity for development and advancement
also play a role. It is often said that job satisfaction is a journey, not a final
destination (Riza et al., 2016). The role of personality in job satisfaction is
controversial, mainly because of contradictory findings. For example, some
have found that extraversion is linked positively to job satisfaction, while
other researchers found no correlation (Bui, 2017; Yang et al., 2014). A
reason for this is that, although extraversion may correlate positively with
some occupations (such as salespersons, advocates, and politicians), it will
not necessary be a good fit for others (such as accountants, statisticians,
and librarians). Regarding gender, female employees seem to experience
a higher level of job satisfaction than male employees do (Iroegbu, 2015).
The reason for this could be that males are generally the main breadwinners
of the family; therefore, they tend to shoulder many responsibilities in
this regard. Because their financial responsibilities are usually larger, their
expectations from their jobs are usually higher than those of females, and
the inability of the public service to meet these expectations could lead to
reduced job satisfaction.
Although most of the aforementioned variables regarding job
satisfaction also apply to South Africa, South African workers often have to
battle with additional factors. For example, black South Africans experience
more racial harassment in the workplace than white employees do and
thus show lower job satisfaction (Stoermer et al., 2017). The detrimental
effects of racial harassment in the workplace on job satisfaction seem to
be more pronounced among highly career-oriented individuals and/or
among employees with no or low managerial rank. On the other hand, white
(especially male) employees experience more job insecurity than their black
male counterparts do (De Beer et al., 2016). This insecurity mainly stems
from politically motivated factors such as affirmative action.
A dilemma that occurs especially during the mid-career period (but
is not exclusive to this period), is workaholism, a phenomenon that has
a prevalence of nearly 10% among the working population (Andreassen,
2014). Although different viewpoints of the phenomenon exist, Clark and her
co-workers (2016) provide the following definition and description: Feeling
compelled to work because of internal pressures; having persistent thoughts
about work when not working; working beyond what is reasonably expected
391
are considered. Choosing a career is one of the most important and difficult
decisions of a person’s life. A variety of factors such as finances, aptitude,
interest, and opportunities play a role and even complicate the decision. The
career that is chosen will determine what kind of training will be necessary, if
any. If training is necessary, it means that actual entry into a career could be
postponed by several years. It is common during this period of training that
individuals realise that they have made the wrong choice and should rather
pursue another career.
(b) The early career period
This stage means that the person is entering a career and that a challenging
and interesting phase in his or her life has begun. Entering a career is
accompanied by new roles and responsibilities. When individuals enter the
world of careers for the first time, they are often confronted by unexpected
problems and frustrations. For example, new workers often enter the work
situation with high expectations, but often experience a ‘reality shock’. This
reality shock can be attributed to a gap between the expectations of the work
situation and the reality that is experienced. Individuals often have a ‘dream’
regarding the goals they would like to reach in their careers. Therefore, it is
not strange for young workers to experience less job satisfaction than older
workers do (Iroegbu, 2015), or change jobs more often than older workers
do (Fan & DeVaro, 2015). Job-hopping by younger workers is often related
to the fact that, over time, they tend to acquire better insight into their own
personalities, abilities, and aspirations and thus realise that their initial career
choices were incorrect. In due course, the initial frustrations are overcome,
especially as workers acquire skills and their self-confidence improves. A
mentor is often of the utmost importance in assisting new workers in their
adjustment process. Hereafter, a period of consolidation and establishment
occurs, which implies that individuals become more realistic regarding their
careers.
(c) The mid-career period (about 35 to 50 years)
The importance and influence of work continue during mid-life. During this
period, workers are usually in the maintenance stage, which is marked by
continual adjustment processes to improve their position. In general, workers
obtain more autonomy in their work situation and work life as they grow
older. If they advance in status and salary, workers are likely to experience
more job satisfaction than during the earlier career stages. Job satisfaction
390
is the positive feelings that result from an appraisal of one’s work; in other
words, how content one is with one’s work. In general, job satisfaction tends
to increase gradually with age, although age is not the only defining factor.
Other factors such as a good fit between the job and the person, relationship
with colleagues, relationship with leadership, financial compensation,
benefits and perks, and opportunity for development and advancement
also play a role. It is often said that job satisfaction is a journey, not a final
destination (Riza et al., 2016). The role of personality in job satisfaction is
controversial, mainly because of contradictory findings. For example, some
have found that extraversion is linked positively to job satisfaction, while
other researchers found no correlation (Bui, 2017; Yang et al., 2014). A
reason for this is that, although extraversion may correlate positively with
some occupations (such as salespersons, advocates, and politicians), it will
not necessary be a good fit for others (such as accountants, statisticians,
and librarians). Regarding gender, female employees seem to experience
a higher level of job satisfaction than male employees do (Iroegbu, 2015).
The reason for this could be that males are generally the main breadwinners
of the family; therefore, they tend to shoulder many responsibilities in
this regard. Because their financial responsibilities are usually larger, their
expectations from their jobs are usually higher than those of females, and
the inability of the public service to meet these expectations could lead to
reduced job satisfaction.
Although most of the aforementioned variables regarding job
satisfaction also apply to South Africa, South African workers often have to
battle with additional factors. For example, black South Africans experience
more racial harassment in the workplace than white employees do and
thus show lower job satisfaction (Stoermer et al., 2017). The detrimental
effects of racial harassment in the workplace on job satisfaction seem to
be more pronounced among highly career-oriented individuals and/or
among employees with no or low managerial rank. On the other hand, white
(especially male) employees experience more job insecurity than their black
male counterparts do (De Beer et al., 2016). This insecurity mainly stems
from politically motivated factors such as affirmative action.
A dilemma that occurs especially during the mid-career period (but
is not exclusive to this period), is workaholism, a phenomenon that has
a prevalence of nearly 10% among the working population (Andreassen,
2014). Although different viewpoints of the phenomenon exist, Clark and her
co-workers (2016) provide the following definition and description: Feeling
compelled to work because of internal pressures; having persistent thoughts
about work when not working; working beyond what is reasonably expected
391
of the worker (as established by work-family conflict, whereas work engagement is related positively to
the requirements of the job or work-family enrichment.
basic economic needs) despite the
potential for negative consequences Several personality traits have been linked to workaholism, of which
(e.g. marital or health issues). conscientiousness, emotional instability, and perfectionism are among the
Clark and her co-workers refer to most important (Jackson et al., 2016; Součková et al., 2014). However, these
the question whether workaholism is correlations are relatively weak, and there are many differences across
a positive or negative phenomenon. studies (Clark et al., 2016). Two of the reasons for this are that researchers’
Some have argued that workaholism definitions of workaholism differ and that they use different measuring
is associated with a high level of instruments in their research.
eustress (pleasant stress) and Furthermore, the mid-career period has its own set of problems:
other positive outcomes such as Individuals who have already been working for several decades could now
job and life satisfaction and high reach a career plateau, which means that they have reached a stage where
performance, and that workaholics there are not many opportunities for advancement, or where the prospects
may serve as role models for other of being promoted become limited. The reasons could be external and/or
employees. Workaholics have also Workaholism could have a variety of negative
internal (Godschalk & Fender, 2015). External reasons include the structure
been described as hard workers who outcomes of the organisation that makes it impossible for promotion or because the
greatly enjoy their work. However, person has not kept up with developments in his or her field. Internal reasons
the research overwhelmingly supports the view that workaholism is a include lack of motivation or feelings of inadequacy. This could result in
negative phenomenon associated with a wide variety of negative outcomes. individuals questioning and evaluating their values and career goals, which
Clarke et al. regard it as important to distinguish between workaholism and could cause them to realise that they have not yet attained their goals or
work engagement (hard work) (also see American Psychiatric Association, dream and that they most probably never will. Conversely, this could lead
2017; Killinger, 2011): to a more balanced perspective, such as developing other interests, or
heightened input such as investing more time and energy in their work, or
• The motivations underlying these two behaviours differ. Whereas opting for a career change.
engaged workers are driven to work because they find it intrinsically Another problem that often occurs during the mid-career stage is the
pleasurable, workaholics are driven to work because they feel an inner so-called burnout syndrome or work burnout. The burnout syndrome or
compulsion to work — a feeling that they ‘must be’ working. work burnout is associated with work-related stress and is characterised by
• The emotions that workaholics and engaged workers seem to emotional and physical fatigue, feelings of inefficiency, helplessness, and loss
experience differ significantly. For example, workaholism is related to of control. Therefore, various psychological, physical, social, and interpersonal
the experience of negative discrete emotions (i.e. guilt, anxiety, anger, problems may result, such as depression and anxiety, and withdrawal from
and disappointment), be it personal, at work, or at home, which often family and friends. At work, lower productivity, professional mistakes, poor
leads to the worker using work as an escape mechanism. On the other working relationships, absenteeism, and sudden resignation also occur
hand, work engagement is related to the experience of positive discrete (Khdour et al, 2015; Suñer-Soler et al., 2014). Burnout is particularly common
emotions (i.e. joviality, attentiveness, and self-assurance) at work and in individuals who work in the helping professions (e.g. teaching, mental
home. health professions, medical professions, the legal profession, and police
• The consequences differ. Workaholism is linked primarily with negative service). Several South African studies have indicated high prevalence rates
outcomes, while work engagement is linked primarily with positive in several of these professions. For example, the emotional exhaustion rate
outcomes. For example, there is a correlation between workaholism and among a group of therapists (psychologists, social workers, occupational
therapists, etc.) is nearly 60% (Du Plessis et al., 2014). In another study,

392 393
of the worker (as established by work-family conflict, whereas work engagement is related positively to
the requirements of the job or work-family enrichment.
basic economic needs) despite the
potential for negative consequences Several personality traits have been linked to workaholism, of which
(e.g. marital or health issues). conscientiousness, emotional instability, and perfectionism are among the
Clark and her co-workers refer to most important (Jackson et al., 2016; Součková et al., 2014). However, these
the question whether workaholism is correlations are relatively weak, and there are many differences across
a positive or negative phenomenon. studies (Clark et al., 2016). Two of the reasons for this are that researchers’
Some have argued that workaholism definitions of workaholism differ and that they use different measuring
is associated with a high level of instruments in their research.
eustress (pleasant stress) and Furthermore, the mid-career period has its own set of problems:
other positive outcomes such as Individuals who have already been working for several decades could now
job and life satisfaction and high reach a career plateau, which means that they have reached a stage where
performance, and that workaholics there are not many opportunities for advancement, or where the prospects
may serve as role models for other of being promoted become limited. The reasons could be external and/or
employees. Workaholics have also Workaholism could have a variety of negative
internal (Godschalk & Fender, 2015). External reasons include the structure
been described as hard workers who outcomes of the organisation that makes it impossible for promotion or because the
greatly enjoy their work. However, person has not kept up with developments in his or her field. Internal reasons
the research overwhelmingly supports the view that workaholism is a include lack of motivation or feelings of inadequacy. This could result in
negative phenomenon associated with a wide variety of negative outcomes. individuals questioning and evaluating their values and career goals, which
Clarke et al. regard it as important to distinguish between workaholism and could cause them to realise that they have not yet attained their goals or
work engagement (hard work) (also see American Psychiatric Association, dream and that they most probably never will. Conversely, this could lead
2017; Killinger, 2011): to a more balanced perspective, such as developing other interests, or
heightened input such as investing more time and energy in their work, or
• The motivations underlying these two behaviours differ. Whereas opting for a career change.
engaged workers are driven to work because they find it intrinsically Another problem that often occurs during the mid-career stage is the
pleasurable, workaholics are driven to work because they feel an inner so-called burnout syndrome or work burnout. The burnout syndrome or
compulsion to work — a feeling that they ‘must be’ working. work burnout is associated with work-related stress and is characterised by
• The emotions that workaholics and engaged workers seem to emotional and physical fatigue, feelings of inefficiency, helplessness, and loss
experience differ significantly. For example, workaholism is related to of control. Therefore, various psychological, physical, social, and interpersonal
the experience of negative discrete emotions (i.e. guilt, anxiety, anger, problems may result, such as depression and anxiety, and withdrawal from
and disappointment), be it personal, at work, or at home, which often family and friends. At work, lower productivity, professional mistakes, poor
leads to the worker using work as an escape mechanism. On the other working relationships, absenteeism, and sudden resignation also occur
hand, work engagement is related to the experience of positive discrete (Khdour et al, 2015; Suñer-Soler et al., 2014). Burnout is particularly common
emotions (i.e. joviality, attentiveness, and self-assurance) at work and in individuals who work in the helping professions (e.g. teaching, mental
home. health professions, medical professions, the legal profession, and police
• The consequences differ. Workaholism is linked primarily with negative service). Several South African studies have indicated high prevalence rates
outcomes, while work engagement is linked primarily with positive in several of these professions. For example, the emotional exhaustion rate
outcomes. For example, there is a correlation between workaholism and among a group of therapists (psychologists, social workers, occupational
therapists, etc.) is nearly 60% (Du Plessis et al., 2014). In another study,

392 393
findings show that the burnout rate among medical doctors is about 75% (d) The late career period (about 50 to 65 years)
(Rossouw et al., 2011). Police officers in particular suffer from high burnout
rates (Louw & Viviers, 2010). Burnout-related outcomes such as stress, This period is generally characterised by deceleration and disengagement,
trauma and anxiety often lead to suicide (Wasserman et al., 2015). where workers begin planning in earnest for their impending retirement
The main reasons for burnout and begin separating themselves from their work. However, many others
include working in a high-pressure continue as before with no signs of deceleration and disengagement. In
environment (especially if it is dis- fact, South African industrial psychologists Schreuder and Coetzee (2016)
organised); the person feels that state that people in this career period still make valuable contributions in
he or she has no or little control their fields. Some individuals only then move into senior and managerial
over his or her work; salaries are positions where they have more executive responsibilities and decision-
poor; the person feels unskilled making requirements.
for the specific job; or the person As we have seen in Chapter 3, there are several myths concerning the
is over-committed and has nature and effect of cognitive abilities during this career period. Two
unrealistic career expectations. perspectives should be kept in mind in this regard (see Santrock, 2015):
Personality characteristics such First, older workers perform better than their younger counterparts do in
as high idealism, perfectionism, certain areas that are important but have a weak link with cognitive ability.
extreme loyalty, or emotional For example, people in the late career period tend to have lower rates of
instability and general negativity absenteeism and fewer mishaps. Second, in occupations with high levels of
may also play a role (Martínez- intellectual demands, cognitive decline is non-significant due to continuous
Zaragoza, 2017; Zadel, 2018). A Burnout syndrome cognitive stimulation. In this regard, the use-it-or-lose-it hypothesis has
lack of family support has also been suggested. According to this hypothesis, ageing-related reduction
been linked to burnout (Louw, capacities are in part due to the disuse of certain skills and abilities, and
2014). Work burnout is usually a reaction to long-term stress rather than the lack of cognitive challenges during adulthood and old age (Wang &
a sudden crisis. It is often associated with high-level occupations, although Shi, 2016). Therefore, exposure to complex cognitive challenges (such as in
individuals in low-paying, low-status careers where they have little say and continued work-related challenges) can stimulate constructive neurological
are subjected to abuse from their superiors could also experience work changes in the brain that may enhance the ability of the brain to compensate
burnout. However, even in highly stressful situations, many people remain for age-related reduction in cognitive functioning.
unaffected, usually because of factors such as social support, personality
factors such as resilience, as well as positive coping strategies (Louw & (e) Retirement
Viviers, 2010; Wasserman et al., 2015).
What are the effects of age-related changes in adults’ work performance? The retirement phase begins when people stop working full-time. The
Research has indicated that in most occupations, middle-aged workers mandatory retirement age in South Africa is 65 years in most organisations.
perform their work as competently as younger adults do (see Santrock, However, many self-employed people such as doctors, psychologists,
2015). However, the ability to work effectively usually peaks during middle lawyers, artists, artisans, and business people are not affected by a
age because of increased motivation, work experience, employer loyalty, compulsory retirement age. Others retire completely from one job, only to
and improved strategic thinking. Age-related declines occur in some work take on another part-time job.
areas or occupations where physicality plays an important role, such as The issue of mandatory retirement at the age of 65 (or any other age) has
professional sports, or where sensory acuity is important (such as in the become very controversial and is regarded by many as age discrimination
case of air traffic controllers). or ageism. The view is that as long as workers compare favourably with
colleagues in younger age groups, it is unacceptable to force them to retire

394 395
findings show that the burnout rate among medical doctors is about 75% (d) The late career period (about 50 to 65 years)
(Rossouw et al., 2011). Police officers in particular suffer from high burnout
rates (Louw & Viviers, 2010). Burnout-related outcomes such as stress, This period is generally characterised by deceleration and disengagement,
trauma and anxiety often lead to suicide (Wasserman et al., 2015). where workers begin planning in earnest for their impending retirement
The main reasons for burnout and begin separating themselves from their work. However, many others
include working in a high-pressure continue as before with no signs of deceleration and disengagement. In
environment (especially if it is dis- fact, South African industrial psychologists Schreuder and Coetzee (2016)
organised); the person feels that state that people in this career period still make valuable contributions in
he or she has no or little control their fields. Some individuals only then move into senior and managerial
over his or her work; salaries are positions where they have more executive responsibilities and decision-
poor; the person feels unskilled making requirements.
for the specific job; or the person As we have seen in Chapter 3, there are several myths concerning the
is over-committed and has nature and effect of cognitive abilities during this career period. Two
unrealistic career expectations. perspectives should be kept in mind in this regard (see Santrock, 2015):
Personality characteristics such First, older workers perform better than their younger counterparts do in
as high idealism, perfectionism, certain areas that are important but have a weak link with cognitive ability.
extreme loyalty, or emotional For example, people in the late career period tend to have lower rates of
instability and general negativity absenteeism and fewer mishaps. Second, in occupations with high levels of
may also play a role (Martínez- intellectual demands, cognitive decline is non-significant due to continuous
Zaragoza, 2017; Zadel, 2018). A Burnout syndrome cognitive stimulation. In this regard, the use-it-or-lose-it hypothesis has
lack of family support has also been suggested. According to this hypothesis, ageing-related reduction
been linked to burnout (Louw, capacities are in part due to the disuse of certain skills and abilities, and
2014). Work burnout is usually a reaction to long-term stress rather than the lack of cognitive challenges during adulthood and old age (Wang &
a sudden crisis. It is often associated with high-level occupations, although Shi, 2016). Therefore, exposure to complex cognitive challenges (such as in
individuals in low-paying, low-status careers where they have little say and continued work-related challenges) can stimulate constructive neurological
are subjected to abuse from their superiors could also experience work changes in the brain that may enhance the ability of the brain to compensate
burnout. However, even in highly stressful situations, many people remain for age-related reduction in cognitive functioning.
unaffected, usually because of factors such as social support, personality
factors such as resilience, as well as positive coping strategies (Louw & (e) Retirement
Viviers, 2010; Wasserman et al., 2015).
What are the effects of age-related changes in adults’ work performance? The retirement phase begins when people stop working full-time. The
Research has indicated that in most occupations, middle-aged workers mandatory retirement age in South Africa is 65 years in most organisations.
perform their work as competently as younger adults do (see Santrock, However, many self-employed people such as doctors, psychologists,
2015). However, the ability to work effectively usually peaks during middle lawyers, artists, artisans, and business people are not affected by a
age because of increased motivation, work experience, employer loyalty, compulsory retirement age. Others retire completely from one job, only to
and improved strategic thinking. Age-related declines occur in some work take on another part-time job.
areas or occupations where physicality plays an important role, such as The issue of mandatory retirement at the age of 65 (or any other age) has
professional sports, or where sensory acuity is important (such as in the become very controversial and is regarded by many as age discrimination
case of air traffic controllers). or ageism. The view is that as long as workers compare favourably with
colleagues in younger age groups, it is unacceptable to force them to retire

394 395
based on their chronological age. It is understandable that age discrimination
and thus forced retirement can have serious emotional problems (depression,
• Voluntary versus involuntary retirement. People who retire voluntarily
adjust better than those who are forced to retire. This underlines the
anxiety, low self-worth, etc.) and resulting physical health deterioration for
importance of control or mastery over one’s environment in maintaining
an older person who is still a good worker and does not want to retire.
well-being in old age. Not having a say in the timing of one’s retirement
challenges one’s opportunities for self-management.
• Future expectations. Retirement anxiety or the fear of the social
consequences of retirement, particularly the loss of contacts and social
status predicts how difficult adjustment to retirement will be.
• Attitude towards work. Individuals’ lifelong attitudes towards work
influence their attitudes towards retirement. Individuals who base their
identities mainly on their careers and who have few interests outside their
work find it difficult to adjust to the changed status of retirement, which
is often why some people prefer to continue working after retirement.
• Preparation for retirement. Persons who are well prepared for retirement
find adjustment after retirement much easier than those who are not
prepared for it do. For example, social scientists increasingly emphasise
the importance of a positive attitude and healthy lifestyle before
retirement. This implies that a positive attitude towards retirement
and realistic planning for this stage of life are important factors that
contribute to the adjustment to retirement.
In several countries, such as the USA, forced retirement is illegal. Based
on South African legal cases, Du Toit (2016) states that an employer in South
Retirement is a lifelong process, not a single event. In this regard, Ken
Africa cannot force an employee to retire, even if that employee has reached
Dychtwald (2018) identified five stages of emotional progression into
the age of 65. However, if the organisation that the person works for has a
retirement. This is only a guideline, as individual differences are, as always,
specific policy regarding a particular age of retirement, the employee has to
on the foreground:
abide by that policy (Chenia & Hofmeyr, 2018).
Retirement from work is one of the major life course transitions in late
■ Stage 1: Imagination (15 to 6 years before retirement). Although
adult life. It is a multidimensional transition that affects several life domains.
retirement is still years away, during this stage, people have very positive
The transition involves two developmental challenges: adjustment to the
views about retirement. However, not many are ‘on track’ in terms of
loss of the work role and the social ties associated with work, and the
preparation for retirement.
development of a satisfactory post-retirement lifestyle. The degree to which
■ Stage 2: Anticipation (5 years before retirement). As retirement draws
people will be able to adjust to retirement may be influenced by the following
closer, positive emotions are experienced, and by far the majority feel
(Aluodi & Njuguna, 2017; Van Solinge & Henkens, 2008; Whitbourne, 2008):
they will be able to achieve their dreams in retirement. However, in
the two years before retirement, worries and anxiety increase, with a
• Access to resources. Retirement satisfaction is related primarily to the
significant percentage saying they will feel a sense of loss after their
individual’s access to key resources such as finances, health, and the
retirement from work.
marital relationship. A loss of resources that cannot be compensated
■ Stage 3: Liberation (beginning of retirement and one year following).
for, such as one’s health or the loss of one’s partner, reduces retirement
This stage usually begins with excitement, relief, and enthusiasm.
satisfaction. People who enjoy financial security generally enjoy greater
However, this ‘honeymoon phase’ is often short-lived as the adjustments
retirement satisfaction.
from work life soon begin to set in. Some early retirees feel unsettled,
396 397
based on their chronological age. It is understandable that age discrimination
and thus forced retirement can have serious emotional problems (depression,
• Voluntary versus involuntary retirement. People who retire voluntarily
adjust better than those who are forced to retire. This underlines the
anxiety, low self-worth, etc.) and resulting physical health deterioration for
importance of control or mastery over one’s environment in maintaining
an older person who is still a good worker and does not want to retire.
well-being in old age. Not having a say in the timing of one’s retirement
challenges one’s opportunities for self-management.
• Future expectations. Retirement anxiety or the fear of the social
consequences of retirement, particularly the loss of contacts and social
status predicts how difficult adjustment to retirement will be.
• Attitude towards work. Individuals’ lifelong attitudes towards work
influence their attitudes towards retirement. Individuals who base their
identities mainly on their careers and who have few interests outside their
work find it difficult to adjust to the changed status of retirement, which
is often why some people prefer to continue working after retirement.
• Preparation for retirement. Persons who are well prepared for retirement
find adjustment after retirement much easier than those who are not
prepared for it do. For example, social scientists increasingly emphasise
the importance of a positive attitude and healthy lifestyle before
retirement. This implies that a positive attitude towards retirement
and realistic planning for this stage of life are important factors that
contribute to the adjustment to retirement.
In several countries, such as the USA, forced retirement is illegal. Based
on South African legal cases, Du Toit (2016) states that an employer in South
Retirement is a lifelong process, not a single event. In this regard, Ken
Africa cannot force an employee to retire, even if that employee has reached
Dychtwald (2018) identified five stages of emotional progression into
the age of 65. However, if the organisation that the person works for has a
retirement. This is only a guideline, as individual differences are, as always,
specific policy regarding a particular age of retirement, the employee has to
on the foreground:
abide by that policy (Chenia & Hofmeyr, 2018).
Retirement from work is one of the major life course transitions in late
■ Stage 1: Imagination (15 to 6 years before retirement). Although
adult life. It is a multidimensional transition that affects several life domains.
retirement is still years away, during this stage, people have very positive
The transition involves two developmental challenges: adjustment to the
views about retirement. However, not many are ‘on track’ in terms of
loss of the work role and the social ties associated with work, and the
preparation for retirement.
development of a satisfactory post-retirement lifestyle. The degree to which
■ Stage 2: Anticipation (5 years before retirement). As retirement draws
people will be able to adjust to retirement may be influenced by the following
closer, positive emotions are experienced, and by far the majority feel
(Aluodi & Njuguna, 2017; Van Solinge & Henkens, 2008; Whitbourne, 2008):
they will be able to achieve their dreams in retirement. However, in
the two years before retirement, worries and anxiety increase, with a
• Access to resources. Retirement satisfaction is related primarily to the
significant percentage saying they will feel a sense of loss after their
individual’s access to key resources such as finances, health, and the
retirement from work.
marital relationship. A loss of resources that cannot be compensated
■ Stage 3: Liberation (beginning of retirement and one year following).
for, such as one’s health or the loss of one’s partner, reduces retirement
This stage usually begins with excitement, relief, and enthusiasm.
satisfaction. People who enjoy financial security generally enjoy greater
However, this ‘honeymoon phase’ is often short-lived as the adjustments
retirement satisfaction.
from work life soon begin to set in. Some early retirees feel unsettled,
396 397
 anxious, and even bored after spending most of their life in a work-
centred identity.
■ Stage 4: Reorientation (2 to 15 years after retirement). During the
reorientation stage, many may say the joy of retirement has passed,
giving way to feelings of emptiness, worry, and boredom. This is the
point in the progression where an emotional plunge may occur to varying
degrees.
■ Stage 5: Reconciliation (16 or more years after retirement). This stage is
marked by increased contentment, acceptance, and personal reflection.
Retirees have come to terms with all that retirement has to offer. While
there is an upward mood swing, some people report feelings of sadness
and even depression as they
confront end-of-life issues.

Despite retirement and the

Older people can make a valuable contribution to society
associated adjustments, many
older South Africans continue to 5.4.3 Women’s career cycle
contribute to society in meaningful
ways, dispelling the myth that old Generally speaking, the career cycle described earlier is more typical of men
people are a burden to society. than of women. Many women derive personal meaning and satisfaction
Families are central to later life, from multiple domains of life, including but not limited to work. However,
with grandparents playing a for most men, work tends to fulfil a much more central role in shaping their
significant role. Many older people identity (Kovalenko & Kovalenko, 2011). Because of several factors (e.g. legal
are active, contributory adults steps to promote equality) women’s career cycle and role in the workplace
who provide a significant amount have changed significantly over the last few decades.
of practical and financial support However, several obstacles remain in a woman’s career path. A major one
to their families. Older people also is discrimination in the work situation, which is based primarily on certain
make an enormous contribution to Retirement can be a happy and fulfilling life stage
stereotypes and myths regarding women and work (e.g. that they are not
society as volunteers and personal work- or achievement-orientated and that pregnancies occur at inopportune
care providers, while many have some sort of paid work past retirement times, such as at an organisation’s busiest time). This unfortunate situation is
age (HSBC, 2007). However, research has pointed out that South Africa is reflected in the finding that about one third of South African companies have
very low on the list of best countries to retire in. When it comes to material no women in senior management positions (University of Cape Town, 2017).
well-being as such, SA scored the lowest of the 150 countries included in Dubell and Struwig (2014) describe this state of affairs as follows: Women’s
the survey (Global Retirement Index, 2015). Many elderly persons in South career progress appears to be influenced by what has been termed a glass
Africa are unable to create an affordable retirement funding plan and a large ceiling, referring to an abstract barrier that prevents the promotion of women
number will cash in their pension to cover necessities (Old Mutual, 2017; to higher and executive positions. One of the most prominent barriers is
Statistics South Africa, 2014). According to researchers in this field, there is gender stereotypes. The stereotype of gender roles, especially that women
an urgent need for health and social services to be restructured to provide are inferior to men and that they lack the ability to deal with the challenges
effective care for older South Africans, especially those living in rural areas of senior management, is a worldwide phenomenon. Gender stereotypes
(Gómez-Olivé et al., 2010). extend to leadership stereotypes where the tendency is to associate

398 399
 anxious, and even bored after spending most of their life in a work-
centred identity.
■ Stage 4: Reorientation (2 to 15 years after retirement). During the
reorientation stage, many may say the joy of retirement has passed,
giving way to feelings of emptiness, worry, and boredom. This is the
point in the progression where an emotional plunge may occur to varying
degrees.
■ Stage 5: Reconciliation (16 or more years after retirement). This stage is
marked by increased contentment, acceptance, and personal reflection.
Retirees have come to terms with all that retirement has to offer. While
there is an upward mood swing, some people report feelings of sadness
and even depression as they
confront end-of-life issues.

Despite retirement and the

Older people can make a valuable contribution to society
associated adjustments, many
older South Africans continue to 5.4.3 Women’s career cycle
contribute to society in meaningful
ways, dispelling the myth that old Generally speaking, the career cycle described earlier is more typical of men
people are a burden to society. than of women. Many women derive personal meaning and satisfaction
Families are central to later life, from multiple domains of life, including but not limited to work. However,
with grandparents playing a for most men, work tends to fulfil a much more central role in shaping their
significant role. Many older people identity (Kovalenko & Kovalenko, 2011). Because of several factors (e.g. legal
are active, contributory adults steps to promote equality) women’s career cycle and role in the workplace
who provide a significant amount have changed significantly over the last few decades.
of practical and financial support However, several obstacles remain in a woman’s career path. A major one
to their families. Older people also is discrimination in the work situation, which is based primarily on certain
make an enormous contribution to Retirement can be a happy and fulfilling life stage
stereotypes and myths regarding women and work (e.g. that they are not
society as volunteers and personal work- or achievement-orientated and that pregnancies occur at inopportune
care providers, while many have some sort of paid work past retirement times, such as at an organisation’s busiest time). This unfortunate situation is
age (HSBC, 2007). However, research has pointed out that South Africa is reflected in the finding that about one third of South African companies have
very low on the list of best countries to retire in. When it comes to material no women in senior management positions (University of Cape Town, 2017).
well-being as such, SA scored the lowest of the 150 countries included in Dubell and Struwig (2014) describe this state of affairs as follows: Women’s
the survey (Global Retirement Index, 2015). Many elderly persons in South career progress appears to be influenced by what has been termed a glass
Africa are unable to create an affordable retirement funding plan and a large ceiling, referring to an abstract barrier that prevents the promotion of women
number will cash in their pension to cover necessities (Old Mutual, 2017; to higher and executive positions. One of the most prominent barriers is
Statistics South Africa, 2014). According to researchers in this field, there is gender stereotypes. The stereotype of gender roles, especially that women
an urgent need for health and social services to be restructured to provide are inferior to men and that they lack the ability to deal with the challenges
effective care for older South Africans, especially those living in rural areas of senior management, is a worldwide phenomenon. Gender stereotypes
(Gómez-Olivé et al., 2010). extend to leadership stereotypes where the tendency is to associate

398 399
the profile of a competent worth, and intrinsic satisfaction (Person et al., 2016). In addition, increasingly
manager or leader with typical more women, especially professional women, are inclined to maintain
male characteristics. Further continuity in their careers. However, it does seem that women in the more
barriers to women’s career traditionally male careers such as medicine, law and business, are more likely
progress are an inhospitable to be more achievement-orientated than women in the more traditionally
organisational culture, a lack female careers such as teaching, social work and nursing are. Women in the
of female mentors and role latter careers are more inclined to make provision for marriage and family
models, social exclusion from responsibilities in their career cycles.
male networks and family
responsibility that is mostly
regarded as the (additional) Box 5.12 Toxic Femininity
‘responsibility of a woman’. Gender stereotypes An interesting phenomenon in the workplace is ‘toxic femininity’. It refers to women in
The career cycles of women an organisation who are hostile to nurturance and cooperation, preferring aggression
who enter the workforce and backstabbing to get ahead. This style denotes a superficially agreeable, yet
ruthless, self-focused, and false individual. Her authoritarian style poisons the working
are characterised mostly by interruption and follow a variety of patterns, environment that could otherwise nourish new ideas. Her ‘top-down’ communication
determined by their personal and family circumstances. Women’s careers style promotes a culture of dishonesty and fear. She knows how to be pleasing to those
could follow one of the following patterns (Golan, 1986): at the top and how to control and
step on and over those below. She
creates friction, pits co-workers
• Regular career. These women begin their careers after their training against each other, and promotes
and continue working with few or no interruptions. This career pattern dissension and an atmosphere of
resembles the traditional career cycle of men. suspicion and distrust.

• Interrupted career. Such women begin a career, but interrupt it for a few
How effective are these
women as leaders? Not very.
years (usually to raise children) and then return to the workforce. Some Research has indicated that an
establish their careers, begin a family, and return to the workforce after encouraging style and promoting
a few years. Others enter a career, interrupt it to raise children, and never cooperation are much more
effective leadership styles than
return to work. competitiveness, especially when
• Second career. Women who follow this career pattern typically begin fuelled by negativities.
Toxic femininity
their training and career when their children are almost ready to leave Sreenivasan & Weinberger (2017).
home, or after a divorce.
• Modified second career. This career pattern is typical of women who
begin their training while their children are still at home, but the children 5.4.4 Leisure and recreation
are old enough not to require full-time care. After training, they then
begin to work, often on a part-time basis, until the last child has left Leisure and recreation are defined as the periods during which individuals
home, after which they return to work full-time. have no work obligations and during which they can unwind and spend their
time as they wish (Collins English Dictionary, 2018). Leisure and recreation
In reality, women have the same attitudes as men regarding work-related are often used as synonyms, but the following distinction is made frequently:
aspects such as aspiration level, tolerance to frustration, and motivation for Leisure is relaxing time such as watching TV, reading, listening to music,
performance (Sebastian, 2013). (However, see Box 5.13 on toxic femininity.) or visiting friends. Recreation involves significant physical activity of a
Findings from a qualitative study with a group of South African women thrilling and exciting nature, such as sporting activities (e.g. hiking, biking,
indicate that similar to men, work enhances women’s sense of identity, self- or surfboarding), travelling, bird watching, or other enjoyable activities such

400 401
the profile of a competent worth, and intrinsic satisfaction (Person et al., 2016). In addition, increasingly
manager or leader with typical more women, especially professional women, are inclined to maintain
male characteristics. Further continuity in their careers. However, it does seem that women in the more
barriers to women’s career traditionally male careers such as medicine, law and business, are more likely
progress are an inhospitable to be more achievement-orientated than women in the more traditionally
organisational culture, a lack female careers such as teaching, social work and nursing are. Women in the
of female mentors and role latter careers are more inclined to make provision for marriage and family
models, social exclusion from responsibilities in their career cycles.
male networks and family
responsibility that is mostly
regarded as the (additional) Box 5.12 Toxic Femininity
‘responsibility of a woman’. Gender stereotypes An interesting phenomenon in the workplace is ‘toxic femininity’. It refers to women in
The career cycles of women an organisation who are hostile to nurturance and cooperation, preferring aggression
who enter the workforce and backstabbing to get ahead. This style denotes a superficially agreeable, yet
ruthless, self-focused, and false individual. Her authoritarian style poisons the working
are characterised mostly by interruption and follow a variety of patterns, environment that could otherwise nourish new ideas. Her ‘top-down’ communication
determined by their personal and family circumstances. Women’s careers style promotes a culture of dishonesty and fear. She knows how to be pleasing to those
could follow one of the following patterns (Golan, 1986): at the top and how to control and
step on and over those below. She
creates friction, pits co-workers
• Regular career. These women begin their careers after their training against each other, and promotes
and continue working with few or no interruptions. This career pattern dissension and an atmosphere of
resembles the traditional career cycle of men. suspicion and distrust.

• Interrupted career. Such women begin a career, but interrupt it for a few
How effective are these
women as leaders? Not very.
years (usually to raise children) and then return to the workforce. Some Research has indicated that an
establish their careers, begin a family, and return to the workforce after encouraging style and promoting
a few years. Others enter a career, interrupt it to raise children, and never cooperation are much more
effective leadership styles than
return to work. competitiveness, especially when
• Second career. Women who follow this career pattern typically begin fuelled by negativities.
Toxic femininity
their training and career when their children are almost ready to leave Sreenivasan & Weinberger (2017).
home, or after a divorce.
• Modified second career. This career pattern is typical of women who
begin their training while their children are still at home, but the children 5.4.4 Leisure and recreation
are old enough not to require full-time care. After training, they then
begin to work, often on a part-time basis, until the last child has left Leisure and recreation are defined as the periods during which individuals
home, after which they return to work full-time. have no work obligations and during which they can unwind and spend their
time as they wish (Collins English Dictionary, 2018). Leisure and recreation
In reality, women have the same attitudes as men regarding work-related are often used as synonyms, but the following distinction is made frequently:
aspects such as aspiration level, tolerance to frustration, and motivation for Leisure is relaxing time such as watching TV, reading, listening to music,
performance (Sebastian, 2013). (However, see Box 5.13 on toxic femininity.) or visiting friends. Recreation involves significant physical activity of a
Findings from a qualitative study with a group of South African women thrilling and exciting nature, such as sporting activities (e.g. hiking, biking,
indicate that similar to men, work enhances women’s sense of identity, self- or surfboarding), travelling, bird watching, or other enjoyable activities such

400 401
as hobbies. In this section, the two terms, unless otherwise indicated, are
used as synonyms.
Because of the work ethic, i.e. that hard work must be one’s first
priority, research has focused more on people’s career development than
on their leisure time or recreation. However, there seems to be increasing
interest in the general life satisfaction of humans. Career development
programmes currently emphasise not only the value of career choice, which
could contribute to a liveable income and work satisfaction, but also to
opportunities for recreation (HSBC, 2007). In fact, research has indicated
a relationship between happiness and recreation. Furthermore, recreation
contributes to life satisfaction, stress relief, people’s feelings of self-esteem,
and their identities (consider how many people relate their identities to sport).
In fact, South Africa’s Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994
accepted that sport and recreation contribute to the development of human
potential and regarded them as a part of a normal lifestyle. Consequently,
it has been accepted that more accessible and affordable facilities should
be created and that active participation in sport and recreation should
be encouraged. Activities that individuals undertake during their leisure
time could fulfil a great variety of needs, such as physical fitness, social
interaction, community service, and creative activities. An interesting hobby,
for example, may compensate for an uninteresting job.
How do leisure time activities change throughout adulthood? Young
adults are more likely than older adults are to take part in activities that
require vigorous physical activity. Young adults prefer to be part of large
groups and participate in a large variety of activities, whereas older adults
prefer smaller groups and participate only in activities that they enjoy.
Leisure can be of particular importance during middle adulthood
(Santrock, 2015). By middle adulthood, more money is usually available for
many individuals. There is also more free time (e.g. children are older or have
left the home). In short, middle adulthood may produce not only more time
for leisure, but also the financial means to take it to a higher level. If a person
has developed fulfilling leisure activities in middle adulthood that can be
continued into retirement, the transition from a full-time work to retirement
can be less stressful.
Although leisure is important across the life span and can have a
significant effect on various aspects of a person’s life, it has a special place
in late adulthood (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). Leisure activities can
contribute to older adults maintaining their health through physical activity,
as well as their cognitive functioning by means of intellectual stimulation.
A lower risk for cardiovascular illnesses such as heart failure and cognitive
402
disorders such as dementia has been reported widely. On a personal level,
a person may experience a range of psychological benefits, including an
enhanced sense of meaning in life and well-being, and even a feeling of self-
reinvention. Leisure also has social importance, for example for people who
feel lonely, who like to meet new people, are widowed, or have to relocate
for various reasons.
It should be considered that leisure is affected by various variables;
for example, gender (men generally have more leisure time than women
do, who have more parenting and household duties); culture (in some
cultures, sports activities dominate, while others are more into artistic and/
or homebound activities); and socio-historic changes (i.e. leisure activities
change over time, such as the change to electronic devices and the Internet
over the last few decades).
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Why is work an important aspect of adults’ lives? Describe the various functions
that work fulfils.
2. What are the intrinsic and extrinsic values of work? How do these values affect
people’s work satisfaction?
3. Discuss the rising unemployment rate in South Africa in terms of the following:
(a) How do we compare with other countries? (b) What are the reasons for the
high unemployment rate? (c) What are the effects of unemployment? (d) What are
the effects of job insecurity? (e) How could people counteract the negative effects
of losing their jobs?
4. Discuss the career cycle with regard to:
- the pre-career period
- the early career period
- the mid-career period
- the late career period
- retirement
5. Discuss the following phenomena: (a) workaholism (b) work engagement
(c) burnout syndrome.
6. Discuss the factors that could affect adjustment to retirement. Describe the five
stages of emotional progression into retirement. How do retired people contribute
to society? Why does South Africa score so low on the Global Retirement Index?
7. Discuss women’s career cycle. What are the obstacles in a woman’s career path?
What are the typical career patterns that women may follow? In what ways are
women’s career paths, attitudes, and aspirations similar to or different from those
of men? Discuss the phenomenon of ‘toxic femininity’.
8. Define leisure and recreation. Why is leisure time important in career development?
How do leisure activities change throughout adulthood? Describe the variables
that may affect leisure time.
403
as hobbies. In this section, the two terms, unless otherwise indicated, are
used as synonyms.
Because of the work ethic, i.e. that hard work must be one’s first
priority, research has focused more on people’s career development than
on their leisure time or recreation. However, there seems to be increasing
interest in the general life satisfaction of humans. Career development
programmes currently emphasise not only the value of career choice, which
could contribute to a liveable income and work satisfaction, but also to
opportunities for recreation (HSBC, 2007). In fact, research has indicated
a relationship between happiness and recreation. Furthermore, recreation
contributes to life satisfaction, stress relief, people’s feelings of self-esteem,
and their identities (consider how many people relate their identities to sport).
In fact, South Africa’s Reconstruction and Development Programme of 1994
accepted that sport and recreation contribute to the development of human
potential and regarded them as a part of a normal lifestyle. Consequently,
it has been accepted that more accessible and affordable facilities should
be created and that active participation in sport and recreation should
be encouraged. Activities that individuals undertake during their leisure
time could fulfil a great variety of needs, such as physical fitness, social
interaction, community service, and creative activities. An interesting hobby,
for example, may compensate for an uninteresting job.
How do leisure time activities change throughout adulthood? Young
adults are more likely than older adults are to take part in activities that
require vigorous physical activity. Young adults prefer to be part of large
groups and participate in a large variety of activities, whereas older adults
prefer smaller groups and participate only in activities that they enjoy.
Leisure can be of particular importance during middle adulthood
(Santrock, 2015). By middle adulthood, more money is usually available for
many individuals. There is also more free time (e.g. children are older or have
left the home). In short, middle adulthood may produce not only more time
for leisure, but also the financial means to take it to a higher level. If a person
has developed fulfilling leisure activities in middle adulthood that can be
continued into retirement, the transition from a full-time work to retirement
can be less stressful.
Although leisure is important across the life span and can have a
significant effect on various aspects of a person’s life, it has a special place
in late adulthood (Whitbourne & Whitbourne, 2014). Leisure activities can
contribute to older adults maintaining their health through physical activity,
as well as their cognitive functioning by means of intellectual stimulation.
A lower risk for cardiovascular illnesses such as heart failure and cognitive
402
disorders such as dementia has been reported widely. On a personal level,
a person may experience a range of psychological benefits, including an
enhanced sense of meaning in life and well-being, and even a feeling of self-
reinvention. Leisure also has social importance, for example for people who
feel lonely, who like to meet new people, are widowed, or have to relocate
for various reasons.
It should be considered that leisure is affected by various variables;
for example, gender (men generally have more leisure time than women
do, who have more parenting and household duties); culture (in some
cultures, sports activities dominate, while others are more into artistic and/
or homebound activities); and socio-historic changes (i.e. leisure activities
change over time, such as the change to electronic devices and the Internet
over the last few decades).
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Why is work an important aspect of adults’ lives? Describe the various functions
that work fulfils.
2. What are the intrinsic and extrinsic values of work? How do these values affect
people’s work satisfaction?
3. Discuss the rising unemployment rate in South Africa in terms of the following:
(a) How do we compare with other countries? (b) What are the reasons for the
high unemployment rate? (c) What are the effects of unemployment? (d) What are
the effects of job insecurity? (e) How could people counteract the negative effects
of losing their jobs?
4. Discuss the career cycle with regard to:
- the pre-career period
- the early career period
- the mid-career period
- the late career period
- retirement
5. Discuss the following phenomena: (a) workaholism (b) work engagement
(c) burnout syndrome.
6. Discuss the factors that could affect adjustment to retirement. Describe the five
stages of emotional progression into retirement. How do retired people contribute
to society? Why does South Africa score so low on the Global Retirement Index?
7. Discuss women’s career cycle. What are the obstacles in a woman’s career path?
What are the typical career patterns that women may follow? In what ways are
women’s career paths, attitudes, and aspirations similar to or different from those
of men? Discuss the phenomenon of ‘toxic femininity’.
8. Define leisure and recreation. Why is leisure time important in career development?
How do leisure activities change throughout adulthood? Describe the variables
that may affect leisure time.
403
404
6
Successful Ageing and
Mental Health
405
404
6
Successful Ageing and
Mental Health
405
 Aging is not lost youth but a new stage of opportunity and strength.
Betty Friedan
The happiest people don’t have the best of everything. They make
the best of everything. Author unknown
Do not let the things that you cannot do prevent you from doing
what you can do. Anonymous
None are as old as those who have outlived enthusiasm. H.D. Thoreau
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The fact that the Older Persons Act, No. 13 was promulgated (put into
effect) by the South African Government in 2006 is tangible evidence that
the elderly are finally beginning to receive the awareness they have been
denied for too long. The objects of the Act are to
– maintain and promote the status, well-being, safety, and security of
older persons;
– maintain and protect the rights of older persons;
– shift the emphasis from institutional care to community-based
care to ensure that an older person remains in his or her home in
the community for as long as possible;
– regulate the registration, establishment, and management of
services and the establishment and management of residential
facilities for older persons;
– combat the abuse of older persons.
This Act was a tangible and much needed step to protect the interests
and concerns of an important but often neglected part of society – the
elderly. Although older adults in many communities do receive the respect
and status they deserve, it is equally true that they are often pushed aside and
even rejected by others. However, with a growing population of older people
in the world as well as in South Africa, and considering their changing roles,
not only legislation but also a change in attitude towards the elderly has
become essential. Every society has an obligation to promote the optimal
level of the social, physical, mental, and emotional well-being of its elderly.
The aforementioned is especially true when the regrettable situation in
which many elderly find themselves is considered. In this chapter, several
factors that could affect the quality of life of this group of special people
are discussed.
406
6.2 SUCCESSFUL AGEING
Successful ageing is regarded as a prominent theme in gerontology and
has been described as “one of gerontology’s most successful ideas” (Katz
& Calasanti, 2015, p. 26). The term was introduced in the 1950s and was
popularised in the 1980s as an antipode (opposite) for the largely negative
perspective generally held of older adults as lonely, socially isolated,
depressed, suicidal, demented, frail, and a burden to society (Aldwin &
Igarashi, 2015). In the past, research mostly focused on the negative aspects
of ageing, or preventing the decline of youth (Fries, 2002). Since then, the
concept ‘successful’ has generated a discourse on several similar terms such
as positive ageing, optimal ageing, effective ageing, independent ageing,
healthy ageing, productive ageing, and active ageing. Nevertheless, the
concept of successful ageing has generated theoretical paradigms, health
measurements, retirement lifestyles, policy agendas, and anti-ageing ideals
(Katz & Calasanti, 2015).
Although researchers do not always agree on the definition of successful
ageing, the term in short refers to the fact that persons are ageing well on all
levels of their functioning; therefore, physically, cognitively, emotionally, and
socially (Brown, 2016). One of the major dilemmas researchers face in this
regard is that there is no universal set of criteria for determining successful
ageing. Nonetheless, researchers Rowe and Kahn (1997) identified a
definition of successful ageing from their work at the MacArthur Foundation
Research Network on Successful Aging. This definition, consisting of three
components, became the operative standard for many decades. According
to this definition, successful ageing refers to (a) freedom from disease
and disease-related disability; (b) maintaining high cognitive and physical
functioning; and (c) active engagement in social and productive activities.
Therefore, the assumption is that, in order to age successfully, a person
should reach all three of these criteria. Although the model was followed for
many years, its usefulness has since been questioned. For example, some
researchers in ageing studies are critical of the Rowe-Kahn model, since it
implies that failure on the part of those who do not meet these criteria do
not age successfully. In fact, some researchers are even critical of the term
“successful ageing” because it excludes those persons who do not meet
arbitrary criteria (Katz & Calasanti, 2015). Some of the limitations of the
model are the following:
• Methodological issues. One of the greatest challenges for researchers
working in the field of successful ageing, is the inconsistency across
407
 Aging is not lost youth but a new stage of opportunity and strength.
Betty Friedan
The happiest people don’t have the best of everything. They make
the best of everything. Author unknown
Do not let the things that you cannot do prevent you from doing
what you can do. Anonymous
None are as old as those who have outlived enthusiasm. H.D. Thoreau
6.1 INTRODUCTION
The fact that the Older Persons Act, No. 13 was promulgated (put into
effect) by the South African Government in 2006 is tangible evidence that
the elderly are finally beginning to receive the awareness they have been
denied for too long. The objects of the Act are to
– maintain and promote the status, well-being, safety, and security of
older persons;
– maintain and protect the rights of older persons;
– shift the emphasis from institutional care to community-based
care to ensure that an older person remains in his or her home in
the community for as long as possible;
– regulate the registration, establishment, and management of
services and the establishment and management of residential
facilities for older persons;
– combat the abuse of older persons.
This Act was a tangible and much needed step to protect the interests
and concerns of an important but often neglected part of society – the
elderly. Although older adults in many communities do receive the respect
and status they deserve, it is equally true that they are often pushed aside and
even rejected by others. However, with a growing population of older people
in the world as well as in South Africa, and considering their changing roles,
not only legislation but also a change in attitude towards the elderly has
become essential. Every society has an obligation to promote the optimal
level of the social, physical, mental, and emotional well-being of its elderly.
The aforementioned is especially true when the regrettable situation in
which many elderly find themselves is considered. In this chapter, several
factors that could affect the quality of life of this group of special people
are discussed.
406
6.2 SUCCESSFUL AGEING
Successful ageing is regarded as a prominent theme in gerontology and
has been described as “one of gerontology’s most successful ideas” (Katz
& Calasanti, 2015, p. 26). The term was introduced in the 1950s and was
popularised in the 1980s as an antipode (opposite) for the largely negative
perspective generally held of older adults as lonely, socially isolated,
depressed, suicidal, demented, frail, and a burden to society (Aldwin &
Igarashi, 2015). In the past, research mostly focused on the negative aspects
of ageing, or preventing the decline of youth (Fries, 2002). Since then, the
concept ‘successful’ has generated a discourse on several similar terms such
as positive ageing, optimal ageing, effective ageing, independent ageing,
healthy ageing, productive ageing, and active ageing. Nevertheless, the
concept of successful ageing has generated theoretical paradigms, health
measurements, retirement lifestyles, policy agendas, and anti-ageing ideals
(Katz & Calasanti, 2015).
Although researchers do not always agree on the definition of successful
ageing, the term in short refers to the fact that persons are ageing well on all
levels of their functioning; therefore, physically, cognitively, emotionally, and
socially (Brown, 2016). One of the major dilemmas researchers face in this
regard is that there is no universal set of criteria for determining successful
ageing. Nonetheless, researchers Rowe and Kahn (1997) identified a
definition of successful ageing from their work at the MacArthur Foundation
Research Network on Successful Aging. This definition, consisting of three
components, became the operative standard for many decades. According
to this definition, successful ageing refers to (a) freedom from disease
and disease-related disability; (b) maintaining high cognitive and physical
functioning; and (c) active engagement in social and productive activities.
Therefore, the assumption is that, in order to age successfully, a person
should reach all three of these criteria. Although the model was followed for
many years, its usefulness has since been questioned. For example, some
researchers in ageing studies are critical of the Rowe-Kahn model, since it
implies that failure on the part of those who do not meet these criteria do
not age successfully. In fact, some researchers are even critical of the term
“successful ageing” because it excludes those persons who do not meet
arbitrary criteria (Katz & Calasanti, 2015). Some of the limitations of the
model are the following:
• Methodological issues. One of the greatest challenges for researchers
working in the field of successful ageing, is the inconsistency across
407
 studies in terms of the conceptualisation of the term and the measures
used to study successful ageing, so much so that the meaning of
successful ageing is more implied than delineated (Pruchno et al., 2010).
For example, in a review of 28 studies Depp and Jeste (2006) identified
29 definitions. This clearly presents limitations to research on successful
ageing.
• Adaptations and extensions. Researchers concerned with the empirical
and methodological limitations of successful ageing have responded
by extending or adapting successful ageing criteria in other ways. For
example, researchers such as Von Humboldt and Leal (2014) include
the effective use of adaptive strategies to optimise personal functioning
within the limitations of personal abilities and resources. In fact, more
than 100 variations of the original model have been proposed (Rowe &
Kahn, 2015).
• Objective and subjective meaning. One of the most important points
of criticism against the Rowe-Kahn model is that successful ageing is
assessed by means of objective measures and therefore neglects the
experience of older people of what ageing means to them, successful
or otherwise. Therefore, the subjective experience of each of these
components by the individual is equally important. In studies using the
Rowe-Kahn criteria and including older persons’ view of their own ageing
process, only about one fifth of the participants could be classified as
ageing successfully according to the Rowe-Kahn criteria, while more than
half rated themselves as ageing successfully (Jeste, 2005; Strawbridge
et al., 2002). Recent research confirms these findings (Depp et al., 2012;
Whitley et al., 2016). The repeatedly demonstrated discrepancy between
objective criteria and older individuals’ experiences and definitions of
successful ageing have resulted in researchers arguing that a combination
of objective and subjective measures should be used in research. For
example, Pruchno et al. (2010, p. 822) state that such a combination of
methods could render a typology “of successful aging, whereby some
people are successful according to both definitions, others are successful
to neither, and still others are successful according to one, but not the
other definition”. This subjective component can also play an important
role in the way successful ageing is experienced differently in various
cultures and value systems.
• Overemphasis on biomedical factors. The Rowe-Kahn model largely
incorporated a medical framework in which usual ageing and successful
ageing could be differentiated. Usual ageing refers to normal decline in
biological, physical, and cognitive functioning, heightened by extrinsic or
408
high-risk factors (e.g., smoking, obesity, low activity levels). Successful
ageing refers to minimal functional loss (e.g. little or no age-related
decrease in physiological and cognitive functioning), with extrinsic factors
playing a neutral or positive role. Therefore, Rowe and Kahn merged
physical, cognitive, and lifestyle factors with measurable indicators of
disease and disability, which they coined the ‘new gerontology’. However,
this model fails to address the implications of the fact that a disease-free
older age is unrealistic for most people. In fact, studies that incorporated
the perspectives of older adults into the model of successful ageing found
that optimism, effective coping styles, life satisfaction and well-being,
as well as social and community involvement are much more important
to ageing successfully than traditional measures of physical health and
wellness (Reichstadt et al., 2010).
• Personal choice. The Rowe-Kahn successful ageing model over-
emphasises personal choice, agency, and lifestyle. For example, the model
assumes that ageing is largely under the control of the individual and that
successful ageing is dependent upon individual choices and behaviours.
This assumption neglects the various social and environmental factors
and life situations that either limit or facilitate personal choice and the
capacity to age successfully (Rowe & Cosco, 2016).
6.2.1 Factors that may affect successful ageing
With reference to the difficulty in identifying components of successful
ageing, some authors (e.g. Brown, 2016; Serfontein, 2015) argue that variables
such as culture, values, and expectations, past experiences, subjectivity,
fluctuation in abilities, and individual differences make it very difficult to
determine the main components of successful ageing. On the other hand, it is
equally true that research has identified several factors that play a significant
role in successful ageing. In the preceding chapters, we have alluded to
factors that could contribute to people’s positive ageing process, including
their cognitive, physical, and psychological development. Factors such as
stimulating activities, physical activity, positive attitudes and relationships,
positive coping mechanisms, and a healthy lifestyle have all been mentioned
in this regard, and may all contribute to successful ageing. Other factors that
may affect people’s experience of successful ageing are discussed next.
6.2.1.1 Attitudes towards ageing
Attitude towards ageing incorporates self-perceptions of ageing, cultural
409
 studies in terms of the conceptualisation of the term and the measures
used to study successful ageing, so much so that the meaning of
successful ageing is more implied than delineated (Pruchno et al., 2010).
For example, in a review of 28 studies Depp and Jeste (2006) identified
29 definitions. This clearly presents limitations to research on successful
ageing.
• Adaptations and extensions. Researchers concerned with the empirical
and methodological limitations of successful ageing have responded
by extending or adapting successful ageing criteria in other ways. For
example, researchers such as Von Humboldt and Leal (2014) include
the effective use of adaptive strategies to optimise personal functioning
within the limitations of personal abilities and resources. In fact, more
than 100 variations of the original model have been proposed (Rowe &
Kahn, 2015).
• Objective and subjective meaning. One of the most important points
of criticism against the Rowe-Kahn model is that successful ageing is
assessed by means of objective measures and therefore neglects the
experience of older people of what ageing means to them, successful
or otherwise. Therefore, the subjective experience of each of these
components by the individual is equally important. In studies using the
Rowe-Kahn criteria and including older persons’ view of their own ageing
process, only about one fifth of the participants could be classified as
ageing successfully according to the Rowe-Kahn criteria, while more than
half rated themselves as ageing successfully (Jeste, 2005; Strawbridge
et al., 2002). Recent research confirms these findings (Depp et al., 2012;
Whitley et al., 2016). The repeatedly demonstrated discrepancy between
objective criteria and older individuals’ experiences and definitions of
successful ageing have resulted in researchers arguing that a combination
of objective and subjective measures should be used in research. For
example, Pruchno et al. (2010, p. 822) state that such a combination of
methods could render a typology “of successful aging, whereby some
people are successful according to both definitions, others are successful
to neither, and still others are successful according to one, but not the
other definition”. This subjective component can also play an important
role in the way successful ageing is experienced differently in various
cultures and value systems.
• Overemphasis on biomedical factors. The Rowe-Kahn model largely
incorporated a medical framework in which usual ageing and successful
ageing could be differentiated. Usual ageing refers to normal decline in
biological, physical, and cognitive functioning, heightened by extrinsic or
408
high-risk factors (e.g., smoking, obesity, low activity levels). Successful
ageing refers to minimal functional loss (e.g. little or no age-related
decrease in physiological and cognitive functioning), with extrinsic factors
playing a neutral or positive role. Therefore, Rowe and Kahn merged
physical, cognitive, and lifestyle factors with measurable indicators of
disease and disability, which they coined the ‘new gerontology’. However,
this model fails to address the implications of the fact that a disease-free
older age is unrealistic for most people. In fact, studies that incorporated
the perspectives of older adults into the model of successful ageing found
that optimism, effective coping styles, life satisfaction and well-being,
as well as social and community involvement are much more important
to ageing successfully than traditional measures of physical health and
wellness (Reichstadt et al., 2010).
• Personal choice. The Rowe-Kahn successful ageing model over-
emphasises personal choice, agency, and lifestyle. For example, the model
assumes that ageing is largely under the control of the individual and that
successful ageing is dependent upon individual choices and behaviours.
This assumption neglects the various social and environmental factors
and life situations that either limit or facilitate personal choice and the
capacity to age successfully (Rowe & Cosco, 2016).
6.2.1 Factors that may affect successful ageing
With reference to the difficulty in identifying components of successful
ageing, some authors (e.g. Brown, 2016; Serfontein, 2015) argue that variables
such as culture, values, and expectations, past experiences, subjectivity,
fluctuation in abilities, and individual differences make it very difficult to
determine the main components of successful ageing. On the other hand, it is
equally true that research has identified several factors that play a significant
role in successful ageing. In the preceding chapters, we have alluded to
factors that could contribute to people’s positive ageing process, including
their cognitive, physical, and psychological development. Factors such as
stimulating activities, physical activity, positive attitudes and relationships,
positive coping mechanisms, and a healthy lifestyle have all been mentioned
in this regard, and may all contribute to successful ageing. Other factors that
may affect people’s experience of successful ageing are discussed next.
6.2.1.1 Attitudes towards ageing
Attitude towards ageing incorporates self-perceptions of ageing, cultural
409
and personal beliefs about ageing, age identity, as well as physical and other
psychological factors (Depp et al., 2016). As we have seen in Chapter 4, social
attitudes and the views of others influence people’s views of themselves. One
example of this is the emphasis of some societies on youthful appearance,
as is often portrayed in the media. This results in many people embarking on
various procedures to maintain or retain their youthful appearance.
A particularly devastating attitude is ageism. Ageism is a form of prejudice
and refers to discrimination based on chronological age. It usually indicates
prejudice against people in middle but especially late adulthood. Just as
its counterparts, racism and sexism, ageism may have a major influence on
the adjustment and well-being of older people. It is interesting that of the
three categories (ageism, racism, and sexism), ageism is the only one where
the members of the discriminating group (the younger) will eventually join
the group they are discriminating against (the older). Despite the fact that
ageism may have a similar effect on people as racism and sexism do, ageism
has been much less researched than either racism or sexism.
As in the case of most other forms of prejudice, ageism is based largely
on stereotypes and generalisations, for example:
– Old people are all alike.
– Old people have little to offer society.
– Old people behave like children.
– Old people suffer from at least one serious illness.
– Old people feel alone and lonely, and are just waiting to die.
– Old people live in the past.
Ageism is often subtle and implicit rather than explicit; for example,
when the elderly are not given dates or messages (the assumption is that
410
they would not remember them anyway); when they are referred to in the
third person while they are present (assuming that they either cannot hear,
or are not persons of consequence); or when decisions are made that will
affect the older person without prior consultation (the assumption is that
they do not have the cognitive capacity to make decisions themselves). One
of the most common manifestations of ageism in daily life is patronising
language or ‘elder speak’ as discussed in Chapter 3. A form of ageism that
has become institutionalised and even law in several countries like South
Africa, is mandatory or compulsory retirement. As discussed in Chapter 5,
this means that people have to retire when they reach a certain age (usually
60 or 65), regardless of the fact that they are still more productive and
creative than many of their younger counterparts.
The traumatic effect of prejudice is well known. Central to this effect
is the effect prejudice has on the self-concept and therefore on the ideas,
feelings, and attitudes that a person has about his or her own identity, worth,
capabilities, and limitations. Therefore, social stereotypes could create self-
stereotypes and influence people’s ideas about the ageing process (Levy,
2003). For example, people may fear the ageing process and be upset
when normal age-related changes and declines begin to appear. Negative
attitudes towards ageing could have several adverse consequences, such as
cognitive and mood disturbances, poorer overall functioning, and a higher
morbidity rate. The influence of ageism is illustrated by a longitudinal study
(Levy et al., 2002), which indicated that older adults who have positive
experiences concerning stereotypes show better memory functioning, a
more positive and balanced view of life, and more positive self-concepts
than those who have negative experiences. In addition, a positive self-
concept is related to longevity (on average, they live 7,5 years longer than
those with negative self-concepts) and better mental health (people with
negative self-concepts indicated feelings of worthlessness). Similar findings
were reported by numerous other authors and researchers (e.g. Allen, 2016;
Chrisler et al., 2016; Freeman et al., 2016).
According to cross-cultural research, a diverse spectrum of attitudes
toward ageing exists. Earlier research portrayed a somewhat misleading
viewpoint. For example, older studies indicated that older people enjoy high
prestige in cultures that are autocratic, static (unchanging), and collectivistic,
while in many modern, industrialised, and individualistic countries, older
people generally are not valued highly; they are not regarded as ‘profitable’
in a society where materialism plays a pivotal role. However, later and
more recent research has shown this perspective to be an oversimplification
of a much more complex situation (Bergman, et al., 2013; Stuart-Hamilton,
411
and personal beliefs about ageing, age identity, as well as physical and other
psychological factors (Depp et al., 2016). As we have seen in Chapter 4, social
attitudes and the views of others influence people’s views of themselves. One
example of this is the emphasis of some societies on youthful appearance,
as is often portrayed in the media. This results in many people embarking on
various procedures to maintain or retain their youthful appearance.
A particularly devastating attitude is ageism. Ageism is a form of prejudice
and refers to discrimination based on chronological age. It usually indicates
prejudice against people in middle but especially late adulthood. Just as
its counterparts, racism and sexism, ageism may have a major influence on
the adjustment and well-being of older people. It is interesting that of the
three categories (ageism, racism, and sexism), ageism is the only one where
the members of the discriminating group (the younger) will eventually join
the group they are discriminating against (the older). Despite the fact that
ageism may have a similar effect on people as racism and sexism do, ageism
has been much less researched than either racism or sexism.
As in the case of most other forms of prejudice, ageism is based largely
on stereotypes and generalisations, for example:
– Old people are all alike.
– Old people have little to offer society.
– Old people behave like children.
– Old people suffer from at least one serious illness.
– Old people feel alone and lonely, and are just waiting to die.
– Old people live in the past.
Ageism is often subtle and implicit rather than explicit; for example,
when the elderly are not given dates or messages (the assumption is that
410
they would not remember them anyway); when they are referred to in the
third person while they are present (assuming that they either cannot hear,
or are not persons of consequence); or when decisions are made that will
affect the older person without prior consultation (the assumption is that
they do not have the cognitive capacity to make decisions themselves). One
of the most common manifestations of ageism in daily life is patronising
language or ‘elder speak’ as discussed in Chapter 3. A form of ageism that
has become institutionalised and even law in several countries like South
Africa, is mandatory or compulsory retirement. As discussed in Chapter 5,
this means that people have to retire when they reach a certain age (usually
60 or 65), regardless of the fact that they are still more productive and
creative than many of their younger counterparts.
The traumatic effect of prejudice is well known. Central to this effect
is the effect prejudice has on the self-concept and therefore on the ideas,
feelings, and attitudes that a person has about his or her own identity, worth,
capabilities, and limitations. Therefore, social stereotypes could create self-
stereotypes and influence people’s ideas about the ageing process (Levy,
2003). For example, people may fear the ageing process and be upset
when normal age-related changes and declines begin to appear. Negative
attitudes towards ageing could have several adverse consequences, such as
cognitive and mood disturbances, poorer overall functioning, and a higher
morbidity rate. The influence of ageism is illustrated by a longitudinal study
(Levy et al., 2002), which indicated that older adults who have positive
experiences concerning stereotypes show better memory functioning, a
more positive and balanced view of life, and more positive self-concepts
than those who have negative experiences. In addition, a positive self-
concept is related to longevity (on average, they live 7,5 years longer than
those with negative self-concepts) and better mental health (people with
negative self-concepts indicated feelings of worthlessness). Similar findings
were reported by numerous other authors and researchers (e.g. Allen, 2016;
Chrisler et al., 2016; Freeman et al., 2016).
According to cross-cultural research, a diverse spectrum of attitudes
toward ageing exists. Earlier research portrayed a somewhat misleading
viewpoint. For example, older studies indicated that older people enjoy high
prestige in cultures that are autocratic, static (unchanging), and collectivistic,
while in many modern, industrialised, and individualistic countries, older
people generally are not valued highly; they are not regarded as ‘profitable’
in a society where materialism plays a pivotal role. However, later and
more recent research has shown this perspective to be an oversimplification
of a much more complex situation (Bergman, et al., 2013; Stuart-Hamilton,
411
2012). For example, in-group differences may occur: In many individualistic
societies, the aged are valued, while in many collectivistic societies, the elders
are exploited and abused. In addition, the definition of an individualistic and
collective country is very arbitrary. A multicultural country such as South Africa
is a good example. (See Box 6.1 regarding abuse of the elderly in South Africa).
Box 6.1 Abuse of the elderly in South Africa
Just like child abuse and domestic violence, the maltreatment of older people — referred
to as ‘elder abuse’ — still remains a largely concealed crisis that seldom becomes part of
official statistics. The World Health Organisation (2016) estimates that 1 in 10 older people
experiences abuse every month. However, a South African study found that more than
60% of elderly people in the Mafikeng area suffered from abuse (Bigala & Ayiga, 2014).
What precisely constitutes elder abuse? According to the South African Older
Persons Act, elder abuse is defined as any conduct or lack of appropriate action,
occurring within a relationship where there is an expectation of trust, which causes
harm or distress or is likely to cause harm or distress to an older person. Although there
are various kinds of abuse, the following are the most widely agreed upon by experts
(Ananias & Strydom, 2014; South African Government Services, 2008):
• Physical abuse: Any physical act that results in injury or death of an older person.
For example, slapping, hitting, pushing, rough handling, cutting, using physical
restraints, administering incorrect or excessive medication, or any physical act that
causes injury, death, or physical/mental suffering.
• Sexual abuse: Any act that results in the exploitation of an older person
for the purposes of sexual or erotic gratification without his or her full knowledge,
understanding, and consent. Examples of sexual abuse are unwanted intimacy,
touching in a sexual way, and rape.
• Psychological abuse: A pattern of degrading or humiliating conduct (verbal or non-
verbal) towards an older person, which affects his or her psychological or emotional
functioning negatively. For example, rejection, isolation, oppression, name-calling
or ridicule, accusations, and deprivation of affection and cognitive stimulation.
• Financial abuse: The illegal or fraudulent use of older persons’ money, property,
valuables, or assets, under duress or without their consent or full understanding
or knowledge of the consequences. For example, staying with the older person
and refusing to make any financial contribution towards the household is regarded
as elder abuse.
• Neglect: Not providing or withholding care and basic necessities required for
physical and mental well-being. For example, lack of food, warmth, shelter, clothing,
medication, emotional support, and stimulation. This also includes the prevention
of self-neglect.
• Violation of human rights (system abuse): The denial of fundamental rights
such as respect, dignity, personal privacy, freedom of thought, belief, opinion,
speech, expression, and movement of older people. This includes ‘witchcraft’
(especially older women displaying characteristics associated with ageing and
perceived as participating in witchcraft), which may result in stigmatisation,
exclusion, physical harm and death.
412
Box 6.1 Abuse of the elderly in South Africa (continued)
As in the case of sexual abuse, elder abuse is a crime that can be punished severely.
According to a survey by the South African Department of Health (2008; also see
Acierno, 2017),
– more than 50% of the participants have personal knowledge of elder abuse;
– the prevalence rates of elder abuse are: psychological/emotional abuse 37%,
financial abuse 36%, general maltreatment 11%, neglect and lack of care 8%,
and physical violence 8%;
– the place of occurrence of elder abuse is: at home 54%, in the community 42%,
and at institutions 4%;
– most forms of abuse experienced by older persons are from grandchildren
55%, spouse 20%, children 16%, caregivers 4%, community members 3%, and
other household members 2%;
– the victim is usually between 70 to 80 years, and seven times more females
than males are abused. The victim often suffers from chronic diseases,
incontinence (involuntary urination and/or defecation) and disability of one
kind or another. He or she has limited financial means, poor social interaction,
and limited living space;
– the abuser is usually between 55-60 years or very young, more often female
(55%) than male (45%)
– the abuser is very commonly a family member (85%).
It is of the utmost importance that this growing problem, which affects so many
of our older citizens, should receive much more research attention. Only then shall
we achieve a better understanding of the dynamics and, consequently, treatment and
prevention of this horrendous crime. Equally important: We owe it to our elderly after a
lifelong contribution to society.
Although some studies have hinted to the fact that public (and personal)
attitudes towards ageing could be changed (Depp et al., 2016), Palmore
(2015, p. 874) affirms that a major problem with attempting to reduce ageism
is that it is ingrained in our culture: “Ageism is so much a part of our culture
that most people are not even aware of it. It is like the air we breathe. Most
people become aware of it only when they grow old enough to suffer some
discrimination in employment or some disparaging remark or ‘joke’ about
their age”. Negative attitudes and beliefs about older persons are found even
in very young children (Perdue, 2016).
Fortunately, research has shown that many older people do not accept
negative stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination of society passively.
Many older adults are remarkably resilient and use a variety of strategies
to respond to and cope with stress to protect their self-esteem and well-
being (Richeson & Shelton, 2006). (See Box 6.2 on the stereotype of a
‘cranky old man’.) However, the fact that many elders do become victims
should encourage societies to fight the undermining of the effectiveness
and usefulness of such a large part of the population with everything in
their power.
413
2012). For example, in-group differences may occur: In many individualistic
societies, the aged are valued, while in many collectivistic societies, the elders
are exploited and abused. In addition, the definition of an individualistic and
collective country is very arbitrary. A multicultural country such as South Africa
is a good example. (See Box 6.1 regarding abuse of the elderly in South Africa).
Box 6.1 Abuse of the elderly in South Africa
Just like child abuse and domestic violence, the maltreatment of older people — referred
to as ‘elder abuse’ — still remains a largely concealed crisis that seldom becomes part of
official statistics. The World Health Organisation (2016) estimates that 1 in 10 older people
experiences abuse every month. However, a South African study found that more than
60% of elderly people in the Mafikeng area suffered from abuse (Bigala & Ayiga, 2014).
What precisely constitutes elder abuse? According to the South African Older
Persons Act, elder abuse is defined as any conduct or lack of appropriate action,
occurring within a relationship where there is an expectation of trust, which causes
harm or distress or is likely to cause harm or distress to an older person. Although there
are various kinds of abuse, the following are the most widely agreed upon by experts
(Ananias & Strydom, 2014; South African Government Services, 2008):
• Physical abuse: Any physical act that results in injury or death of an older person.
For example, slapping, hitting, pushing, rough handling, cutting, using physical
restraints, administering incorrect or excessive medication, or any physical act that
causes injury, death, or physical/mental suffering.
• Sexual abuse: Any act that results in the exploitation of an older person
for the purposes of sexual or erotic gratification without his or her full knowledge,
understanding, and consent. Examples of sexual abuse are unwanted intimacy,
touching in a sexual way, and rape.
• Psychological abuse: A pattern of degrading or humiliating conduct (verbal or non-
verbal) towards an older person, which affects his or her psychological or emotional
functioning negatively. For example, rejection, isolation, oppression, name-calling
or ridicule, accusations, and deprivation of affection and cognitive stimulation.
• Financial abuse: The illegal or fraudulent use of older persons’ money, property,
valuables, or assets, under duress or without their consent or full understanding
or knowledge of the consequences. For example, staying with the older person
and refusing to make any financial contribution towards the household is regarded
as elder abuse.
• Neglect: Not providing or withholding care and basic necessities required for
physical and mental well-being. For example, lack of food, warmth, shelter, clothing,
medication, emotional support, and stimulation. This also includes the prevention
of self-neglect.
• Violation of human rights (system abuse): The denial of fundamental rights
such as respect, dignity, personal privacy, freedom of thought, belief, opinion,
speech, expression, and movement of older people. This includes ‘witchcraft’
(especially older women displaying characteristics associated with ageing and
perceived as participating in witchcraft), which may result in stigmatisation,
exclusion, physical harm and death.
412
Box 6.1 Abuse of the elderly in South Africa (continued)
As in the case of sexual abuse, elder abuse is a crime that can be punished severely.
According to a survey by the South African Department of Health (2008; also see
Acierno, 2017),
– more than 50% of the participants have personal knowledge of elder abuse;
– the prevalence rates of elder abuse are: psychological/emotional abuse 37%,
financial abuse 36%, general maltreatment 11%, neglect and lack of care 8%,
and physical violence 8%;
– the place of occurrence of elder abuse is: at home 54%, in the community 42%,
and at institutions 4%;
– most forms of abuse experienced by older persons are from grandchildren
55%, spouse 20%, children 16%, caregivers 4%, community members 3%, and
other household members 2%;
– the victim is usually between 70 to 80 years, and seven times more females
than males are abused. The victim often suffers from chronic diseases,
incontinence (involuntary urination and/or defecation) and disability of one
kind or another. He or she has limited financial means, poor social interaction,
and limited living space;
– the abuser is usually between 55-60 years or very young, more often female
(55%) than male (45%)
– the abuser is very commonly a family member (85%).
It is of the utmost importance that this growing problem, which affects so many
of our older citizens, should receive much more research attention. Only then shall
we achieve a better understanding of the dynamics and, consequently, treatment and
prevention of this horrendous crime. Equally important: We owe it to our elderly after a
lifelong contribution to society.
Although some studies have hinted to the fact that public (and personal)
attitudes towards ageing could be changed (Depp et al., 2016), Palmore
(2015, p. 874) affirms that a major problem with attempting to reduce ageism
is that it is ingrained in our culture: “Ageism is so much a part of our culture
that most people are not even aware of it. It is like the air we breathe. Most
people become aware of it only when they grow old enough to suffer some
discrimination in employment or some disparaging remark or ‘joke’ about
their age”. Negative attitudes and beliefs about older persons are found even
in very young children (Perdue, 2016).
Fortunately, research has shown that many older people do not accept
negative stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination of society passively.
Many older adults are remarkably resilient and use a variety of strategies
to respond to and cope with stress to protect their self-esteem and well-
being (Richeson & Shelton, 2006). (See Box 6.2 on the stereotype of a
‘cranky old man’.) However, the fact that many elders do become victims
should encourage societies to fight the undermining of the effectiveness
and usefulness of such a large part of the population with everything in
their power.
413
 6.2.1.2 Personality characteristics
Box 6.2 Cranky Old Man
When an old man died in the geriatric ward of a nursing home in a country town, It is realised increasingly that the role played by personality characteristics
it was believed that he had nothing left of any value. Later, when the nurses were
in individuals’ experience of old age is of vital importance. Hooker
going through his meagre possessions, they found this poem. Although he left nothing
materialistic to the world, he gave us something much more valuable — this poem: (2008, p. 10), a leading expert, states, “Much of what we know about
What do you see nurses? What do you see?
optimal ageing has focused on the lifelong importance of health-related
What are you thinking when you’re looking at me? behavior — exercise, drinking and eating ... being engaged in life and
A cranky old man not very wise, having a strong social network. But personality is arguably the driving
Uncertain of habit, with faraway eyes?
Who dribbles his food and makes no reply. force behind all of these.” In South Africa, Duckitt (1983) also found
When you say in a loud voice ‘I do wish you’d try!’ that an individual’s personality structure provides a relatively better
Who seems not to notice the things that you do.
And forever is losing a sock or shoe?
explanation of individual adjustment to old age than social resources,
Who, resisting or not lets you do as you will, social interaction, or profound changes in lifestyle do.
With bathing and feeding, the long day to fill? The existing research data indicate that the following personality
Is that what you’re thinking? Is that what you see?
Then open your eyes, nurse, you’re not looking at me. traits in particular seem to play an important role in successful ageing
I’ll tell you who I am as I sit here so still, (Baek et al., 2016; Chapman, 2011; George, 2006; Hooker, 2008; also see
As I do at your bidding, as I eat at your will.
I’m a small child of Ten with a father and mother,
Chapter 4: Personality Development):
Brothers and sisters who love one another
A young boy of Sixteen with wings on his feet
Dreaming that soon now a lover he’ll meet.
• Strong sense of meaning: a positive interpretation of one’s
A groom soon at Twenty my heart gives a leap. existence and the world; the sense of having a worthwhile
Remembering the vows that I promised to keep. purpose and value in life.
At Twenty-Five, now I have young of my own.
Who need me to guide and a secure happy home. • Sense of mastery: a global sense of control over one’s present
A man of Thirty, my young now grown fast, and future life circumstances.
Bound to each other with ties that should last.
At Forty, my young sons have grown and are gone,
• Emotional stability (low neuroticism): consistency and predict–
But my woman is beside me to see I don’t mourn. ability in emotional reactions, the ability to withstand
At Fifty, once more, babies play ‘round my knee, minor setbacks, failures, difficulties, and other stresses without
Again, we know children, my loved one and me.
Dark days are upon me, my wife is now dead.
emotional outbursts.
I look at the future, I shudder with dread. • Flexibility: adjustability to change; the ability to be adaptable or
For my young are all rearing young of their own. variable, and willingness to compromise. Such a person is usually
And I think of the years and the love that I’ve known.
I’m now an old man and nature is cruel. not rigid in his or her ideas.
It’s jest to make old age look like a fool.
The body, it crumbles, grace and vigour depart.
• Goal-directedness: directed to attain a specific goal or goals and
There is now a stone where I once had a heart.
finding other routes or ways to achieve goals when hindered.
But inside this old carcass a young man still dwells, • Conscientiousness: the person shows self-discipline, is
And now and again my battered heart swells achievement orientated, acts dutiful, is dependable, tends to be
I remember the joys, I remember the pain.
And I’m loving and living life over again. perfectionistic, and has solid moral values.
I think of the years all too few, gone too fast.
And accept the stark fact that nothing can last.
• Extraversion: outgoing, unreserved, expressive, and a seemingly
So open your eyes, people, open and see.
confident approach to life. Such a person is focused on the social
Not a cranky old man, look closer, see ME. environment, enjoys human interactions, is enthusiastic, talkative,
and tends to seek out excitement.
Remember this poem when you next meet an older person whom you might brush
aside without looking at the young soul within... one day, all of us will be there, too. • Low hostility level: not being aggressive or antagonistic, but
friendly, kind, and sympathetic.

414 415
 6.2.1.2 Personality characteristics
Box 6.2 Cranky Old Man
When an old man died in the geriatric ward of a nursing home in a country town, It is realised increasingly that the role played by personality characteristics
it was believed that he had nothing left of any value. Later, when the nurses were
in individuals’ experience of old age is of vital importance. Hooker
going through his meagre possessions, they found this poem. Although he left nothing
materialistic to the world, he gave us something much more valuable — this poem: (2008, p. 10), a leading expert, states, “Much of what we know about
What do you see nurses? What do you see?
optimal ageing has focused on the lifelong importance of health-related
What are you thinking when you’re looking at me? behavior — exercise, drinking and eating ... being engaged in life and
A cranky old man not very wise, having a strong social network. But personality is arguably the driving
Uncertain of habit, with faraway eyes?
Who dribbles his food and makes no reply. force behind all of these.” In South Africa, Duckitt (1983) also found
When you say in a loud voice ‘I do wish you’d try!’ that an individual’s personality structure provides a relatively better
Who seems not to notice the things that you do.
And forever is losing a sock or shoe?
explanation of individual adjustment to old age than social resources,
Who, resisting or not lets you do as you will, social interaction, or profound changes in lifestyle do.
With bathing and feeding, the long day to fill? The existing research data indicate that the following personality
Is that what you’re thinking? Is that what you see?
Then open your eyes, nurse, you’re not looking at me. traits in particular seem to play an important role in successful ageing
I’ll tell you who I am as I sit here so still, (Baek et al., 2016; Chapman, 2011; George, 2006; Hooker, 2008; also see
As I do at your bidding, as I eat at your will.
I’m a small child of Ten with a father and mother,
Chapter 4: Personality Development):
Brothers and sisters who love one another
A young boy of Sixteen with wings on his feet
Dreaming that soon now a lover he’ll meet.
• Strong sense of meaning: a positive interpretation of one’s
A groom soon at Twenty my heart gives a leap. existence and the world; the sense of having a worthwhile
Remembering the vows that I promised to keep. purpose and value in life.
At Twenty-Five, now I have young of my own.
Who need me to guide and a secure happy home. • Sense of mastery: a global sense of control over one’s present
A man of Thirty, my young now grown fast, and future life circumstances.
Bound to each other with ties that should last.
At Forty, my young sons have grown and are gone,
• Emotional stability (low neuroticism): consistency and predict–
But my woman is beside me to see I don’t mourn. ability in emotional reactions, the ability to withstand
At Fifty, once more, babies play ‘round my knee, minor setbacks, failures, difficulties, and other stresses without
Again, we know children, my loved one and me.
Dark days are upon me, my wife is now dead.
emotional outbursts.
I look at the future, I shudder with dread. • Flexibility: adjustability to change; the ability to be adaptable or
For my young are all rearing young of their own. variable, and willingness to compromise. Such a person is usually
And I think of the years and the love that I’ve known.
I’m now an old man and nature is cruel. not rigid in his or her ideas.
It’s jest to make old age look like a fool.
The body, it crumbles, grace and vigour depart.
• Goal-directedness: directed to attain a specific goal or goals and
There is now a stone where I once had a heart.
finding other routes or ways to achieve goals when hindered.
But inside this old carcass a young man still dwells, • Conscientiousness: the person shows self-discipline, is
And now and again my battered heart swells achievement orientated, acts dutiful, is dependable, tends to be
I remember the joys, I remember the pain.
And I’m loving and living life over again. perfectionistic, and has solid moral values.
I think of the years all too few, gone too fast.
And accept the stark fact that nothing can last.
• Extraversion: outgoing, unreserved, expressive, and a seemingly
So open your eyes, people, open and see.
confident approach to life. Such a person is focused on the social
Not a cranky old man, look closer, see ME. environment, enjoys human interactions, is enthusiastic, talkative,
and tends to seek out excitement.
Remember this poem when you next meet an older person whom you might brush
aside without looking at the young soul within... one day, all of us will be there, too. • Low hostility level: not being aggressive or antagonistic, but
friendly, kind, and sympathetic.

414 415

• Resilience: the capacity of an individual to adjust successfully to and
even thrive on difficult and traumatic life experiences.
It seems that relatively stable personality traits and a capacity to face
demanding life events successfully underlie both the continuance of life
satisfaction over the entire life span and individual differences in successful
ageing. In most cases, people who have coped well with the demands of life
during childhood and early adulthood will also be able to do so during late
and middle adulthood. Unfortunately, the opposite is also true (Lupien &
Wan, 2004).
6.2.1.3 Locus of control
Individuals’ perception of their ability to influence the course and outcome
of their life experiences is a very important determinant of successful ageing.
In this regard, Rotter (1969) coined the term locus of control to assess how
much control people have over the conditions in their lives. He distinguished
between an internal (or personal) locus of control and an external locus
of control. In the former, individuals believe that they themselves largely
determine their behaviour and future. People with an external locus of
control believe that they have little or no part in what happens to them;
their lives are determined by chance or external factors.
Some researchers refer to the aspect of control as mastery. As we have
mentioned in the previous section, mastery refers to the global sense of
control over one’s future and life circumstances (Depp et al., 2016). Individuals
with a high sense of mastery have a sense of control over events in their
daily living and tend to believe that they can solve problems that arise in
416
their lives. Those who have a low sense of mastery have a fatalistic sense of
a predetermined future, over which they have no control. High mastery has
been associated with fewer anxiety symptoms, and has also been shown to
be a protective trait against economic hardship and deteriorating health.
A related concept, self-efficacy, refers to a sense of mastery in specific
tasks (Bandura, 1997). A high level of self-efficacy has been associated with
improved quality of life, less loneliness, less psychological distress, and better
cognitive functioning in older adults (Kostka & Jachimowicz, 2010). Greater
self-efficacy may also promote adherence to healthy behaviour such as the
adoption and maintenance of regular exercise.
A key question in the study of ageing and particularly older adulthood is
whether locus of control changes over the adult life span. Although it may
seem that there must be a straightforward answer, the question has evoked
much controversy. It is commonly believed that people become more
external and less internal in their locus of control as they move towards late
adulthood. This viewpoint is based on the assumption that many situations
over which the individual does not seem to have control occur more often in
late adulthood. Examples are compulsory retirement, which usually leads to
a decrease in income, as well as the deterioration of own health, deterioration
of the health of loved ones and associated caring, and the loss of friends and
family. Some early research data have indeed indicated that older adults, in
comparison with younger adults, feel less able to control their life situations
(Cicirelli, 1980; Pratt & Norris, 1994). However, other studies could not
replicate these findings (see Erber, 2013; Foos & Clark, 2008).
Once again, one of the golden rules in psychology should be applied
to obtain more clarity on this topic. Often, if not mostly, researchers work
with numbers and, more specifically, averages. This inevitably means that
there always will be exceptions; that is, there are people (often a significant
number), who do not fall within the limits of being ‘average’. In the case of
locus of control, this principle has been illustrated by findings that certain
groups of elderly do show high levels of external control; for example, those
who live in nursing homes or ailing older adults who are largely dependent
on others. On the other hand, people who have a higher level of education,
enjoy better health, and have an intimate relationship with someone show
higher levels of internal control. These elderly people see themselves as
competent and in control of their lives, are treated as such by other people,
and experience a significant degree of life satisfaction. Therefore, intra-
individual (internal) factors play a role.
The type of locus of control older adults experience could also be
influenced by the way they are viewed and treated by others (Erber, 2013).
417

• Resilience: the capacity of an individual to adjust successfully to and
even thrive on difficult and traumatic life experiences.
It seems that relatively stable personality traits and a capacity to face
demanding life events successfully underlie both the continuance of life
satisfaction over the entire life span and individual differences in successful
ageing. In most cases, people who have coped well with the demands of life
during childhood and early adulthood will also be able to do so during late
and middle adulthood. Unfortunately, the opposite is also true (Lupien &
Wan, 2004).
6.2.1.3 Locus of control
Individuals’ perception of their ability to influence the course and outcome
of their life experiences is a very important determinant of successful ageing.
In this regard, Rotter (1969) coined the term locus of control to assess how
much control people have over the conditions in their lives. He distinguished
between an internal (or personal) locus of control and an external locus
of control. In the former, individuals believe that they themselves largely
determine their behaviour and future. People with an external locus of
control believe that they have little or no part in what happens to them;
their lives are determined by chance or external factors.
Some researchers refer to the aspect of control as mastery. As we have
mentioned in the previous section, mastery refers to the global sense of
control over one’s future and life circumstances (Depp et al., 2016). Individuals
with a high sense of mastery have a sense of control over events in their
daily living and tend to believe that they can solve problems that arise in
416
their lives. Those who have a low sense of mastery have a fatalistic sense of
a predetermined future, over which they have no control. High mastery has
been associated with fewer anxiety symptoms, and has also been shown to
be a protective trait against economic hardship and deteriorating health.
A related concept, self-efficacy, refers to a sense of mastery in specific
tasks (Bandura, 1997). A high level of self-efficacy has been associated with
improved quality of life, less loneliness, less psychological distress, and better
cognitive functioning in older adults (Kostka & Jachimowicz, 2010). Greater
self-efficacy may also promote adherence to healthy behaviour such as the
adoption and maintenance of regular exercise.
A key question in the study of ageing and particularly older adulthood is
whether locus of control changes over the adult life span. Although it may
seem that there must be a straightforward answer, the question has evoked
much controversy. It is commonly believed that people become more
external and less internal in their locus of control as they move towards late
adulthood. This viewpoint is based on the assumption that many situations
over which the individual does not seem to have control occur more often in
late adulthood. Examples are compulsory retirement, which usually leads to
a decrease in income, as well as the deterioration of own health, deterioration
of the health of loved ones and associated caring, and the loss of friends and
family. Some early research data have indeed indicated that older adults, in
comparison with younger adults, feel less able to control their life situations
(Cicirelli, 1980; Pratt & Norris, 1994). However, other studies could not
replicate these findings (see Erber, 2013; Foos & Clark, 2008).
Once again, one of the golden rules in psychology should be applied
to obtain more clarity on this topic. Often, if not mostly, researchers work
with numbers and, more specifically, averages. This inevitably means that
there always will be exceptions; that is, there are people (often a significant
number), who do not fall within the limits of being ‘average’. In the case of
locus of control, this principle has been illustrated by findings that certain
groups of elderly do show high levels of external control; for example, those
who live in nursing homes or ailing older adults who are largely dependent
on others. On the other hand, people who have a higher level of education,
enjoy better health, and have an intimate relationship with someone show
higher levels of internal control. These elderly people see themselves as
competent and in control of their lives, are treated as such by other people,
and experience a significant degree of life satisfaction. Therefore, intra-
individual (internal) factors play a role.
The type of locus of control older adults experience could also be
influenced by the way they are viewed and treated by others (Erber, 2013).
417
(Also, see the section on ageism.) Stereotyping older adults as ‘having little
to offer to society’ or ‘behaving like children’ could have a damaging effect
on their perception of their personal control (Lachman et al., 2011). “This
could turn into a vicious circle — if older adults feel that they have little
or no control, they may lose their motivation to engage in behaviours that
actually could affect what happens to them” (Lachman et al., 2011, p. 259).
Therefore, a self-fulfilling prophecy could result, which means that people
tend to start behaving in the way they are expected to.
It is interesting that there is an indication that the internal locus of control
of many South Africans has steadily increased since 1994 when the country
became a democracy (Stander, 2014; Van Wijk, 2013). It will be interesting
to see what future research will tell us to what extent this has also affected
the well-being of the elderly.
6.2.1.4 Socio-economic conditions
It is generally accepted that economic factors and financial security play an
important role in the overall well-being of people. Factors associated with
economic conditions, such as income, economic opportunities, education,
healthcare, and other services such as clean and healthy environments,
have a significant effect on the ageing experience. Our current knowledge
regarding associated socio-economic conditions in South Africa, are the
following (The Demographics of Ageing in South Africa, 2017):
• When compared with global standards, South Africa is classified as
being in the intermediate stage of ageing (Hoffman, 2016). Because the
ageing population (i.e. the number of people over 60) is growing at a
faster rate than elsewhere on the African continent and within poorer
socio-economic conditions than the developed world, the consequences
for the elderly may be more problematic.
• Currently, 40% of the elderly in South Africa are poor, 33% make an
average living, and 27% are classified as financially secure.
• Chronic poverty affects one in four older adults, with the bulk of chronic
poverty affecting black South Africans.
• The highest effect of negative ageing is in populations where social and
economic hardships are the greatest and where poverty and HIV/AIDS
have the greatest effect.
• Rural provinces, where access to healthcare and other services for the
elderly may be minimal, have higher proportions of poor elderly persons
than urban areas have.
• Household food poverty is highest in households headed by older
418
people. The social security payment system of the country may play an
important role in this situation: Poorer South Africans over the age of 60
are eligible for a monthly pension from the government. However, this
money is often taken by the younger, unemployed members of a family
for their own needs, or often has to feed the extended family, including
grandchildren and unemployed adult children (Charlton & Kalula, 2015;
Van den Berg et al., 2010).
• About 72% of the elderly population live in multigenerational households.
Although this is a valuable support system, the irony is that the more
economically successful South Africans become, the greater the strain
placed on that support system.
• Malnutrition in older persons is underestimated, underdiagnosed, and
undertreated (Marais, 2017). The consequences include poor immune
function, reduced muscle and tissue mass, dizziness, breathing difficulties,
increased risk of infection, hypothermia, post-operative complications,
as well as feelings of tiredness and depression.
• At the same time, there is an alarming increase in the incidence of
obesity, diabetes, heart disease, and stroke, which are effectively lifestyle
diseases. This is particularly prevalent among the more affluent sectors
of the population.
However, poverty is not only
about not having employment,
adequate nutrition, reasonable
housing conditions, effective
sanitation, clean water, and access
to medical facilities, education,
and learning opportunities. The
psychological effects of poverty
are just as damaging as the
physical and material effect
(Innabi, 2014). Examples of the
psychological effects of poverty
Poverty can have serious psychological effects
are the following (Terre Blanche,
2008):
■ A sense of hopelessness is experienced. Because poor people feel
caught up in a miserable situation, the so-called poverty trap, with little
or no indication of being able to escape, hopelessness is a common
feeling. This lays the foundation for developing a sense of learned
419
(Also, see the section on ageism.) Stereotyping older adults as ‘having little
to offer to society’ or ‘behaving like children’ could have a damaging effect
on their perception of their personal control (Lachman et al., 2011). “This
could turn into a vicious circle — if older adults feel that they have little
or no control, they may lose their motivation to engage in behaviours that
actually could affect what happens to them” (Lachman et al., 2011, p. 259).
Therefore, a self-fulfilling prophecy could result, which means that people
tend to start behaving in the way they are expected to.
It is interesting that there is an indication that the internal locus of control
of many South Africans has steadily increased since 1994 when the country
became a democracy (Stander, 2014; Van Wijk, 2013). It will be interesting
to see what future research will tell us to what extent this has also affected
the well-being of the elderly.
6.2.1.4 Socio-economic conditions
It is generally accepted that economic factors and financial security play an
important role in the overall well-being of people. Factors associated with
economic conditions, such as income, economic opportunities, education,
healthcare, and other services such as clean and healthy environments,
have a significant effect on the ageing experience. Our current knowledge
regarding associated socio-economic conditions in South Africa, are the
following (The Demographics of Ageing in South Africa, 2017):
• When compared with global standards, South Africa is classified as
being in the intermediate stage of ageing (Hoffman, 2016). Because the
ageing population (i.e. the number of people over 60) is growing at a
faster rate than elsewhere on the African continent and within poorer
socio-economic conditions than the developed world, the consequences
for the elderly may be more problematic.
• Currently, 40% of the elderly in South Africa are poor, 33% make an
average living, and 27% are classified as financially secure.
• Chronic poverty affects one in four older adults, with the bulk of chronic
poverty affecting black South Africans.
• The highest effect of negative ageing is in populations where social and
economic hardships are the greatest and where poverty and HIV/AIDS
have the greatest effect.
• Rural provinces, where access to healthcare and other services for the
elderly may be minimal, have higher proportions of poor elderly persons
than urban areas have.
• Household food poverty is highest in households headed by older
418
people. The social security payment system of the country may play an
important role in this situation: Poorer South Africans over the age of 60
are eligible for a monthly pension from the government. However, this
money is often taken by the younger, unemployed members of a family
for their own needs, or often has to feed the extended family, including
grandchildren and unemployed adult children (Charlton & Kalula, 2015;
Van den Berg et al., 2010).
• About 72% of the elderly population live in multigenerational households.
Although this is a valuable support system, the irony is that the more
economically successful South Africans become, the greater the strain
placed on that support system.
• Malnutrition in older persons is underestimated, underdiagnosed, and
undertreated (Marais, 2017). The consequences include poor immune
function, reduced muscle and tissue mass, dizziness, breathing difficulties,
increased risk of infection, hypothermia, post-operative complications,
as well as feelings of tiredness and depression.
• At the same time, there is an alarming increase in the incidence of
obesity, diabetes, heart disease, and stroke, which are effectively lifestyle
diseases. This is particularly prevalent among the more affluent sectors
of the population.
However, poverty is not only
about not having employment,
adequate nutrition, reasonable
housing conditions, effective
sanitation, clean water, and access
to medical facilities, education,
and learning opportunities. The
psychological effects of poverty
are just as damaging as the
physical and material effect
(Innabi, 2014). Examples of the
psychological effects of poverty
Poverty can have serious psychological effects
are the following (Terre Blanche,
2008):
■ A sense of hopelessness is experienced. Because poor people feel
caught up in a miserable situation, the so-called poverty trap, with little
or no indication of being able to escape, hopelessness is a common
feeling. This lays the foundation for developing a sense of learned
419
 helplessness. This refers to a feeling of powerlessness and lack of
motivation that individuals experience after having been exposed to
a series of unpleasant events. They feel that they cannot control their
environment, which could lead to an inability to make use of existing or
other options.
■ Poverty induces uncertainty about the future. This consequence links
with the previous one: Hopelessness refers more to the present situation
in which people find themselves, while uncertainty about the future
is about expectations of the way in which the situation may develop.
This makes poor people feel even more vulnerable, particularly since
they do not have the same safety nets that more affluent people have;
consequently, they have to live with greater levels of apprehension and
uncertainty.
■ A feeling of alienation from mainstream society occurs. This may cause
poor people to feel like strangers in their own communities. Often, a
sense of rejection is experienced, and a situation of ‘we’ (the poor) and
‘they’ (the non-poor) develops. In certain cases, a sense of alienation and
a need to survive translate into (particularly) economic crimes such as
theft and robbery.
Another important consequence of poverty is its link with mental
disorders (Elliot, 2016; Funk et al., 2012). In fact, financial strain is regarded
widely as a relatively good predictor of developing a future mental disorder.
Therefore, it is not surprising that a broad range of mental disorders has been
associated with poverty of both the individual and his or her impoverished
community. Examples are depression and resulting suicide, anxiety disorders,
substance-related disorders (e.g. alcoholism and drug dependency) and
serious disorders such as schizophrenia where the person loses touch with
reality. Nevertheless, as mentioned before, any correlation (relationship)
between two or more factors should be interpreted with caution. This is also
true for the correlation between poverty and mental disorders. There are two
basic questions in this regard: (a) Are all the chronic and severe stressors
that are associated with poverty likely to cause a mental disorder?, or (b)
Is poverty the result of a mental disorder that causes so much restraint and
incapability that the individual cannot cope with life and therefore cannot
function properly to earn a decent income?
These two questions are still being debated. The present authors hold
the view that both may be correct — depending on the individual and
the specific situation. Rather than spending too much time debating the
correlation issue, more should be done to promote policies to address
420
poverty, regardless of whether it is a cause or a consequence.
6.2.1.5 Dependency
Dependency is a key element in the life cycle: Individuals begin their lives
as being totally dependent, then move through a long phase of relative
independence and then enter the last life stage with an increase in
dependency (Baltes, 1989). Various types of dependency that could affect
ageing have been identified, especially as far as older adults are concerned
(e.g. Gardner, 2003; Moane, 1993):
• Physical or medical dependency refers to the degree to which a person’s
physical health enables him or her to function relatively independently.
A growing body of evidence indicates that specific conditions, including
cognitive decline, obesity, loss of skeletal muscle mass and strength, and
chronic pain are linked strongly to physical functioning (Anton et al.,
2015). The health of elderly persons should be of such a nature that
they are largely self-sufficient and are able to perform what is referred
to as the ‘instrumental activities’ of living. These include shopping,
preparing meals, housekeeping, handling money, taking medicine, and
using the telephone. As mentioned earlier (see Chapter 2), the health
of a large proportion of the South African population leaves much to be
desired, to a large extent because of AIDS-related diseases. Therefore,
it can be expected that their physical or medical dependency is also
unacceptably high. However, only about 16% of the total South African
population have a medical scheme, while only about 7% of the elderly do
(Council for Medical Schemes, 2016; Moloi, 2016). Although many more
do make use of private healthcare (without the benefit of a medical
scheme), it is still less than 50% (Pretorius, 2017). The rest have to make
use of state facilities that often have problems of their own, for example
unavailability, inadequate facilities and medical care, shortage of staff,
and overcrowding. Therefore, urgent steps should be taken to contribute
to the successful ageing of the South African elderly in this regard.
• Psychological dependency refers to the extent to which individuals’
cognitive abilities (in particular their capacity to process information
and to make decisions) and their emotional functioning enable
them to function independently and maintain their emotional well-
being (Fillenbaum, 1985). Although there are certain deficits in the
cognitive functioning of the elderly (see Chapter 3), it is equally true
that the cognitive functioning of most elderly people enables them to
function independently. Mostly when they experience illnesses such as
421
 helplessness. This refers to a feeling of powerlessness and lack of
motivation that individuals experience after having been exposed to
a series of unpleasant events. They feel that they cannot control their
environment, which could lead to an inability to make use of existing or
other options.
■ Poverty induces uncertainty about the future. This consequence links
with the previous one: Hopelessness refers more to the present situation
in which people find themselves, while uncertainty about the future
is about expectations of the way in which the situation may develop.
This makes poor people feel even more vulnerable, particularly since
they do not have the same safety nets that more affluent people have;
consequently, they have to live with greater levels of apprehension and
uncertainty.
■ A feeling of alienation from mainstream society occurs. This may cause
poor people to feel like strangers in their own communities. Often, a
sense of rejection is experienced, and a situation of ‘we’ (the poor) and
‘they’ (the non-poor) develops. In certain cases, a sense of alienation and
a need to survive translate into (particularly) economic crimes such as
theft and robbery.
Another important consequence of poverty is its link with mental
disorders (Elliot, 2016; Funk et al., 2012). In fact, financial strain is regarded
widely as a relatively good predictor of developing a future mental disorder.
Therefore, it is not surprising that a broad range of mental disorders has been
associated with poverty of both the individual and his or her impoverished
community. Examples are depression and resulting suicide, anxiety disorders,
substance-related disorders (e.g. alcoholism and drug dependency) and
serious disorders such as schizophrenia where the person loses touch with
reality. Nevertheless, as mentioned before, any correlation (relationship)
between two or more factors should be interpreted with caution. This is also
true for the correlation between poverty and mental disorders. There are two
basic questions in this regard: (a) Are all the chronic and severe stressors
that are associated with poverty likely to cause a mental disorder?, or (b)
Is poverty the result of a mental disorder that causes so much restraint and
incapability that the individual cannot cope with life and therefore cannot
function properly to earn a decent income?
These two questions are still being debated. The present authors hold
the view that both may be correct — depending on the individual and
the specific situation. Rather than spending too much time debating the
correlation issue, more should be done to promote policies to address
420
poverty, regardless of whether it is a cause or a consequence.
6.2.1.5 Dependency
Dependency is a key element in the life cycle: Individuals begin their lives
as being totally dependent, then move through a long phase of relative
independence and then enter the last life stage with an increase in
dependency (Baltes, 1989). Various types of dependency that could affect
ageing have been identified, especially as far as older adults are concerned
(e.g. Gardner, 2003; Moane, 1993):
• Physical or medical dependency refers to the degree to which a person’s
physical health enables him or her to function relatively independently.
A growing body of evidence indicates that specific conditions, including
cognitive decline, obesity, loss of skeletal muscle mass and strength, and
chronic pain are linked strongly to physical functioning (Anton et al.,
2015). The health of elderly persons should be of such a nature that
they are largely self-sufficient and are able to perform what is referred
to as the ‘instrumental activities’ of living. These include shopping,
preparing meals, housekeeping, handling money, taking medicine, and
using the telephone. As mentioned earlier (see Chapter 2), the health
of a large proportion of the South African population leaves much to be
desired, to a large extent because of AIDS-related diseases. Therefore,
it can be expected that their physical or medical dependency is also
unacceptably high. However, only about 16% of the total South African
population have a medical scheme, while only about 7% of the elderly do
(Council for Medical Schemes, 2016; Moloi, 2016). Although many more
do make use of private healthcare (without the benefit of a medical
scheme), it is still less than 50% (Pretorius, 2017). The rest have to make
use of state facilities that often have problems of their own, for example
unavailability, inadequate facilities and medical care, shortage of staff,
and overcrowding. Therefore, urgent steps should be taken to contribute
to the successful ageing of the South African elderly in this regard.
• Psychological dependency refers to the extent to which individuals’
cognitive abilities (in particular their capacity to process information
and to make decisions) and their emotional functioning enable
them to function independently and maintain their emotional well-
being (Fillenbaum, 1985). Although there are certain deficits in the
cognitive functioning of the elderly (see Chapter 3), it is equally true
that the cognitive functioning of most elderly people enables them to
function independently. Mostly when they experience illnesses such as
421
 Alzheimer’s disease or emotional disorders such as depression, serious
psychological dependency sets in (as will be discussed later in this
chapter). An interesting aspect of psychological dependency is that,
despite the fact that receiving care from people with whom they have a
close relationship is beneficial for older adults in general, the receipt of
care may erode older adults’ sense of independence and competence.
Several studies have documented care recipients’ negative reactions
such as feeling indebted, helpless, and incompetent to being helped
(Kwak et al., 2014). Therefore, it is important to remember that there is a
fine line between assisting and undignifying a person.
• Social dependency involves the capacity to maintain satisfying
interpersonal relationships and to obtain needed social support from
the community. It also includes having the capacity to make decisions
about where, when and how to engage in social interactions (Meurer
et al., 2014). It is especially important that the elderly should keep and
even strengthen their friendship relationships. Research has shown that
perceived lack of social support and negative stereotyping significantly
predict more anxiety towards ageing (Ramirez & Palacios-Espinosa,
2016). Therefore, society has an equally important task not only to accept
the elderly as full and equal members of society, but also to supply the
necessary social support.
• Financial dependency refers to the inability of individuals and families
to meet their needs consistently with minimal or no special financial
assistance from private or public organisations (Gates et al., 2016).
Therefore, financial dependency is linked closely with poverty. People
who are less financially dependent on others tend to experience a
greater feeling of well-being than those who are dependent (Schaie &
Willis, 2002). One reason is that people who are financially dependent
are restricted from achieving even relatively small goals in life. Their
expectations are blocked, and their experience of self-fulfilment is
damaged seriously. Therefore, feelings of inferiority and uncertainty are
common.
The effect that dependency has on particularly the elderly finds expression
in the words of a 78-year-old woman who suffered from a chronic illness:
“The pain I can bear. You can get used to that part. What really bothers me
is not being able to take care of myself. The loss of dignity is something you
can’t imagine” (Gormly & Brodzinsky, 1989, p. 500).
Fortunately, as discussed in Chapter 5, a large proportion of older
people are embedded in a network of kin, friends, and neighbours on whom
422
they can rely and from whom they can obtain support. However, in South
Africa, these networks are decreasing in size and quality. Reasons for this
include the emigration and urbanisation of children (who traditionally cared
especially for the rural elderly in the past), children who are overwhelmed
by the increasing demands of their careers and own families, and the death
of children especially because of AIDS-related illnesses. In turn, this could
affect the well-being of such elderly people significantly.
6.2.1.6 Major life events and daily hassles
Various researchers have found that the experience of both major life
events and daily hassles (little irritations and frustrations such as a flat
tyre, a traffic jam, the unavailability of parking, a flat cell phone battery,
forgetting an appointment, an argument with a colleague, etc.) is linked to
numerous negative physical health outcomes, as well as mental health and
psychological well-being (Schonfeld et al., 2016; Scott et al., 2017). However,
it seems that the effect of even a single dramatic life event – especially if it
were expected – is not as significant in the long run as some people think; it
is rather the unexpected life event
or clustering of daily hassles that
has a cumulative and significant
effect on adjustment (Aldwin et
al., 2014; Greenberg, 2014). In fact,
research has revealed that these
chronic daily hassles are often a
better indication of psychological
and physical disorders than a
single major life event is (De
Longis, 2014; Hoyer & Roodin, Daily hassles such as traffic jams can affect a
person’s well-being significantly
2009).
As far as a correlation between age and daily hassles is concerned, it
seems that individuals in early and middle adulthood experience more daily
hassles than those in late adulthood (Almeida & Horn, 2004; Stawski et al.,
2008). This is understandable, as the situations in which the elderly find
themselves have less potential for such hassles to occur. Researchers have
also found that the elderly prefer to make fewer choices than young adults
do (Reed et al., 2008), which also explains the afore-mentioned finding. In
addition, the type of hassles may change with age. Older adults report more
health-related hassles, but fewer problems with parents, children, spouses,
work, relatives and money than the younger adult groups do.
423
 Alzheimer’s disease or emotional disorders such as depression, serious
psychological dependency sets in (as will be discussed later in this
chapter). An interesting aspect of psychological dependency is that,
despite the fact that receiving care from people with whom they have a
close relationship is beneficial for older adults in general, the receipt of
care may erode older adults’ sense of independence and competence.
Several studies have documented care recipients’ negative reactions
such as feeling indebted, helpless, and incompetent to being helped
(Kwak et al., 2014). Therefore, it is important to remember that there is a
fine line between assisting and undignifying a person.
• Social dependency involves the capacity to maintain satisfying
interpersonal relationships and to obtain needed social support from
the community. It also includes having the capacity to make decisions
about where, when and how to engage in social interactions (Meurer
et al., 2014). It is especially important that the elderly should keep and
even strengthen their friendship relationships. Research has shown that
perceived lack of social support and negative stereotyping significantly
predict more anxiety towards ageing (Ramirez & Palacios-Espinosa,
2016). Therefore, society has an equally important task not only to accept
the elderly as full and equal members of society, but also to supply the
necessary social support.
• Financial dependency refers to the inability of individuals and families
to meet their needs consistently with minimal or no special financial
assistance from private or public organisations (Gates et al., 2016).
Therefore, financial dependency is linked closely with poverty. People
who are less financially dependent on others tend to experience a
greater feeling of well-being than those who are dependent (Schaie &
Willis, 2002). One reason is that people who are financially dependent
are restricted from achieving even relatively small goals in life. Their
expectations are blocked, and their experience of self-fulfilment is
damaged seriously. Therefore, feelings of inferiority and uncertainty are
common.
The effect that dependency has on particularly the elderly finds expression
in the words of a 78-year-old woman who suffered from a chronic illness:
“The pain I can bear. You can get used to that part. What really bothers me
is not being able to take care of myself. The loss of dignity is something you
can’t imagine” (Gormly & Brodzinsky, 1989, p. 500).
Fortunately, as discussed in Chapter 5, a large proportion of older
people are embedded in a network of kin, friends, and neighbours on whom
422
they can rely and from whom they can obtain support. However, in South
Africa, these networks are decreasing in size and quality. Reasons for this
include the emigration and urbanisation of children (who traditionally cared
especially for the rural elderly in the past), children who are overwhelmed
by the increasing demands of their careers and own families, and the death
of children especially because of AIDS-related illnesses. In turn, this could
affect the well-being of such elderly people significantly.
6.2.1.6 Major life events and daily hassles
Various researchers have found that the experience of both major life
events and daily hassles (little irritations and frustrations such as a flat
tyre, a traffic jam, the unavailability of parking, a flat cell phone battery,
forgetting an appointment, an argument with a colleague, etc.) is linked to
numerous negative physical health outcomes, as well as mental health and
psychological well-being (Schonfeld et al., 2016; Scott et al., 2017). However,
it seems that the effect of even a single dramatic life event – especially if it
were expected – is not as significant in the long run as some people think; it
is rather the unexpected life event
or clustering of daily hassles that
has a cumulative and significant
effect on adjustment (Aldwin et
al., 2014; Greenberg, 2014). In fact,
research has revealed that these
chronic daily hassles are often a
better indication of psychological
and physical disorders than a
single major life event is (De
Longis, 2014; Hoyer & Roodin, Daily hassles such as traffic jams can affect a
person’s well-being significantly
2009).
As far as a correlation between age and daily hassles is concerned, it
seems that individuals in early and middle adulthood experience more daily
hassles than those in late adulthood (Almeida & Horn, 2004; Stawski et al.,
2008). This is understandable, as the situations in which the elderly find
themselves have less potential for such hassles to occur. Researchers have
also found that the elderly prefer to make fewer choices than young adults
do (Reed et al., 2008), which also explains the afore-mentioned finding. In
addition, the type of hassles may change with age. Older adults report more
health-related hassles, but fewer problems with parents, children, spouses,
work, relatives and money than the younger adult groups do.
423
 The question whether the intensity of emotional reactions to these
stressors remains similar throughout the various adult life stages led to
different findings. On the one hand, it was found that this is indeed the case
(Lachman, 2002). On the other hand, there are indications that although
exposure to these hassles decreases in later life, the subjective intensity
increases (Aldwin et al., 2014). A reason for these inconsistent findings could
be that different research methodologies were used. Whatever the case may
be, it shows that the emotional reaction of the elderly is at least as intense
as that of other age groups.
6.2.1.7 Active lifestyle
This concept, also called active ageing, is the process of optimising
opportunities for health, participation, and security to enhance quality of life
as people age. This is important, as it allows people to realise their potential
for physical, social, and mental well-being throughout the life course. The
term ‘active’ refers to continuing participation in social, economic, cultural,
spiritual, and civic affairs, not only the ability to be physically active or to
participate in the labour force. Older people who retire from work or live
with disabilities can remain active contributors to their families, peers,
communities, and nations. Active ageing aims to extend healthy life
expectancy and quality of life for all people as they age (World Health
Organisation, 2017).
An active lifestyle has always been associated widely with general
psychological well-being. This viewpoint led to the formulation of the
activity theory in the 1960s (Havighurst, 1961). According to the activity
theory, older adults try to maintain their level of social interaction by
substituting new roles when old roles have become redundant or are no
longer available. For example, a man who has retired may become involved
in volunteer work, or a widow may join a new social group. The activity
theory claims that if older adults are successful in replacing social roles they
have lost, they will experience more life satisfaction, higher self-esteem and
a sense of well-being.
Although the activity theory sounds very logical and initially was
accepted by many, criticism soon cast a shadow over the reliability of the
theory (e.g., Paul et al., 2012; Versey, 2016). Firstly, a high activity level does
not necessarily lead to higher life satisfaction or healthy ageing. Diversity
among individuals is not considered. In fact, all of us know people who are
not active but who are psychologically and physically healthy. Secondly, the
direction of the correlation – an active lifestyle leads to life satisfaction – is
questioned. More specifically: At any stage, healthy people tend to be more
424
active and content with their lives than unhealthy people (Schaie & Willis,
2002). Good health and life satisfaction could just as well cause a higher
active lifestyle, than the other way round. Thirdly, the activity theory does
not consider that successful ageing is relative: What is wonderful and great
for one, may be terrible and dreadful for another. For example, for individuals
who have had a high activity level during their lives, it will usually be
important to continue on the same or similar level. They will find an inactive
lifestyle boring and dull, while those who were relatively inactive could find
that their new ‘life of leisure’ suits them perfectly. Thus, the individual’s own
unique needs and wishes are the determining factors. Fourthly, the activity
theory does not indicate which activities are more important. For example,
is physical activity more important that psychological activities such as
meditation and yoga are?
Because of the afore-mentioned criticism, the continuity theory was
formulated (Atchley, 2000). According to this theory, older adults will
achieve successful ageing by maintaining the same activities, behaviours,
and relationships as they did in their earlier years of life. The implication
of the continuity theory is that any significant change will lead to lower
adjustment and self-esteem in older adults (Whitbourne, 2008). However,
the continuity theory did not have the last word. Critics of the theory point
out that one of the core principles of the theory – that present activities,
behaviours, and relationships lay the basis for successful ageing – is flawed.
Present adaptation strategies may not be the most successful strategies in
later life. For example, at present, one may handle one’s stress levels well
by going for a run or to go for dinner at a nice restaurant. However, in later
life, one may not be physically able to run or afford to eat at a restaurant.
Critics also point out that the continuity theory does not consider that some
people actually want to change some of their behaviours or roles of the
past. For example, a person who handled his world by being aggressive may
decide to change his ways later in his life.
In reality, both discontinuity and continuity play important roles in
development and, generally, in moving from one milestone to another across
the life span (Lynch et al., 2016). Once again, it seems that the golden rule
in psychology should be respected; although theories may make valuable
contributions to people in general, the uniqueness of the individual should
always be regarded as the most important.
6.2.1.8 Religion and spirituality
Another important point of criticism against the Rowe-Kahn model
425
 The question whether the intensity of emotional reactions to these
stressors remains similar throughout the various adult life stages led to
different findings. On the one hand, it was found that this is indeed the case
(Lachman, 2002). On the other hand, there are indications that although
exposure to these hassles decreases in later life, the subjective intensity
increases (Aldwin et al., 2014). A reason for these inconsistent findings could
be that different research methodologies were used. Whatever the case may
be, it shows that the emotional reaction of the elderly is at least as intense
as that of other age groups.
6.2.1.7 Active lifestyle
This concept, also called active ageing, is the process of optimising
opportunities for health, participation, and security to enhance quality of life
as people age. This is important, as it allows people to realise their potential
for physical, social, and mental well-being throughout the life course. The
term ‘active’ refers to continuing participation in social, economic, cultural,
spiritual, and civic affairs, not only the ability to be physically active or to
participate in the labour force. Older people who retire from work or live
with disabilities can remain active contributors to their families, peers,
communities, and nations. Active ageing aims to extend healthy life
expectancy and quality of life for all people as they age (World Health
Organisation, 2017).
An active lifestyle has always been associated widely with general
psychological well-being. This viewpoint led to the formulation of the
activity theory in the 1960s (Havighurst, 1961). According to the activity
theory, older adults try to maintain their level of social interaction by
substituting new roles when old roles have become redundant or are no
longer available. For example, a man who has retired may become involved
in volunteer work, or a widow may join a new social group. The activity
theory claims that if older adults are successful in replacing social roles they
have lost, they will experience more life satisfaction, higher self-esteem and
a sense of well-being.
Although the activity theory sounds very logical and initially was
accepted by many, criticism soon cast a shadow over the reliability of the
theory (e.g., Paul et al., 2012; Versey, 2016). Firstly, a high activity level does
not necessarily lead to higher life satisfaction or healthy ageing. Diversity
among individuals is not considered. In fact, all of us know people who are
not active but who are psychologically and physically healthy. Secondly, the
direction of the correlation – an active lifestyle leads to life satisfaction – is
questioned. More specifically: At any stage, healthy people tend to be more
424
active and content with their lives than unhealthy people (Schaie & Willis,
2002). Good health and life satisfaction could just as well cause a higher
active lifestyle, than the other way round. Thirdly, the activity theory does
not consider that successful ageing is relative: What is wonderful and great
for one, may be terrible and dreadful for another. For example, for individuals
who have had a high activity level during their lives, it will usually be
important to continue on the same or similar level. They will find an inactive
lifestyle boring and dull, while those who were relatively inactive could find
that their new ‘life of leisure’ suits them perfectly. Thus, the individual’s own
unique needs and wishes are the determining factors. Fourthly, the activity
theory does not indicate which activities are more important. For example,
is physical activity more important that psychological activities such as
meditation and yoga are?
Because of the afore-mentioned criticism, the continuity theory was
formulated (Atchley, 2000). According to this theory, older adults will
achieve successful ageing by maintaining the same activities, behaviours,
and relationships as they did in their earlier years of life. The implication
of the continuity theory is that any significant change will lead to lower
adjustment and self-esteem in older adults (Whitbourne, 2008). However,
the continuity theory did not have the last word. Critics of the theory point
out that one of the core principles of the theory – that present activities,
behaviours, and relationships lay the basis for successful ageing – is flawed.
Present adaptation strategies may not be the most successful strategies in
later life. For example, at present, one may handle one’s stress levels well
by going for a run or to go for dinner at a nice restaurant. However, in later
life, one may not be physically able to run or afford to eat at a restaurant.
Critics also point out that the continuity theory does not consider that some
people actually want to change some of their behaviours or roles of the
past. For example, a person who handled his world by being aggressive may
decide to change his ways later in his life.
In reality, both discontinuity and continuity play important roles in
development and, generally, in moving from one milestone to another across
the life span (Lynch et al., 2016). Once again, it seems that the golden rule
in psychology should be respected; although theories may make valuable
contributions to people in general, the uniqueness of the individual should
always be regarded as the most important.
6.2.1.8 Religion and spirituality
Another important point of criticism against the Rowe-Kahn model
425
of successful ageing discussed at the beginning of this chapter, is the
underemphasis of spirituality, the so-called “forgotten factor” (Crowther et
al., 2002, p. 613). This factor plays a significant role in the lives of many
elderly and therefore cannot be denied as a component of successful ageing.
Religion and spirituality are two terms not easily defined. In fact, no
generally accepted definition of either of the concepts exists. In short, religion
could be regarded as an organised system of beliefs and practices that has
the aim to worship and honour God or a god (see Box 6.3 for information on
religions in South Africa). In essence, spirituality is a response to the search
by human beings for meaning in their lives (Marcoen, 2005). It is not an
organised system such as religion, but rather a private and individualised
connection with God or a god. People who are religious may or may not
be spiritual, and people who are spiritual may be or may not be religious
(Foos & Clark, 2008). For practical reasons, and because these two concepts
are so intertwined, we shall use the abbreviation RS (religion/spirituality) to
refer to both in the following overview.
Box 6.3 Religion in the world and South Africa
About 85% of the world population has some form of faith. The largest religion is
Christianity, which makes up about one third of all religions. (However, Christianity
consists of nearly 40 000 different denominations). Islam is second, with nearly 25%,
and Hinduism is third with about 15%. The vast majority (86%) of South Africans
describe their religious affiliation as ‘Christian’, while a further 6% indicate that they
are not affiliated to any religion in particular. Five percent of individuals subscribe to
religions that are described as ‘ancestral, tribal, animist, or other traditional African
religions’ (Statistics South Africa, 2014).
Research data show that RS is associated with successful ageing
(Coleman et al., 2016; Depp et al., 2012; Noronha, 2015). For example, RS
persons tend to have
– higher general psychological well-being and life satisfaction;
– fewer physical health problems and an even lower mortality rate;
– fewer mental health problems such as depression and a lower suicide
rate;
– more positive relationships with other people and a better social network
from which to draw emotional support and encouragement.
Several explanations have been offered for the positive influence of RS,
for instance (Foos & Clark, 2008; Pew Research Centre, 2016):
426
• Demands and requirements. Many institutionalised religions place high
demands and requirements on their members, such as the prohibition
of alcohol, drugs (including tobacco), and extramarital sex. The fact
that they engage less in such unhealthy behaviours could be a possible
explanation for their better health.
• Stress relief. It is well-known that meditation is an effective stress
reliever that could reduce blood pressure and decrease heart rate.
(Meditation is the act of relaxing the body and focusing one’s mind
on a specific target or goal. In
the process, inner calm and
peacefulness is achieved.) Since
prayer or chanting, reading
RS writings, and watching or
listening to RS programmes
are regarded as forms of
meditation, the practitioners
of these RS customs thus
employ an effective technique
against stress and other health
vulnerabilities.
• Social support. Members of RS
communities are known for the
social support they provide to
Meditation is an effective stress reliever
members. The psychological Credit: SARIE/Willem Lourens
contribution of this social
support and accompanying assurance, comfort, and consolation to
the individual’s psychological and physical well-being should never
be underestimated. However, it is not only a matter of receiving social
support. At the same time, individual members also learn to focus
beyond themselves and their own problems, seeing and assisting others
with their struggles, receiving much gratification from it in the process.
• Positive outlook and hope. RS could also be beneficial because it
provides a positive outlook and hope. In other words, RS individuals
are able to place their problems and suffering in a broader and eternal
context of human suffering and a ‘hereafter’ where there will be no
more pain and misery. It is generally known and accepted that hope is
one of the strongest forces to combat suffering. A related advantage
is that RS provides individuals with a meaning and purpose in life. In
turn, this is a good preventive and therapeutic factor against existential
427
of successful ageing discussed at the beginning of this chapter, is the
underemphasis of spirituality, the so-called “forgotten factor” (Crowther et
al., 2002, p. 613). This factor plays a significant role in the lives of many
elderly and therefore cannot be denied as a component of successful ageing.
Religion and spirituality are two terms not easily defined. In fact, no
generally accepted definition of either of the concepts exists. In short, religion
could be regarded as an organised system of beliefs and practices that has
the aim to worship and honour God or a god (see Box 6.3 for information on
religions in South Africa). In essence, spirituality is a response to the search
by human beings for meaning in their lives (Marcoen, 2005). It is not an
organised system such as religion, but rather a private and individualised
connection with God or a god. People who are religious may or may not
be spiritual, and people who are spiritual may be or may not be religious
(Foos & Clark, 2008). For practical reasons, and because these two concepts
are so intertwined, we shall use the abbreviation RS (religion/spirituality) to
refer to both in the following overview.
Box 6.3 Religion in the world and South Africa
About 85% of the world population has some form of faith. The largest religion is
Christianity, which makes up about one third of all religions. (However, Christianity
consists of nearly 40 000 different denominations). Islam is second, with nearly 25%,
and Hinduism is third with about 15%. The vast majority (86%) of South Africans
describe their religious affiliation as ‘Christian’, while a further 6% indicate that they
are not affiliated to any religion in particular. Five percent of individuals subscribe to
religions that are described as ‘ancestral, tribal, animist, or other traditional African
religions’ (Statistics South Africa, 2014).
Research data show that RS is associated with successful ageing
(Coleman et al., 2016; Depp et al., 2012; Noronha, 2015). For example, RS
persons tend to have
– higher general psychological well-being and life satisfaction;
– fewer physical health problems and an even lower mortality rate;
– fewer mental health problems such as depression and a lower suicide
rate;
– more positive relationships with other people and a better social network
from which to draw emotional support and encouragement.
Several explanations have been offered for the positive influence of RS,
for instance (Foos & Clark, 2008; Pew Research Centre, 2016):
426
• Demands and requirements. Many institutionalised religions place high
demands and requirements on their members, such as the prohibition
of alcohol, drugs (including tobacco), and extramarital sex. The fact
that they engage less in such unhealthy behaviours could be a possible
explanation for their better health.
• Stress relief. It is well-known that meditation is an effective stress
reliever that could reduce blood pressure and decrease heart rate.
(Meditation is the act of relaxing the body and focusing one’s mind
on a specific target or goal. In
the process, inner calm and
peacefulness is achieved.) Since
prayer or chanting, reading
RS writings, and watching or
listening to RS programmes
are regarded as forms of
meditation, the practitioners
of these RS customs thus
employ an effective technique
against stress and other health
vulnerabilities.
• Social support. Members of RS
communities are known for the
social support they provide to
Meditation is an effective stress reliever
members. The psychological Credit: SARIE/Willem Lourens
contribution of this social
support and accompanying assurance, comfort, and consolation to
the individual’s psychological and physical well-being should never
be underestimated. However, it is not only a matter of receiving social
support. At the same time, individual members also learn to focus
beyond themselves and their own problems, seeing and assisting others
with their struggles, receiving much gratification from it in the process.
• Positive outlook and hope. RS could also be beneficial because it
provides a positive outlook and hope. In other words, RS individuals
are able to place their problems and suffering in a broader and eternal
context of human suffering and a ‘hereafter’ where there will be no
more pain and misery. It is generally known and accepted that hope is
one of the strongest forces to combat suffering. A related advantage
is that RS provides individuals with a meaning and purpose in life. In
turn, this is a good preventive and therapeutic factor against existential
427
 crises in particular (“who and why am I?”) and related symptoms such
as depression and anxiety.
There are hundreds of paths up the mountain, all leading to the same place, so it doesn’t
matter which path you take. The only person wasting time is the one who runs around the
mountain, telling everyone that his or her path is wrong. Hindu Proverb
6.2.1.9 Loneliness
Imagine a condition that is associated with about a 25% increase in the
risk of premature mortality and is associated with several mental disorders.
Imagine too that in industrialised countries, about a third of people are
affected by this condition, with one person in 12 affected severely, and that
these proportions are increasing. Income, education, gender, and ethnicity
do not play a role in it (Cacioppo & Cacioppo, 2018). Not many people will
guess the name of this condition – loneliness.
It is important to distinguish between being lonely (loneliness) and
being alone (aloneness). It has been said that loneliness is the pain of being
alone, while aloneness is the joy of being alone. Loneliness can be defined
as an unpleasant and distressing emotional state in which an individual
experiences a strong feeling of emptiness and isolation. One can feel lonely,
even if one is surrounded by a crowd. As far as aloneness is concerned, most
people often long to get away from the ‘madding crowd’, just to be on their
own for a while. Being alone may heal, whereas loneliness can hurt (Hoyer
428
& Roodin, 2009). Therefore, some people who prefer to live alone are no
lonelier than people who live with friends or family.
Although many younger people tend to associate loneliness with the
elderly, research has shown that loneliness is usually a relatively stable
characteristic across the adult life span (Demakakos et al., 2006). (See Box
6.4 regarding loneliness among university students.) Thus, the perception
that loneliness primarily occurs during late adulthood is refuted. According
to several surveys, loneliness levels peak in young adulthood (as high as
about 25%), while they gradually diminish throughout middle and early old
age (Vitelli, 2016). Only when people reach the age of about 80 or above,
reported levels of perceived loneliness pass levels seen in young adulthood.
However, the majority of older people are neither lonely nor become lonely
as they age (Antonucci, 2014; Landeiro et al., 2017).
Box 6.4 Loneliness among university students in 25 countries
In a cross-national study, factors associated with loneliness were investigated, while the
degree to which loneliness affects health status and risky behaviour among university
students was also determined (Peltser & Pengpid, 2017). Data were collected from
nearly 20 000 university students in 25 countries (females = 58.6%; from Africa =
33.5%). Loneliness was associated with lower family wealth, living in a low or lower
middle income country, and feeling alone during childhood. Moreover, psychosocial
factors of perceived lack of control, low organised religious activity, high non-organised
religious activity, high intrinsic religiosity, and low social support were associated with
loneliness. Lonely students were also likely to self-report poor subjective health status,
sleeping problems, short sleep duration, tobacco use, heavy internet use, aggressive
behaviour, injury, and risky sexual behaviour.
However, it is very important that age should not be regarded as a
singular feature or cause for feelings of loneliness. Instead, age and various
other factors combine to predict feelings of loneliness (Ferreira-Alves et al.,
2014):
Many situations such as divorce and not having close friends can cause
loneliness. However, it is accepted widely that the death of a spouse usually
causes the most intense and extensive feelings of loneliness. Emotionally,
the surviving spouse loses his or her psychologically most important and
intimate relationship. For many, the anchor and purpose of their existence
is lost. They cease to be loved and are deprived of the opportunity to love.
Additionally, the death of a spouse immediately removes the source of many
of the person’s social interactions, which adds to the loneliness (Schaie &
429
 crises in particular (“who and why am I?”) and related symptoms such
as depression and anxiety.
There are hundreds of paths up the mountain, all leading to the same place, so it doesn’t
matter which path you take. The only person wasting time is the one who runs around the
mountain, telling everyone that his or her path is wrong. Hindu Proverb
6.2.1.9 Loneliness
Imagine a condition that is associated with about a 25% increase in the
risk of premature mortality and is associated with several mental disorders.
Imagine too that in industrialised countries, about a third of people are
affected by this condition, with one person in 12 affected severely, and that
these proportions are increasing. Income, education, gender, and ethnicity
do not play a role in it (Cacioppo & Cacioppo, 2018). Not many people will
guess the name of this condition – loneliness.
It is important to distinguish between being lonely (loneliness) and
being alone (aloneness). It has been said that loneliness is the pain of being
alone, while aloneness is the joy of being alone. Loneliness can be defined
as an unpleasant and distressing emotional state in which an individual
experiences a strong feeling of emptiness and isolation. One can feel lonely,
even if one is surrounded by a crowd. As far as aloneness is concerned, most
people often long to get away from the ‘madding crowd’, just to be on their
own for a while. Being alone may heal, whereas loneliness can hurt (Hoyer
428
& Roodin, 2009). Therefore, some people who prefer to live alone are no
lonelier than people who live with friends or family.
Although many younger people tend to associate loneliness with the
elderly, research has shown that loneliness is usually a relatively stable
characteristic across the adult life span (Demakakos et al., 2006). (See Box
6.4 regarding loneliness among university students.) Thus, the perception
that loneliness primarily occurs during late adulthood is refuted. According
to several surveys, loneliness levels peak in young adulthood (as high as
about 25%), while they gradually diminish throughout middle and early old
age (Vitelli, 2016). Only when people reach the age of about 80 or above,
reported levels of perceived loneliness pass levels seen in young adulthood.
However, the majority of older people are neither lonely nor become lonely
as they age (Antonucci, 2014; Landeiro et al., 2017).
Box 6.4 Loneliness among university students in 25 countries
In a cross-national study, factors associated with loneliness were investigated, while the
degree to which loneliness affects health status and risky behaviour among university
students was also determined (Peltser & Pengpid, 2017). Data were collected from
nearly 20 000 university students in 25 countries (females = 58.6%; from Africa =
33.5%). Loneliness was associated with lower family wealth, living in a low or lower
middle income country, and feeling alone during childhood. Moreover, psychosocial
factors of perceived lack of control, low organised religious activity, high non-organised
religious activity, high intrinsic religiosity, and low social support were associated with
loneliness. Lonely students were also likely to self-report poor subjective health status,
sleeping problems, short sleep duration, tobacco use, heavy internet use, aggressive
behaviour, injury, and risky sexual behaviour.
However, it is very important that age should not be regarded as a
singular feature or cause for feelings of loneliness. Instead, age and various
other factors combine to predict feelings of loneliness (Ferreira-Alves et al.,
2014):
Many situations such as divorce and not having close friends can cause
loneliness. However, it is accepted widely that the death of a spouse usually
causes the most intense and extensive feelings of loneliness. Emotionally,
the surviving spouse loses his or her psychologically most important and
intimate relationship. For many, the anchor and purpose of their existence
is lost. They cease to be loved and are deprived of the opportunity to love.
Additionally, the death of a spouse immediately removes the source of many
of the person’s social interactions, which adds to the loneliness (Schaie &
429
Willis, 2002). Therefore, it is understandable that psychological symptoms
such as depression and anxiety are common in such situations. However, it
should also be considered that the fact that a person is in a relationship does
not shield a person against loneliness. Unfulfilled relationships can play just
as an important role in loneliness as the loss or lack of a partner (Tilikainen
& Seppänen, 2017).
Researchers have identified several personality factors that seem to play
a role in loneliness, such as intraversion, suspiciousness, self-consciousness,
shyness, an external locus of control, submissiveness, and a lack of self-
confidence (see Le Roux, 2004; Nayyar & Singh, 2011). People who feel
lonely also tend to be irritable and evaluate other people negatively. It
seems that loneliness can shape a person’s personality through social
inactivity and withdrawal (Mund & Meyer, 2015). As we have seen in Chapter
4, one’s personality is influenced partly by those with whom one interacts
and the part one plays in one’s social relationships. People who do not have
these interactions and, for example, have an anxious, shy, and introverted
personality are more likely to miss out on these experiences. This further
shapes their personality in directions that lead to more isolation and
loneliness.
Other interesting research data concerning loneliness are the following
(e.g. Beaumont, 2013; Demakakos et al., Dimakakos 2006; Ferreira-Alves et
al., 2014):
• More women than men report feeling lonely, but this difference decreases
with age, and for those over 80 years, there is almost no difference
between the genders.
• Living with a partner and experiencing feelings of closeness lowers rates
of loneliness.
• Contact with children is an important guard against loneliness.
Grandchildren can also play an important role. However, having children
but not having a close relationship with any of them is associated with
higher rates of loneliness than being childless.
• Higher economic status can play an important role in combating
loneliness because it affords more opportunities to engage with others,
but its effect declines after the age of 75.
• Friends tend to underestimate a person’s loneliness.
• Residential care facilities are not always a safeguard against loneliness.
In fact, a South African study found that older people are more prone
to experience loneliness when living in residential care facilities (Roos
430
& Malan, 2012). One of the main reasons for this is the absence of
meaningful interpersonal interactions.
• A controversial question is to what extent pets can alleviate loneliness.
Although many people accept this for granted, scientific evidence to
support this belief is slim (Needell et al., 2016; Pikhartova et al., 2014).
A South African study made a similar finding (Buckle, 2015). It seems to
confirm that although pets (and factors such as television) could be the
proverbial balm; there is not a replacement for meaningful interpersonal
interactions and relationships.
• A factor that is obvious but often underestimated is the significant
contribution of hearing loss to loneliness (Ciorba et al., 2012; Sung et
al., 2015). Not only does the person isolate him- or herself, but is also
isolated by others.
• In a comparative international study, it was found that South African
students were significantly less lonely than Australian students were (Le
Roux & Connors, 2001). In a more recent study with a South African group
of postgraduate students, a general low level of loneliness was found
(Lesch et al., 2016). The participants were found to be lonelier in the
romantic domain than in the social or family loneliness domains. Single
participants also had higher levels of romantic and general loneliness
than participants in committed relationships had. Therefore, the results
suggest that relationship status has a significant influence on loneliness
and confirm the value of romantic relationships in young adults’ lives.
The experience of loneliness can have detrimental effects on health and
well-being across the life span, especially in older people (Cacioppo et al.,
2014; Queen et al., 2014; Thomas, 2015). Some examples of the consequences
of loneliness are depression, anxiety, sleep disturbances, low life satisfaction,
low self-esteem, poor physical health, cardiovascular problems, high blood
pressure, and even earlier death. According to some authors, loneliness
has a similar influence on a person’s health as cigarette smoking has (Holt-
Lunstad et al., 2015).
Throughout this section in this chapter, we have alluded to people’s
quality of life and well-being as aspects involved in successful ageing. Box
6.5 refers to quality of life and happiness of older South Africans, while Box
6.6 refers to the psychological well-being of two distinct groups of elderly
South Africans.
431
Willis, 2002). Therefore, it is understandable that psychological symptoms
such as depression and anxiety are common in such situations. However, it
should also be considered that the fact that a person is in a relationship does
not shield a person against loneliness. Unfulfilled relationships can play just
as an important role in loneliness as the loss or lack of a partner (Tilikainen
& Seppänen, 2017).
Researchers have identified several personality factors that seem to play
a role in loneliness, such as intraversion, suspiciousness, self-consciousness,
shyness, an external locus of control, submissiveness, and a lack of self-
confidence (see Le Roux, 2004; Nayyar & Singh, 2011). People who feel
lonely also tend to be irritable and evaluate other people negatively. It
seems that loneliness can shape a person’s personality through social
inactivity and withdrawal (Mund & Meyer, 2015). As we have seen in Chapter
4, one’s personality is influenced partly by those with whom one interacts
and the part one plays in one’s social relationships. People who do not have
these interactions and, for example, have an anxious, shy, and introverted
personality are more likely to miss out on these experiences. This further
shapes their personality in directions that lead to more isolation and
loneliness.
Other interesting research data concerning loneliness are the following
(e.g. Beaumont, 2013; Demakakos et al., Dimakakos 2006; Ferreira-Alves et
al., 2014):
• More women than men report feeling lonely, but this difference decreases
with age, and for those over 80 years, there is almost no difference
between the genders.
• Living with a partner and experiencing feelings of closeness lowers rates
of loneliness.
• Contact with children is an important guard against loneliness.
Grandchildren can also play an important role. However, having children
but not having a close relationship with any of them is associated with
higher rates of loneliness than being childless.
• Higher economic status can play an important role in combating
loneliness because it affords more opportunities to engage with others,
but its effect declines after the age of 75.
• Friends tend to underestimate a person’s loneliness.
• Residential care facilities are not always a safeguard against loneliness.
In fact, a South African study found that older people are more prone
to experience loneliness when living in residential care facilities (Roos
430
& Malan, 2012). One of the main reasons for this is the absence of
meaningful interpersonal interactions.
• A controversial question is to what extent pets can alleviate loneliness.
Although many people accept this for granted, scientific evidence to
support this belief is slim (Needell et al., 2016; Pikhartova et al., 2014).
A South African study made a similar finding (Buckle, 2015). It seems to
confirm that although pets (and factors such as television) could be the
proverbial balm; there is not a replacement for meaningful interpersonal
interactions and relationships.
• A factor that is obvious but often underestimated is the significant
contribution of hearing loss to loneliness (Ciorba et al., 2012; Sung et
al., 2015). Not only does the person isolate him- or herself, but is also
isolated by others.
• In a comparative international study, it was found that South African
students were significantly less lonely than Australian students were (Le
Roux & Connors, 2001). In a more recent study with a South African group
of postgraduate students, a general low level of loneliness was found
(Lesch et al., 2016). The participants were found to be lonelier in the
romantic domain than in the social or family loneliness domains. Single
participants also had higher levels of romantic and general loneliness
than participants in committed relationships had. Therefore, the results
suggest that relationship status has a significant influence on loneliness
and confirm the value of romantic relationships in young adults’ lives.
The experience of loneliness can have detrimental effects on health and
well-being across the life span, especially in older people (Cacioppo et al.,
2014; Queen et al., 2014; Thomas, 2015). Some examples of the consequences
of loneliness are depression, anxiety, sleep disturbances, low life satisfaction,
low self-esteem, poor physical health, cardiovascular problems, high blood
pressure, and even earlier death. According to some authors, loneliness
has a similar influence on a person’s health as cigarette smoking has (Holt-
Lunstad et al., 2015).
Throughout this section in this chapter, we have alluded to people’s
quality of life and well-being as aspects involved in successful ageing. Box
6.5 refers to quality of life and happiness of older South Africans, while Box
6.6 refers to the psychological well-being of two distinct groups of elderly
South Africans.
431
 Box 6.5 How quality of life affects the happiness of
older South Africans
The elderly in South Africa face a complex set of challenges. South Africans over the age of
50 have spent most of their lives under apartheid, with restricted access for black, Indian,
and coloured South Africans to education, residence, and employment opportunities.
Tellingly, only 42% of the black population aged 60 and older, in comparison with 98% of
the white population of the same age, has received any education. The majority of older
black South Africans are poorly educated, unemployed, and if employed, paid minimal
wages. The AIDS epidemic has brought added responsibility to older black South Africans.
At a time when considerations about retirement should be made, older black South
Africans have little choice but to look after and support their children, grandchildren, and
other relatives infected or affected by the epidemic.
In their research, Westaway et al. (2007) incorporated more than 700 participants
aged between 50 years and 93 years from the Pretoria area. The aim was to determine
which personal quality of life domains affect the happiness of older South Africans.
Seven items were used to assess satisfaction with oneself, family life, and friendship,
time to do things, neighbours, social life, and health. Satisfaction with social life was the
most important predictor of happiness for blacks and Indians; satisfaction with oneself
for whites, and time to do things for coloureds. An important finding was that black
participants who acted as caregivers had the poorest quality of life and were less happy
than those without caregiving responsibilities were. This finding was confirmed by
another South African study by Gurayah (2015). This underlines the burden that people
who take care of, for example, AIDS patients and their families have to carry.
Box 6.6 Psychological well-being of two ethnic
groups in South Africa
In a study to determine to what extent certain psychological and demographic factors
play a role in the well-being of isiXhosa- and English-speaking elderly in the Eastern
Cape, Anathi Ntozini (2017) found the following:
Main similarities. A positive relationship between religiosity/spirituality and
psychological well-being of the elderly was discernible, irrespective of political
history and ethnicity. The study also found that loneliness correlated positively with
the following psychological well-being scales: autonomy, environmental mastery,
purpose in life, and self-acceptance. This means that the higher the levels of loneliness
experienced by both groups, regardless of socio-demographic variables, the lower
the levels of psychological well-being in terms of all four of the well-being scales. A
significant statistical relationship was also found between physical activity and well-
being, regardless of socio-demographic variables.
Main differences. The English-speaking elderly were more likely to have high self-
acceptance than the isiXhosa-speaking elderly were. They were also more likely to have
a positive attitude toward self, acknowledged and accepted multiple aspects of the self
and felt positive about past life. They were also more likely to have a strong purpose in
life, a sense of directedness, felt there was meaning to present and past life, held beliefs
that gave life meaning, and had aims and objectives for living. The English-speaking
elderly also showed higher levels of autonomy.
Comparatively, the study found that isiXhosa elderly reported lower levels of
psychological well-being than the English-speaking elderly did, but that religiosity and
spirituality were important parameters that might influence the psychological well-
being of the elderly.
432
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What are the objectives of the Older Persons Act No 13 of 2006? Why did this act
become necessary?
2. Discuss the following statement: The term successful ageing has been described as
one of gerontology’s most successful ideas.
3. What does the term successful ageing refer to? What is one of the major dilemmas
researchers face in this regard?
4. Describe the three components of successful ageing suggested by Rowe and Kahn.
What is the assumption of this model? Why is this model being questioned
currently? Why are some researchers critical of the term successful ageing? Discuss
the limitations of Rowe and Kahn’s model of successful ageing.
5. Discuss in detail the following factors that may influence people’s experience of
ageing: (1) Attitudes towards ageing; (2) Personality characteristics; (3) Locus of
control; (4) Socio-economic conditions; (5) Dependency; (6) Major life events and
daily hassles; (7) Active lifestyle; (8) Religion and spirituality; (9) Loneliness.
6. Discuss the phenomenon of elder abuse in South Africa.
7. How does quality of life affect the happiness of older South Africans?
6.3 OLD AGE AND MENTAL HEALTH
Mental health plays a very important role in the well-being and quality
of life of the elderly. Over the last few decades, greater awareness of the
importance and extent of mental health has developed. This played a role
in the fact that mental health costs of the largest medical aid fund in South
Africa increased by more than 80% between 2011 and 2016 (Broomberg,
2017).
Between approximately 10% and 25% of all elderly people suffer from
a mental disorder that is serious enough to require professional help
(American Psychological Association, 2017; Andreas et al., 2017; Troller et
al., 2007). However, overall, the elderly do not have a higher prevalence of
most mental disorders than other age groups do. Nonetheless, as we shall
see later, certain disorders do have a more significant prevalence and effect
on the elderly. However, this should also be seen in perspective: In all life
stages, there seem to be disorders that are more prevalent than in other
stages; for example, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder in children
and drug abuse in adolescence and early adulthood. Unfortunately, as
in other life stages, several factors lead to the underreporting and thus
undertreatment of mental disorders in the elderly. (It is estimated widely
that at least 50% of mental disorders go unreported.) An important factor
433
 Box 6.5 How quality of life affects the happiness of
older South Africans
The elderly in South Africa face a complex set of challenges. South Africans over the age of
50 have spent most of their lives under apartheid, with restricted access for black, Indian,
and coloured South Africans to education, residence, and employment opportunities.
Tellingly, only 42% of the black population aged 60 and older, in comparison with 98% of
the white population of the same age, has received any education. The majority of older
black South Africans are poorly educated, unemployed, and if employed, paid minimal
wages. The AIDS epidemic has brought added responsibility to older black South Africans.
At a time when considerations about retirement should be made, older black South
Africans have little choice but to look after and support their children, grandchildren, and
other relatives infected or affected by the epidemic.
In their research, Westaway et al. (2007) incorporated more than 700 participants
aged between 50 years and 93 years from the Pretoria area. The aim was to determine
which personal quality of life domains affect the happiness of older South Africans.
Seven items were used to assess satisfaction with oneself, family life, and friendship,
time to do things, neighbours, social life, and health. Satisfaction with social life was the
most important predictor of happiness for blacks and Indians; satisfaction with oneself
for whites, and time to do things for coloureds. An important finding was that black
participants who acted as caregivers had the poorest quality of life and were less happy
than those without caregiving responsibilities were. This finding was confirmed by
another South African study by Gurayah (2015). This underlines the burden that people
who take care of, for example, AIDS patients and their families have to carry.
Box 6.6 Psychological well-being of two ethnic
groups in South Africa
In a study to determine to what extent certain psychological and demographic factors
play a role in the well-being of isiXhosa- and English-speaking elderly in the Eastern
Cape, Anathi Ntozini (2017) found the following:
Main similarities. A positive relationship between religiosity/spirituality and
psychological well-being of the elderly was discernible, irrespective of political
history and ethnicity. The study also found that loneliness correlated positively with
the following psychological well-being scales: autonomy, environmental mastery,
purpose in life, and self-acceptance. This means that the higher the levels of loneliness
experienced by both groups, regardless of socio-demographic variables, the lower
the levels of psychological well-being in terms of all four of the well-being scales. A
significant statistical relationship was also found between physical activity and well-
being, regardless of socio-demographic variables.
Main differences. The English-speaking elderly were more likely to have high self-
acceptance than the isiXhosa-speaking elderly were. They were also more likely to have
a positive attitude toward self, acknowledged and accepted multiple aspects of the self
and felt positive about past life. They were also more likely to have a strong purpose in
life, a sense of directedness, felt there was meaning to present and past life, held beliefs
that gave life meaning, and had aims and objectives for living. The English-speaking
elderly also showed higher levels of autonomy.
Comparatively, the study found that isiXhosa elderly reported lower levels of
psychological well-being than the English-speaking elderly did, but that religiosity and
spirituality were important parameters that might influence the psychological well-
being of the elderly.
432
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What are the objectives of the Older Persons Act No 13 of 2006? Why did this act
become necessary?
2. Discuss the following statement: The term successful ageing has been described as
one of gerontology’s most successful ideas.
3. What does the term successful ageing refer to? What is one of the major dilemmas
researchers face in this regard?
4. Describe the three components of successful ageing suggested by Rowe and Kahn.
What is the assumption of this model? Why is this model being questioned
currently? Why are some researchers critical of the term successful ageing? Discuss
the limitations of Rowe and Kahn’s model of successful ageing.
5. Discuss in detail the following factors that may influence people’s experience of
ageing: (1) Attitudes towards ageing; (2) Personality characteristics; (3) Locus of
control; (4) Socio-economic conditions; (5) Dependency; (6) Major life events and
daily hassles; (7) Active lifestyle; (8) Religion and spirituality; (9) Loneliness.
6. Discuss the phenomenon of elder abuse in South Africa.
7. How does quality of life affect the happiness of older South Africans?
6.3 OLD AGE AND MENTAL HEALTH
Mental health plays a very important role in the well-being and quality
of life of the elderly. Over the last few decades, greater awareness of the
importance and extent of mental health has developed. This played a role
in the fact that mental health costs of the largest medical aid fund in South
Africa increased by more than 80% between 2011 and 2016 (Broomberg,
2017).
Between approximately 10% and 25% of all elderly people suffer from
a mental disorder that is serious enough to require professional help
(American Psychological Association, 2017; Andreas et al., 2017; Troller et
al., 2007). However, overall, the elderly do not have a higher prevalence of
most mental disorders than other age groups do. Nonetheless, as we shall
see later, certain disorders do have a more significant prevalence and effect
on the elderly. However, this should also be seen in perspective: In all life
stages, there seem to be disorders that are more prevalent than in other
stages; for example, attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder in children
and drug abuse in adolescence and early adulthood. Unfortunately, as
in other life stages, several factors lead to the underreporting and thus
undertreatment of mental disorders in the elderly. (It is estimated widely
that at least 50% of mental disorders go unreported.) An important factor
433
for this underreporting is stigma. The National Mental Health Information
Centre (2003) states the following: “Stigma is not just a matter of using the
wrong word or action. Stigma is about disrespect. It is the use of negative
labels to identify a person living with mental illness. Stigma is a barrier. Fear
of stigma, and the resulting discrimination, discourages individuals and their
families from getting the help they need.” A second factor that could play
a role in underreporting is that professional psychological and psychiatric
services are relatively unknown in developing countries and therefore also
in large parts of South Africa. Not only are such services not known, but they
also have to compete with traditional medicine and healers, which affects
both the official reporting of such cases and the prognosis (the course and
chance of recovery from a disorder). A third factor is that most people in
developing countries do not have the necessary means to afford professional
psychological and psychiatric services. Although the Government provides
the services free of charge, they are not available for the majority of the
population, especially those in the rural areas. In addition, such facilities are
often understaffed. Clearly, this is a problem that the Government should
address urgently.
Emotional older man at psychotherapist’s office
Regarding the aetiology (causes) of mental disorders, a unique interaction
of multiple social, psychological, and biological factors determines the level
of mental health of a person at any point in time (WHO, 2016). In some cases,
biological factors can play the dominant role (e.g. dementia and Parkinson’s
disease), while in other cases, a severe traumatic event (e.g. the loss of a loved
one) can trigger the disorder. Adding to the typical life stressors common to
all people, many older adults lose their ability to live independently because
of limited mobility, chronic pain, frailty or other mental or physical problems.
Several require some form of long-term care. In addition, older people are
more likely to experience events such as bereavement, a drop in socio-
economic status with retirement, or a disability. All of these factors can result
in isolation, loss of independence, loneliness, and psychological distress in
434
older people. Furthermore, mental health has an effect on physical health
and vice versa (WHO, 2016). For example, older adults with physical health
conditions such as heart disease have higher rates of depression than those
who are medically well. Conversely, untreated depression in an older person
with heart disease can affect the outcome of the physical disease negatively.
Before we discuss the most relevant disorders, it is very important to
take note of the following:
• A person often suffers from more than one psychological disorder.
For example, an anxiety disorder could be accompanied by a sleeping
disorder, while depression and substance (drug) abuse are often
associated. The presence of another disorder (or disorders) alongside
the primary diagnosis is known as comorbidity.
• There is a difference in intensity in each psychological disorder. Just as
one could have a light cold or a heavy cold, a person could have a less
severe depression (and can still function) or a serious depression where
he or she cannot function.
• According to most classification systems of psychological disorders,
apart from the symptoms, the disorder must also meet certain additional
criteria such as duration and age. For example, depressive symptoms
must be present for at least 14 days before depression can be diagnosed.
Therefore, it is very important to realise that the mere presence of
symptoms is not enough to justify a professional diagnosis.
• There are several diagnostic or classification systems of psychological
disorders. Although these systems are fundamentally the same, there
are also significant differences. The two most widely used systems are
the International Classification of Diseases (ICD) by the World Health
Organization (WHO) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSM) of the American Psychiatric Association (APA). The
disorders discussed in this book are mostly based on both these two
systems. In South Africa, the official system is the ICD, although the DSM
is used frequently in research and training.
• Factors such as culture can affect the way in which some symptoms of a
psychological disorder manifest (are expressed). For example, depressed
people from a traditional African culture often express more physical
symptoms than their Western counterparts do. However, most disorders
have similar and recognisable symptoms throughout the world.
• In most cases, professional intervention by a psychologist or psychiatrist
has positive results. Therapy often consists of a combination of
psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy (medication). As in most other
435
for this underreporting is stigma. The National Mental Health Information
Centre (2003) states the following: “Stigma is not just a matter of using the
wrong word or action. Stigma is about disrespect. It is the use of negative
labels to identify a person living with mental illness. Stigma is a barrier. Fear
of stigma, and the resulting discrimination, discourages individuals and their
families from getting the help they need.” A second factor that could play
a role in underreporting is that professional psychological and psychiatric
services are relatively unknown in developing countries and therefore also
in large parts of South Africa. Not only are such services not known, but they
also have to compete with traditional medicine and healers, which affects
both the official reporting of such cases and the prognosis (the course and
chance of recovery from a disorder). A third factor is that most people in
developing countries do not have the necessary means to afford professional
psychological and psychiatric services. Although the Government provides
the services free of charge, they are not available for the majority of the
population, especially those in the rural areas. In addition, such facilities are
often understaffed. Clearly, this is a problem that the Government should
address urgently.
Emotional older man at psychotherapist’s office
Regarding the aetiology (causes) of mental disorders, a unique interaction
of multiple social, psychological, and biological factors determines the level
of mental health of a person at any point in time (WHO, 2016). In some cases,
biological factors can play the dominant role (e.g. dementia and Parkinson’s
disease), while in other cases, a severe traumatic event (e.g. the loss of a loved
one) can trigger the disorder. Adding to the typical life stressors common to
all people, many older adults lose their ability to live independently because
of limited mobility, chronic pain, frailty or other mental or physical problems.
Several require some form of long-term care. In addition, older people are
more likely to experience events such as bereavement, a drop in socio-
economic status with retirement, or a disability. All of these factors can result
in isolation, loss of independence, loneliness, and psychological distress in
434
older people. Furthermore, mental health has an effect on physical health
and vice versa (WHO, 2016). For example, older adults with physical health
conditions such as heart disease have higher rates of depression than those
who are medically well. Conversely, untreated depression in an older person
with heart disease can affect the outcome of the physical disease negatively.
Before we discuss the most relevant disorders, it is very important to
take note of the following:
• A person often suffers from more than one psychological disorder.
For example, an anxiety disorder could be accompanied by a sleeping
disorder, while depression and substance (drug) abuse are often
associated. The presence of another disorder (or disorders) alongside
the primary diagnosis is known as comorbidity.
• There is a difference in intensity in each psychological disorder. Just as
one could have a light cold or a heavy cold, a person could have a less
severe depression (and can still function) or a serious depression where
he or she cannot function.
• According to most classification systems of psychological disorders,
apart from the symptoms, the disorder must also meet certain additional
criteria such as duration and age. For example, depressive symptoms
must be present for at least 14 days before depression can be diagnosed.
Therefore, it is very important to realise that the mere presence of
symptoms is not enough to justify a professional diagnosis.
• There are several diagnostic or classification systems of psychological
disorders. Although these systems are fundamentally the same, there
are also significant differences. The two most widely used systems are
the International Classification of Diseases (ICD) by the World Health
Organization (WHO) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSM) of the American Psychiatric Association (APA). The
disorders discussed in this book are mostly based on both these two
systems. In South Africa, the official system is the ICD, although the DSM
is used frequently in research and training.
• Factors such as culture can affect the way in which some symptoms of a
psychological disorder manifest (are expressed). For example, depressed
people from a traditional African culture often express more physical
symptoms than their Western counterparts do. However, most disorders
have similar and recognisable symptoms throughout the world.
• In most cases, professional intervention by a psychologist or psychiatrist
has positive results. Therapy often consists of a combination of
psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy (medication). As in most other
435
 physical illnesses, the earlier the disorder is recognised and treated,
the better the prognosis. Therefore, the early reporting of perturbing
symptoms by family and friends is of the utmost importance.
• These diagnostic or classification systems change, with certain disorders
removed and others added with every new edition. For example,
homosexuality was regarded as a psychological disorder up to the 1970s,
when it was removed. The number of professionally acknowledged
mental disorders have also increased dramatically over time. For
example, in the first edition of the DSM in 1952, the total number was
106. The fifth edition in 2013 included 312.
• Not all mental health professionals agree with a classification and
diagnostic system of mental health problems. See Box 6.7 in this regard.
Box 6.7 Is a diagnosis really necessary?
Some psychologists hold the view that a diagnosis and therefore ‘putting a person in
a specific box’ holds more disadvantages than advantages. Peter Kinderman (2017),
former President of the British Psychological Society (BPS), also holds this view.
Various viewpoints expressed are the following:
• The dominant diagnostic framework in mental health is unreliable, invalid, and
even bizarre.
• Committees of experts – with vested interests – fail to agree on diagnostic criteria.
• Statistical analyses fail to identify clusters of symptoms that correspond to the
alleged ‘disorders’.
• There is widespread opposition from a wide group of professional and service
user-led groups.
• Psychiatric diagnostic labels have huge implications – they affect access to
healthcare, legal issues, and employment rights, and they lead to discrimination
and stigma. They tend to be applied to the person (not the problems) and they
tend to linger on over time (not disappearing when the original problems disappear
or change).
However, there are alternatives: an application of science and the description of
what is found in common sense language. Therefore, one can identify the observed
phenomena, describe them clearly, and relate one’s observations to one’s knowledge
of relevant science. For example, identifying social anxiety – a perfectly understandable
human phenomenon – rather than diagnosing social anxiety disorder. In addition,
all of us can recognise posttraumatic stress. It adds very little to add ‘disorder’ to
posttraumatic stress, to turn it into a posttraumatic stress disorder … except to imply
that there’s something wrong with the person...
Are there possible indications of the presence of a psychological
disorder? It is often risky to provide warnings signs of a psychological
disorder, as many symptoms do not necessarily imply the presence of such
a disorder. For example, fever is an important symptom of flu, but there are
436
many other reasons why one could feel feverish. Several other symptoms
must be present before a final diagnosis of flu could be made. On the other
hand, it is important to be at least aware of the possibility of the presence
of a mental disorder so that early and necessary steps could be taken. As
mentioned, the early reporting of perturbing symptoms is very important.
Therefore, family, friends and acquaintances should not shy away from
obtaining professional help, should they become aware of these indications.
Although the following symptoms are not automatically indicative of a
mental disorder, they could be regarded as warning signs to get more and
especially professional information regarding one’s concern (e.g. American
Psychiatric Association, 2017; National Institute of Mental Health, 2016):
■ Subtle changes. One of the first signs of a possible mental disorder is
subtle changes in the person’s behaviour, emotions and thoughts over
a period. At first, only people knowing the person well (e.g. family and
close friends) will notice the changes. This is the best time to encourage
the person to see a professional ‘just to make sure’.
■ Social withdrawal. Many people with a mental disorder tend to withdraw
socially. A typical example is losing interest in activities that the person
felt enthusiastic about previously. The person becomes withdrawn, is
less talkative, and tries to avoid social contact with others.
■ Mood changes. The person is often described more ‘emotionally different
than before’. For example, the person is depressed and cries easily; has
emotional outbursts, or exhibits extreme elation.
■ Excessive worry and anxiousness. The person seems to be chronically
tensed and tends to worry excessively over relatively small things.
Therefore, making mountains out of molehills is common behaviour. This
is often associated with guilt feelings or expressions of worthlessness
(e.g. ‘I’m a failure’ or ‘I can’t do anything right’).
■ Substance abuse. While substance abuse seemingly could be the main
problem in a person’s life, it is also possible that it is used to cope with an
underlying mental problem. This is called ‘self-medication’. For example,
many people abuse alcohol in an attempt to reduce the psychological
pain of an underlying depression, anxiety, or feelings of inferiority.
■ Changes in personal care. In some cases, a person with a mental disorder
will neglect personal care and hygiene.
■ Sleep and/or appetite changes. Sleeping and/or eating too little or too
much could be a warning sign. This is often accompanied by weight loss,
weight gain, or fluctuating weight.
■ Memory problems. Lapses in memory can be caused by many physical
437
 physical illnesses, the earlier the disorder is recognised and treated,
the better the prognosis. Therefore, the early reporting of perturbing
symptoms by family and friends is of the utmost importance.
• These diagnostic or classification systems change, with certain disorders
removed and others added with every new edition. For example,
homosexuality was regarded as a psychological disorder up to the 1970s,
when it was removed. The number of professionally acknowledged
mental disorders have also increased dramatically over time. For
example, in the first edition of the DSM in 1952, the total number was
106. The fifth edition in 2013 included 312.
• Not all mental health professionals agree with a classification and
diagnostic system of mental health problems. See Box 6.7 in this regard.
Box 6.7 Is a diagnosis really necessary?
Some psychologists hold the view that a diagnosis and therefore ‘putting a person in
a specific box’ holds more disadvantages than advantages. Peter Kinderman (2017),
former President of the British Psychological Society (BPS), also holds this view.
Various viewpoints expressed are the following:
• The dominant diagnostic framework in mental health is unreliable, invalid, and
even bizarre.
• Committees of experts – with vested interests – fail to agree on diagnostic criteria.
• Statistical analyses fail to identify clusters of symptoms that correspond to the
alleged ‘disorders’.
• There is widespread opposition from a wide group of professional and service
user-led groups.
• Psychiatric diagnostic labels have huge implications – they affect access to
healthcare, legal issues, and employment rights, and they lead to discrimination
and stigma. They tend to be applied to the person (not the problems) and they
tend to linger on over time (not disappearing when the original problems disappear
or change).
However, there are alternatives: an application of science and the description of
what is found in common sense language. Therefore, one can identify the observed
phenomena, describe them clearly, and relate one’s observations to one’s knowledge
of relevant science. For example, identifying social anxiety – a perfectly understandable
human phenomenon – rather than diagnosing social anxiety disorder. In addition,
all of us can recognise posttraumatic stress. It adds very little to add ‘disorder’ to
posttraumatic stress, to turn it into a posttraumatic stress disorder … except to imply
that there’s something wrong with the person...
Are there possible indications of the presence of a psychological
disorder? It is often risky to provide warnings signs of a psychological
disorder, as many symptoms do not necessarily imply the presence of such
a disorder. For example, fever is an important symptom of flu, but there are
436
many other reasons why one could feel feverish. Several other symptoms
must be present before a final diagnosis of flu could be made. On the other
hand, it is important to be at least aware of the possibility of the presence
of a mental disorder so that early and necessary steps could be taken. As
mentioned, the early reporting of perturbing symptoms is very important.
Therefore, family, friends and acquaintances should not shy away from
obtaining professional help, should they become aware of these indications.
Although the following symptoms are not automatically indicative of a
mental disorder, they could be regarded as warning signs to get more and
especially professional information regarding one’s concern (e.g. American
Psychiatric Association, 2017; National Institute of Mental Health, 2016):
■ Subtle changes. One of the first signs of a possible mental disorder is
subtle changes in the person’s behaviour, emotions and thoughts over
a period. At first, only people knowing the person well (e.g. family and
close friends) will notice the changes. This is the best time to encourage
the person to see a professional ‘just to make sure’.
■ Social withdrawal. Many people with a mental disorder tend to withdraw
socially. A typical example is losing interest in activities that the person
felt enthusiastic about previously. The person becomes withdrawn, is
less talkative, and tries to avoid social contact with others.
■ Mood changes. The person is often described more ‘emotionally different
than before’. For example, the person is depressed and cries easily; has
emotional outbursts, or exhibits extreme elation.
■ Excessive worry and anxiousness. The person seems to be chronically
tensed and tends to worry excessively over relatively small things.
Therefore, making mountains out of molehills is common behaviour. This
is often associated with guilt feelings or expressions of worthlessness
(e.g. ‘I’m a failure’ or ‘I can’t do anything right’).
■ Substance abuse. While substance abuse seemingly could be the main
problem in a person’s life, it is also possible that it is used to cope with an
underlying mental problem. This is called ‘self-medication’. For example,
many people abuse alcohol in an attempt to reduce the psychological
pain of an underlying depression, anxiety, or feelings of inferiority.
■ Changes in personal care. In some cases, a person with a mental disorder
will neglect personal care and hygiene.
■ Sleep and/or appetite changes. Sleeping and/or eating too little or too
much could be a warning sign. This is often accompanied by weight loss,
weight gain, or fluctuating weight.
■ Memory problems. Lapses in memory can be caused by many physical
437
 and psychological conditions such as substance abuse, poor nutrition, 6.3.1 Mood disorders
medication side effects, stress, infections, anxiety, and depression
(American Psychological Association, 2017). As we have discussed in Depression and bipolar disorder are the most important syndromes in this
Chapter 3, all of us sometimes forget where we put our keys, a person’s group of disorders.
name, or even an appointment. However, it is important to understand
that, as a person grows older, a fine line between ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ 6.3.1.1 Depression
memory loss develops. As in the case of all the other mentioned
‘warning signs’, a good indication of seeking professional information or Depression is characterised by symptoms such as intense sadness, a
help is when the symptom causes significant disruption in the person’s decrease in interest and activity, irritability, a poor self-image, excessive or
functioning and to others in his or her life. inappropriate guilt feelings, a lack of concentration, and thoughts of death.
According to international research, an estimated 1% to 5% of adults
As in other life phases, the onset of mental disorders varies widely in old older than 65 suffer from a serious
age. Some have suffered from chronic mental disorders most of their lives, form of depression, called major
while others have had periodic episodes of mental disorders. Yet, others depressive disorder (Barry & Byers,
experience mental disorders for the first time late in life, either brought 2016; Edelstein et al., 2016). In
about by brain changes or triggered or intensified by bereavement or other South Africa, the prevalence was
losses that tend to occur in old age. found to vary between 4% and 15%
Some of the most common mental disorders among older adults will (Narainsamy et al., 2015; Pandey
be discussed in the following sections. As mentioned, most disorders have et al., 2017; Peltzer & Phaswana-
similar and recognisable symptoms throughout the world, although it Mafuya, 2013). In comparison
seems that factors such as culture can play a role in their manifestation. The with the mentioned international
same applies to prevalence, although variables such as different research prevalence, this is worrying. Several
methodologies and diagnostic criteria have led to (sometimes significant) factors could be responsible for this
different findings. It should also be considered that in psychological research, situation. For example, it reflects
the average is often used as the point of reference, with the result that there the general low rate of well-being
could be substantial individual differences. (happiness) of South Africans as
mentioned in Chapter 1. The high
“When did you start
prevalence of HIV/AIDS could also
thinking there might be “When you play a role in the perturbing rate Intense sadness is a major symptom
something wrong with
you?”
told me!” of depression among older South of depression
Africans. For example, a high
percentage, namely about 40%, of a group of HIV-infected and -affected
older South Africans have had a depressive episode (Nyirenda et al., 2013).
Contrary to the perception of many, the prevalence of major depressive
disorder and most other mental disorders (dementia is the biggest exception)
is not higher in older compared to younger adults. In fact, in many cases
(including depression and anxiety), the prevalence is lower in older adults,
sometimes up to 50% lower (Piazza & Charles, 2012). It is noteworthy that
the prevalence for a minor depressive disorder (the presence of depressive
symptoms that are not extensive enough to meet the criteria of a major

438 439
 and psychological conditions such as substance abuse, poor nutrition, 6.3.1 Mood disorders
medication side effects, stress, infections, anxiety, and depression
(American Psychological Association, 2017). As we have discussed in Depression and bipolar disorder are the most important syndromes in this
Chapter 3, all of us sometimes forget where we put our keys, a person’s group of disorders.
name, or even an appointment. However, it is important to understand
that, as a person grows older, a fine line between ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ 6.3.1.1 Depression
memory loss develops. As in the case of all the other mentioned
‘warning signs’, a good indication of seeking professional information or Depression is characterised by symptoms such as intense sadness, a
help is when the symptom causes significant disruption in the person’s decrease in interest and activity, irritability, a poor self-image, excessive or
functioning and to others in his or her life. inappropriate guilt feelings, a lack of concentration, and thoughts of death.
According to international research, an estimated 1% to 5% of adults
As in other life phases, the onset of mental disorders varies widely in old older than 65 suffer from a serious
age. Some have suffered from chronic mental disorders most of their lives, form of depression, called major
while others have had periodic episodes of mental disorders. Yet, others depressive disorder (Barry & Byers,
experience mental disorders for the first time late in life, either brought 2016; Edelstein et al., 2016). In
about by brain changes or triggered or intensified by bereavement or other South Africa, the prevalence was
losses that tend to occur in old age. found to vary between 4% and 15%
Some of the most common mental disorders among older adults will (Narainsamy et al., 2015; Pandey
be discussed in the following sections. As mentioned, most disorders have et al., 2017; Peltzer & Phaswana-
similar and recognisable symptoms throughout the world, although it Mafuya, 2013). In comparison
seems that factors such as culture can play a role in their manifestation. The with the mentioned international
same applies to prevalence, although variables such as different research prevalence, this is worrying. Several
methodologies and diagnostic criteria have led to (sometimes significant) factors could be responsible for this
different findings. It should also be considered that in psychological research, situation. For example, it reflects
the average is often used as the point of reference, with the result that there the general low rate of well-being
could be substantial individual differences. (happiness) of South Africans as
mentioned in Chapter 1. The high
“When did you start
prevalence of HIV/AIDS could also
thinking there might be “When you play a role in the perturbing rate Intense sadness is a major symptom
something wrong with
you?”
told me!” of depression among older South of depression
Africans. For example, a high
percentage, namely about 40%, of a group of HIV-infected and -affected
older South Africans have had a depressive episode (Nyirenda et al., 2013).
Contrary to the perception of many, the prevalence of major depressive
disorder and most other mental disorders (dementia is the biggest exception)
is not higher in older compared to younger adults. In fact, in many cases
(including depression and anxiety), the prevalence is lower in older adults,
sometimes up to 50% lower (Piazza & Charles, 2012). It is noteworthy that
the prevalence for a minor depressive disorder (the presence of depressive
symptoms that are not extensive enough to meet the criteria of a major

438 439
depressive disorder) is much higher: nearly 20%. Yet, also these symptoms 6.3.1.2 Bipolar disorder
are not higher in older than in younger adults (Hinrichsen, 2016).
To a great extent, the symptoms of depression in older adults are similar Bipolar disorder is characterised by fluctuations between depression and
to those found in younger adults (Hinrichsen, 2016). However, older adults mania (inappropriate euphoria, hyperactivity, lack of inhibitions, risk taking,
are more inclined to complain about anhedonia (loss of interest) than about talkativeness, inflated self-esteem, and decreased need for sleep). In the
depressed mood when compared with younger adults. Older depressed past, this disorder was known as manic-depressive illness. Between the
people also express more physical complaints, sleep problems, agitation, periods of depression and mania, the individual could be symptom free. It
and hypochondriasis (also called hypochondria; an unfounded fear of a seems that the prevalence of bipolar disorder decreases with age, with rates
person that he or she is ill). Approximately 50% of depressed older adults from 1,4% in the young adult population to about 0,3% among individuals
experience their first depressive episode in old age (Edelstein et al., 2016). It 65 and older (Azorin et al., 2012). Although the viewpoint in the past was
is important to bear in mind that depressed older adults are more inclined that bipolar disorder is a lifelong disorder that usually begins during early
to commit suicide than younger adults are. Regarding gender differences, adulthood, it now is accepted widely that in certain cases, this disorder may
there is general consensus that depression is higher and often more severe develop in late adulthood. Especially during the manic phase, there are
among older women. However, it seems that after the age of about 80, men several significant psychological symptoms that are similar to dementia (to
report more symptoms (see Erber, 2013). be discussed later), for example cognitive dysfunction such as impairment
An important characteristic of depression that is not always considered of memory, judgement, perception, and problem-solving. Confusion and
is that it tends to recur. Approximately 50% to 60% of individuals who have psychosis (severe mental disorder where significant contact with reality is
had one depressive episode, experience another one. About 70% to 80% of lost) are also common. Because the symptoms are similar, elderly patients
those individuals will experience a third episode, while approximately 90% with mood disorders are sometimes misdiagnosed as having dementia
of those will experience a fourth episode (Edelstein et al., 2015; Liu & Alloy, (Woudstra et al., 2014).
2010).
It is equally important to realise that depression affects not only the
psychological well-being of a person, but also his or her physical functioning.
Examples include increased aches and pains (e.g. headaches and back
pain), chronic fatigue, digestive problems, changes in appetite and weight,
and decreased interest in sex. Especially important is that depression can
affect the immune system, which makes people more vulnerable to diseases
(Jenney & Dougall, 2016; Reed & Raison, 2016). This is especially true for the
elderly, as even mild depression may affect their immune system (McGuire
et al., 2002). It has also been reported that depression in elderly people
can cause early mortality (Ho & Ng, 2016; Pratt et al., 2016). Therefore, it
is no surprise that depression in later life frequently coexists with other
medical illnesses such as heart disease, stroke, cancer, chronic lung disease,
hypertension, sleep disorders, diabetes, and arthritis. Since the psychological Bipolar disorder is characterised by fluctuations between depression and mania

and physical symptoms of depression are often so intertwined, family, friends,

and even professionals may miss the diagnosis of depression, preventing Fortunately, psychotherapy and medication (and especially a
effective treatment. Consequently, many find themselves having to cope combination of both) can lead to a recovery or at least a significant relief of
with symptoms that could otherwise be treated easily. the symptoms of the mood disorders.

440 441
depressive disorder) is much higher: nearly 20%. Yet, also these symptoms 6.3.1.2 Bipolar disorder
are not higher in older than in younger adults (Hinrichsen, 2016).
To a great extent, the symptoms of depression in older adults are similar Bipolar disorder is characterised by fluctuations between depression and
to those found in younger adults (Hinrichsen, 2016). However, older adults mania (inappropriate euphoria, hyperactivity, lack of inhibitions, risk taking,
are more inclined to complain about anhedonia (loss of interest) than about talkativeness, inflated self-esteem, and decreased need for sleep). In the
depressed mood when compared with younger adults. Older depressed past, this disorder was known as manic-depressive illness. Between the
people also express more physical complaints, sleep problems, agitation, periods of depression and mania, the individual could be symptom free. It
and hypochondriasis (also called hypochondria; an unfounded fear of a seems that the prevalence of bipolar disorder decreases with age, with rates
person that he or she is ill). Approximately 50% of depressed older adults from 1,4% in the young adult population to about 0,3% among individuals
experience their first depressive episode in old age (Edelstein et al., 2016). It 65 and older (Azorin et al., 2012). Although the viewpoint in the past was
is important to bear in mind that depressed older adults are more inclined that bipolar disorder is a lifelong disorder that usually begins during early
to commit suicide than younger adults are. Regarding gender differences, adulthood, it now is accepted widely that in certain cases, this disorder may
there is general consensus that depression is higher and often more severe develop in late adulthood. Especially during the manic phase, there are
among older women. However, it seems that after the age of about 80, men several significant psychological symptoms that are similar to dementia (to
report more symptoms (see Erber, 2013). be discussed later), for example cognitive dysfunction such as impairment
An important characteristic of depression that is not always considered of memory, judgement, perception, and problem-solving. Confusion and
is that it tends to recur. Approximately 50% to 60% of individuals who have psychosis (severe mental disorder where significant contact with reality is
had one depressive episode, experience another one. About 70% to 80% of lost) are also common. Because the symptoms are similar, elderly patients
those individuals will experience a third episode, while approximately 90% with mood disorders are sometimes misdiagnosed as having dementia
of those will experience a fourth episode (Edelstein et al., 2015; Liu & Alloy, (Woudstra et al., 2014).
2010).
It is equally important to realise that depression affects not only the
psychological well-being of a person, but also his or her physical functioning.
Examples include increased aches and pains (e.g. headaches and back
pain), chronic fatigue, digestive problems, changes in appetite and weight,
and decreased interest in sex. Especially important is that depression can
affect the immune system, which makes people more vulnerable to diseases
(Jenney & Dougall, 2016; Reed & Raison, 2016). This is especially true for the
elderly, as even mild depression may affect their immune system (McGuire
et al., 2002). It has also been reported that depression in elderly people
can cause early mortality (Ho & Ng, 2016; Pratt et al., 2016). Therefore, it
is no surprise that depression in later life frequently coexists with other
medical illnesses such as heart disease, stroke, cancer, chronic lung disease,
hypertension, sleep disorders, diabetes, and arthritis. Since the psychological Bipolar disorder is characterised by fluctuations between depression and mania

and physical symptoms of depression are often so intertwined, family, friends,

and even professionals may miss the diagnosis of depression, preventing Fortunately, psychotherapy and medication (and especially a
effective treatment. Consequently, many find themselves having to cope combination of both) can lead to a recovery or at least a significant relief of
with symptoms that could otherwise be treated easily. the symptoms of the mood disorders.

440 441
6.3.2 Anxiety disorders
Anxiety is a state characterised by intense tension, distress, and physiological
reactions such as palpitations of the heart and excessive sweating.
Other symptoms include restlessness, fatigue, difficulty concentrating,
irritability, and increased muscle tension. Considering these symptoms,
it is understandable why anxiety and fear are often (wrongly) used as
synonyms. Although fear and anxiety are interrelated, there are important
differences. Fear is an emotional response to a known or definite threat (e.g.
a fear of snakes). The person suffering from anxiety, on the other hand, does
not perceive a definite and immediate threat, but rather a potential, vague
and even unknown endangerment that leads to a chronic sense of worry or
tension.
Anxiety disorders refer to a group of disorders characterised by the
above symptoms that often manifest in different ways. Although the anxiety
disorders have been relatively well researched, only relatively recently late-
life anxiety is beginning to receive the research attention it deserves. From
the existing data, it has become clear that anxiety is one of the most common
and significant mental health problems affecting the elderly. The prevalence
of anxiety disorder in older adults varies between approximately 5% and
15% (Barry & Byers, 2016; Mohlman & Bryant, 2016). However, symptoms
of anxiety have been reported in more than 40% of elderly patients with a
disability or chronic medical illness (Cully & Stanley, 2008).
The diagnosis of anxiety disorder in the elderly could be challenging
(Erber, 2013). First, anxiety often coexists with depression, and the symptoms
of the two disorders overlap to a degree. Second, the symptoms of both
disorders are similar to those of heart problems, thyroid dysfunction, or the
side effects of some medications.
As mentioned, anxiety disorders can manifest in various ways. In fact,
anxiety disorders could be regarded as an overarching term for a number
of sub disorders, of which the following could be regarded as most relevant
for later adulthood (American Psychiatric Association, 2017; American
Psychological Association, 2016; National Institute of Mental Health, 2016):
• Generalised anxiety disorder is the most common anxiety disorder
among the elderly. It is characterised by persistent worry or anxious
feelings. People with this disorder worry about a number of concerns,
such as health problems or finances, and may have a general sense that
something bad is going to happen. However, these worries are out of
proportion to the effect of the situation, and sometimes even imagined.
442
Symptoms include restlessness, irritability, being easily fatigued, muscle
tension, distress about making decisions, difficulty concentrating, sleep
problems, and generally feeling on edge. (See also Box 6.8 on worrying
in adulthood.)
• Panic disorder is marked by recurrent panic attacks that include
symptoms such as sweating, trembling, sensations of shortness of breath
or choking, and heart palpitations. Such attacks often happen suddenly,
without warning, and many individuals believe they are suffering a heart
attack.
• Phobias are excessive and irrational fear reactions about certain objects
(e.g. spiders or heights) or situations (such as flying in airplanes) that are
distressing or intrusive. Psychologists have categorised a few hundred
phobias.
• Social anxiety disorder is also known as social phobia. People with
this disorder experience significant anxiety and discomfort about the
possibility of being embarrassed, humiliated, judged, or looked down
upon in social interactions. Other common symptoms include difficulty
making friends and even avoiding social situations such as eating out,
• Obsessive-compulsive disorder is characterised by persistent, un-
controllable feelings and thoughts (obsessions) and routines or rituals
(compulsions). Some common examples include compulsive hand
washing in response to a fear of germs, repeatedly checking work for
errors, and continuous ‘overcleaning’ (e.g. of the house).
• Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can develop after the person has
experienced or witnessed severe physical or emotional trauma such as a
443
6.3.2 Anxiety disorders
Anxiety is a state characterised by intense tension, distress, and physiological
reactions such as palpitations of the heart and excessive sweating.
Other symptoms include restlessness, fatigue, difficulty concentrating,
irritability, and increased muscle tension. Considering these symptoms,
it is understandable why anxiety and fear are often (wrongly) used as
synonyms. Although fear and anxiety are interrelated, there are important
differences. Fear is an emotional response to a known or definite threat (e.g.
a fear of snakes). The person suffering from anxiety, on the other hand, does
not perceive a definite and immediate threat, but rather a potential, vague
and even unknown endangerment that leads to a chronic sense of worry or
tension.
Anxiety disorders refer to a group of disorders characterised by the
above symptoms that often manifest in different ways. Although the anxiety
disorders have been relatively well researched, only relatively recently late-
life anxiety is beginning to receive the research attention it deserves. From
the existing data, it has become clear that anxiety is one of the most common
and significant mental health problems affecting the elderly. The prevalence
of anxiety disorder in older adults varies between approximately 5% and
15% (Barry & Byers, 2016; Mohlman & Bryant, 2016). However, symptoms
of anxiety have been reported in more than 40% of elderly patients with a
disability or chronic medical illness (Cully & Stanley, 2008).
The diagnosis of anxiety disorder in the elderly could be challenging
(Erber, 2013). First, anxiety often coexists with depression, and the symptoms
of the two disorders overlap to a degree. Second, the symptoms of both
disorders are similar to those of heart problems, thyroid dysfunction, or the
side effects of some medications.
As mentioned, anxiety disorders can manifest in various ways. In fact,
anxiety disorders could be regarded as an overarching term for a number
of sub disorders, of which the following could be regarded as most relevant
for later adulthood (American Psychiatric Association, 2017; American
Psychological Association, 2016; National Institute of Mental Health, 2016):
• Generalised anxiety disorder is the most common anxiety disorder
among the elderly. It is characterised by persistent worry or anxious
feelings. People with this disorder worry about a number of concerns,
such as health problems or finances, and may have a general sense that
something bad is going to happen. However, these worries are out of
proportion to the effect of the situation, and sometimes even imagined.
442
Symptoms include restlessness, irritability, being easily fatigued, muscle
tension, distress about making decisions, difficulty concentrating, sleep
problems, and generally feeling on edge. (See also Box 6.8 on worrying
in adulthood.)
• Panic disorder is marked by recurrent panic attacks that include
symptoms such as sweating, trembling, sensations of shortness of breath
or choking, and heart palpitations. Such attacks often happen suddenly,
without warning, and many individuals believe they are suffering a heart
attack.
• Phobias are excessive and irrational fear reactions about certain objects
(e.g. spiders or heights) or situations (such as flying in airplanes) that are
distressing or intrusive. Psychologists have categorised a few hundred
phobias.
• Social anxiety disorder is also known as social phobia. People with
this disorder experience significant anxiety and discomfort about the
possibility of being embarrassed, humiliated, judged, or looked down
upon in social interactions. Other common symptoms include difficulty
making friends and even avoiding social situations such as eating out,
• Obsessive-compulsive disorder is characterised by persistent, un-
controllable feelings and thoughts (obsessions) and routines or rituals
(compulsions). Some common examples include compulsive hand
washing in response to a fear of germs, repeatedly checking work for
errors, and continuous ‘overcleaning’ (e.g. of the house).
• Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can develop after the person has
experienced or witnessed severe physical or emotional trauma such as a
443
 natural disaster, serious accident, or crime. Symptoms include flashbacks
of the trauma, nightmares, and sadness, fear, or anger that interfere with
a person’s everyday routine for months or years after the traumatic
experience.
When the burden of anxiety disorders on the quality of life and health of
the elderly and their families is considered, it is understandable why “late-life
anxiety represents a significant public concern in our aging society” (Bower
et al., 2015, p. 68). As in the case of the mood disorders, psychotherapy and
medication can play an important role in the healing process of a person
who suffers from an anxiety disorder.
6.3.3 Dementia
Dementia (also called neurocognitive disorder and popularly known
as senility) is an umbrella term for a group of mental disorders that are
characterised by the degeneration of the brain from which there is no
recovery. These disorders are characterised especially by multiple mental
deficits such as loss of memory, judgement, and reasoning, with the result
that effective daily functioning is jeopardised seriously. Usually, but not
exclusively, dementia is found in persons older than about 65 years. There
are many different types of dementia. Alzheimer’s disease is the best known
example and accounts for about 60% to 80% of all dementia cases. Because
Alzheimer’s disease is the most common type of dementia, it often is used
wrongly as a synonym for dementia.
Symbolic presentation of memory loss and brain ageing due to dementia
444
Box 6.8 Worrying in adulthood
Worry can be defined as a mental state of being distressed and troubled over a real or
potential problem. Worrying is a normal part of life, although in its extreme state, it is the
key characteristic of a generalised anxiety disorder. In fact, worry and anxiety are often
used as synonyms, but there are important differences (Winch, 2016). For example,
worry is caused by more realistic concerns, while anxiety is more vague and inexplicit.
That is, the person who worries mostly can tell you precisely why he or she worries.
The person who is anxious finds it difficult to put his finger on the cause. Worry also
tends to be a temporary state, but anxiety can linger. This means that once the issue of
worrying is resolved, the worry diminishes and disappears. Anxiety on the other hand,
can linger for long periods and even jump from one ‘problem’ to another (one week
the person feels anxious about his/her future, then about his/her health, then about
the children, etc.). Furthermore, worry tends to be more controllable than anxiety is. By
using problem-solving strategies to deal with the cause of one’s worry or trying not to
think about it, one can reduce it significantly. In the case of anxiety, persons have much
less control, because problem-solving strategies are not as effective and they cannot
‘get a grip’ on their emotions. Miloyan and Buley (2015) provide the following overview
on worry during adulthood (see references in their article):
There is a gradual age-related downward trend in worry frequency: Older adults
report fewer worries than younger adults do. However, older adults with higher levels
of anxiety and depression worry comparatively more than adults without anxiety
or depression do. Furthermore, there seems to be age-related differences in worry
content. For example, older adults tend to worry about their own health, as well as
the health and well-being of loved ones. Conversely, younger adults tend to worry
about work, finances, and interpersonal relations. Older adults also tend to worry
more about particular topics than younger adults do, including family concerns and
world issues such as protection of the environment, the economy of the country,
retirement, and becoming a burden to people. A reason for the age-related reductions
in worry frequency is changes in emotional processes: Older adults experience more
positive and fewer negative emotional states. Negative emotional states are also more
transient for older than for younger adults, partly due to an improved capacity for
emotion regulation. Furthermore, compared to younger adults, older adults realise that
excessive worry will not reduce the problem and they report being more tolerant of
uncertainty. Consequently, older adults may be less likely to worry about the potential
occurrence of negative future events that lie outside of their control. Despite these
general age-related trends, there are important differences within the population of
older adults. For example, those who report comparatively higher levels of worry tend
to have negative attitudes and beliefs about the future, as well as an external locus of
control.
Excessive worry can have serious clinical (psychiatric/medical) implications for the
individual. It is associated with severe distress that can affect a person’s well-being
and functioning significantly. For example, a decline in learning and memory can occur,
while health-related conditions such as coronary heart disease and arthritis have
been reported. However, worry can also have a positive function: It acts as a useful
mechanism that could serve to reduce the likelihood or effect of future harm and may
thereby be strategically employed.
445
 natural disaster, serious accident, or crime. Symptoms include flashbacks
of the trauma, nightmares, and sadness, fear, or anger that interfere with
a person’s everyday routine for months or years after the traumatic
experience.
When the burden of anxiety disorders on the quality of life and health of
the elderly and their families is considered, it is understandable why “late-life
anxiety represents a significant public concern in our aging society” (Bower
et al., 2015, p. 68). As in the case of the mood disorders, psychotherapy and
medication can play an important role in the healing process of a person
who suffers from an anxiety disorder.
6.3.3 Dementia
Dementia (also called neurocognitive disorder and popularly known
as senility) is an umbrella term for a group of mental disorders that are
characterised by the degeneration of the brain from which there is no
recovery. These disorders are characterised especially by multiple mental
deficits such as loss of memory, judgement, and reasoning, with the result
that effective daily functioning is jeopardised seriously. Usually, but not
exclusively, dementia is found in persons older than about 65 years. There
are many different types of dementia. Alzheimer’s disease is the best known
example and accounts for about 60% to 80% of all dementia cases. Because
Alzheimer’s disease is the most common type of dementia, it often is used
wrongly as a synonym for dementia.
Symbolic presentation of memory loss and brain ageing due to dementia
444
Box 6.8 Worrying in adulthood
Worry can be defined as a mental state of being distressed and troubled over a real or
potential problem. Worrying is a normal part of life, although in its extreme state, it is the
key characteristic of a generalised anxiety disorder. In fact, worry and anxiety are often
used as synonyms, but there are important differences (Winch, 2016). For example,
worry is caused by more realistic concerns, while anxiety is more vague and inexplicit.
That is, the person who worries mostly can tell you precisely why he or she worries.
The person who is anxious finds it difficult to put his finger on the cause. Worry also
tends to be a temporary state, but anxiety can linger. This means that once the issue of
worrying is resolved, the worry diminishes and disappears. Anxiety on the other hand,
can linger for long periods and even jump from one ‘problem’ to another (one week
the person feels anxious about his/her future, then about his/her health, then about
the children, etc.). Furthermore, worry tends to be more controllable than anxiety is. By
using problem-solving strategies to deal with the cause of one’s worry or trying not to
think about it, one can reduce it significantly. In the case of anxiety, persons have much
less control, because problem-solving strategies are not as effective and they cannot
‘get a grip’ on their emotions. Miloyan and Buley (2015) provide the following overview
on worry during adulthood (see references in their article):
There is a gradual age-related downward trend in worry frequency: Older adults
report fewer worries than younger adults do. However, older adults with higher levels
of anxiety and depression worry comparatively more than adults without anxiety
or depression do. Furthermore, there seems to be age-related differences in worry
content. For example, older adults tend to worry about their own health, as well as
the health and well-being of loved ones. Conversely, younger adults tend to worry
about work, finances, and interpersonal relations. Older adults also tend to worry
more about particular topics than younger adults do, including family concerns and
world issues such as protection of the environment, the economy of the country,
retirement, and becoming a burden to people. A reason for the age-related reductions
in worry frequency is changes in emotional processes: Older adults experience more
positive and fewer negative emotional states. Negative emotional states are also more
transient for older than for younger adults, partly due to an improved capacity for
emotion regulation. Furthermore, compared to younger adults, older adults realise that
excessive worry will not reduce the problem and they report being more tolerant of
uncertainty. Consequently, older adults may be less likely to worry about the potential
occurrence of negative future events that lie outside of their control. Despite these
general age-related trends, there are important differences within the population of
older adults. For example, those who report comparatively higher levels of worry tend
to have negative attitudes and beliefs about the future, as well as an external locus of
control.
Excessive worry can have serious clinical (psychiatric/medical) implications for the
individual. It is associated with severe distress that can affect a person’s well-being
and functioning significantly. For example, a decline in learning and memory can occur,
while health-related conditions such as coronary heart disease and arthritis have
been reported. However, worry can also have a positive function: It acts as a useful
mechanism that could serve to reduce the likelihood or effect of future harm and may
thereby be strategically employed.
445
 The prevalence of dementia for those aged 60 years and older varies
between 5% and 7% in most world regions (Prince et al., 2013). More specifically,
prevalence estimates are approximately 1% to 2% at the age of 65 years and as
high as 30% by age 85 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Unfortunately,
there is a lack of prevalence research data on dementia in South Africa. Although
De Jager and her co-authors (2015) refer to studies that found a prevalence
rate of between 6% and 8% in elderly South Africans, these studies are not
representative of the nation.
Regarding gender differences, most researchers have found that women are
at greater risk for dementia, especially at a high age. However, in some studies,
no gender differences were found. The type of dementia may also play a role.
The World Health Organisation (2016) divides the main symptoms of
dementia into three stages:
• Early stage. The early stage of dementia is often overlooked, because the
onset is gradual. Common symptoms include
– forgetfulness, which is usually the earliest warning sign;
– losing track of time;
– becoming lost in familiar places.
• Middle stage. As dementia progresses to the middle stage, the signs and
symptoms become clearer and more restricting. These include
– becoming more forgetful of recent events and people’s names;
– becoming lost at home;
– having increasing difficulty with communication, especially talking
and following a conversation;
– becoming less expressive and more withdrawn;
– needing help with personal care;
– experiencing behaviour changes, including wandering and repeated
questioning;
– having difficulty performing simple tasks.
• Late stage. The late stage of dementia is one of near total dependence
and inactivity. Memory disturbances are serious and the physical signs
and symptoms become more obvious. Symptoms include
– becoming unaware of time and place;
– having difficulty recognising relatives and friends;
– having an increasing need for assisted self-care such as eating,
bathing, and getting dressed;
– having difficulty walking;
– experiencing behaviour changes that may escalate and include
aggression and restlessness.
446
As is the case with most other disorders, dementia can affect each
individual differently, depending on factors such as the intensity and nature
of the symptoms, as well as the person’s personality before the onset of the
disorder. Associated mental disorders add to the bleak clinical picture, for
example the following (Regan, 2016; also see Castro & Smith, 2015):
■ Mood disorders. About 40% of people with dementia also suffer from
depression. Depression not only may be a symptom of dementia, but
there are also indications that it is a risk factor for dementia (i.e. the risk
to develop dementia is higher if a person has depression). The risk for
developing bipolar disorder also seems to be higher in dementia patients.
■ Anxiety disorders. At least one of these disorders occurs in up to about
20% of people suffering from dementia. Chemical changes in the brain
may increase periods of anxiety attacks in the later stages of the illness.
■ Psychosis. As mentioned, this is a group of severe mental disorders where
contact with reality is lost. It is known popularly and legally as insanity.
Schizophrenia is the best-known example. Hallucinations (for example,
seeing or hearing things that do not exist) and delusions (false beliefs)
are the prominent symptoms. These symptoms could occur in about 50%
of Alzheimer’s disease cases.
From the mentioned symptoms, it is clear that dementia, specifically
Alzheimer’s disease, has a serious and extensive effect on the functioning
and quality of life of the individual. It also explains why dementia is one of the
major causes of disability and dependency among older people worldwide
(Alzheimer’s Association, 2017).
Dementia is usually caused by the degeneration of brain cells (Janssen,
2013). This implies the death of brain cells and a severe decline in the
effectiveness of the existing cells (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). The symptoms of
dementia are explained by the fact that the part of the brain responsible
for cognitive functions such as thoughts, memories, language, and actions,
are affected. While inheriting dementia directly is rare, genes are believed to
play some role in almost all cases of dementia (Alzheimer’s Society, 2017).
If a person has a direct family member (a parent, brother, or sister) with
dementia, that person is more likely to develop the disease. However, it is
important to remember that these so-called ‘risk genes’ only increase the
probability of developing a disease – it is not an accomplished fact that it
will happen. Furthermore, it should be noted that a head injury, a stroke,
or a brain tumour could also cause dementia. Possibly, some environmental
factors such as smoking, air pollution, and cognitive inactivity could also be
447
 The prevalence of dementia for those aged 60 years and older varies
between 5% and 7% in most world regions (Prince et al., 2013). More specifically,
prevalence estimates are approximately 1% to 2% at the age of 65 years and as
high as 30% by age 85 (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Unfortunately,
there is a lack of prevalence research data on dementia in South Africa. Although
De Jager and her co-authors (2015) refer to studies that found a prevalence
rate of between 6% and 8% in elderly South Africans, these studies are not
representative of the nation.
Regarding gender differences, most researchers have found that women are
at greater risk for dementia, especially at a high age. However, in some studies,
no gender differences were found. The type of dementia may also play a role.
The World Health Organisation (2016) divides the main symptoms of
dementia into three stages:
• Early stage. The early stage of dementia is often overlooked, because the
onset is gradual. Common symptoms include
– forgetfulness, which is usually the earliest warning sign;
– losing track of time;
– becoming lost in familiar places.
• Middle stage. As dementia progresses to the middle stage, the signs and
symptoms become clearer and more restricting. These include
– becoming more forgetful of recent events and people’s names;
– becoming lost at home;
– having increasing difficulty with communication, especially talking
and following a conversation;
– becoming less expressive and more withdrawn;
– needing help with personal care;
– experiencing behaviour changes, including wandering and repeated
questioning;
– having difficulty performing simple tasks.
• Late stage. The late stage of dementia is one of near total dependence
and inactivity. Memory disturbances are serious and the physical signs
and symptoms become more obvious. Symptoms include
– becoming unaware of time and place;
– having difficulty recognising relatives and friends;
– having an increasing need for assisted self-care such as eating,
bathing, and getting dressed;
– having difficulty walking;
– experiencing behaviour changes that may escalate and include
aggression and restlessness.
446
As is the case with most other disorders, dementia can affect each
individual differently, depending on factors such as the intensity and nature
of the symptoms, as well as the person’s personality before the onset of the
disorder. Associated mental disorders add to the bleak clinical picture, for
example the following (Regan, 2016; also see Castro & Smith, 2015):
■ Mood disorders. About 40% of people with dementia also suffer from
depression. Depression not only may be a symptom of dementia, but
there are also indications that it is a risk factor for dementia (i.e. the risk
to develop dementia is higher if a person has depression). The risk for
developing bipolar disorder also seems to be higher in dementia patients.
■ Anxiety disorders. At least one of these disorders occurs in up to about
20% of people suffering from dementia. Chemical changes in the brain
may increase periods of anxiety attacks in the later stages of the illness.
■ Psychosis. As mentioned, this is a group of severe mental disorders where
contact with reality is lost. It is known popularly and legally as insanity.
Schizophrenia is the best-known example. Hallucinations (for example,
seeing or hearing things that do not exist) and delusions (false beliefs)
are the prominent symptoms. These symptoms could occur in about 50%
of Alzheimer’s disease cases.
From the mentioned symptoms, it is clear that dementia, specifically
Alzheimer’s disease, has a serious and extensive effect on the functioning
and quality of life of the individual. It also explains why dementia is one of the
major causes of disability and dependency among older people worldwide
(Alzheimer’s Association, 2017).
Dementia is usually caused by the degeneration of brain cells (Janssen,
2013). This implies the death of brain cells and a severe decline in the
effectiveness of the existing cells (Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). The symptoms of
dementia are explained by the fact that the part of the brain responsible
for cognitive functions such as thoughts, memories, language, and actions,
are affected. While inheriting dementia directly is rare, genes are believed to
play some role in almost all cases of dementia (Alzheimer’s Society, 2017).
If a person has a direct family member (a parent, brother, or sister) with
dementia, that person is more likely to develop the disease. However, it is
important to remember that these so-called ‘risk genes’ only increase the
probability of developing a disease – it is not an accomplished fact that it
will happen. Furthermore, it should be noted that a head injury, a stroke,
or a brain tumour could also cause dementia. Possibly, some environmental
factors such as smoking, air pollution, and cognitive inactivity could also be
447
risk factors (Killin et al., 2016). As far as the symptoms of Parkinson’s disease are concerned, The
As mentioned above, there is no effective treatment for Alzheimer’s Merck Manual of Health and Aging (2004) provides the following overview
disease at present. Although certain medications may alleviate the symptoms, (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Parkinson’s disease Foundation,
the deterioration continues. Therefore, it is understandable why Alzheimer’s 2017). The disease begins subtly and progresses gradually. In more than
disease is sometimes called the ‘funeral without end’: Patients become 60% of people, tremors are the first symptom. In others, the first symptom
oblivious to their surroundings, bedridden, and are reduced to a vegetative is usually problems with movement or a reduced sense of smell. Parkinson’s
existence. Their resistance to disease is lowered, and death usually results disease typically causes the following main symptoms:
from pneumonia or some other infection. However, there seems to be a light
in the tunnel concerning this terrifying disease. Recent research in the USA • Tremors. This is probably the most visible symptom of Parkinson’s
has shown that people are less likely to develop dementia and Alzheimer’s disease. The tremors or shaking occur when the person is standing,
disease today than they were 20 years ago (Larson et al., 2013). Two factors sitting, or even lying still. They usually occur in one hand while the hand
may explain this decreased risk. First, people have higher educational is at rest. The tremor is called a pill-rolling tremor because the hand
levels, which confirms that active cognitive functioning may help to prevent moves as if it is rolling small objects around. The tremor decreases when
dementia. Second, there is more awareness of cardiovascular (heart and blood the hand is moving purposefully and disappears completely during
vessel) disease, which is a significant risk factor for the disease. Therefore, sleep. Emotional stress or fatigue may worsen the tremor. Eventually,
even though there is no cure for dementia, there seems to be social and the tremor may progress to the other hand, the arms, and the legs. A
lifestyle factors that can decrease the risk. tremor may also affect the jaws, tongue, forehead, and eyelids, but not
the voice. However, in some people, a tremor never develops.
6.3.4 Parkinson’s disease • Stiffness. Muscles become stiff, impairing movement. Because the small
muscles of the hands are often impaired, daily tasks (e.g. buttoning a
Parkinson’s disease is a degenerative and gradually progressive disorder shirt and tying shoelaces) become increasingly difficult. Because the
of the central nervous system. facial muscles that control expression do not move, the face becomes
It mainly affects an area of less expressive (mask-like).
the brain that is responsible • Slowed movements. Movements become slow and difficult to initiate.
for regulating movement and Walking particularly becomes difficult, especially taking the first step.
coordination (Carr, 2015). The Once started, people often shuffle, taking short steps, keeping their arms
onset of Parkinson’s disease is bent at the waist, and do not swing their arms. While walking, some
usually after age 60, affecting people have difficulty stopping or turning. Thus, mobility decreases.
about 0,5% to 1% of individuals • Difficulty maintaining balance and posture. Posture becomes stooped,
between 60 and 70 years, and and balance is difficult to maintain, leading to a tendency to fall forward
up to 3% older than 85. There or backward. Because movements are slow, people often cannot move
is an approximately 1,5 times their hands quickly enough to break a fall. During the late stages of the
higher risk of Parkinson’s disease, the person, unless assisted, can become confined to a wheelchair
disease for men than for women or even bedridden.
(Gaida, 2012). Unfortunately, no
representative research data on The tremors and movement problems of Parkinson’s disease overshadow
the prevalence of Parkinson’s the clinical picture to such an extent that mental disorders and symptoms
disease in South Africa are unfortunately sometimes are neglected or even missed. In fact, several
available (Carr, 2017). mental disorders and symptoms are associated with Parkinson’s disease
(Behrman et al, 2016; Sperling, 2015). The prevalence of major depressive

448 449
risk factors (Killin et al., 2016). As far as the symptoms of Parkinson’s disease are concerned, The
As mentioned above, there is no effective treatment for Alzheimer’s Merck Manual of Health and Aging (2004) provides the following overview
disease at present. Although certain medications may alleviate the symptoms, (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Parkinson’s disease Foundation,
the deterioration continues. Therefore, it is understandable why Alzheimer’s 2017). The disease begins subtly and progresses gradually. In more than
disease is sometimes called the ‘funeral without end’: Patients become 60% of people, tremors are the first symptom. In others, the first symptom
oblivious to their surroundings, bedridden, and are reduced to a vegetative is usually problems with movement or a reduced sense of smell. Parkinson’s
existence. Their resistance to disease is lowered, and death usually results disease typically causes the following main symptoms:
from pneumonia or some other infection. However, there seems to be a light
in the tunnel concerning this terrifying disease. Recent research in the USA • Tremors. This is probably the most visible symptom of Parkinson’s
has shown that people are less likely to develop dementia and Alzheimer’s disease. The tremors or shaking occur when the person is standing,
disease today than they were 20 years ago (Larson et al., 2013). Two factors sitting, or even lying still. They usually occur in one hand while the hand
may explain this decreased risk. First, people have higher educational is at rest. The tremor is called a pill-rolling tremor because the hand
levels, which confirms that active cognitive functioning may help to prevent moves as if it is rolling small objects around. The tremor decreases when
dementia. Second, there is more awareness of cardiovascular (heart and blood the hand is moving purposefully and disappears completely during
vessel) disease, which is a significant risk factor for the disease. Therefore, sleep. Emotional stress or fatigue may worsen the tremor. Eventually,
even though there is no cure for dementia, there seems to be social and the tremor may progress to the other hand, the arms, and the legs. A
lifestyle factors that can decrease the risk. tremor may also affect the jaws, tongue, forehead, and eyelids, but not
the voice. However, in some people, a tremor never develops.
6.3.4 Parkinson’s disease • Stiffness. Muscles become stiff, impairing movement. Because the small
muscles of the hands are often impaired, daily tasks (e.g. buttoning a
Parkinson’s disease is a degenerative and gradually progressive disorder shirt and tying shoelaces) become increasingly difficult. Because the
of the central nervous system. facial muscles that control expression do not move, the face becomes
It mainly affects an area of less expressive (mask-like).
the brain that is responsible • Slowed movements. Movements become slow and difficult to initiate.
for regulating movement and Walking particularly becomes difficult, especially taking the first step.
coordination (Carr, 2015). The Once started, people often shuffle, taking short steps, keeping their arms
onset of Parkinson’s disease is bent at the waist, and do not swing their arms. While walking, some
usually after age 60, affecting people have difficulty stopping or turning. Thus, mobility decreases.
about 0,5% to 1% of individuals • Difficulty maintaining balance and posture. Posture becomes stooped,
between 60 and 70 years, and and balance is difficult to maintain, leading to a tendency to fall forward
up to 3% older than 85. There or backward. Because movements are slow, people often cannot move
is an approximately 1,5 times their hands quickly enough to break a fall. During the late stages of the
higher risk of Parkinson’s disease, the person, unless assisted, can become confined to a wheelchair
disease for men than for women or even bedridden.
(Gaida, 2012). Unfortunately, no
representative research data on The tremors and movement problems of Parkinson’s disease overshadow
the prevalence of Parkinson’s the clinical picture to such an extent that mental disorders and symptoms
disease in South Africa are unfortunately sometimes are neglected or even missed. In fact, several
available (Carr, 2017). mental disorders and symptoms are associated with Parkinson’s disease
(Behrman et al, 2016; Sperling, 2015). The prevalence of major depressive

448 449
disorder is about 20%, although up to 40% may experience symptoms of
depression that are not severe enough to meet the criteria of major depressive
• A serious disturbance of consciousness with reduced awareness of the
environment and a diminished ability to sustain attention.
disorder. An anxiety disorder is diagnosed in up to 40% of Parkinson’s
disease patients. According to the Parkinson’s Disease Foundation (2017),
• A change in cognition, for example disorientation, memory loss
and slurred/incoherent speech. Perceptual disturbances such as
depression and anxiety can be even more disabling than the movement
hallucinations are also possible.
symptoms of Parkinson’s disease. Hallucinations and delusions have been
reported in more than 50% of older adults with this disease. As many as
• The disorder develops over a relatively short period (usually hours to
days) and tends to fluctuate during the course of the day.
50% to 75% of individuals with Parkinson’s disease can develop dementia
during the late stages of the disease. However, during the early course of the
• The condition is usually temporary and reversible.

disease, the person’s cognitive functioning usually is not affected.

Because symptoms of delirium and dementia can be similar, a final
The underlying cause of Parkinson’s disease is unknown. What we
diagnosis by a professional expert is necessary. The elderly, especially
do know, is that a gradual deterioration of dopamine-producing neurons
those in a hospital setting, are particularly vulnerable to delirium (Martins
takes place in an area of the brain responsible for the ability to control and
& Fernandes, 2012; Tampi et al., 2015). For example, 30% to 50% of elderly
coordinate body movements. However, why this happens is still unclear. Many
hospitalised patients have experienced an episode of delirium. In intensive
experts believe that the disease is caused by a combination of environmental
care units, prevalence rates of up to 80% have been reported. The prevalence
variables (e.g. pesticides) and genetic factors, which may vary from person
in the community is about 1% to 2%, although it is widely accepted that this
to person. Especially genetics is currently the subject of intense research
is an underestimate (Hogg, 2008). The presence of delirium is associated
(Parkinson’s Disease Foundation, 2017). In this regard, it is interesting that
with significant morbidity and mortality. For example, the death rate within
the Parkinson’s Disease Research Group at the University of Stellenbosch
the first year could be as high as 50% (Sadock & Sadock, 2007).
discovered that the genetic causes of Parkinson’s disease (PD) in South
Delirium can have several causes (Erber, 2013; Mayo Clinic, 2015). For
African patients differ from those found in European, American, and Asian
example, various prescribed medications can cause side-effects, including
populations. This finding suggests that drug treatments developed overseas
delirium, in the elderly. Delirium can also be a result of intoxication by, or
may not be applicable here (Bardien, 2017). A variety of medications and
a withdrawal from drugs, especially alcohol. In the case of withdrawal, the
surgery can provide substantial relief from the symptoms, but the progression
condition is called delirium tremens. Delirium can also occur as a symptom
of the disease cannot be stopped (Shapiro, 2014). Depending on factors
of certain mental disorders such as depression, anxiety, and schizophrenia.
such as the seriousness of the symptoms and the care and treatment they
In addition, serious bodily and brain infections may lead to a delirious state,
receive, patients with Parkinson’s disease can live as long as those without
while delirium is quite common in older adults after surgery. Certain illnesses
the disease. However, on average, patients with Parkinson’s disease tend to
such as diabetes and cancer are also associated with delirium.
have a somewhat shorter life span.
Although the two terms are often used as synonyms, it is important 6.3.6 Sleep disorders
not to confuse Parkinson’s disease with parkinsonism. The symptoms of
parkinsonism are similar to Parkinson’s disease, but the cause differs. In Sleep disorders (also called sleep-wake disorders) refer to a persistent
the case of parkinsonism, factors such as the use of certain medications disturbance of normal sleep patterns. Sleep disorders can have serious
or frequent exposure to toxic chemicals cause the symptoms. Therefore, and widespread effects on a person’s physical and mental health. It has
the symptoms are usually reversible if the toxins are removed (VandenBos, been associated with an increased risk for physical health problems such
2007). as hypertension, diabetes, obesity, heart disease, weakening of the immune
system, and even a shortened life expectancy. Sleep problems in older
6.3.5 Delirium adults are also associated with an increased risk of falls and difficulty with
walking, balance, and vision. Regarding mental health, increased symptoms
Delirium refers to a state of severe confusion mainly characterised by the
of depression, anxiety, general emotionality (e.g. irritability), and fatigue
following (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Mayo Clinic, 2015):
450 451
disorder is about 20%, although up to 40% may experience symptoms of
depression that are not severe enough to meet the criteria of major depressive
• A serious disturbance of consciousness with reduced awareness of the
environment and a diminished ability to sustain attention.
disorder. An anxiety disorder is diagnosed in up to 40% of Parkinson’s
disease patients. According to the Parkinson’s Disease Foundation (2017),
• A change in cognition, for example disorientation, memory loss
and slurred/incoherent speech. Perceptual disturbances such as
depression and anxiety can be even more disabling than the movement
hallucinations are also possible.
symptoms of Parkinson’s disease. Hallucinations and delusions have been
reported in more than 50% of older adults with this disease. As many as
• The disorder develops over a relatively short period (usually hours to
days) and tends to fluctuate during the course of the day.
50% to 75% of individuals with Parkinson’s disease can develop dementia
during the late stages of the disease. However, during the early course of the
• The condition is usually temporary and reversible.

disease, the person’s cognitive functioning usually is not affected.

Because symptoms of delirium and dementia can be similar, a final
The underlying cause of Parkinson’s disease is unknown. What we
diagnosis by a professional expert is necessary. The elderly, especially
do know, is that a gradual deterioration of dopamine-producing neurons
those in a hospital setting, are particularly vulnerable to delirium (Martins
takes place in an area of the brain responsible for the ability to control and
& Fernandes, 2012; Tampi et al., 2015). For example, 30% to 50% of elderly
coordinate body movements. However, why this happens is still unclear. Many
hospitalised patients have experienced an episode of delirium. In intensive
experts believe that the disease is caused by a combination of environmental
care units, prevalence rates of up to 80% have been reported. The prevalence
variables (e.g. pesticides) and genetic factors, which may vary from person
in the community is about 1% to 2%, although it is widely accepted that this
to person. Especially genetics is currently the subject of intense research
is an underestimate (Hogg, 2008). The presence of delirium is associated
(Parkinson’s Disease Foundation, 2017). In this regard, it is interesting that
with significant morbidity and mortality. For example, the death rate within
the Parkinson’s Disease Research Group at the University of Stellenbosch
the first year could be as high as 50% (Sadock & Sadock, 2007).
discovered that the genetic causes of Parkinson’s disease (PD) in South
Delirium can have several causes (Erber, 2013; Mayo Clinic, 2015). For
African patients differ from those found in European, American, and Asian
example, various prescribed medications can cause side-effects, including
populations. This finding suggests that drug treatments developed overseas
delirium, in the elderly. Delirium can also be a result of intoxication by, or
may not be applicable here (Bardien, 2017). A variety of medications and
a withdrawal from drugs, especially alcohol. In the case of withdrawal, the
surgery can provide substantial relief from the symptoms, but the progression
condition is called delirium tremens. Delirium can also occur as a symptom
of the disease cannot be stopped (Shapiro, 2014). Depending on factors
of certain mental disorders such as depression, anxiety, and schizophrenia.
such as the seriousness of the symptoms and the care and treatment they
In addition, serious bodily and brain infections may lead to a delirious state,
receive, patients with Parkinson’s disease can live as long as those without
while delirium is quite common in older adults after surgery. Certain illnesses
the disease. However, on average, patients with Parkinson’s disease tend to
such as diabetes and cancer are also associated with delirium.
have a somewhat shorter life span.
Although the two terms are often used as synonyms, it is important 6.3.6 Sleep disorders
not to confuse Parkinson’s disease with parkinsonism. The symptoms of
parkinsonism are similar to Parkinson’s disease, but the cause differs. In Sleep disorders (also called sleep-wake disorders) refer to a persistent
the case of parkinsonism, factors such as the use of certain medications disturbance of normal sleep patterns. Sleep disorders can have serious
or frequent exposure to toxic chemicals cause the symptoms. Therefore, and widespread effects on a person’s physical and mental health. It has
the symptoms are usually reversible if the toxins are removed (VandenBos, been associated with an increased risk for physical health problems such
2007). as hypertension, diabetes, obesity, heart disease, weakening of the immune
system, and even a shortened life expectancy. Sleep problems in older
6.3.5 Delirium adults are also associated with an increased risk of falls and difficulty with
walking, balance, and vision. Regarding mental health, increased symptoms
Delirium refers to a state of severe confusion mainly characterised by the
of depression, anxiety, general emotionality (e.g. irritability), and fatigue
following (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Mayo Clinic, 2015):
450 451
have been found. Cognitive deficits in attention, response times, short-term
memory, and general performance level are common. It is clear that sleep
disorders can affect an individual’s quality of life significantly. The fact that
humans spend almost 30% of their lives sleeping underlines the importance
of these disorders.
Although sleep problems occur at all ages, they tend to increase with
age and are especially prevalent among the elderly. However, the higher
prevalence of sleep disorders among older adults is believed to be a
consequence of the physical and mental health comorbidities of ageing,
rather than the effect of ageing itself (Rodriguez et al., 2015). Internationally,
it is found that up to 50% of older adults complain of experiencing sleep
problems. However, like in most prevalence studies, the results largely
depend on the diagnostic criteria (such as the frequency and intensity of
symptoms). For example, two South African studies found a relatively low
prevalence among the elderly; 9% and 10% respectively (Koyanagi et al.,
2014; Peltzer, 2012). The reason for the relatively low occurrence is probably
that in both studies, only severe/extreme cases were included.
Several types of sleep disorders exist, such as the following (McCrae et
al., 2015; also see Rodriguez et al., 2015; Suzuki, 2017):
• Insomnia. This sleep disorder (commonly known as ‘sleeplessness’)
refers to the regular impairment of the ability to fall or stay asleep,
as well as an impairment in the quality and duration of sleep, which
affects the person’s daily functioning. Insomnia is common among the
elderly: Prevalence as high as 40% and even 50% is reported in older
people. It occurs more in older women than in older men. An interesting
phenomenon in this regard is insomnia identity, the false conviction that
Insomnia is common among the elderly
452
one has insomnia (Lichstein, 2017). Although these ‘complaining good
sleepers’ do not meet clinical criteria for poor sleep or insomnia they
can nonetheless have as high (and even higher) impairment in terms
of daytime fatigue, anxiety, and depression as those suffering from true
clinical insomnia.
• Sleep-disordered breathing (SDB). As the name indicates, this disorder is
characterised by abnormal breathing patterns during sleep. It has several
variations of which sleep apnoea (complete cessation of breathing) and
hypo-apnoea (partial cessation of breathing) are best known, although
the first sign of a sleep disorder is snoring. The prevalence of SDB in
older people can vary from 20% to 40% (McMillan & Morrell, 2016), and
occurs more in men than in women (Won & Guilleminault, 2015). SDB
disrupts a person’s sleep pattern, which causes fatique and sleepiness
during the day, and may put excessive strain on a person’s nervous
system and major organs.
• Restless legs syndrome (RLS). This disorder is also known as Willis-
Ekbom disease. It is characterised by unpleasant sensations in the
legs and an uncontrollable urge to move when at rest in an effort to
relieve these feelings. These sensations are often described as itching,
tingling, burning, creeping, tugging, or like insects crawling inside the
legs. Sometimes, these feelings also occur in the arms. Moving stops the
unpleasant feeling for a short time. Because it usually interferes with
sleep, it also is considered a sleep disorder. However, these sensations
can also happen during the day while a person is resting or inactive.
The prevalence is about 5% to 15% in the elderly and the ratio is 2:1 for
men and women. Indications are that the aetiology has neurological and
hereditary components.
The aetiology of sleep disorders is multifactorial, varying from medical-
physiological to psychological factors such as anxiety, depression, and
various stressors (e.g. daily hassles and concerns about family). A causal
factor that is often overlooked is inappropriate prescription of medicine. A
South African study on older adults found that this problem is common
(Van Heerden et al., 2016). Sedatives (medication that induces sleep or
sleepiness) can be particularly problematic, as they may cause dependence.
(Also see substance abuse.)
6.3.7 Substance abuse
Also known as drug use disorder or drug abuse, this is a condition in which
the abuse of one or more substances leads to a significant impairment in
453
have been found. Cognitive deficits in attention, response times, short-term
memory, and general performance level are common. It is clear that sleep
disorders can affect an individual’s quality of life significantly. The fact that
humans spend almost 30% of their lives sleeping underlines the importance
of these disorders.
Although sleep problems occur at all ages, they tend to increase with
age and are especially prevalent among the elderly. However, the higher
prevalence of sleep disorders among older adults is believed to be a
consequence of the physical and mental health comorbidities of ageing,
rather than the effect of ageing itself (Rodriguez et al., 2015). Internationally,
it is found that up to 50% of older adults complain of experiencing sleep
problems. However, like in most prevalence studies, the results largely
depend on the diagnostic criteria (such as the frequency and intensity of
symptoms). For example, two South African studies found a relatively low
prevalence among the elderly; 9% and 10% respectively (Koyanagi et al.,
2014; Peltzer, 2012). The reason for the relatively low occurrence is probably
that in both studies, only severe/extreme cases were included.
Several types of sleep disorders exist, such as the following (McCrae et
al., 2015; also see Rodriguez et al., 2015; Suzuki, 2017):
• Insomnia. This sleep disorder (commonly known as ‘sleeplessness’)
refers to the regular impairment of the ability to fall or stay asleep,
as well as an impairment in the quality and duration of sleep, which
affects the person’s daily functioning. Insomnia is common among the
elderly: Prevalence as high as 40% and even 50% is reported in older
people. It occurs more in older women than in older men. An interesting
phenomenon in this regard is insomnia identity, the false conviction that
Insomnia is common among the elderly
452
one has insomnia (Lichstein, 2017). Although these ‘complaining good
sleepers’ do not meet clinical criteria for poor sleep or insomnia they
can nonetheless have as high (and even higher) impairment in terms
of daytime fatigue, anxiety, and depression as those suffering from true
clinical insomnia.
• Sleep-disordered breathing (SDB). As the name indicates, this disorder is
characterised by abnormal breathing patterns during sleep. It has several
variations of which sleep apnoea (complete cessation of breathing) and
hypo-apnoea (partial cessation of breathing) are best known, although
the first sign of a sleep disorder is snoring. The prevalence of SDB in
older people can vary from 20% to 40% (McMillan & Morrell, 2016), and
occurs more in men than in women (Won & Guilleminault, 2015). SDB
disrupts a person’s sleep pattern, which causes fatique and sleepiness
during the day, and may put excessive strain on a person’s nervous
system and major organs.
• Restless legs syndrome (RLS). This disorder is also known as Willis-
Ekbom disease. It is characterised by unpleasant sensations in the
legs and an uncontrollable urge to move when at rest in an effort to
relieve these feelings. These sensations are often described as itching,
tingling, burning, creeping, tugging, or like insects crawling inside the
legs. Sometimes, these feelings also occur in the arms. Moving stops the
unpleasant feeling for a short time. Because it usually interferes with
sleep, it also is considered a sleep disorder. However, these sensations
can also happen during the day while a person is resting or inactive.
The prevalence is about 5% to 15% in the elderly and the ratio is 2:1 for
men and women. Indications are that the aetiology has neurological and
hereditary components.
The aetiology of sleep disorders is multifactorial, varying from medical-
physiological to psychological factors such as anxiety, depression, and
various stressors (e.g. daily hassles and concerns about family). A causal
factor that is often overlooked is inappropriate prescription of medicine. A
South African study on older adults found that this problem is common
(Van Heerden et al., 2016). Sedatives (medication that induces sleep or
sleepiness) can be particularly problematic, as they may cause dependence.
(Also see substance abuse.)
6.3.7 Substance abuse
Also known as drug use disorder or drug abuse, this is a condition in which
the abuse of one or more substances leads to a significant impairment in
453
the individual’s functioning. As in the case of many other mental disorders
and social problems, the consequences of substance abuse have an extreme
negative effect not only on the person’s physical and mental health, but also
on his or her family and the community. (Although the term ‘substance’ can
refer to any physical matter, the term in this context is limited to psychoactive
drugs: chemical substances that alter mood, perception, behaviour, and/or
consciousness.)
For practical purposes, the substances abused by the elderly can be
divided into three categories:
– Legal substances, such as alcohol, nicotine (cigarette smoking) and
cannabis (dagga).
– Illegal substances, for example, cocaine, heroin, tik and ecstacy.
– Medication, such as sedatives and analgesics (painkillers).
The precise extent of substance abuse is difficult, if not impossible, to
determine. Because of factors such as the social stigma attached to it and
illegality of certain drugs, people tend to deny their problem to others; in
many cases, also to themselves. In the case of the elderly, the problem is often
also easier to hide. For example, as they are mostly retired, they are socially
and workwise more isolated; therefore, their problem is less conspicuous.
However, it is accepted widely that substance abuse in the elderly is often
underestimated and underdiagnosed, and the reason why it is often referred
to as ‘an invisible epidemic’. One of the consequences of this unfortunate
situation is that it prevents people from getting the professional help and
support they need.
Most epidemiological research regarding substance abuse among the
elderly involves alcohol and smoking. International surveys estimate that
between 1% and 15% of older adults have problems with alcohol (see Erber,
2013). A South African study reported that 4% of the elderly participants
reported heavy drinking, and 3,7% binge drinking (consuming large
quantities of alcohol in a single session) (Peltzer & Phaswana-Mafuya, 2013).
As far as smoking is concerned, a worldwide survey found that the overall
smoking prevalence in 17 European countries is 12% (15% in men and 9% in
women) (Lugo et al., 2013). In some non-Western countries such as Malaysia
the prevalence for men is much higher (28%) but for women significant
lower (3%) (Lim et al., 2016). In South Africa, the rate for persons older than
65 is 11%; the prevalence for males is four times more than that for females
(Reddy et al., 2015). Although the prevalence of prescription medicine in
the community is unknown, an international estimation is that about 25% of
454
older people take medication that has the potential to be abused and that
about 10% do so (see Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). As mentioned before, it was
found that inappropriate prescription of medicine for the elderly in South
Africa is common. (See Box 6.9 regarding alcohol and cannabis use by older
adults.)
Older adult substance abusers can be categorised as early-onset or
late-onset abusers (Bogunovic, 2012). In early-onset abusers, substance
abuse develops before age 65. Early-onset abusers throughout their lives
have turned to substance abuse to cope with life. In these individuals, the
incidence of mental and physical problems tends to be higher than that in
their late-onset counterparts. A genetic or biological susceptibility seems
to be present, as they often have a family history of substance abuse. It is
estimated that early-onset substance abusers make up two thirds of the
elderly alcoholic population. In late-onset substance abusers, substance
abuse is often believed to develop subsequent to stressful life situations
that include losses that commonly occur with ageing (e.g. death of a
partner, changes in living situation, retirement, and social isolation). These
individuals typically experience fewer physical and mental health problems
than early-onset abusers.
The dangers of substance abuse and the severe harm and impairment
it causes to the individual, his or her family, and the community are well
known. On a physical health level, the following are examples: damage to
the liver, kidneys, pancreas, heart, lungs, brain, and respiratory system, while
contagious diseases from hepatitis C (contagious liver disease) to HIV and
AIDS are quite common in drug-using communities. Chronic abuse can
also lead to impairment of the digestive processes, body temperature and
hormones. In fact, there is hardly a body system that is not affected. This tragic
reality also applies to the person’s mental health. Extensive psychological
dysfunction and numerous mental disorders have been reported: wide-
ranging cognitive impairment is common, while mental disorders such as
the following are associated with substance abuse: delirium, dementia,
mood disorders, anxiety disorders, psychosis, sexual dysfunction, and sleep
disorders.
As mentioned earlier, the effect on the family could also be disastrous.
The continuous stress and conflict created by the situation usually also
affect all family members severely. Consequently, several of the mental
disorders mentioned, especially depression and anxiety, also occur in family
members. In fact, the effect it has on the (note: innocent) family members
such as spouses, children, and grandchildren could indeed be viewed as
unfathomable – especially as it tends to have a ripple effect that also affects
455
the individual’s functioning. As in the case of many other mental disorders
and social problems, the consequences of substance abuse have an extreme
negative effect not only on the person’s physical and mental health, but also
on his or her family and the community. (Although the term ‘substance’ can
refer to any physical matter, the term in this context is limited to psychoactive
drugs: chemical substances that alter mood, perception, behaviour, and/or
consciousness.)
For practical purposes, the substances abused by the elderly can be
divided into three categories:
– Legal substances, such as alcohol, nicotine (cigarette smoking) and
cannabis (dagga).
– Illegal substances, for example, cocaine, heroin, tik and ecstacy.
– Medication, such as sedatives and analgesics (painkillers).
The precise extent of substance abuse is difficult, if not impossible, to
determine. Because of factors such as the social stigma attached to it and
illegality of certain drugs, people tend to deny their problem to others; in
many cases, also to themselves. In the case of the elderly, the problem is often
also easier to hide. For example, as they are mostly retired, they are socially
and workwise more isolated; therefore, their problem is less conspicuous.
However, it is accepted widely that substance abuse in the elderly is often
underestimated and underdiagnosed, and the reason why it is often referred
to as ‘an invisible epidemic’. One of the consequences of this unfortunate
situation is that it prevents people from getting the professional help and
support they need.
Most epidemiological research regarding substance abuse among the
elderly involves alcohol and smoking. International surveys estimate that
between 1% and 15% of older adults have problems with alcohol (see Erber,
2013). A South African study reported that 4% of the elderly participants
reported heavy drinking, and 3,7% binge drinking (consuming large
quantities of alcohol in a single session) (Peltzer & Phaswana-Mafuya, 2013).
As far as smoking is concerned, a worldwide survey found that the overall
smoking prevalence in 17 European countries is 12% (15% in men and 9% in
women) (Lugo et al., 2013). In some non-Western countries such as Malaysia
the prevalence for men is much higher (28%) but for women significant
lower (3%) (Lim et al., 2016). In South Africa, the rate for persons older than
65 is 11%; the prevalence for males is four times more than that for females
(Reddy et al., 2015). Although the prevalence of prescription medicine in
the community is unknown, an international estimation is that about 25% of
454
older people take medication that has the potential to be abused and that
about 10% do so (see Stuart-Hamilton, 2012). As mentioned before, it was
found that inappropriate prescription of medicine for the elderly in South
Africa is common. (See Box 6.9 regarding alcohol and cannabis use by older
adults.)
Older adult substance abusers can be categorised as early-onset or
late-onset abusers (Bogunovic, 2012). In early-onset abusers, substance
abuse develops before age 65. Early-onset abusers throughout their lives
have turned to substance abuse to cope with life. In these individuals, the
incidence of mental and physical problems tends to be higher than that in
their late-onset counterparts. A genetic or biological susceptibility seems
to be present, as they often have a family history of substance abuse. It is
estimated that early-onset substance abusers make up two thirds of the
elderly alcoholic population. In late-onset substance abusers, substance
abuse is often believed to develop subsequent to stressful life situations
that include losses that commonly occur with ageing (e.g. death of a
partner, changes in living situation, retirement, and social isolation). These
individuals typically experience fewer physical and mental health problems
than early-onset abusers.
The dangers of substance abuse and the severe harm and impairment
it causes to the individual, his or her family, and the community are well
known. On a physical health level, the following are examples: damage to
the liver, kidneys, pancreas, heart, lungs, brain, and respiratory system, while
contagious diseases from hepatitis C (contagious liver disease) to HIV and
AIDS are quite common in drug-using communities. Chronic abuse can
also lead to impairment of the digestive processes, body temperature and
hormones. In fact, there is hardly a body system that is not affected. This tragic
reality also applies to the person’s mental health. Extensive psychological
dysfunction and numerous mental disorders have been reported: wide-
ranging cognitive impairment is common, while mental disorders such as
the following are associated with substance abuse: delirium, dementia,
mood disorders, anxiety disorders, psychosis, sexual dysfunction, and sleep
disorders.
As mentioned earlier, the effect on the family could also be disastrous.
The continuous stress and conflict created by the situation usually also
affect all family members severely. Consequently, several of the mental
disorders mentioned, especially depression and anxiety, also occur in family
members. In fact, the effect it has on the (note: innocent) family members
such as spouses, children, and grandchildren could indeed be viewed as
unfathomable – especially as it tends to have a ripple effect that also affects
455

Box 6.9 Alcohol and cannabis use by older adult
• Alcohol. In addition to the physical and mental health problems related to
substance abuse, older adults who use alcohol should be made aware of the following
(National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2017; NIHSeniorHealth, 2015):
– Sensitivity to health effects of alcohol may increase with age, and an older person
can thus develop problems with alcohol even though his or her drinking habits have
not changed. As people age, there is a decrease in the amount of water in the body;
therefore, when older adults drink, there is less water in their bodies to dilute the
alcohol that is consumed. This causes older adults to have a higher blood alcohol
concentration (BAC) than younger people have after consuming an equal amount of
alcohol. This means that older adults may experience the effects of alcohol, such as slurred
speech and lack of coordination, more readily than when they were younger. It puts older
adults at higher risks for falls, car crashes, and other unintentional injuries that may
result from drinking.
– Drinking too much alcohol can not only cause health problems, but also can
aggravate some existing health conditions. These conditions include diabetes, high
blood pressure, heart failure, liver problems, cognitive disorders such as memory
impairment, and mood and anxiety disorders.
– Many older adults take medicines, including prescription drugs, over-the- counter
(non-prescription) drugs, and herbal remedies. Drinking alcohol can cause certain
medicines not to work properly and other medicines to become more dangerous or
even deadly. Mixing alcohol and some medicines, particularly sedatives, can cause
sleepiness, confusion, or lack of coordination, which may lead to accidents and injuries.
Other side-effects include nausea, vomiting, headaches, and other more serious health
problems. Medications that can interact badly with alcohol include medicine for pain,
cold, and allergy symptoms, sleeping problems, depression, and anxiety. Because
medications stay in the body for at least several hours, the person can still experience
negative symptoms if he or she drinks alcohol hours after taking the medicine.
• Cannabis. This drug, also known as dagga in South Africa, was the most widely
illicit drug abused in our country until it was legalised for private and personal use by
the Constitutional Court in September 2018. In fact, South Africa is believed to be one
of the largest producers of dagga in the world (Swanepoel et al., 2016). Due to its illegal
status until recently, its use for medicinal purposes (e.g. for the relief of pain) and the
customary use of dagga by some cultural and subcultural groups, the prevalence of its
use by South African elderly is an open question. In countries such as the USA, the use
of cannabis (marijuana in the USA) by the elderly is increasing (Kaskie, et al., 2017).
The safety of dagga use is a controversial topic, often characterised by
contradictory research results (Hall, 2014; Stoner, 2016; Volkow et al., 2014). According
to Weich (2017), the reasons for the mixed research results include the fact that there
are differences in the potency of the cannabis used in the various studies, and that
diverse research methods were used. What risks are associated with dagga?
Since dagga is usually smoked, lung problems such as chronic bronchitis and
emphysema may be caused by the toxic agents. Heart attacks and strokes may also
occur. Dagga has a negative interaction with several widely used medications, affecting
blood pressure and blood sugar levels. As in the case of alcohol and other drugs,
resulting confusion or lack of coordination may lead to accidents and injuries. Mental
disorders such as anxiety disorders, depression and even psychotic symptoms have
been reported. To what extent cognitive dysfunction caused by chronic dagga use
has a long-term effect, especially on older adults, is still being debated.
456
next generations. Therefore, it is understandable why substance abuse has
been called a family disease, not an individual disease.
The effect of substance abuse on the South African community is equally
devastating. For example, alcohol alone plays a role in about 50% of all crimes
and about 50% of all fatal car accidents. (See Box 6.10 for the criteria for
alcohol intake.) Once again, the effect on innocent victims is immeasurable.
The tangible financial cost of alcohol harm to the South African economy
is about R40 billion (R40 000 000 000 000) per year (Matzopoulos et
al., 2014). Concerning another legalised drug, nicotine (tobacco), note the
following: According to a recent worldwide study, smoking was found to be
the second leading risk factor for early death and disability (Global Burden
of Diseases, Injuries and Risk Factors Study, 2017). International expert John
Britton (2017, p. 1) describes smoking as a “global health disaster”.
Box 6.10 Criteria for alcohol intake
In South Africa, the legal limit is a blood alcohol content of 0.05g per 100ml. According
to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), 2015,
criteria for the different levels of alcohol intake are the following:
• Moderate Drinking: up to 1 drink per day for women and up to 2 drinks per day
for men.
• Binge Drinking: 5 or more alcoholic drinks on the same occasion on at least 1 day
in the past 30 days. It produces blood alcohol concentration levels of greater
than 0.08g per 100ml. This usually occurs after 4 drinks for women and 5 drinks
for men over a 2-hour period.
• Heavy Drinking: SAMHSA defines heavy drinking as drinking 5 or more drinks on
the same occasion on each of 5 or more days in the past 30 days.
Considering that these statistics refer to only two legalised drugs, it
becomes understandable why the internationally respected World Health
Organization (2017) states that the effect of substance abuse poses a major
threat to the health, social and economic fabric of families, communities,
and nations. In this regard, it is essential to point out the inconsistency in our
country (and most other countries) as far as substance abuse is concerned.
While the use of many substances is illegal, other equally and even more
dangerous substances such as alcohol and tobacco are legalised and have
even become the norm in many circles. In fact, the present authors (Louw
& Louw, 2014) have always believed that even if all illegal drugs should
disappear overnight, we would still remain with the larger part of the drug
abuse problem – alcohol and tobacco. Next to their mentioned dangers, it
457

Box 6.9 Alcohol and cannabis use by older adult
• Alcohol. In addition to the physical and mental health problems related to
substance abuse, older adults who use alcohol should be made aware of the following
(National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism, 2017; NIHSeniorHealth, 2015):
– Sensitivity to health effects of alcohol may increase with age, and an older person
can thus develop problems with alcohol even though his or her drinking habits have
not changed. As people age, there is a decrease in the amount of water in the body;
therefore, when older adults drink, there is less water in their bodies to dilute the
alcohol that is consumed. This causes older adults to have a higher blood alcohol
concentration (BAC) than younger people have after consuming an equal amount of
alcohol. This means that older adults may experience the effects of alcohol, such as slurred
speech and lack of coordination, more readily than when they were younger. It puts older
adults at higher risks for falls, car crashes, and other unintentional injuries that may
result from drinking.
– Drinking too much alcohol can not only cause health problems, but also can
aggravate some existing health conditions. These conditions include diabetes, high
blood pressure, heart failure, liver problems, cognitive disorders such as memory
impairment, and mood and anxiety disorders.
– Many older adults take medicines, including prescription drugs, over-the- counter
(non-prescription) drugs, and herbal remedies. Drinking alcohol can cause certain
medicines not to work properly and other medicines to become more dangerous or
even deadly. Mixing alcohol and some medicines, particularly sedatives, can cause
sleepiness, confusion, or lack of coordination, which may lead to accidents and injuries.
Other side-effects include nausea, vomiting, headaches, and other more serious health
problems. Medications that can interact badly with alcohol include medicine for pain,
cold, and allergy symptoms, sleeping problems, depression, and anxiety. Because
medications stay in the body for at least several hours, the person can still experience
negative symptoms if he or she drinks alcohol hours after taking the medicine.
• Cannabis. This drug, also known as dagga in South Africa, was the most widely
illicit drug abused in our country until it was legalised for private and personal use by
the Constitutional Court in September 2018. In fact, South Africa is believed to be one
of the largest producers of dagga in the world (Swanepoel et al., 2016). Due to its illegal
status until recently, its use for medicinal purposes (e.g. for the relief of pain) and the
customary use of dagga by some cultural and subcultural groups, the prevalence of its
use by South African elderly is an open question. In countries such as the USA, the use
of cannabis (marijuana in the USA) by the elderly is increasing (Kaskie, et al., 2017).
The safety of dagga use is a controversial topic, often characterised by
contradictory research results (Hall, 2014; Stoner, 2016; Volkow et al., 2014). According
to Weich (2017), the reasons for the mixed research results include the fact that there
are differences in the potency of the cannabis used in the various studies, and that
diverse research methods were used. What risks are associated with dagga?
Since dagga is usually smoked, lung problems such as chronic bronchitis and
emphysema may be caused by the toxic agents. Heart attacks and strokes may also
occur. Dagga has a negative interaction with several widely used medications, affecting
blood pressure and blood sugar levels. As in the case of alcohol and other drugs,
resulting confusion or lack of coordination may lead to accidents and injuries. Mental
disorders such as anxiety disorders, depression and even psychotic symptoms have
been reported. To what extent cognitive dysfunction caused by chronic dagga use
has a long-term effect, especially on older adults, is still being debated.
456
next generations. Therefore, it is understandable why substance abuse has
been called a family disease, not an individual disease.
The effect of substance abuse on the South African community is equally
devastating. For example, alcohol alone plays a role in about 50% of all crimes
and about 50% of all fatal car accidents. (See Box 6.10 for the criteria for
alcohol intake.) Once again, the effect on innocent victims is immeasurable.
The tangible financial cost of alcohol harm to the South African economy
is about R40 billion (R40 000 000 000 000) per year (Matzopoulos et
al., 2014). Concerning another legalised drug, nicotine (tobacco), note the
following: According to a recent worldwide study, smoking was found to be
the second leading risk factor for early death and disability (Global Burden
of Diseases, Injuries and Risk Factors Study, 2017). International expert John
Britton (2017, p. 1) describes smoking as a “global health disaster”.
Box 6.10 Criteria for alcohol intake
In South Africa, the legal limit is a blood alcohol content of 0.05g per 100ml. According
to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), 2015,
criteria for the different levels of alcohol intake are the following:
• Moderate Drinking: up to 1 drink per day for women and up to 2 drinks per day
for men.
• Binge Drinking: 5 or more alcoholic drinks on the same occasion on at least 1 day
in the past 30 days. It produces blood alcohol concentration levels of greater
than 0.08g per 100ml. This usually occurs after 4 drinks for women and 5 drinks
for men over a 2-hour period.
• Heavy Drinking: SAMHSA defines heavy drinking as drinking 5 or more drinks on
the same occasion on each of 5 or more days in the past 30 days.
Considering that these statistics refer to only two legalised drugs, it
becomes understandable why the internationally respected World Health
Organization (2017) states that the effect of substance abuse poses a major
threat to the health, social and economic fabric of families, communities,
and nations. In this regard, it is essential to point out the inconsistency in our
country (and most other countries) as far as substance abuse is concerned.
While the use of many substances is illegal, other equally and even more
dangerous substances such as alcohol and tobacco are legalised and have
even become the norm in many circles. In fact, the present authors (Louw
& Louw, 2014) have always believed that even if all illegal drugs should
disappear overnight, we would still remain with the larger part of the drug
abuse problem – alcohol and tobacco. Next to their mentioned dangers, it
457
is important to know that nicotine and alcohol are as addictive as the more
notorious substances such as heroin and cocaine. Global estimates show
that current tobacco use is 10 times more widespread than current illegal
drug use. Alcohol abuse has an annual prevalence rate of about eight times
higher than that of illicit drug use (UNODC, 2013).
6.3.8 Hypochondriasis
This disorder (also referred to as health anxiety or illness anxiety) is commonly
known as hypochondria. The primary characteristic of hypochondria is
excessive and unrealistic fear of having a serious disease, based on the
person’s misinterpretation of bodily symptoms. For example, a common
headache is easily self-diagnosed as cancer or having a brain tumour, while a
stomach pain is interpreted as an ulcer or cancer. The same misinterpretation
applies to symptoms including other aches and pains, as well as coughs
and body temperature. This fear
persists, regardless of appro-
priate medical evaluation and
assurance. However, the patient
never seems satisfied and
continues to be preoccupied
with his or her symptoms.
This regularly leads to visits to
various medical professionals. It
is important to realise that the
person with hypochondria is
not trying to mislead. He or she Epigraph on a hypochondriac’s tombstone
experiences the symptoms as
real and an un-deniable serious threat to his or her health.
Although hypochondria is often viewed as a ‘disorder of the elderly’,
this is not quite true. Prevalence rates for the elderly vary between about
3% and 10%, and in the general population between 1% and 5% (see El-
Gabalawy et al., 2013). While several studies have found that hypochondria
occurs more in women, others could find no gender differences in older
people. The comorbidity regarding other mental disorders could be as high
as about 50%, with anxiety and depression the most common.
458
6.4 AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE ON MENTAL
DISORDERS
As mentioned at the beginning of our discussion on mental health, the
afore-mentioned discussion of mental disorders is based on internationally
accepted classifications and diagnostic criteria, such as the International
Classification of Diseases (ICD) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (DSM). Without this relative uniformity, it would have a
diagnostic and thus therapeutic disaster where each country, area, and even
professional would have had different criteria to diagnose and to treat. As
mentioned earlier, in South Africa, the ICD is the official diagnostic guide,
although the DSM is often used for research and training purposes.
However, as also mentioned, factors such as culture could have a
dramatic influence on the diagnoses and treatment of mental disorders. This
is especially true as far as the traditional sections of a culture are concerned.
This is also the situation in South Africa, where the ICD and DSM are unheard
of in various traditional and remote cultures. Therefore, it is understandable
that an own nosology (classification of diseases) and terminology have
been created. Amafufunyana is an example (Du Plessis & Visser, 2012; Louw
& Edwards, 1998). This is a serious disorder occurring among especially the
isiZulu- and isiXhosa-speaking South Africans. African traditional healers
believe that people with this disorder have been invaded and possessed
by evil spirits because of witchcraft. Symptoms include hearing voices from
their stomach area. These voices speak in a different language and the
tone is upsetting. The person is agitated, and violent behaviour is common.
Attempted suicide occurs frequently. The symptoms indicate that the person
is out of touch with reality, an important reason why the condition is said to
be similar to the international concept of schizophrenia, where a break with
reality is a primary symptom. (See Table 6.1 for examples of isiXhosa terms
for explaining mental health conditions.)
What is the situation in South Africa regarding the role of the sangoma
(a Zulu term widely used to refer to a traditional healer) in diagnosing
and treating mental disorders, especially also among the black elderly?
Unfortunately, there are several misconceptions in this regard. Probably the
best-known example is the general belief that up to 80% of all people in
Africa and also South Africa seek help from traditional healers. This figure
is even quoted in reports, articles, books, scientific articles, and the news
media. However, this figure has been disputed strongly in recent years. First,
most authors make use of outdated and often unreliable sources. Second,
several of these studies have been conducted in rural and remote areas
459
is important to know that nicotine and alcohol are as addictive as the more
notorious substances such as heroin and cocaine. Global estimates show
that current tobacco use is 10 times more widespread than current illegal
drug use. Alcohol abuse has an annual prevalence rate of about eight times
higher than that of illicit drug use (UNODC, 2013).
6.3.8 Hypochondriasis
This disorder (also referred to as health anxiety or illness anxiety) is commonly
known as hypochondria. The primary characteristic of hypochondria is
excessive and unrealistic fear of having a serious disease, based on the
person’s misinterpretation of bodily symptoms. For example, a common
headache is easily self-diagnosed as cancer or having a brain tumour, while a
stomach pain is interpreted as an ulcer or cancer. The same misinterpretation
applies to symptoms including other aches and pains, as well as coughs
and body temperature. This fear
persists, regardless of appro-
priate medical evaluation and
assurance. However, the patient
never seems satisfied and
continues to be preoccupied
with his or her symptoms.
This regularly leads to visits to
various medical professionals. It
is important to realise that the
person with hypochondria is
not trying to mislead. He or she Epigraph on a hypochondriac’s tombstone
experiences the symptoms as
real and an un-deniable serious threat to his or her health.
Although hypochondria is often viewed as a ‘disorder of the elderly’,
this is not quite true. Prevalence rates for the elderly vary between about
3% and 10%, and in the general population between 1% and 5% (see El-
Gabalawy et al., 2013). While several studies have found that hypochondria
occurs more in women, others could find no gender differences in older
people. The comorbidity regarding other mental disorders could be as high
as about 50%, with anxiety and depression the most common.
458
6.4 AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE ON MENTAL
DISORDERS
As mentioned at the beginning of our discussion on mental health, the
afore-mentioned discussion of mental disorders is based on internationally
accepted classifications and diagnostic criteria, such as the International
Classification of Diseases (ICD) and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders (DSM). Without this relative uniformity, it would have a
diagnostic and thus therapeutic disaster where each country, area, and even
professional would have had different criteria to diagnose and to treat. As
mentioned earlier, in South Africa, the ICD is the official diagnostic guide,
although the DSM is often used for research and training purposes.
However, as also mentioned, factors such as culture could have a
dramatic influence on the diagnoses and treatment of mental disorders. This
is especially true as far as the traditional sections of a culture are concerned.
This is also the situation in South Africa, where the ICD and DSM are unheard
of in various traditional and remote cultures. Therefore, it is understandable
that an own nosology (classification of diseases) and terminology have
been created. Amafufunyana is an example (Du Plessis & Visser, 2012; Louw
& Edwards, 1998). This is a serious disorder occurring among especially the
isiZulu- and isiXhosa-speaking South Africans. African traditional healers
believe that people with this disorder have been invaded and possessed
by evil spirits because of witchcraft. Symptoms include hearing voices from
their stomach area. These voices speak in a different language and the
tone is upsetting. The person is agitated, and violent behaviour is common.
Attempted suicide occurs frequently. The symptoms indicate that the person
is out of touch with reality, an important reason why the condition is said to
be similar to the international concept of schizophrenia, where a break with
reality is a primary symptom. (See Table 6.1 for examples of isiXhosa terms
for explaining mental health conditions.)
What is the situation in South Africa regarding the role of the sangoma
(a Zulu term widely used to refer to a traditional healer) in diagnosing
and treating mental disorders, especially also among the black elderly?
Unfortunately, there are several misconceptions in this regard. Probably the
best-known example is the general belief that up to 80% of all people in
Africa and also South Africa seek help from traditional healers. This figure
is even quoted in reports, articles, books, scientific articles, and the news
media. However, this figure has been disputed strongly in recent years. First,
most authors make use of outdated and often unreliable sources. Second,
several of these studies have been conducted in rural and remote areas
459
Table 6.1: IsiXhosa terms for explaining mental health conditions
isiXhosa Approximate English translation
Ndine iinerves; Ixhala; Feelings of distress, anxiety, tension
Ukuba nexhala
Phambana; Insane/psychotic
Ucambamane
Ukuphazamiseka Disturbance of the mind (disruption of its order)
ngengqondo; Ukugula
ngengqondo
Inkenkqe Emotional upheaval; could indicate a call to become a healer
Uyacinga kakhulu Thinking too much
Idliso Bewitchment by poisoning
Amafufunyane Idiom for distress; phenomenon or experience of being be-
witched; spirits speaking from the abdomen
Ukuthakatha Malevolent witchcraft
Ingqondo ziyamshiya The ‘mind has gone away’ (to interact with spirits)
Indiki Possession by alien spirits, who as a result of not receiving a
proper burial, occupy the bodies of living people
Duncan et al., 2011
where other health services are not always available.
According to a national survey by Statistics South Africa (2015), only
0,5% of respondents said that they would first go to a traditional healer.
This is in sharp contrast with the general belief. It is interesting, though, that
almost 60% of those who did visit a traditional healer were very satisfied with
the service they had received. This figure is the same for respondents who
visited a public hospital or public clinic. (The levels of satisfaction for private
hospitals and clinics were 87% and 80% respectively.) It is noteworthy that
in some African communities, people tend to access the services of Western
and traditional healers simultaneously for the same symptoms, based on
the cultural conception that an illness is both physical and spiritual (Shai &
Sodi, 2015).
The role of traditional healers in the health care system has been
debated for many decades. (Before 1994, the practice of traditional healing
and use of traditional medicine were illegal in South Africa.) On the one
hand, some people believe that traditional healers still have an important
role to play in some traditional communities. On the other hand, traditional
healers are viewed as ‘witchdoctors’ with no scientific training and who do
more harm than good. Unfortunately, the situation is aggravated by the
fact that many charlatan traditional healers have entered the field. This
460
means that these imposters had not
received the traditional calling from
the ancestors and did not undergo
the customary training. The question
whether traditional healing should be
incorporated in the South African health
system and if so, in which way, will not
be solved easily.
A sangoma
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Are the elderly more prone to the development of mental disorders than other age
groups are? May there be some disorders to which the elderly may be more
vulnerable? How should this be seen in perspective with relation to the other age
groups?
2. Which factors may lead to the underreporting and therefore undertreatment of
mental disorders in the elderly?
3. What is the aetiology of mental disorders? Which additional factors in the lives of
older people may add to the causes of mental health problems?
4. Discuss the factors that should be considered regarding the diagnosis of mental
disorders. What is Peter Kinderman, former president of the British Psychological
Society’s, criticism of the diagnosis of a mental disorder? What alternatives does he
suggest?
5. What are the ‘warning signs’ of a possible mental disorder? Describe the onset of
mental disorders in old age.
6. Discuss in detail the most common mental disorders among older adults: (1) Mood
disorders; (2) Anxiety disorders; (3) Dementia; (4) Parkinson’s disease; (5) Delirium;
(6) Sleep disorders; (7) Substance abuse; (8) Hypochondriasis.
7. Discuss worrying in adulthood.
8. Discuss alcohol and cannabis use by older adults.
9. Discuss an African perspective on mental health disorders.
10. Discuss the role of the traditional healer in the diagnosing and treatment of mental
health disorders, and their role in the health care system.
461
Table 6.1: IsiXhosa terms for explaining mental health conditions
isiXhosa Approximate English translation
Ndine iinerves; Ixhala; Feelings of distress, anxiety, tension
Ukuba nexhala
Phambana; Insane/psychotic
Ucambamane
Ukuphazamiseka Disturbance of the mind (disruption of its order)
ngengqondo; Ukugula
ngengqondo
Inkenkqe Emotional upheaval; could indicate a call to become a healer
Uyacinga kakhulu Thinking too much
Idliso Bewitchment by poisoning
Amafufunyane Idiom for distress; phenomenon or experience of being be-
witched; spirits speaking from the abdomen
Ukuthakatha Malevolent witchcraft
Ingqondo ziyamshiya The ‘mind has gone away’ (to interact with spirits)
Indiki Possession by alien spirits, who as a result of not receiving a
proper burial, occupy the bodies of living people
Duncan et al., 2011
where other health services are not always available.
According to a national survey by Statistics South Africa (2015), only
0,5% of respondents said that they would first go to a traditional healer.
This is in sharp contrast with the general belief. It is interesting, though, that
almost 60% of those who did visit a traditional healer were very satisfied with
the service they had received. This figure is the same for respondents who
visited a public hospital or public clinic. (The levels of satisfaction for private
hospitals and clinics were 87% and 80% respectively.) It is noteworthy that
in some African communities, people tend to access the services of Western
and traditional healers simultaneously for the same symptoms, based on
the cultural conception that an illness is both physical and spiritual (Shai &
Sodi, 2015).
The role of traditional healers in the health care system has been
debated for many decades. (Before 1994, the practice of traditional healing
and use of traditional medicine were illegal in South Africa.) On the one
hand, some people believe that traditional healers still have an important
role to play in some traditional communities. On the other hand, traditional
healers are viewed as ‘witchdoctors’ with no scientific training and who do
more harm than good. Unfortunately, the situation is aggravated by the
fact that many charlatan traditional healers have entered the field. This
460
means that these imposters had not
received the traditional calling from
the ancestors and did not undergo
the customary training. The question
whether traditional healing should be
incorporated in the South African health
system and if so, in which way, will not
be solved easily.
A sangoma
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Are the elderly more prone to the development of mental disorders than other age
groups are? May there be some disorders to which the elderly may be more
vulnerable? How should this be seen in perspective with relation to the other age
groups?
2. Which factors may lead to the underreporting and therefore undertreatment of
mental disorders in the elderly?
3. What is the aetiology of mental disorders? Which additional factors in the lives of
older people may add to the causes of mental health problems?
4. Discuss the factors that should be considered regarding the diagnosis of mental
disorders. What is Peter Kinderman, former president of the British Psychological
Society’s, criticism of the diagnosis of a mental disorder? What alternatives does he
suggest?
5. What are the ‘warning signs’ of a possible mental disorder? Describe the onset of
mental disorders in old age.
6. Discuss in detail the most common mental disorders among older adults: (1) Mood
disorders; (2) Anxiety disorders; (3) Dementia; (4) Parkinson’s disease; (5) Delirium;
(6) Sleep disorders; (7) Substance abuse; (8) Hypochondriasis.
7. Discuss worrying in adulthood.
8. Discuss alcohol and cannabis use by older adults.
9. Discuss an African perspective on mental health disorders.
10. Discuss the role of the traditional healer in the diagnosing and treatment of mental
health disorders, and their role in the health care system.
461
462
As long as I can, I will look at this world for both of us. As long as I can,
I will laugh with the birds, I will sing with the flowers,
I will pray to the stars, for both of us.
Sascha
7
Death and Grief
463
462
As long as I can, I will look at this world for both of us. As long as I can,
I will laugh with the birds, I will sing with the flowers,
I will pray to the stars, for both of us.
Sascha
7
Death and Grief
463
 There are far, far better things ahead than any we leave behind.
C.S. Lewis
Death is not the greatest loss in life. The greatest loss is what dies
inside us while we live. Norman Cousins
The idea is to die as young as late as possible. Ashley Montagu
Life asked death: ‘Why do people love me but hate you?’ Death
responded: ‘Because you are a beautiful falsehood and I am a painful
truth.” Anonymous
I don’t mind dying. I just don’t want to be there when it happens.
Woody Allen
A stockbroker urged me to buy a stock that would triple its value every
year. I told him, ‘’At my age, I don’t even buy green bananas.”
Claude Pepper
7.1 INTRODUCTION
This is not only the last chapter in the book but it is also about the last
chapter of our lives. Before we start with our discussion on the interesting
topic of death and bereavement, first read the following story about an
87-year-old woman called Rose (Monsieur, 2007):
On the first day of university, our professor introduced himself and
challenged us to get to know someone we didn’t already know. I stood up
to look around when a gentle hand touched my shoulder.
I turned round to find a wrinkled, little old lady beaming up at me with
a smile that lit up her entire being. She said, “Hi handsome. My name is
Rose. I’m eighty-seven years old. Can I give you a hug?” I laughed and
enthusiastically responded, “Of course you may!”, and she gave me a giant
squeeze. “Why are you in college at such a young, innocent age?” I asked.
She jokingly replied, “I’m here to meet a rich husband, get married, and
have a couple of kids...” “No seriously,” I asked. I was curious about what
may have motivated her to be taking on this challenge at her age. “I always
dreamed of having a university education and now I’m getting one!” she
told me.
After class, we walked to the student union building and shared a
chocolate milkshake. We became instant friends. Every day for the next
three months, we would leave class together and talk nonstop. I was always
mesmerised listening to this ‘time machine’ as she shared her wisdom and
464
experience with me. Over the course of the year, Rose became a campus
icon and she easily made friends wherever she went. She loved to dress
up and she blossomed in the attention bestowed upon her from the other
students. She was living it up.
At the end of the semester, we invited Rose to speak at our football
banquet. I’ll never forget what she taught us. She was introduced and
stepped up to the podium. As she began to deliver her prepared speech,
she dropped her three-by-five cards on the floor. Frustrated and a little
embarrassed, she leaned into the microphone and simply said, “I’m sorry
I’m so jittery. I gave up beer to go on a diet and this whiskey is killing me!
I’ll never get my speech back in order so let me just tell you what I know.”
As we laughed, she cleared her throat and began, “We do not stop
playing because we are old; we grow old because we stop playing. There
are only four secrets to staying young, being happy and achieving success.
You have to laugh and find humour every day. You’ve got to have a dream.
When you lose your dreams, you die.
We have so many people walking around who are dead and don’t even
know it! There is a huge difference between growing older and growing up.
If you are nineteen years old and lie in bed for one full year and don’t
do one productive thing, you will turn twenty years old. If I am eighty-seven
years old and stay in bed for a year and never do anything I will turn eighty-
eight. Anybody can grow older. That doesn’t take any talent or ability. The
idea is to grow up by always finding opportunity in change. Have no regrets.
The elderly usually don’t have regrets for what we did, but rather for things
we did not do. The only people who fear death are those with regrets.”
She concluded her speech by courageously singing ‘The Rose’. She
challenged each of us to study the lyrics and live them out in our daily lives.
At the end of the year, Rose finished the college degree she had begun
all those years go. One week after graduation, Rose died peacefully in her
sleep.
The story above most probably evoked a variety of emotions in you,
such as gladness that Rose could finally achieve her goal, but perhaps
especially, a feeling of sadness that she had to die.
There is hardly a concept that touches the core of one’s existence more
than death does, probably because it is both a phenomenon beyond our
comprehension, and an imminent inevitability that will affect all of us.
However, the topic is mostly suppressed and hardly discussed, especially
as far as one’s own death is concerned.
In this chapter, we shall explore the phenomenon of death, specifically
465
 There are far, far better things ahead than any we leave behind.
C.S. Lewis
Death is not the greatest loss in life. The greatest loss is what dies
inside us while we live. Norman Cousins
The idea is to die as young as late as possible. Ashley Montagu
Life asked death: ‘Why do people love me but hate you?’ Death
responded: ‘Because you are a beautiful falsehood and I am a painful
truth.” Anonymous
I don’t mind dying. I just don’t want to be there when it happens.
Woody Allen
A stockbroker urged me to buy a stock that would triple its value every
year. I told him, ‘’At my age, I don’t even buy green bananas.”
Claude Pepper
7.1 INTRODUCTION
This is not only the last chapter in the book but it is also about the last
chapter of our lives. Before we start with our discussion on the interesting
topic of death and bereavement, first read the following story about an
87-year-old woman called Rose (Monsieur, 2007):
On the first day of university, our professor introduced himself and
challenged us to get to know someone we didn’t already know. I stood up
to look around when a gentle hand touched my shoulder.
I turned round to find a wrinkled, little old lady beaming up at me with
a smile that lit up her entire being. She said, “Hi handsome. My name is
Rose. I’m eighty-seven years old. Can I give you a hug?” I laughed and
enthusiastically responded, “Of course you may!”, and she gave me a giant
squeeze. “Why are you in college at such a young, innocent age?” I asked.
She jokingly replied, “I’m here to meet a rich husband, get married, and
have a couple of kids...” “No seriously,” I asked. I was curious about what
may have motivated her to be taking on this challenge at her age. “I always
dreamed of having a university education and now I’m getting one!” she
told me.
After class, we walked to the student union building and shared a
chocolate milkshake. We became instant friends. Every day for the next
three months, we would leave class together and talk nonstop. I was always
mesmerised listening to this ‘time machine’ as she shared her wisdom and
464
experience with me. Over the course of the year, Rose became a campus
icon and she easily made friends wherever she went. She loved to dress
up and she blossomed in the attention bestowed upon her from the other
students. She was living it up.
At the end of the semester, we invited Rose to speak at our football
banquet. I’ll never forget what she taught us. She was introduced and
stepped up to the podium. As she began to deliver her prepared speech,
she dropped her three-by-five cards on the floor. Frustrated and a little
embarrassed, she leaned into the microphone and simply said, “I’m sorry
I’m so jittery. I gave up beer to go on a diet and this whiskey is killing me!
I’ll never get my speech back in order so let me just tell you what I know.”
As we laughed, she cleared her throat and began, “We do not stop
playing because we are old; we grow old because we stop playing. There
are only four secrets to staying young, being happy and achieving success.
You have to laugh and find humour every day. You’ve got to have a dream.
When you lose your dreams, you die.
We have so many people walking around who are dead and don’t even
know it! There is a huge difference between growing older and growing up.
If you are nineteen years old and lie in bed for one full year and don’t
do one productive thing, you will turn twenty years old. If I am eighty-seven
years old and stay in bed for a year and never do anything I will turn eighty-
eight. Anybody can grow older. That doesn’t take any talent or ability. The
idea is to grow up by always finding opportunity in change. Have no regrets.
The elderly usually don’t have regrets for what we did, but rather for things
we did not do. The only people who fear death are those with regrets.”
She concluded her speech by courageously singing ‘The Rose’. She
challenged each of us to study the lyrics and live them out in our daily lives.
At the end of the year, Rose finished the college degree she had begun
all those years go. One week after graduation, Rose died peacefully in her
sleep.
The story above most probably evoked a variety of emotions in you,
such as gladness that Rose could finally achieve her goal, but perhaps
especially, a feeling of sadness that she had to die.
There is hardly a concept that touches the core of one’s existence more
than death does, probably because it is both a phenomenon beyond our
comprehension, and an imminent inevitability that will affect all of us.
However, the topic is mostly suppressed and hardly discussed, especially
as far as one’s own death is concerned.
In this chapter, we shall explore the phenomenon of death, specifically
465
pertaining to what it entails and the effect thereof on the individual, family,
friends, and the community.
7.2 WHAT IS DEATH?
Death is the end of life, the irreversible cessation of all vital functions of
a person or organism. The scientific study of the medical, psychological,
social, legal, and other related aspects of death is called thanatology.
When does life end? In many circles, this question may be regarded as
unwarranted. The question may elicit answers such as “A person is dead
when he or she stops breathing” or even “A person is dead when a medical
doctor says he or she is dead”. These viewpoints are understandable when
considering that very few people have ever seen a dead person or a person
dying. Largely, their knowledge is based on what they see on TV or in the
movies where death is portrayed very naively and is out of touch with reality.
In essence, the question is extremely complicated and has led to
countless debates without producing an answer that is accepted 100% by
everybody. One of the main reasons for this is that the stance of medical
science has been clouded significantly and determined by other factors
such as politics, ethics, the law, and human rights. This means that a person
may be legally dead in one country but not in another. This is even true
regarding the situation in the different states in the USA (Lemouse, 2017).
The situation becomes especially complex in situations where it is literally
a matter of life and death, such as when one party is about to benefit, but
there is the possibility that another party could be harmed. For example,
in the case of organ donations, the life of a recipient could be saved if the
organ is transplanted within a few hours before the tissue of the organ
become damaged. On the other hand, the family of the donor would want
an absolute guarantee that there is no hope for their loved one anymore and
that he or she is in fact dead.
In this regard, it is important to distinguish between clinical death and
brain death:
• Clinical death refers to the few minutes after which all external signs
of life such as consciousness, heartbeat, breathing, reflexes, and brain
function are absent, but the metabolic processes of the body’s tissues
are continuing. In certain situations, it is possible to restore all the body’s
functions and bring the person back to life. Presumably during clinical
death, some people report so-called near-death experiences, such as
moving down a long, dark tunnel towards a bright light at the end, a
466
feeling of great spiritual peace, seeing landscapes that are breathtakingly
beautiful, finding themselves outside their bodies, and meeting spirits of
family members or friends who have died previously (see Box 7.1 in this
regard.)
Box 7.1 Near Death Experience
A near death experience (NDE) is an unusual and profound psychological episode
experienced by a person who is either clinically dead, near death, or in a situation where
death is expected. It is usually characterised by a sense of blissful peace, well-being,
and painlessness – a feeling of floating out of one’s body and observing it from above;
moving through a tunnel into a bright light; receiving knowledge and insight about the
meaning of life and the universe; meeting people who are deceased (e.g. significant
others and religious figures such as Jesus, Mohammed, and angels); and a reluctance
to return to one’s body. However, negative experiences such as torture by demons and
other creatures have also been recounted. Although higher NDE prevalence is reported,
an expert from Oxford University, Michael Marsh (2016), provides a global figure of less
than 1%.
NDE is clouded by controversy. One the one hand, believers view these
experiences as evidence for the existence of an afterlife, that ‘Heaven is for real’
(title of a book on NDE by Burpo & Vincent, 2011). On the other hand, there is much
criticism from researcherscriticism from researchers and other scientists. In this regard,
Shermer (2013) states that people turn to supernatural explanations when the mind
suffers a vacuum of explanation. According to Shermer, NDE is proof of hallucination,
not heaven, nor the supernatural. Several medical researchers have also been able to
reproduce or explain NDE symptoms (e.g. Borjigin, 2013; Lake, 2017; Li et al., 2015). For
example, stimulating specific parts of the brain, certain chemicals, and the reduction
of oxygen can produce NDE symptoms. Another theory is that, close to death, people
enter a type of REM sleep, the type of sleep closest associated with normal dreams.
In other words, NDE is just a form of dreaming (Nelson, 2010). Furthermore, it is also
possible that a person may appear dead to our senses or our scientific equipment, but
may still be perceiving or be capable of conscious thought (Carroll, 2014).
It is clear that it will take much more research to reach a conclusion on NDE. At
the same time we should also keep Nelson’s (2010; adapted) recommendation in mind:
Unusual experiences and parapsychological phenomena should also be judged by the
degree and extent of their effect on individuals – not only by what causes them.
Moving through a tunnel into a bright light is one of the most reported experiences
during NDE
467
pertaining to what it entails and the effect thereof on the individual, family,
friends, and the community.
7.2 WHAT IS DEATH?
Death is the end of life, the irreversible cessation of all vital functions of
a person or organism. The scientific study of the medical, psychological,
social, legal, and other related aspects of death is called thanatology.
When does life end? In many circles, this question may be regarded as
unwarranted. The question may elicit answers such as “A person is dead
when he or she stops breathing” or even “A person is dead when a medical
doctor says he or she is dead”. These viewpoints are understandable when
considering that very few people have ever seen a dead person or a person
dying. Largely, their knowledge is based on what they see on TV or in the
movies where death is portrayed very naively and is out of touch with reality.
In essence, the question is extremely complicated and has led to
countless debates without producing an answer that is accepted 100% by
everybody. One of the main reasons for this is that the stance of medical
science has been clouded significantly and determined by other factors
such as politics, ethics, the law, and human rights. This means that a person
may be legally dead in one country but not in another. This is even true
regarding the situation in the different states in the USA (Lemouse, 2017).
The situation becomes especially complex in situations where it is literally
a matter of life and death, such as when one party is about to benefit, but
there is the possibility that another party could be harmed. For example,
in the case of organ donations, the life of a recipient could be saved if the
organ is transplanted within a few hours before the tissue of the organ
become damaged. On the other hand, the family of the donor would want
an absolute guarantee that there is no hope for their loved one anymore and
that he or she is in fact dead.
In this regard, it is important to distinguish between clinical death and
brain death:
• Clinical death refers to the few minutes after which all external signs
of life such as consciousness, heartbeat, breathing, reflexes, and brain
function are absent, but the metabolic processes of the body’s tissues
are continuing. In certain situations, it is possible to restore all the body’s
functions and bring the person back to life. Presumably during clinical
death, some people report so-called near-death experiences, such as
moving down a long, dark tunnel towards a bright light at the end, a
466
feeling of great spiritual peace, seeing landscapes that are breathtakingly
beautiful, finding themselves outside their bodies, and meeting spirits of
family members or friends who have died previously (see Box 7.1 in this
regard.)
Box 7.1 Near Death Experience
A near death experience (NDE) is an unusual and profound psychological episode
experienced by a person who is either clinically dead, near death, or in a situation where
death is expected. It is usually characterised by a sense of blissful peace, well-being,
and painlessness – a feeling of floating out of one’s body and observing it from above;
moving through a tunnel into a bright light; receiving knowledge and insight about the
meaning of life and the universe; meeting people who are deceased (e.g. significant
others and religious figures such as Jesus, Mohammed, and angels); and a reluctance
to return to one’s body. However, negative experiences such as torture by demons and
other creatures have also been recounted. Although higher NDE prevalence is reported,
an expert from Oxford University, Michael Marsh (2016), provides a global figure of less
than 1%.
NDE is clouded by controversy. One the one hand, believers view these
experiences as evidence for the existence of an afterlife, that ‘Heaven is for real’
(title of a book on NDE by Burpo & Vincent, 2011). On the other hand, there is much
criticism from researcherscriticism from researchers and other scientists. In this regard,
Shermer (2013) states that people turn to supernatural explanations when the mind
suffers a vacuum of explanation. According to Shermer, NDE is proof of hallucination,
not heaven, nor the supernatural. Several medical researchers have also been able to
reproduce or explain NDE symptoms (e.g. Borjigin, 2013; Lake, 2017; Li et al., 2015). For
example, stimulating specific parts of the brain, certain chemicals, and the reduction
of oxygen can produce NDE symptoms. Another theory is that, close to death, people
enter a type of REM sleep, the type of sleep closest associated with normal dreams.
In other words, NDE is just a form of dreaming (Nelson, 2010). Furthermore, it is also
possible that a person may appear dead to our senses or our scientific equipment, but
may still be perceiving or be capable of conscious thought (Carroll, 2014).
It is clear that it will take much more research to reach a conclusion on NDE. At
the same time we should also keep Nelson’s (2010; adapted) recommendation in mind:
Unusual experiences and parapsychological phenomena should also be judged by the
degree and extent of their effect on individuals – not only by what causes them.
Moving through a tunnel into a bright light is one of the most reported experiences
during NDE
467
• Brain death usually is defined as the irreversible cessation of all
functions of the entire brain, including the brainstem. This means there
is a complete absence of the heartbeat, respiratory functions, blood
circulation, electrical activity, and digestive functions. In such case, the
patient is regarded as 100% dead (Thomson, 2015). In the case of brain
death, the higher brain centres (cerebral cortex) die somewhat earlier
than the lower brain centres (the brain stem). (The cerebral cortex,
the outer layer of the brain, controls conscious experience, including
memory, learning, planning, emotion, and thought. The brainstem is an
area located at the base of the brain above the spinal cord. It maintains
basic life support functions such as breathing, heart rate, and blood
pressure.) Therefore, although the higher brain centres are dead, the
person can still breathe and has a heartbeat. However, if the higher brain
centres have been deprived of oxygen for more than 5 to 10 minutes, the
individual will either never recover his or her mental and motor abilities,
or recover them only with severe impairment (Hoyer & Roodin, 2009).
With or without the aid of a ventilator and other life support systems,
such individuals can remain in a vegetative or comatose state for years.
(The longest coma recorded in medical history was 42 years, after which
the patient died. The longest coma from which a person awoke was 19
years.)
An interesting question resulting from this definition of death concerns
Organ transplantation brought a new dimension to the definition of death
468
the transplant of organs. More specifically: When are organs removed from
the body to be transplanted into another patient? The procedure is performed
after total brain death has occurred, and before tissue deterioration sets in.
It goes without saying that the organs must be undamaged; therefore, time
is of the utmost importance. Somewhat different criteria for the maximum
time lapse between death declaration and organ transplantation are given in
the literature. According to Thomson (2017), a surgeon at the Transplant Unit
at the University of Cape Town, the following guidelines are used in South
Africa: about 4 hours to transplant a heart, 12 hours for a liver transplant,
and 24 hours to transplant a kidney.
Most medical doctors are of the opinion that both the higher and lower
brain centres should have stopped functioning to meet the criteria of brain
death. However, other experts argue that the criteria for brain death should
include only the death of the higher brain centres (Santrock, 2015). They
argue that the functions that are generally associated with being human
(see above for examples) are located in the higher brain centres. Therefore,
when these functions are lost, the individual as a human being is no longer
alive. However, technically, this means that the organs of such a person could
be removed for transplant purposes before basic life support systems have
stopped, which may cause a moral and ethical dilemma.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. From the perspective of your specific culture or religion, when may a person be
considered dead? How does this correspond with the definition given in this
textbook? Do you agree with this definition?
2. What is clinical death? How does this differ from brain death?
3. What may the ethical dilemmas be regarding the transplant of an organ and the
death of a donor?
4. Discuss the issue of near death experience (NDE).
7.3 DEATH ANXIETY
Death anxiety refers to a person’s anxiety or fear of death and dying.
Death anxiety usually refers to a person’s fear of his or her own death or
dying process, but it could also include anxiety about of the death of other
significant persons such as family members.
469
• Brain death usually is defined as the irreversible cessation of all
functions of the entire brain, including the brainstem. This means there
is a complete absence of the heartbeat, respiratory functions, blood
circulation, electrical activity, and digestive functions. In such case, the
patient is regarded as 100% dead (Thomson, 2015). In the case of brain
death, the higher brain centres (cerebral cortex) die somewhat earlier
than the lower brain centres (the brain stem). (The cerebral cortex,
the outer layer of the brain, controls conscious experience, including
memory, learning, planning, emotion, and thought. The brainstem is an
area located at the base of the brain above the spinal cord. It maintains
basic life support functions such as breathing, heart rate, and blood
pressure.) Therefore, although the higher brain centres are dead, the
person can still breathe and has a heartbeat. However, if the higher brain
centres have been deprived of oxygen for more than 5 to 10 minutes, the
individual will either never recover his or her mental and motor abilities,
or recover them only with severe impairment (Hoyer & Roodin, 2009).
With or without the aid of a ventilator and other life support systems,
such individuals can remain in a vegetative or comatose state for years.
(The longest coma recorded in medical history was 42 years, after which
the patient died. The longest coma from which a person awoke was 19
years.)
An interesting question resulting from this definition of death concerns
Organ transplantation brought a new dimension to the definition of death
468
the transplant of organs. More specifically: When are organs removed from
the body to be transplanted into another patient? The procedure is performed
after total brain death has occurred, and before tissue deterioration sets in.
It goes without saying that the organs must be undamaged; therefore, time
is of the utmost importance. Somewhat different criteria for the maximum
time lapse between death declaration and organ transplantation are given in
the literature. According to Thomson (2017), a surgeon at the Transplant Unit
at the University of Cape Town, the following guidelines are used in South
Africa: about 4 hours to transplant a heart, 12 hours for a liver transplant,
and 24 hours to transplant a kidney.
Most medical doctors are of the opinion that both the higher and lower
brain centres should have stopped functioning to meet the criteria of brain
death. However, other experts argue that the criteria for brain death should
include only the death of the higher brain centres (Santrock, 2015). They
argue that the functions that are generally associated with being human
(see above for examples) are located in the higher brain centres. Therefore,
when these functions are lost, the individual as a human being is no longer
alive. However, technically, this means that the organs of such a person could
be removed for transplant purposes before basic life support systems have
stopped, which may cause a moral and ethical dilemma.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. From the perspective of your specific culture or religion, when may a person be
considered dead? How does this correspond with the definition given in this
textbook? Do you agree with this definition?
2. What is clinical death? How does this differ from brain death?
3. What may the ethical dilemmas be regarding the transplant of an organ and the
death of a donor?
4. Discuss the issue of near death experience (NDE).
7.3 DEATH ANXIETY
Death anxiety refers to a person’s anxiety or fear of death and dying.
Death anxiety usually refers to a person’s fear of his or her own death or
dying process, but it could also include anxiety about of the death of other
significant persons such as family members.
469
 Fear of death and awareness of mortality have been part of human
existence, but this phenomenon has been studied extensively only relatively
recently. Although death often brings release from physical and emotional
pain and most people believe that the spirit or soul is immortal with the
result that the afterlife is without pain or sorrow, the large majority still fear
it intensely. There are several reasons for this (Schulz & Ewen, 1993):
• Fear of physical suffering. The fear of terminal illnesses such as cancer
is especially prominent. For many people, the pain and even the removal
of parts of their bodies (e.g. limbs and breasts) that are associated with
these illnesses are overwhelming. Dependency and loss of control that
are often associated with illnesses and other forms of deterioration may
also result in fear.
• Fear of isolation and loneliness. People often act strangely and
unnaturally towards dying persons because they do not know how to
handle the situation. This could cause the dying person to feel ‘different’.
Many old people may develop a fear that they will be avoided and
therefore will become isolated and lonely when dying.
• Fear of non-being. It is alleged that human beings are the only creatures
on earth who live with the constant awareness that they will die some
day. This knowledge of our ultimate non-being can lead to intense
anxiety.
• Fear of cowardice and humiliation. Many people fear that they will
become cowards in the face of death. The result is that a ‘fear of fear
itself’ can develop.
• Fear of failing to achieve important goals. Some people define
the length of their lives not in terms of years, but rather in terms of
accomplishments. For example, a person may say, “I really want to write
two more books before I die”; “I would like to see that all my debt is
paid before I die”; or even “I would love to see my grandchild’s wedding
before I die.” Therefore, people may fear death because it will deprive
them of achievement.
• Fear of the effect of death on those who outlive you. Many people fear
the financial, psychological, and emotional effect that their death may
have on their loved ones and other survivors. For example, they may be
worried that their loved ones are financially or emotionally too dependent
on them and that they will suffer a great deal when the person on whom
they depend dies.
• Fear of punishment or of the unknown. Some religions preach that
sinners are doomed after death and, for example, will burn in Hell forever.
470
The fear that they may fall into this category evokes intense fear of death
in many people, even those who are deeply religious. However, religion
can also have the opposite effect in that many people find that their faith
significantly reduces their fear of death.
• Fear of the death of others. As mentioned in the beginning, death
anxiety is not limited to one’s own demise. Many people are also afraid
that they may lose a loved one and that they therefore have to experience
psychological suffering, especially loneliness. Financial and caregiving
concerns also play an important role (Momtaz et al., 2015). Each of the
fears discussed above could also be experienced regarding the death of
a loved one.
In extreme cases, some individuals develop thanatophobia, an abnormal
and excessive fear of death and dying that could consume one’s thinking and
behaviour to such an extent that it becomes difficult to engage in normal
daily activities with any pleasure. Topics about death dominate thought and
conversations, and in extreme cases, the person even refuses to leave the
home because of this fear. Several factors determine the occurrence and
intensity of death anxiety, for example:
■ Age. Fear of death tends to change with age. Although young adults
avoid thinking about death, there are times (e.g. when taken ill or
when seriously injured in an accident) when they are most afraid
that they may die too soon – before they can live out their dreams.
During middle adulthood, the fear of dying mostly centres around the
effect that their possible death might have on their family members.
International researchers agree that most people in late adulthood are
less anxious about death than individuals in middle adulthood are, with
young adults falling somewhere in between (Bjorklund, 2014). This
trend was also found in South Africa, even in a rural context (Mudau,
2012). Research also suggests developmental reasons why older adults
tend to have less acute symptoms of depression in the face of loss, in
comparison with their younger counterparts (see Carr, 2016). Compared
with younger adults, older adults have reduced emotional reactivity
and a better ability to manage their emotional states (as discussed in
Chapter 4). Consequently, their grief reactions are shorter lived and less
intense. Emotional reactivity declines in late life because of a variety
of factors: biological reduction in autonomic arousal, better adjustment
to emotional life events, adherence to cultural norms that the elderly
should not be too emotional, and shifts in the relative value of emotion
471
 Fear of death and awareness of mortality have been part of human
existence, but this phenomenon has been studied extensively only relatively
recently. Although death often brings release from physical and emotional
pain and most people believe that the spirit or soul is immortal with the
result that the afterlife is without pain or sorrow, the large majority still fear
it intensely. There are several reasons for this (Schulz & Ewen, 1993):
• Fear of physical suffering. The fear of terminal illnesses such as cancer
is especially prominent. For many people, the pain and even the removal
of parts of their bodies (e.g. limbs and breasts) that are associated with
these illnesses are overwhelming. Dependency and loss of control that
are often associated with illnesses and other forms of deterioration may
also result in fear.
• Fear of isolation and loneliness. People often act strangely and
unnaturally towards dying persons because they do not know how to
handle the situation. This could cause the dying person to feel ‘different’.
Many old people may develop a fear that they will be avoided and
therefore will become isolated and lonely when dying.
• Fear of non-being. It is alleged that human beings are the only creatures
on earth who live with the constant awareness that they will die some
day. This knowledge of our ultimate non-being can lead to intense
anxiety.
• Fear of cowardice and humiliation. Many people fear that they will
become cowards in the face of death. The result is that a ‘fear of fear
itself’ can develop.
• Fear of failing to achieve important goals. Some people define
the length of their lives not in terms of years, but rather in terms of
accomplishments. For example, a person may say, “I really want to write
two more books before I die”; “I would like to see that all my debt is
paid before I die”; or even “I would love to see my grandchild’s wedding
before I die.” Therefore, people may fear death because it will deprive
them of achievement.
• Fear of the effect of death on those who outlive you. Many people fear
the financial, psychological, and emotional effect that their death may
have on their loved ones and other survivors. For example, they may be
worried that their loved ones are financially or emotionally too dependent
on them and that they will suffer a great deal when the person on whom
they depend dies.
• Fear of punishment or of the unknown. Some religions preach that
sinners are doomed after death and, for example, will burn in Hell forever.
470
The fear that they may fall into this category evokes intense fear of death
in many people, even those who are deeply religious. However, religion
can also have the opposite effect in that many people find that their faith
significantly reduces their fear of death.
• Fear of the death of others. As mentioned in the beginning, death
anxiety is not limited to one’s own demise. Many people are also afraid
that they may lose a loved one and that they therefore have to experience
psychological suffering, especially loneliness. Financial and caregiving
concerns also play an important role (Momtaz et al., 2015). Each of the
fears discussed above could also be experienced regarding the death of
a loved one.
In extreme cases, some individuals develop thanatophobia, an abnormal
and excessive fear of death and dying that could consume one’s thinking and
behaviour to such an extent that it becomes difficult to engage in normal
daily activities with any pleasure. Topics about death dominate thought and
conversations, and in extreme cases, the person even refuses to leave the
home because of this fear. Several factors determine the occurrence and
intensity of death anxiety, for example:
■ Age. Fear of death tends to change with age. Although young adults
avoid thinking about death, there are times (e.g. when taken ill or
when seriously injured in an accident) when they are most afraid
that they may die too soon – before they can live out their dreams.
During middle adulthood, the fear of dying mostly centres around the
effect that their possible death might have on their family members.
International researchers agree that most people in late adulthood are
less anxious about death than individuals in middle adulthood are, with
young adults falling somewhere in between (Bjorklund, 2014). This
trend was also found in South Africa, even in a rural context (Mudau,
2012). Research also suggests developmental reasons why older adults
tend to have less acute symptoms of depression in the face of loss, in
comparison with their younger counterparts (see Carr, 2016). Compared
with younger adults, older adults have reduced emotional reactivity
and a better ability to manage their emotional states (as discussed in
Chapter 4). Consequently, their grief reactions are shorter lived and less
intense. Emotional reactivity declines in late life because of a variety
of factors: biological reduction in autonomic arousal, better adjustment
to emotional life events, adherence to cultural norms that the elderly
should not be too emotional, and shifts in the relative value of emotion
471
 versus cognition in late life. Another reason may be that, as they lose
relatives and friends through the years, they gradually restructure their
cognitions and emotions to accept their own mortality (Papalia et al.,
2007). In addition, older adults are believed to possess wisdom, which
may help to minimise loss-related distress; they may respond to adverse
life events with more composure and acceptance. It is interesting that
children of older people not only have higher death anxiety than their
parents do, but also believe that their parents have a higher death
anxiety than they really do (Sinoff, 2017).
As discussed in Chapter 4, Erik Erikson asserted that people
progress through a series of life crises as they age. People who have
coped successfully with all the previous crises attain ego integrity and
therefore approach death with greater peace of mind than those who
do not achieve ego integrity. Therefore, according to Erikson’s theory,
people with high ego integrity should have lower death anxiety.
■ Gender. Fear of death seems to be linked to gender. Several researchers
have found that women from various cultures show higher levels of
death anxiety than men do (Drinkwater, 2016; Saini et al., 2016). Possible
explanations for this occurrence are the following: (1) Women in general
have higher anxiety levels than men do (Remes et al., 2016; Rosch, 2016).
(2) Differences in emotional expressiveness between the two genders
may be at the root of the differences between the genders, therefore
women tend to view death in more emotional terms, whereas men tend
to perceive death more cognitively (Depaola et al., 2003). (3) Men tend
to have higher self-esteem than women do and therefore have less fear
of death (American Psychological Association, 2016: Bleidorn et al.,
2016).
■ Religion. The majority of studies have been done on the relationship
between religion and death anxiety, while the related concept of
spirituality in this regard has received relatively little attention in research.
Thus, this discussion will focus on religiosity only. However, a general view
is that the correlation between death anxiety and religion is too complex
to provide a simple and definitive answer (Jong & Halberstadt, 2017).
While a number of studies indicate that religion alleviates death anxiety,
other studies show that religion increases anxiety (see Ellis & Wahab,
2013; Jong & Halberstadt, 2017). There are a number of reasons for these
contradictory findings. For example, there are so many religions and
so many differences within one religion that it is almost impossible to
define religion in such a way that research results could be comparable.
(For example, there are almost 40 000 different Christian denominations
472
in the world.) In other words, do the various studies investigate the
same concept? Furthermore, what people say (especially concerning
‘sensitive’ areas such as religion) and what their behaviour reflects are
often contradictory. Nonetheless, interesting research has been done in
this field. For example, in a study of individuals in their late adulthood, it
was found that people who were not religious did not experience much
death anxiety, because they did not believe in an afterlife; thus, there
is nothing to be afraid of. People who reported that they were deeply
religious also did not have high death anxiety, believing that they were
going to Heaven where there is “no sorrow or pain”. The group with
the highest level of death anxiety were the moderately religious. They
believed in the existence of an afterlife, but were afraid that they might
go to Hell (Wink & Scott, 2005).
■ Personality characteristics. It seems clear that certain personality
characteristics influence people’s fear of death. First, high self-esteem
may act as a buffer (protector) against death anxiety (Buzzanga et al.,
2013). This does not mean that individuals with relatively high self-esteem
do not experience fear; rather, they have the belief and self-confidence
that they would be able to cope with the death situation once it arrives
(much in the same way that two students may approach an exam: the
one apprehensive but confident; the other lacking confidence to such
an extent that it hampers his or her functioning). Second, psychological
problems, such as anxiety and depression, may contribute to death
anxiety. This is understandable when the intrinsic symptoms of these two
disorders are considered: a high anxiety level and a tendency to feel over-
anxious in situations that normally should not evoke such a response, and
depressive symptoms causing individuals to make proverbial mountains
out of molehills. Third, research indicates that there is a link between
death anxiety and a sense of purpose – the extent to which individuals
feel that they have satisfying personal goals and believe that their lives
have been worthwhile (Bjorklund 2014). For example, people who have
a higher sense of purpose in life have a lower fear of death. Fourth,
and related to the previous finding, there seems to be a relationship
between death anxiety and life regret (Tomer & Eliason, 2005). People
who score high on past-related regret (things that the individual did,
or neglected to do in the past) and future-related regret (things the
individual may not be able to do in the future) also show higher levels of
fear of death. Fifth, high self-efficacy indicates that a person deals with
life confidently and is associated with general psychological well-being.
Low self-efficacy can have a negative effect on motivation, interfere with
473
 versus cognition in late life. Another reason may be that, as they lose
relatives and friends through the years, they gradually restructure their
cognitions and emotions to accept their own mortality (Papalia et al.,
2007). In addition, older adults are believed to possess wisdom, which
may help to minimise loss-related distress; they may respond to adverse
life events with more composure and acceptance. It is interesting that
children of older people not only have higher death anxiety than their
parents do, but also believe that their parents have a higher death
anxiety than they really do (Sinoff, 2017).
As discussed in Chapter 4, Erik Erikson asserted that people
progress through a series of life crises as they age. People who have
coped successfully with all the previous crises attain ego integrity and
therefore approach death with greater peace of mind than those who
do not achieve ego integrity. Therefore, according to Erikson’s theory,
people with high ego integrity should have lower death anxiety.
■ Gender. Fear of death seems to be linked to gender. Several researchers
have found that women from various cultures show higher levels of
death anxiety than men do (Drinkwater, 2016; Saini et al., 2016). Possible
explanations for this occurrence are the following: (1) Women in general
have higher anxiety levels than men do (Remes et al., 2016; Rosch, 2016).
(2) Differences in emotional expressiveness between the two genders
may be at the root of the differences between the genders, therefore
women tend to view death in more emotional terms, whereas men tend
to perceive death more cognitively (Depaola et al., 2003). (3) Men tend
to have higher self-esteem than women do and therefore have less fear
of death (American Psychological Association, 2016: Bleidorn et al.,
2016).
■ Religion. The majority of studies have been done on the relationship
between religion and death anxiety, while the related concept of
spirituality in this regard has received relatively little attention in research.
Thus, this discussion will focus on religiosity only. However, a general view
is that the correlation between death anxiety and religion is too complex
to provide a simple and definitive answer (Jong & Halberstadt, 2017).
While a number of studies indicate that religion alleviates death anxiety,
other studies show that religion increases anxiety (see Ellis & Wahab,
2013; Jong & Halberstadt, 2017). There are a number of reasons for these
contradictory findings. For example, there are so many religions and
so many differences within one religion that it is almost impossible to
define religion in such a way that research results could be comparable.
(For example, there are almost 40 000 different Christian denominations
472
in the world.) In other words, do the various studies investigate the
same concept? Furthermore, what people say (especially concerning
‘sensitive’ areas such as religion) and what their behaviour reflects are
often contradictory. Nonetheless, interesting research has been done in
this field. For example, in a study of individuals in their late adulthood, it
was found that people who were not religious did not experience much
death anxiety, because they did not believe in an afterlife; thus, there
is nothing to be afraid of. People who reported that they were deeply
religious also did not have high death anxiety, believing that they were
going to Heaven where there is “no sorrow or pain”. The group with
the highest level of death anxiety were the moderately religious. They
believed in the existence of an afterlife, but were afraid that they might
go to Hell (Wink & Scott, 2005).
■ Personality characteristics. It seems clear that certain personality
characteristics influence people’s fear of death. First, high self-esteem
may act as a buffer (protector) against death anxiety (Buzzanga et al.,
2013). This does not mean that individuals with relatively high self-esteem
do not experience fear; rather, they have the belief and self-confidence
that they would be able to cope with the death situation once it arrives
(much in the same way that two students may approach an exam: the
one apprehensive but confident; the other lacking confidence to such
an extent that it hampers his or her functioning). Second, psychological
problems, such as anxiety and depression, may contribute to death
anxiety. This is understandable when the intrinsic symptoms of these two
disorders are considered: a high anxiety level and a tendency to feel over-
anxious in situations that normally should not evoke such a response, and
depressive symptoms causing individuals to make proverbial mountains
out of molehills. Third, research indicates that there is a link between
death anxiety and a sense of purpose – the extent to which individuals
feel that they have satisfying personal goals and believe that their lives
have been worthwhile (Bjorklund 2014). For example, people who have
a higher sense of purpose in life have a lower fear of death. Fourth,
and related to the previous finding, there seems to be a relationship
between death anxiety and life regret (Tomer & Eliason, 2005). People
who score high on past-related regret (things that the individual did,
or neglected to do in the past) and future-related regret (things the
individual may not be able to do in the future) also show higher levels of
fear of death. Fifth, high self-efficacy indicates that a person deals with
life confidently and is associated with general psychological well-being.
Low self-efficacy can have a negative effect on motivation, interfere with
473
 cognitive abilities, and can have an adverse influence on physical health.
It is understandable that there is a relationship between low self-efficacy
and a high death anxiety (Shokri & Akbari, 2016).
Findings such as the above emphasise the fact that people who are
content and feel that they have succeeded in their goals cope with life – and
death – with greater calmness and less fear. Largely, adults deal with aspects
surrounding death in the same way they have dealt with other life changes
and dilemmas up to then.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is death anxiety? How does this differ from thanatophobia?
2. What are the reasons why many people may experience death anxiety?
3. Discuss the factors that may determine the intensity of death anxiety.
7.4 STAGES OF DYING
The person who has possibly made the greatest contribution to our
understanding of the process of death and the needs of the dying person is
Elizabeth Kübler-Ross (1969). She believed that understanding death is the
key to personal growth and the realisation of human potential. She wrote:
It is the denial of death that is partially responsible for (people) living
empty, purposeless lives; for when you live as if you’ll live forever, it
becomes too easy to postpone the things you know that you must do. In
contrast, when you fully understand that each day you awaken could be
the last you have, you take the time that day to grow, to become aware of
who you really are, to reach out to other human beings. For only when we
understand the real meaning of death to human existence will we have
the courage to become what we are destined to be (pp. 164-165).
Kübler-Ross made us think about death. She also opened the door for
researchers to explore this mystifying and unfamiliar field. Kübler-Ross
spent many hours talking to the seriously ill and dying, and this led her to
formulate various stages in the process of dying. Although these stages are
widely known as stages of dying, they actually refer to the various stages of
reactions that individuals go through after learning of their impending death.
474
• Denial. The first typical reaction to the possibility of one’s own death is
to deny it. For example, the person may say, “This is not possible. This
can’t be happening to me. There must be a mistake somewhere.” Such
denial serves as a buffer against a reality the individual cannot accept
yet.
• Anger. The individual realises that death is approaching and often
expresses anger: “Why me? Many other people smoke, but don’t get
lung cancer.” The anger may be directed at other people – close relatives,
the hospital staff, and even God – who are blamed for the individual’s
condition.
• Bargaining. During this stage, individuals try to negotiate, for example
with God, in an attempt to postpone their death. For example, they will
promise to live better lives if their lives are saved or if they can live a
while longer.
• Depression. When the dying person can no longer deny the illness, the
anger is replaced by a powerful feeling of loss, which may cause severe
depression. The person may withdraw and cry easily. According to
Kübler-Ross, people should not try to cheer up the patient. The person
should be given the opportunity to work through the nearing death.
• Acceptance. The final stage of acceptance occurs when the person has
had adequate time and help in working through the previous stages.
By this time, he or she has come to terms with the fact that death is
inevitable. During this stage, the person may appear relatively without
feeling. People who are at this stage give the impression that they are
waiting quietly.
According to Kübler-Ross (1978) these
stages do not always occur in the same
sequence. They often overlap, and not all
individuals necessarily experience all the
stages. Kübler-Ross attempts to humanise
dying by focusing on the needs and feelings
of the dying person. She encourages both
the patient and the family to express even
the most negative feelings, such as anger and
depression, and to help them to view these as
necessary for the process of catharsis (release
of tension). This openness of communication
Elizabeth Kübler-Ross
often comes as a relief to the dying patient.
475
 cognitive abilities, and can have an adverse influence on physical health.
It is understandable that there is a relationship between low self-efficacy
and a high death anxiety (Shokri & Akbari, 2016).
Findings such as the above emphasise the fact that people who are
content and feel that they have succeeded in their goals cope with life – and
death – with greater calmness and less fear. Largely, adults deal with aspects
surrounding death in the same way they have dealt with other life changes
and dilemmas up to then.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. What is death anxiety? How does this differ from thanatophobia?
2. What are the reasons why many people may experience death anxiety?
3. Discuss the factors that may determine the intensity of death anxiety.
7.4 STAGES OF DYING
The person who has possibly made the greatest contribution to our
understanding of the process of death and the needs of the dying person is
Elizabeth Kübler-Ross (1969). She believed that understanding death is the
key to personal growth and the realisation of human potential. She wrote:
It is the denial of death that is partially responsible for (people) living
empty, purposeless lives; for when you live as if you’ll live forever, it
becomes too easy to postpone the things you know that you must do. In
contrast, when you fully understand that each day you awaken could be
the last you have, you take the time that day to grow, to become aware of
who you really are, to reach out to other human beings. For only when we
understand the real meaning of death to human existence will we have
the courage to become what we are destined to be (pp. 164-165).
Kübler-Ross made us think about death. She also opened the door for
researchers to explore this mystifying and unfamiliar field. Kübler-Ross
spent many hours talking to the seriously ill and dying, and this led her to
formulate various stages in the process of dying. Although these stages are
widely known as stages of dying, they actually refer to the various stages of
reactions that individuals go through after learning of their impending death.
474
• Denial. The first typical reaction to the possibility of one’s own death is
to deny it. For example, the person may say, “This is not possible. This
can’t be happening to me. There must be a mistake somewhere.” Such
denial serves as a buffer against a reality the individual cannot accept
yet.
• Anger. The individual realises that death is approaching and often
expresses anger: “Why me? Many other people smoke, but don’t get
lung cancer.” The anger may be directed at other people – close relatives,
the hospital staff, and even God – who are blamed for the individual’s
condition.
• Bargaining. During this stage, individuals try to negotiate, for example
with God, in an attempt to postpone their death. For example, they will
promise to live better lives if their lives are saved or if they can live a
while longer.
• Depression. When the dying person can no longer deny the illness, the
anger is replaced by a powerful feeling of loss, which may cause severe
depression. The person may withdraw and cry easily. According to
Kübler-Ross, people should not try to cheer up the patient. The person
should be given the opportunity to work through the nearing death.
• Acceptance. The final stage of acceptance occurs when the person has
had adequate time and help in working through the previous stages.
By this time, he or she has come to terms with the fact that death is
inevitable. During this stage, the person may appear relatively without
feeling. People who are at this stage give the impression that they are
waiting quietly.
According to Kübler-Ross (1978) these
stages do not always occur in the same
sequence. They often overlap, and not all
individuals necessarily experience all the
stages. Kübler-Ross attempts to humanise
dying by focusing on the needs and feelings
of the dying person. She encourages both
the patient and the family to express even
the most negative feelings, such as anger and
depression, and to help them to view these as
necessary for the process of catharsis (release
of tension). This openness of communication
Elizabeth Kübler-Ross
often comes as a relief to the dying patient.
475
 Although it is accepted widely that Kübler-Ross’s stage theory of
dying has made an important contribution to our knowledge of death and
dying, her theory has not been without criticism. Hall (2014, p. 2) states
that stage theories have “a certain seductive appeal – they bring a sense of
conceptual order to a complex process and offer the emotional promised
land of ‘recovery’ and ‘closure’. However, they are incapable of capturing the
complexity, diversity, and idiosyncratic quality of the grieving experience.
Stage models do not address the multiplicity of physical, psychological,
social, and spiritual needs experienced by bereaved people, their families,
and intimate networks.” More specifically, criticisms against her theory
include the following (Jennings et al., 2017; Kastenbaum, 2011; Stroebe, et
al, 2017):
■ Individual and other differences do not receive the attention it deserves:
– Just as people differ in their experience of life, so do they differ in
their experience of death. The aforementioned characteristics that
play a role in death anxiety (age, gender, religion, and personality)
can also be applied to the dying process.
– The experience of death is not the same for the victim of an accident,
a person with terminal cancer, a suicide, or someone who is dying of
a heart attack.
– Cultural factors can have a significant influence on which stages of
dying are experienced. Kübler-Ross did her research in a Western
and basically Christian culture, where the experience of death may
be different from that of many non-Western cultures. Especially in a
country such as South Africa with its diversity of cultures and
subcultures, research in this regard could be informative.
– The immediate environment of people can have a significant effect
on their coping with death. A supportive and positive milieu could
lead to a different experience of the dying process than an
unsupportive and negative setting would.
■ So much conflicting viewpoints and data exist that it is an open question
whether it is justified to use the term ‘stages’, as it implies a set order
of conditions.
■ It is well known that the methodology (interviews) that was used by
Kübler-Ross could be subjective; that is, that another researcher could
have come to different conclusions.
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that Kübler-Ross has made a significant
contribution to our understanding of the quality of life and well-being of
476
dying persons and their families. However, much more research is needed
before the final word on this interesting topic can be spoken.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Elizabeth Kübler-Ross is known for her contribution to the understanding of the
process of death. What is her main assumption regarding death? What is her main
criticism regarding how people live their lives? How should people live their daily
lives, according to her?
2. Mary is 65 years old. She has been diagnosed with cancer. She has made lists of her
possessions, allocating what goes to her three children, and what has to be donated
to charity. She has drawn up a programme to be followed at her funeral, even
indicating the hymns that should be sung. According to Kübler-Ross, in which stage
of death may Mary be? What may Mary’s reactions have been in the other stages of
death suggested by Kübler-Ross?
3. What criticisms have been lodged against Kübler-Ross’ model of the stages of
death?
7.5 THE RIGHT TO DIE
Consider the following South African court cases:
• S v Hartmann 1975(3) SA 532 (C). The accused, a medical practitioner,
was charged with the murder of his father, aged 87, who for many
years had been suffering from cancer. The patient was very emaciated
(skeletal due to severe weight loss), incontinent (could not control bowel
and bladder) and was on pain-killing drugs. There was no longer any
question of a cure. The accused was very close to his father and found
his father’s suffering unbearable. He injected him with a lethal narcotic
shortly before he would have died, in all likelihood. However, the accused
was convicted of murder with extenuating circumstances, and received
a one-year suspended sentence (i.e. he did not go to jail but had to
meet certain conditions for a year, especially that he would not commit a
similar offence). He was also suspended temporarily by the then Medical
and Dental Council (the current Health Professions Council of South
Africa).
• S v Nkwanyana [2002] JOL 10119 (W). The deceased was suffering from
anorexia nervosa and major depression. She confided to the accused that
she found her emotional problems unbearable and that she consequently
477
 Although it is accepted widely that Kübler-Ross’s stage theory of
dying has made an important contribution to our knowledge of death and
dying, her theory has not been without criticism. Hall (2014, p. 2) states
that stage theories have “a certain seductive appeal – they bring a sense of
conceptual order to a complex process and offer the emotional promised
land of ‘recovery’ and ‘closure’. However, they are incapable of capturing the
complexity, diversity, and idiosyncratic quality of the grieving experience.
Stage models do not address the multiplicity of physical, psychological,
social, and spiritual needs experienced by bereaved people, their families,
and intimate networks.” More specifically, criticisms against her theory
include the following (Jennings et al., 2017; Kastenbaum, 2011; Stroebe, et
al, 2017):
■ Individual and other differences do not receive the attention it deserves:
– Just as people differ in their experience of life, so do they differ in
their experience of death. The aforementioned characteristics that
play a role in death anxiety (age, gender, religion, and personality)
can also be applied to the dying process.
– The experience of death is not the same for the victim of an accident,
a person with terminal cancer, a suicide, or someone who is dying of
a heart attack.
– Cultural factors can have a significant influence on which stages of
dying are experienced. Kübler-Ross did her research in a Western
and basically Christian culture, where the experience of death may
be different from that of many non-Western cultures. Especially in a
country such as South Africa with its diversity of cultures and
subcultures, research in this regard could be informative.
– The immediate environment of people can have a significant effect
on their coping with death. A supportive and positive milieu could
lead to a different experience of the dying process than an
unsupportive and negative setting would.
■ So much conflicting viewpoints and data exist that it is an open question
whether it is justified to use the term ‘stages’, as it implies a set order
of conditions.
■ It is well known that the methodology (interviews) that was used by
Kübler-Ross could be subjective; that is, that another researcher could
have come to different conclusions.
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that Kübler-Ross has made a significant
contribution to our understanding of the quality of life and well-being of
476
dying persons and their families. However, much more research is needed
before the final word on this interesting topic can be spoken.
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Elizabeth Kübler-Ross is known for her contribution to the understanding of the
process of death. What is her main assumption regarding death? What is her main
criticism regarding how people live their lives? How should people live their daily
lives, according to her?
2. Mary is 65 years old. She has been diagnosed with cancer. She has made lists of her
possessions, allocating what goes to her three children, and what has to be donated
to charity. She has drawn up a programme to be followed at her funeral, even
indicating the hymns that should be sung. According to Kübler-Ross, in which stage
of death may Mary be? What may Mary’s reactions have been in the other stages of
death suggested by Kübler-Ross?
3. What criticisms have been lodged against Kübler-Ross’ model of the stages of
death?
7.5 THE RIGHT TO DIE
Consider the following South African court cases:
• S v Hartmann 1975(3) SA 532 (C). The accused, a medical practitioner,
was charged with the murder of his father, aged 87, who for many
years had been suffering from cancer. The patient was very emaciated
(skeletal due to severe weight loss), incontinent (could not control bowel
and bladder) and was on pain-killing drugs. There was no longer any
question of a cure. The accused was very close to his father and found
his father’s suffering unbearable. He injected him with a lethal narcotic
shortly before he would have died, in all likelihood. However, the accused
was convicted of murder with extenuating circumstances, and received
a one-year suspended sentence (i.e. he did not go to jail but had to
meet certain conditions for a year, especially that he would not commit a
similar offence). He was also suspended temporarily by the then Medical
and Dental Council (the current Health Professions Council of South
Africa).
• S v Nkwanyana [2002] JOL 10119 (W). The deceased was suffering from
anorexia nervosa and major depression. She confided to the accused that
she found her emotional problems unbearable and that she consequently
477
 wanted to die. She informed him that, previously on various occasions, In a personal communication with one of the present authors of this
she had attempted to take her life, but each time she had failed dismally book (Dap Louw) in 2017, Davison responded as follows to the question “If
and survived. She also told him that she had been admitted to hospitals you could turn back the clock, would you do it again?”: “Do I regret helping
(at times for long periods), but without any success. She then asked my mother to die? No, if I had not answered her desperate pleas for help, and
the accused to assist her in planning her death. At first, the accused, left her suffering for more days or weeks, I would certainly have regretted
realising the profound consequences and wrongfulness of such a pact, that for the rest of my life.”
refused, although he stated to the court that he was deeply sorry for her After serving his sentence, Davison returned to South Africa and to his
and it hurt him infinitely to see her undergoing such torture and untold wife and two small children. He still holds his position as professor. He is
misery. However, because of her suffering, he later succumbed and also president of the World Federation of the Right to Die Societies and the
bought an illegal gun in the township. After they had prayed together, he founder of Dignity South Africa, which wants to help overturn the country’s
shot her in the head once, killing her. He was found guilty of murder with prohibition of assisted suicide. The campaign received support in May 2015,
extenuating circumstances and received a five-year prison sentence that when the High Court in Pretoria granted a 65-year-old, cancer-suffering,
was suspended for five years. and terminally ill advocate the right to end his life with the help of a doctor.
• The Sean Davison case. In 2006, Sean Davison, a Cape Town university Ironically, he died two hours before the order was granted. However, the
professor in DNA Forensics, gave his mother (an 85-year-old former South African government appealed the decision and the Supreme Court of
psychiatrist living in New Zealand) an overdose of morphine on her Appeal set aside the order of the High Court of Pretoria.
request. “I’ve had enough, this is not life,” his mother, had repeatedly In September 2018 Davison was arrested in Cape Town in connection
told her four adult children from her sickbed. She had signed a living will with the 2013 death of 43-year-old medical doctor Anrich Burger‚ who was
requesting no antibiotics, no resuscitation, and no attempts to make her left a quadriplegic after an accident in 2005. When this book went to press
eat (see Box 7.2). Cancer had spread to her lungs, liver, and brain. She he was awaiting trial.
had lost the ability to read or move her limbs, and had got to the point
where she was not able to end her own life. “My mother was rotting in
her own bed, and that was very difficult to see,” Davison said. “I held
the glass to her lips and gently poured the liquid into her mouth. She
looked at me with a gentle smile. I said, ‘It is not how you planned it. It
is not what I planned. This is an event that will live long after you die.’
There was great relief after she had drunk it. I then sat at her bedside and
spoke about my earliest childhood memories. She loved hearing that. It
took about an hour before she lost the ability to talk and fell asleep. I too
had a nap for an hour. When I awoke, she was gone…”
A doctor certified her death as natural causes. There was no suspicion
at all. Davison kept a diary that he later published in the form of a book.
Then he received an unexpected e-mail from his sister, a medical doctor
who specialised in gerontology: “I will be informing the police that you
murdered our mother.” An unknown person sent a draft of the book
Davison wanted to publish to the police. This led to his arrest by New
Zealand authorities in 2010. During the trial, he received death threats
but also much support. (Women at the Court wore T-shirts reading:
Every mum should have a Sean.) He was sentenced to five months of Prof. Sean Davison and his late mother, dr. Patricia Ferguson

house arrest in New Zealand.

478 479
 wanted to die. She informed him that, previously on various occasions, In a personal communication with one of the present authors of this
she had attempted to take her life, but each time she had failed dismally book (Dap Louw) in 2017, Davison responded as follows to the question “If
and survived. She also told him that she had been admitted to hospitals you could turn back the clock, would you do it again?”: “Do I regret helping
(at times for long periods), but without any success. She then asked my mother to die? No, if I had not answered her desperate pleas for help, and
the accused to assist her in planning her death. At first, the accused, left her suffering for more days or weeks, I would certainly have regretted
realising the profound consequences and wrongfulness of such a pact, that for the rest of my life.”
refused, although he stated to the court that he was deeply sorry for her After serving his sentence, Davison returned to South Africa and to his
and it hurt him infinitely to see her undergoing such torture and untold wife and two small children. He still holds his position as professor. He is
misery. However, because of her suffering, he later succumbed and also president of the World Federation of the Right to Die Societies and the
bought an illegal gun in the township. After they had prayed together, he founder of Dignity South Africa, which wants to help overturn the country’s
shot her in the head once, killing her. He was found guilty of murder with prohibition of assisted suicide. The campaign received support in May 2015,
extenuating circumstances and received a five-year prison sentence that when the High Court in Pretoria granted a 65-year-old, cancer-suffering,
was suspended for five years. and terminally ill advocate the right to end his life with the help of a doctor.
• The Sean Davison case. In 2006, Sean Davison, a Cape Town university Ironically, he died two hours before the order was granted. However, the
professor in DNA Forensics, gave his mother (an 85-year-old former South African government appealed the decision and the Supreme Court of
psychiatrist living in New Zealand) an overdose of morphine on her Appeal set aside the order of the High Court of Pretoria.
request. “I’ve had enough, this is not life,” his mother, had repeatedly In September 2018 Davison was arrested in Cape Town in connection
told her four adult children from her sickbed. She had signed a living will with the 2013 death of 43-year-old medical doctor Anrich Burger‚ who was
requesting no antibiotics, no resuscitation, and no attempts to make her left a quadriplegic after an accident in 2005. When this book went to press
eat (see Box 7.2). Cancer had spread to her lungs, liver, and brain. She he was awaiting trial.
had lost the ability to read or move her limbs, and had got to the point
where she was not able to end her own life. “My mother was rotting in
her own bed, and that was very difficult to see,” Davison said. “I held
the glass to her lips and gently poured the liquid into her mouth. She
looked at me with a gentle smile. I said, ‘It is not how you planned it. It
is not what I planned. This is an event that will live long after you die.’
There was great relief after she had drunk it. I then sat at her bedside and
spoke about my earliest childhood memories. She loved hearing that. It
took about an hour before she lost the ability to talk and fell asleep. I too
had a nap for an hour. When I awoke, she was gone…”
A doctor certified her death as natural causes. There was no suspicion
at all. Davison kept a diary that he later published in the form of a book.
Then he received an unexpected e-mail from his sister, a medical doctor
who specialised in gerontology: “I will be informing the police that you
murdered our mother.” An unknown person sent a draft of the book
Davison wanted to publish to the police. This led to his arrest by New
Zealand authorities in 2010. During the trial, he received death threats
but also much support. (Women at the Court wore T-shirts reading:
Every mum should have a Sean.) He was sentenced to five months of Prof. Sean Davison and his late mother, dr. Patricia Ferguson

house arrest in New Zealand.

478 479
 Box 7.2 Living will of Prof Sean Davison’s late mother, Box 7.2 Living will of Prof Sean Davison’s late mother,
Dr. Patricia Ferguson Dr. Patricia Ferguson (continued)

480 481
 Box 7.2 Living will of Prof Sean Davison’s late mother, Box 7.2 Living will of Prof Sean Davison’s late mother,
Dr. Patricia Ferguson Dr. Patricia Ferguson (continued)

480 481
 To what extent should the process of intentionally and painlessly ending
a life in order to relieve intractable pain and suffering – a practice known as
euthanasia – be allowed? It is understandable that this controversial question
has been asked since the earliest times and that the use of euthanasia
(Greek for ‘good death’) has been known for centuries. Even Sigmund Freud
at the age of 83 years requested his physician to administer a lethal dose of
morphine, a wish that the physician honoured (Shapiro, 1978). At that stage,
Freud had been suffering from cancer of the jaw for 16 years, a situation
that could apparently be attributed to his smoking of cigars. In the end, his
jaw had been removed almost entirely and was replaced with an awkward
synthetic jaw. Consequently, Freud experienced intense pain (Edmundson,
2007).
Euthanasia has been a controversial concept for centuries
Two main classifications of euthanasia have been identified. Voluntary
euthanasia occurs at the request of the person who wants to die. Examples
are asking for professional help with dying or requesting that any medical
treatment or assistance (e.g. life support machines) to be stopped. Non-
voluntary euthanasia is conducted when the person’s condition is such (e.g.
in a coma) that it is impossible to obtain consent. In cases like these, the
person could have expressed the wish to die in a living will. Non-voluntary
euthanasia should not be confused with involuntary euthanasia where the
person’s life is ended without having given explicit permission or expressed
a wish to die. A mother who ends the life of her severely mentally and
physically disabled child is an example. In most countries, including South
Africa, the mother will most probably be charged with murder.
482
Euthanasia is also classified as active or passive euthanasia. Active
euthanasia takes place when there is a deliberate act to end a person’s
life, for example, by giving the person a lethal injection. Passive euthanasia
occurs when a person is allowed to die by withholding medical and other
aids or facilities from the person.
Several events in the last few decades have caused new interest in the
debate on euthanasia. For example, in the late 1980s, Dr Jack Kevorkian, a
physician in the USA, officially started offering his professional help to assist
Alzheimer’s and other terminal patients to die as painlessly and with as
much dignity as possible. His so-called ‘death machines’ that automatically
release a lethal drug when the patient pushes
a button have elicited worldwide criticism. He
was prosecuted in several states in the USA
and served eight years in prison after being
found guilty of murder. However, Kevorkian
has also received support from millions of
people. Another important occurrence that
placed a new focus on euthanasia was when
the Netherlands in 2002 became the first
country to legalise voluntary active euthanasia
officially. The Netherlands was followed by
other countries such as Belgium, Luxembourg,
Dr Jack Kevorkian
Columbia, Switzerland, Canada, and Japan, as (also called “Dr Death”)
well as a few states in the USA.
Nevertheless, in all countries the preconditions are that euthanasia
should be conducted according to strict guidelines. For example:
• The patient must have been in the doctor’s care already for some period.
• The patient must be terminally ill with no hope of recovery, and the
suffering is unbearable.
• The patient must have made repeated, deliberate, and voluntary requests,
which she or he has discussed thoroughly with the doctor.
• The patient selects the time and place, but can cancel his or her decision
at any time.
• The doctor must discuss the case with colleague(s) to ensure that the
necessary criteria have been met.
The procedure usually consists of the patient being administered a lethal
narcotic intravenously. The patient goes to sleep and then dies (allegedly
painlessly) during sleep.
483
 To what extent should the process of intentionally and painlessly ending
a life in order to relieve intractable pain and suffering – a practice known as
euthanasia – be allowed? It is understandable that this controversial question
has been asked since the earliest times and that the use of euthanasia
(Greek for ‘good death’) has been known for centuries. Even Sigmund Freud
at the age of 83 years requested his physician to administer a lethal dose of
morphine, a wish that the physician honoured (Shapiro, 1978). At that stage,
Freud had been suffering from cancer of the jaw for 16 years, a situation
that could apparently be attributed to his smoking of cigars. In the end, his
jaw had been removed almost entirely and was replaced with an awkward
synthetic jaw. Consequently, Freud experienced intense pain (Edmundson,
2007).
Euthanasia has been a controversial concept for centuries
Two main classifications of euthanasia have been identified. Voluntary
euthanasia occurs at the request of the person who wants to die. Examples
are asking for professional help with dying or requesting that any medical
treatment or assistance (e.g. life support machines) to be stopped. Non-
voluntary euthanasia is conducted when the person’s condition is such (e.g.
in a coma) that it is impossible to obtain consent. In cases like these, the
person could have expressed the wish to die in a living will. Non-voluntary
euthanasia should not be confused with involuntary euthanasia where the
person’s life is ended without having given explicit permission or expressed
a wish to die. A mother who ends the life of her severely mentally and
physically disabled child is an example. In most countries, including South
Africa, the mother will most probably be charged with murder.
482
Euthanasia is also classified as active or passive euthanasia. Active
euthanasia takes place when there is a deliberate act to end a person’s
life, for example, by giving the person a lethal injection. Passive euthanasia
occurs when a person is allowed to die by withholding medical and other
aids or facilities from the person.
Several events in the last few decades have caused new interest in the
debate on euthanasia. For example, in the late 1980s, Dr Jack Kevorkian, a
physician in the USA, officially started offering his professional help to assist
Alzheimer’s and other terminal patients to die as painlessly and with as
much dignity as possible. His so-called ‘death machines’ that automatically
release a lethal drug when the patient pushes
a button have elicited worldwide criticism. He
was prosecuted in several states in the USA
and served eight years in prison after being
found guilty of murder. However, Kevorkian
has also received support from millions of
people. Another important occurrence that
placed a new focus on euthanasia was when
the Netherlands in 2002 became the first
country to legalise voluntary active euthanasia
officially. The Netherlands was followed by
other countries such as Belgium, Luxembourg,
Dr Jack Kevorkian
Columbia, Switzerland, Canada, and Japan, as (also called “Dr Death”)
well as a few states in the USA.
Nevertheless, in all countries the preconditions are that euthanasia
should be conducted according to strict guidelines. For example:
• The patient must have been in the doctor’s care already for some period.
• The patient must be terminally ill with no hope of recovery, and the
suffering is unbearable.
• The patient must have made repeated, deliberate, and voluntary requests,
which she or he has discussed thoroughly with the doctor.
• The patient selects the time and place, but can cancel his or her decision
at any time.
• The doctor must discuss the case with colleague(s) to ensure that the
necessary criteria have been met.
The procedure usually consists of the patient being administered a lethal
narcotic intravenously. The patient goes to sleep and then dies (allegedly
painlessly) during sleep.
483
 As mentioned, euthanasia is a highly controversial concept – and much Table 7.1 South Africans’ attitude towards euthanasia
more complex than the average person believes. For example, imagine you Gender Age
Scale Total
find yourself in the following situation: You are a witness to a car accident. One Male Female 16-29 30-49 50+
of the cars bursts into flames and you can see that there is a man trapped inside Never 22,7 23,2 22,2 21,3 23,7 23,3
the car. However, the flames and heat are such that it is impossible to rescue justifiable
him. It is clear that the man is suffering excruciating pain. He is screaming 2 10,0 9,4 10,5 9,9 8,1 12,8
and begging you to please kill him. You carry a gun for self-protection. What 3 8,1 8,2 8,0 7,5 8,0 9,0
will you do? This case is based on an incident that took place in South Africa 4 7,9 8,2 7,6 8,3 8,1 7,2
in 1991. A medical doctor was trapped inside a burning car and bystanders
5 11,0 10,4 11,6 13,0 10,8 8,2
could not get him out. When the doctor’s body was engulfed in flames and
6 10,6 11,4 9,8 9,9 11,9 9,6
he started jerking, one person borrowed a gun from another bystander and
7 8,4 7,3 9,4 6,7 9,5 9,4
shot the unconscious doctor through his head. Ironically, no bullet wound
8 6,8 6,7 6,8 6,5 7,6 5,9
or bullet was found afterwards (one reason could be that the evidence was
destroyed in the fire). However, the shooter afterwards said that he was a 9 6,2 6,8 5,5 6,9 5,3 6,2
relatively good shot and so close when he pulled the trigger that he could Always 4,7 4,2 5,1 6,1 3,8 3,6
justifiable
not have missed.
Although the case referred to above could be regarded as extreme, Don’t 3,8 4,1 3,6 3,9 3,1 4,8
know
similar situations (although less dramatic) are common; for example, when
Total (3,531) (1,707) (1,824) (1,360) (1,303) (868)
an elderly person with cancer who experiences unbearable pain pleads with
her doctor and/or family to assist her to die. World Values Survey – South Africa 2013

What is the attitude of South Africans towards euthanasia? One of the

interesting findings in this regard is that there seems to be no significant
difference between the attitudes of people from different ethnic groups
in South Africa. The researcher (Nortje, 2013, p. 79) gives the following
clarification for this somewhat unexpected finding: “The social reality
in South Africa is such that few Africans are untouched by the pressures
and demands caused by a shift away from traditional beliefs, values, social
structures, customs, and the influences of acculturation. Urbanisation and
industrialisation have had a profound impact on family life amongst the
different ethnic groups. Furthermore, the transformation process in South
Africa has led to the amalgamation of cultures, resulting in the loss of cultural
identity and uniqueness.” This important explanation – that differences
between cultures in South Africa are becoming less significant – should
always be kept in mind. Table 7.1 provides some additional information on
South Africans’ attitude towards euthanasia. (The results are presented on
a sliding scale from 1-10, with Never Justifiable presented as 1 and Always
Justifiable as 10.)
The results in Table 7.1 indicate that gender and age do not necessarily
influence attitudes towards euthanasia significantly. However, an important
finding is that, when compared with the results of a 1996 survey, it is clear
that the attitude towards voluntary active euthanasia is in the process of
changing: in 1996 almost 50% of South Africans regarded euthanasia as
‘never justifiable’, while in 2013, the percentage was just more than 20%
(World Values Survey, 1996; World Values Survey, 2013). These figures are
similar to those reported in most countries in the Western World. These
attitudes also seem to manifest in practice in countries where euthanasia is
allowed. For example, from 2003 to 2013, the number of reported cases of
euthanasia in Belgium increased about eight times (Dierickz et al., 2016). In
the Netherlands, euthanasia cases increased with 75% between 2010 and
2015 (Stärcke, 2016). Since the Netherlands also allow euthanasia in cases of
‘unbearable psychiatric suffering’, it is noteworthy that cases for this reason
also increased dramatically. However, the numbers were still relatively low
(from two in 2010 to 56 in 2015).
To opponents of euthanasia, this increase in euthanasia cases in Belgium
and the Netherlands is regarded as evidence for the ‘slippery slope’
argument. According to the slippery slope argument, if a ‘morally wrong’

484 485
 As mentioned, euthanasia is a highly controversial concept – and much Table 7.1 South Africans’ attitude towards euthanasia
more complex than the average person believes. For example, imagine you Gender Age
Scale Total
find yourself in the following situation: You are a witness to a car accident. One Male Female 16-29 30-49 50+
of the cars bursts into flames and you can see that there is a man trapped inside Never 22,7 23,2 22,2 21,3 23,7 23,3
the car. However, the flames and heat are such that it is impossible to rescue justifiable
him. It is clear that the man is suffering excruciating pain. He is screaming 2 10,0 9,4 10,5 9,9 8,1 12,8
and begging you to please kill him. You carry a gun for self-protection. What 3 8,1 8,2 8,0 7,5 8,0 9,0
will you do? This case is based on an incident that took place in South Africa 4 7,9 8,2 7,6 8,3 8,1 7,2
in 1991. A medical doctor was trapped inside a burning car and bystanders
5 11,0 10,4 11,6 13,0 10,8 8,2
could not get him out. When the doctor’s body was engulfed in flames and
6 10,6 11,4 9,8 9,9 11,9 9,6
he started jerking, one person borrowed a gun from another bystander and
7 8,4 7,3 9,4 6,7 9,5 9,4
shot the unconscious doctor through his head. Ironically, no bullet wound
8 6,8 6,7 6,8 6,5 7,6 5,9
or bullet was found afterwards (one reason could be that the evidence was
destroyed in the fire). However, the shooter afterwards said that he was a 9 6,2 6,8 5,5 6,9 5,3 6,2
relatively good shot and so close when he pulled the trigger that he could Always 4,7 4,2 5,1 6,1 3,8 3,6
justifiable
not have missed.
Although the case referred to above could be regarded as extreme, Don’t 3,8 4,1 3,6 3,9 3,1 4,8
know
similar situations (although less dramatic) are common; for example, when
Total (3,531) (1,707) (1,824) (1,360) (1,303) (868)
an elderly person with cancer who experiences unbearable pain pleads with
her doctor and/or family to assist her to die. World Values Survey – South Africa 2013

What is the attitude of South Africans towards euthanasia? One of the

interesting findings in this regard is that there seems to be no significant
difference between the attitudes of people from different ethnic groups
in South Africa. The researcher (Nortje, 2013, p. 79) gives the following
clarification for this somewhat unexpected finding: “The social reality
in South Africa is such that few Africans are untouched by the pressures
and demands caused by a shift away from traditional beliefs, values, social
structures, customs, and the influences of acculturation. Urbanisation and
industrialisation have had a profound impact on family life amongst the
different ethnic groups. Furthermore, the transformation process in South
Africa has led to the amalgamation of cultures, resulting in the loss of cultural
identity and uniqueness.” This important explanation – that differences
between cultures in South Africa are becoming less significant – should
always be kept in mind. Table 7.1 provides some additional information on
South Africans’ attitude towards euthanasia. (The results are presented on
a sliding scale from 1-10, with Never Justifiable presented as 1 and Always
Justifiable as 10.)
The results in Table 7.1 indicate that gender and age do not necessarily
influence attitudes towards euthanasia significantly. However, an important
finding is that, when compared with the results of a 1996 survey, it is clear
that the attitude towards voluntary active euthanasia is in the process of
changing: in 1996 almost 50% of South Africans regarded euthanasia as
‘never justifiable’, while in 2013, the percentage was just more than 20%
(World Values Survey, 1996; World Values Survey, 2013). These figures are
similar to those reported in most countries in the Western World. These
attitudes also seem to manifest in practice in countries where euthanasia is
allowed. For example, from 2003 to 2013, the number of reported cases of
euthanasia in Belgium increased about eight times (Dierickz et al., 2016). In
the Netherlands, euthanasia cases increased with 75% between 2010 and
2015 (Stärcke, 2016). Since the Netherlands also allow euthanasia in cases of
‘unbearable psychiatric suffering’, it is noteworthy that cases for this reason
also increased dramatically. However, the numbers were still relatively low
(from two in 2010 to 56 in 2015).
To opponents of euthanasia, this increase in euthanasia cases in Belgium
and the Netherlands is regarded as evidence for the ‘slippery slope’
argument. According to the slippery slope argument, if a ‘morally wrong’

484 485
practice is employed, it will inevitably lead (‘down the slippery slope’) to an
abuse of the practice that cannot be stopped; for example, that people with
disabilities could be euthanised against their will (like in Nazi Germany).
However, supporters of euthanasia have counterarguments, for example
that the mentioned increase is very small and does not occur everywhere.
They also argue that an increase in euthanasia cases is ‘normal’ after the
‘gates to euthanasia have been opened’ and that the number of euthanasia
cases will reach a saturation point.
Arguments for and against euthanasia are countless and loaded with
intense emotion that often defeats logic. For every argument, there is
a counterargument. For example, on the one hand, most religions are
opposed to euthanasia. A basic viewpoint in Christianity (the largest religion
in the world and in South Africa) is that God created life and only God can
terminate life. “Birth and death are part of the life processes which God has
created, so we should respect them” (Institute of Catholic Bioethics, 2011).
Thus, to kill an innocent person is a sin. On the other hand, high-ranking
officials of various religions are supporters of euthanasia. The well-known
South African religious leader and Nobel Prize winner Desmond Tutu stated,
“I believe in the sanctity of life. I know that we will all die and that death
is a part of life. Terminally ill people have control over their lives, so why
should they be refused control over their deaths? Why are so many instead
forced to endure terrible pain and suffering against their wishes?” (https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=lsgeBb990ho). Along the same line, most
religions feel very strongly that medical professionals ‘must not play God’, to
which the pro-euthanasians reply, “But doctors do that every day by saving
people’s lives who would have died had they (the doctors) not interfered.
Are they not interfering with God’s plan?”
What is the attitude of medical professionals with regard to euthanasia?
Surveys in this regard should be interpreted with caution. Because of
reasons such as fear of public opinion and the fact that euthanasia is illegal
in countries such as South Africa, many professionals may be cautious to
reveal their attitudes or experiences, even though anonymity is promised.
However, it is generally accepted that both active and passive euthanasia
are used worldwide, whether it is legalised or not, and to a much greater
extent that many people would want to believe. For example, in a survey
conducted by the Medical Association of South Africa, it was found that 58%
of doctors had been involved in passive euthanasia, 12% had been involved
in active euthanasia, and 9% had been involved in some sort of physician-
assisted suicide for terminally ill patients (Southern Africa Report, 1996).
In a study involving more than 200 medical doctors from the Free State, it
486
was found that they were mostly in favour of euthanasia (Boshoff, 2007).
However, the South African Medical Association (2015), representing the
majority of medical doctors in South Africa, does not support euthanasia
but rather palliative care. Palliative care is a specialised multidisciplinary
approach that focuses on care for people with serious illness. The goal is to
improve quality of life for both the patient and the family.
Whatever the arguments and counterarguments, the fact remains
that at the time of writing this book (2018), euthanasia remains illegal in
South Africa. However, it is believed widely that legislation in this regard
will eventually change; whether it will be in the near future remains to be
seen. However, it is noteworthy that in South Africa, patients have the right
to refuse treatment. For example, a person who has cancer may choose
whether he or she wants to undergo chemo or radiation therapy.
Although there is a tendency to accept passive euthanasia in the case
of terminally ill patients who suffer unbearable pain, there are still many
unanswered questions in this regard. For example, does the family of a
terminally ill and comatose patient have the right to override the decision of
the physician to continue keeping the patient alive? In addition, as we know
that people frequently change their minds, what is the situation if a patient
changes his or her mind, but is unable to communicate that change?
A similar question that is asked often is whether a terminally ill person
is always really able to make logical and meaningful decisions cognitively
and judiciously. To solve this problem, the so-called living will was created.
This document is compiled while the person is still cognitively, emotionally,
and judicially sound, and its aim is to inform the person’s family, physician,
lawyer, and all others concerned of his or her wishes, should a situation arise
where euthanasia is a possibility. Box 7.3 provides an example of such a
document.
Although a South African Voluntary Euthanasia Society (the acronym is
ironically SAVES) that promotes the concept of the living will was founded
already in 1974, there is at present no law in South Africa regarding the
validity or enforcement of such a will. This means that the wish of the patient
is not legally binding and that the patient’s doctor and/or family may refuse
to adhere to the wishes expressed in his or her living will. However, The
South African Law Reform Commission completed the Report on Euthanasia
and the Artificial Preservation of Life in 1998. It was handed to the Minister of
Health who (at the time of publication of this book in 2018) has yet to bring
the report before Parliament. Therefore, it could be expected that Parliament
at some stage in the future will have to make a decision concerning this
controversial aspect.
487
practice is employed, it will inevitably lead (‘down the slippery slope’) to an
abuse of the practice that cannot be stopped; for example, that people with
disabilities could be euthanised against their will (like in Nazi Germany).
However, supporters of euthanasia have counterarguments, for example
that the mentioned increase is very small and does not occur everywhere.
They also argue that an increase in euthanasia cases is ‘normal’ after the
‘gates to euthanasia have been opened’ and that the number of euthanasia
cases will reach a saturation point.
Arguments for and against euthanasia are countless and loaded with
intense emotion that often defeats logic. For every argument, there is
a counterargument. For example, on the one hand, most religions are
opposed to euthanasia. A basic viewpoint in Christianity (the largest religion
in the world and in South Africa) is that God created life and only God can
terminate life. “Birth and death are part of the life processes which God has
created, so we should respect them” (Institute of Catholic Bioethics, 2011).
Thus, to kill an innocent person is a sin. On the other hand, high-ranking
officials of various religions are supporters of euthanasia. The well-known
South African religious leader and Nobel Prize winner Desmond Tutu stated,
“I believe in the sanctity of life. I know that we will all die and that death
is a part of life. Terminally ill people have control over their lives, so why
should they be refused control over their deaths? Why are so many instead
forced to endure terrible pain and suffering against their wishes?” (https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=lsgeBb990ho). Along the same line, most
religions feel very strongly that medical professionals ‘must not play God’, to
which the pro-euthanasians reply, “But doctors do that every day by saving
people’s lives who would have died had they (the doctors) not interfered.
Are they not interfering with God’s plan?”
What is the attitude of medical professionals with regard to euthanasia?
Surveys in this regard should be interpreted with caution. Because of
reasons such as fear of public opinion and the fact that euthanasia is illegal
in countries such as South Africa, many professionals may be cautious to
reveal their attitudes or experiences, even though anonymity is promised.
However, it is generally accepted that both active and passive euthanasia
are used worldwide, whether it is legalised or not, and to a much greater
extent that many people would want to believe. For example, in a survey
conducted by the Medical Association of South Africa, it was found that 58%
of doctors had been involved in passive euthanasia, 12% had been involved
in active euthanasia, and 9% had been involved in some sort of physician-
assisted suicide for terminally ill patients (Southern Africa Report, 1996).
In a study involving more than 200 medical doctors from the Free State, it
486
was found that they were mostly in favour of euthanasia (Boshoff, 2007).
However, the South African Medical Association (2015), representing the
majority of medical doctors in South Africa, does not support euthanasia
but rather palliative care. Palliative care is a specialised multidisciplinary
approach that focuses on care for people with serious illness. The goal is to
improve quality of life for both the patient and the family.
Whatever the arguments and counterarguments, the fact remains
that at the time of writing this book (2018), euthanasia remains illegal in
South Africa. However, it is believed widely that legislation in this regard
will eventually change; whether it will be in the near future remains to be
seen. However, it is noteworthy that in South Africa, patients have the right
to refuse treatment. For example, a person who has cancer may choose
whether he or she wants to undergo chemo or radiation therapy.
Although there is a tendency to accept passive euthanasia in the case
of terminally ill patients who suffer unbearable pain, there are still many
unanswered questions in this regard. For example, does the family of a
terminally ill and comatose patient have the right to override the decision of
the physician to continue keeping the patient alive? In addition, as we know
that people frequently change their minds, what is the situation if a patient
changes his or her mind, but is unable to communicate that change?
A similar question that is asked often is whether a terminally ill person
is always really able to make logical and meaningful decisions cognitively
and judiciously. To solve this problem, the so-called living will was created.
This document is compiled while the person is still cognitively, emotionally,
and judicially sound, and its aim is to inform the person’s family, physician,
lawyer, and all others concerned of his or her wishes, should a situation arise
where euthanasia is a possibility. Box 7.3 provides an example of such a
document.
Although a South African Voluntary Euthanasia Society (the acronym is
ironically SAVES) that promotes the concept of the living will was founded
already in 1974, there is at present no law in South Africa regarding the
validity or enforcement of such a will. This means that the wish of the patient
is not legally binding and that the patient’s doctor and/or family may refuse
to adhere to the wishes expressed in his or her living will. However, The
South African Law Reform Commission completed the Report on Euthanasia
and the Artificial Preservation of Life in 1998. It was handed to the Minister of
Health who (at the time of publication of this book in 2018) has yet to bring
the report before Parliament. Therefore, it could be expected that Parliament
at some stage in the future will have to make a decision concerning this
controversial aspect.
487
 Box 7.3 Example of a Living Will
TO MY FAMILY AND MY PHYSICIAN:
This is a Living Will of me (name and identity number of testator)
…………………………………………... .................…………………………………….....................…, presently
domiciled and resident at (specify) ………….............………………………………………………….…,
being of sound mind and after careful consideration, I make the following declaration:
1. Non-revocation
This Living Will does not revoke any previous Will made by me.
2. Interpretation
In this living Will:
2.1 ‘doctors’ means any one or more of the medical practitioners who may have been
or may be called upon to examine me and to give a prognosis of my medical
condition;
2.2 ‘systems’ means any mechanical or artificial life support systems or the use of
drugs.
3. Incapability of decisions
Should I no longer be capable of making decisions for my own future and should
my physical and/or mental condition deteriorate to such an extent that there is no
reasonable prospect of my recovery from physical illness or impairment, which is
expected to cause me severe distress or to render me incapable of rational existence,
I request that:
3.1 I be allowed to die. I further request that no systems be used in order to keep me
alive in circumstances where, but for the use of such systems, I would have died;
3.2 I be given whatever quantity of drugs that may be required to keep me free from
pain or distress, even if the moment of death is hastened.
4. Exemption
It is my express wish that my doctors or members of my family who carry out my
aforegoing requests be fully exonerated and exempt from all blame or liability arising
from their use of or their failure to use or their decision to terminate the use of any
systems.
SIGNED by me at (place) …………………………....……… on (date) ………….................……, in the
presence of the undersigned witnesses, all being present at the same time.
AS WITNESSES:
1 .............……………………………………
2.............…………………………………… .............……………………………………
(Signatures of witnesses) (Signature of testator)
Based on South African Registry of Wills and Testaments (2013).
488
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Consider the cases presented in this section. Do you think that the accused in the
various cases acted correctly or wrongfully? Give reasons for your opinions.
2. Define the following concepts: (1) Euthanasia; (2) Voluntary euthanasia; (3) Non-
voluntary euthanasia; (4) Involuntary euthanasia; (5) Active euthanasia; (6) Passive
euthanasia; (7) Palliative care.
3. Several countries have legalised euthanasia. What are the preconditions for this?
What procedure is usually followed?
4. Discuss the different attitudes and beliefs in favour of and against euthanasia.
5. How widespread is the use of euthanasia by the medical profession? What is the
view of the South African Medical Association in this regard?
6. Do you agree with the tendency to accept passive euthanasia in the case of terminally
ill patients, who suffer unbearable pain? What counterarguments or questions may
come to mind in this regard?
7. What is a living will? Do you think that such a document should be legalised in
South Africa? Give reasons for your answer.
7.6 GRIEF, BEREAVEMENT, AND MOURNING
Loss and the resulting grief are fundamental to human life. Owing to new
research during the last few decades, the field of grief has undergone a
transformational change in terms of how the human experience of loss is
understood (Hall, 2014). ‘Grief’, ‘bereavement’, and ‘mourning’ are terms
that are often used as synonyms. However, there is a distinction between
the three concepts:
Grief is defined as the normal emotional reaction to a significant loss.
Although grief is used generally to refer to the death of a loved one, in
psychology, it also refers to emotional losses such as divorce, breakup of
a relationship, or even a job loss. In this chapter, grief will be used to refer
to the emotional reaction to the death of a loved one. Bereavement is the
period after a loss during which grief is experienced. Mourning is the process
of adapting to the changes created by the loss. It is often described as the
outward expression of grief. While grief is more internal, mourning is more
external. Mourning is also influenced by cultural customs, rituals, and the
rules of society for coping with loss. (See Box 7.4).
489
 Box 7.3 Example of a Living Will
TO MY FAMILY AND MY PHYSICIAN:
This is a Living Will of me (name and identity number of testator)
…………………………………………... .................…………………………………….....................…, presently
domiciled and resident at (specify) ………….............………………………………………………….…,
being of sound mind and after careful consideration, I make the following declaration:
1. Non-revocation
This Living Will does not revoke any previous Will made by me.
2. Interpretation
In this living Will:
2.1 ‘doctors’ means any one or more of the medical practitioners who may have been
or may be called upon to examine me and to give a prognosis of my medical
condition;
2.2 ‘systems’ means any mechanical or artificial life support systems or the use of
drugs.
3. Incapability of decisions
Should I no longer be capable of making decisions for my own future and should
my physical and/or mental condition deteriorate to such an extent that there is no
reasonable prospect of my recovery from physical illness or impairment, which is
expected to cause me severe distress or to render me incapable of rational existence,
I request that:
3.1 I be allowed to die. I further request that no systems be used in order to keep me
alive in circumstances where, but for the use of such systems, I would have died;
3.2 I be given whatever quantity of drugs that may be required to keep me free from
pain or distress, even if the moment of death is hastened.
4. Exemption
It is my express wish that my doctors or members of my family who carry out my
aforegoing requests be fully exonerated and exempt from all blame or liability arising
from their use of or their failure to use or their decision to terminate the use of any
systems.
SIGNED by me at (place) …………………………....……… on (date) ………….................……, in the
presence of the undersigned witnesses, all being present at the same time.
AS WITNESSES:
1 .............……………………………………
2.............…………………………………… .............……………………………………
(Signatures of witnesses) (Signature of testator)
Based on South African Registry of Wills and Testaments (2013).
488
REVIEW THIS SECTION
1. Consider the cases presented in this section. Do you think that the accused in the
various cases acted correctly or wrongfully? Give reasons for your opinions.
2. Define the following concepts: (1) Euthanasia; (2) Voluntary euthanasia; (3) Non-
voluntary euthanasia; (4) Involuntary euthanasia; (5) Active euthanasia; (6) Passive
euthanasia; (7) Palliative care.
3. Several countries have legalised euthanasia. What are the preconditions for this?
What procedure is usually followed?
4. Discuss the different attitudes and beliefs in favour of and against euthanasia.
5. How widespread is the use of euthanasia by the medical profession? What is the
view of the South African Medical Association in this regard?
6. Do you agree with the tendency to accept passive euthanasia in the case of terminally
ill patients, who suffer unbearable pain? What counterarguments or questions may
come to mind in this regard?
7. What is a living will? Do you think that such a document should be legalised in
South Africa? Give reasons for your answer.
7.6 GRIEF, BEREAVEMENT, AND MOURNING
Loss and the resulting grief are fundamental to human life. Owing to new
research during the last few decades, the field of grief has undergone a
transformational change in terms of how the human experience of loss is
understood (Hall, 2014). ‘Grief’, ‘bereavement’, and ‘mourning’ are terms
that are often used as synonyms. However, there is a distinction between
the three concepts:
Grief is defined as the normal emotional reaction to a significant loss.
Although grief is used generally to refer to the death of a loved one, in
psychology, it also refers to emotional losses such as divorce, breakup of
a relationship, or even a job loss. In this chapter, grief will be used to refer
to the emotional reaction to the death of a loved one. Bereavement is the
period after a loss during which grief is experienced. Mourning is the process
of adapting to the changes created by the loss. It is often described as the
outward expression of grief. While grief is more internal, mourning is more
external. Mourning is also influenced by cultural customs, rituals, and the
rules of society for coping with loss. (See Box 7.4).
489
 Box 7.4 Bereavement in different traditional
ethnic groups in South Africa
In the Western culture, the bereaved are encouraged to cut off the connection with the
dead in order to begin a process of healing. On the other hand, most African cultures
encourage the bereaved to preserve the connection between the deceased and the living.
However, the different ethnic groups may handle the bereavement process differently.
For example, in Limpopo, the Northern Sotho speakers report the use of traditional herbs
in managing the pain of grief and bereavement. A particular herb is used to ease the pain
of grief by causing the affected individual to forget the painful memories associated with
the deceased (Makgahlela & Sodi, 2017). The following is a short summary indicating the
differences and similarities among the Tswana, Xhosa and Zulu ethnic groups:
• Tswana culture. During bereavement, on the day of the funeral, the traditional
Tswana people slaughter an ox, called mogage, at sunrise. The meat of the ox is
consumed without any salt. This is to indicate that there is no pleasure in consuming
the meat, as the family is in mourning. During mourning, the mourners are required
to adorn themselves with a grass necklace and shave their heads. A special value is
attached to the shaving hair ritual: that of cleansing in order for one to be purified
from the spirits and darkness associated with death, as well as the removal of bad
luck and fear. It is also believed that they will reach a state of wholeness whereby
they will be able to move on with life and be able to function within their families
and within the broader community after the period of mourning has passed. The
length of the mourning phase does not exceed a year. After this period has passed,
an uncle of the family (malome) facilitates the cleansing ceremony. Cleansing herbs
are applied on the mourners. The uncle is also in charge of giving the mourners new
clothing items, food, and drink.
• Xhosa culture. Within the first twelve months of mourning, the bereaved Xhosa
individuals are required to go through certain cultural customs arranged for
bereavement. An example is that the bereaved individuals are expected to shave
their heads to indicate their mourning of their loved one. One of the rituals that are
performed is that of umkhapho (to accompany), which involves the slaughtering of
a cow in the morning. The goal of this ritual is to escort (ukukhapha) the departed
to the place of their forefathers; more specifically, to assist in making a smooth
transition to the place of the forefathers but also to allow for a smooth transition
when the deceased comes back later. In most cases, the male group conducts this
procedure. The aim of the umkhapho is to maintain the connection between the
departed and the living so that the departed are able to come back later. At some
stage, a cow or goat may be slaughtered. The mourning period may continue until
the umbuyiso ritual is completed. This ritual involves the slaughtering of a cow in
the afternoon. Umbuyiso can be defined as returning the spirit of the deceased back
home. This process may take place a year after the deceased has passed on. When
considering the rituals of the umkhapho and umbuyiso, the traditional Xhosa are
able to keep the connection with the deceased and they are able to move on with
their lives.
About 40 years ago, two British psychiatrists, Bowlby and Parkes (1970),
• Numbness. This phase is characterised by dull emotions, while feelings
described four phases and patterns of grieving that are still widely used
(Parkes, 2010. Also see Corr & Corr, 2012; Sigelman & Rider, 2009):
490
Box 7.4 Bereavement in different traditional
ethnic groups in South Africa (continued)
• Zulu culture. The amaZulu (Zulu people) tend to focus on the rituals that form part
of the burial process in order to deal with the death of a loved one; hence, the focus
is less on dealing with the emotional aspects. The reason why traditional amaZulu
tend to focus on the ritual aspects is to avoid being consumed emotionally. By being
involved in a variety of rituals, there is more of a chance to move the attention away
avoid transferring from difficulties associated in dealing with the death of a loved
one. When the people come back from the graveside, they are expected to wash
their hands to avoid transferring the pollution of death around. After this process, a
meal is offered for the bereaved and those present to support the bereaved. In some
cases, a goat or cow may be slaughtered, which is done in honour of the deceased’s
life. After the burial of their loved one, the amaZulu are expected to shave their
heads; if not entirely, a small section of their hair is cut off. After the hair-cutting
ritual, it is burnt along with clothing items that belonged to the deceased. This is
practised to purify the mourners from the contamination of death. During the period
of bereavement, the widow is not allowed to travel outside her home for a specified
period in accordance with the family’s requirements. The reason why the widow is
restricted to stay in her house is to avoid spreading misfortunes associated with
death. After a few months of mourning (as set out by the family), an elder uncle
facilitates the process of cleansing. This is done by giving the widow cleansing herbs
to purify herself, as well as the bereaved and the possessions of the deceased.
• Similarities and differences in the bereavement practices of the three ethnic
groups: All three ethnic groups share in the belief of the existence of life after death;
hence, they all believe in the connection between the living and the deceased.
Before the burial, the Xhosa and the Zulu partake in the ritual of slaughtering a
cow and a goat. This is contrary to the Tswana people, who partake in the ritual of
slaughtering a sheep, as it is considered a symbol of tranquillity. A few days after the
burial in all three ethnic groups, members of the community who could not attend
the funeral are urged to visit the bereaved and offer words of encouragement. In
general, the three ethnic groups seem not to differ much in their bereavement
processes. All the cultural groups seem to view the bereavement process similarly;
consisting mainly of rituals conducted during this period. In addition, what seems to
be central in their bereavement process is the involvement of family members and
community members. In all three ethnic groups, the mourning period ends after a
year (for children the period is three months) whereby the family members of the
deceased all partake in the ritual of burning the clothes of the deceased. In all three
ethnic groups, there is limited freedom of movement whereby the bereaved are not
allowed to go to certain areas during certain times; for example, they are not allowed
to party or visit friends. In all three ethnic groups, there is an expectation for the
bereaved to wear mourning attire, which is black in most contexts.
of unreality, confusion, and disbelief are prominent, together with an
inability to comprehend the loss fully. This is evident in the form of
expressions such as “I don’t believe it”, “It can’t be happening”, and “It
491
 Box 7.4 Bereavement in different traditional
ethnic groups in South Africa
In the Western culture, the bereaved are encouraged to cut off the connection with the
dead in order to begin a process of healing. On the other hand, most African cultures
encourage the bereaved to preserve the connection between the deceased and the living.
However, the different ethnic groups may handle the bereavement process differently.
For example, in Limpopo, the Northern Sotho speakers report the use of traditional herbs
in managing the pain of grief and bereavement. A particular herb is used to ease the pain
of grief by causing the affected individual to forget the painful memories associated with
the deceased (Makgahlela & Sodi, 2017). The following is a short summary indicating the
differences and similarities among the Tswana, Xhosa and Zulu ethnic groups:
• Tswana culture. During bereavement, on the day of the funeral, the traditional
Tswana people slaughter an ox, called mogage, at sunrise. The meat of the ox is
consumed without any salt. This is to indicate that there is no pleasure in consuming
the meat, as the family is in mourning. During mourning, the mourners are required
to adorn themselves with a grass necklace and shave their heads. A special value is
attached to the shaving hair ritual: that of cleansing in order for one to be purified
from the spirits and darkness associated with death, as well as the removal of bad
luck and fear. It is also believed that they will reach a state of wholeness whereby
they will be able to move on with life and be able to function within their families
and within the broader community after the period of mourning has passed. The
length of the mourning phase does not exceed a year. After this period has passed,
an uncle of the family (malome) facilitates the cleansing ceremony. Cleansing herbs
are applied on the mourners. The uncle is also in charge of giving the mourners new
clothing items, food, and drink.
• Xhosa culture. Within the first twelve months of mourning, the bereaved Xhosa
individuals are required to go through certain cultural customs arranged for
bereavement. An example is that the bereaved individuals are expected to shave
their heads to indicate their mourning of their loved one. One of the rituals that are
performed is that of umkhapho (to accompany), which involves the slaughtering of
a cow in the morning. The goal of this ritual is to escort (ukukhapha) the departed
to the place of their forefathers; more specifically, to assist in making a smooth
transition to the place of the forefathers but also to allow for a smooth transition
when the deceased comes back later. In most cases, the male group conducts this
procedure. The aim of the umkhapho is to maintain the connection between the
departed and the living so that the departed are able to come back later. At some
stage, a cow or goat may be slaughtered. The mourning period may continue until
the umbuyiso ritual is completed. This ritual involves the slaughtering of a cow in
the afternoon. Umbuyiso can be defined as returning the spirit of the deceased back
home. This process may take place a year after the deceased has passed on. When
considering the rituals of the umkhapho and umbuyiso, the traditional Xhosa are
able to keep the connection with the deceased and they are able to move on with
their lives.
About 40 years ago, two British psychiatrists, Bowlby and Parkes (1970),
• Numbness. This phase is characterised by dull emotions, while feelings
described four phases and patterns of grieving that are still widely used
(Parkes, 2010. Also see Corr & Corr, 2012; Sigelman & Rider, 2009):
490
Box 7.4 Bereavement in different traditional
ethnic groups in South Africa (continued)
• Zulu culture. The amaZulu (Zulu people) tend to focus on the rituals that form part
of the burial process in order to deal with the death of a loved one; hence, the focus
is less on dealing with the emotional aspects. The reason why traditional amaZulu
tend to focus on the ritual aspects is to avoid being consumed emotionally. By being
involved in a variety of rituals, there is more of a chance to move the attention away
avoid transferring from difficulties associated in dealing with the death of a loved
one. When the people come back from the graveside, they are expected to wash
their hands to avoid transferring the pollution of death around. After this process, a
meal is offered for the bereaved and those present to support the bereaved. In some
cases, a goat or cow may be slaughtered, which is done in honour of the deceased’s
life. After the burial of their loved one, the amaZulu are expected to shave their
heads; if not entirely, a small section of their hair is cut off. After the hair-cutting
ritual, it is burnt along with clothing items that belonged to the deceased. This is
practised to purify the mourners from the contamination of death. During the period
of bereavement, the widow is not allowed to travel outside her home for a specified
period in accordance with the family’s requirements. The reason why the widow is
restricted to stay in her house is to avoid spreading misfortunes associated with
death. After a few months of mourning (as set out by the family), an elder uncle
facilitates the process of cleansing. This is done by giving the widow cleansing herbs
to purify herself, as well as the bereaved and the possessions of the deceased.
• Similarities and differences in the bereavement practices of the three ethnic
groups: All three ethnic groups share in the belief of the existence of life after death;
hence, they all believe in the connection between the living and the deceased.
Before the burial, the Xhosa and the Zulu partake in the ritual of slaughtering a
cow and a goat. This is contrary to the Tswana people, who partake in the ritual of
slaughtering a sheep, as it is considered a symbol of tranquillity. A few days after the
burial in all three ethnic groups, members of the community who could not attend
the funeral are urged to visit the bereaved and offer words of encouragement. In
general, the three ethnic groups seem not to differ much in their bereavement
processes. All the cultural groups seem to view the bereavement process similarly;
consisting mainly of rituals conducted during this period. In addition, what seems to
be central in their bereavement process is the involvement of family members and
community members. In all three ethnic groups, the mourning period ends after a
year (for children the period is three months) whereby the family members of the
deceased all partake in the ritual of burning the clothes of the deceased. In all three
ethnic groups, there is limited freedom of movement whereby the bereaved are not
allowed to go to certain areas during certain times; for example, they are not allowed
to party or visit friends. In all three ethnic groups, there is an expectation for the
bereaved to wear mourning attire, which is black in most contexts.
of unreality, confusion, and disbelief are prominent, together with an
inability to comprehend the loss fully. This is evident in the form of
expressions such as “I don’t believe it”, “It can’t be happening”, and “It
491
 feels like a dream.” The individual appears to act automatically, almost
resembling a robot. This phase usually occurs during the first few hours
or days after the person has been informed of the death of a loved one
and usually does not last longer than a month.
• Yearning. As the symptoms of the numbness phase decrease, another
manifestation of grief becomes evident: a preoccupation with thoughts
of the deceased and an intense yearning for the loved one. In many
cases, denial occurs and the person may even ‘see’ or ‘hear’ the deceased
for fleeting moments. The yearning may be so intense that suicide is
considered as a way to be united with the deceased again. People may
withdraw and prefer to be left alone. Questions about the ‘why’ of the
death are prominent, and a resulting anger is aimed at almost everyone:
God, doctors for not saving the dying person, and even at the deceased
for dying and leaving the person behind alone. There are bouts of
uncontrollable crying, while the person feels restless and experiences
problems with concentration and with sleep. Guilt feelings are a familiar
characteristic; for example, the person may feel guilty for not having
shown her or his love more or for not having spoilt the deceased more.
Panic about the future is common. Physical symptoms such as headache,
backache, stiff neck, trembling, nausea, and abdominal discomfort could
be present. This phase usually lasts for about one to two years.
• Disorganisation and despair. The fact that the loved one is dead and will
never return now begins to become a reality. Therefore, depression is a
very common consequence. The person’s despair is such that his or her
life becomes ‘disorganised’; for example, he or she may often neglect
household duties, physical appearance, and nutritional needs. Symptoms
such as anger, guilt feelings, and withdrawal often continue, but as time
passes, the intensity of these symptoms decreases, although it could
return on certain meaningful dates such as birthdays and anniversaries.
This phase usually begins after about six months to a year.
•
Reorganisation. During this phase, the person begins to accept the loss.
There is a realisation that a new life must be constructed without the
loved one. Therefore, the focus is more on the living than on the dead.
Energy is regained, and the aforementioned neglected household duties,
physical appearance, and nutritional needs return to normal. There is an
increased sense of self-confidence, and social activities and interaction
with friends increase. The possibility of new relationships is considered.
This last phase may begin toward the end of the first year or as late as
three to five years after the death of the loved one.
492
John Bowlby Collin Murray Parkes
Although these phases provide useful guidelines, it should be kept in
mind that they not only remain broad patterns, but that they also overlap.
Equally important: Every person is unique and will act differently, depending
on his or her personality, coping style, relationship with the deceased, past
experiences, and cultural and religious background. In fact, in some cases,
the death of a specific person can even have a positive effect; for example,
some widows describe the death of the oppressive and abusive husbands as
liberating, an event that opened the door to a new life (Elison & McConigle,
2013). This is often called relief grief.
Longitudinal research has identified three dominant patterns of
bereavement (Balk, 2016; Bonanno, 2009):
■ First, many people recover relatively quickly (within a few weeks) from
the death of a loved one or friend. This does not mean that the death
does not matter to the griever, but rather that the individual has a
resilience to adversity with the result that the death does not shatter his
or her world.
Second, approximately 40% of persons find it difficult to adjust to the
■
death, but within 18 to 24 months, their well-being begins to improve
and they more readily re-engage in relationships with others and the
external world.
■ Third, about 10% of bereaved persons experience symptoms that not
only are much more intense than normal grief, but also last longer.
Such persons usually need professional help. Different terms are used
to describe this form of pathological grief: complicated grief disorder,
prolonged grief disorder, or persistent complex bereavement disorder.
The criterion is that it must cause significant impairment in social,
occupational, and other important areas of functioning. The symptoms
493
 feels like a dream.” The individual appears to act automatically, almost
resembling a robot. This phase usually occurs during the first few hours
or days after the person has been informed of the death of a loved one
and usually does not last longer than a month.
• Yearning. As the symptoms of the numbness phase decrease, another
manifestation of grief becomes evident: a preoccupation with thoughts
of the deceased and an intense yearning for the loved one. In many
cases, denial occurs and the person may even ‘see’ or ‘hear’ the deceased
for fleeting moments. The yearning may be so intense that suicide is
considered as a way to be united with the deceased again. People may
withdraw and prefer to be left alone. Questions about the ‘why’ of the
death are prominent, and a resulting anger is aimed at almost everyone:
God, doctors for not saving the dying person, and even at the deceased
for dying and leaving the person behind alone. There are bouts of
uncontrollable crying, while the person feels restless and experiences
problems with concentration and with sleep. Guilt feelings are a familiar
characteristic; for example, the person may feel guilty for not having
shown her or his love more or for not having spoilt the deceased more.
Panic about the future is common. Physical symptoms such as headache,
backache, stiff neck, trembling, nausea, and abdominal discomfort could
be present. This phase usually lasts for about one to two years.
• Disorganisation and despair. The fact that the loved one is dead and will
never return now begins to become a reality. Therefore, depression is a
very common consequence. The person’s despair is such that his or her
life becomes ‘disorganised’; for example, he or she may often neglect
household duties, physical appearance, and nutritional needs. Symptoms
such as anger, guilt feelings, and withdrawal often continue, but as time
passes, the intensity of these symptoms decreases, although it could
return on certain meaningful dates such as birthdays and anniversaries.
This phase usually begins after about six months to a year.
•
Reorganisation. During this phase, the person begins to accept the loss.
There is a realisation that a new life must be constructed without the
loved one. Therefore, the focus is more on the living than on the dead.
Energy is regained, and the aforementioned neglected household duties,
physical appearance, and nutritional needs return to normal. There is an
increased sense of self-confidence, and social activities and interaction
with friends increase. The possibility of new relationships is considered.
This last phase may begin toward the end of the first year or as late as
three to five years after the death of the loved one.
492
John Bowlby Collin Murray Parkes
Although these phases provide useful guidelines, it should be kept in
mind that they not only remain broad patterns, but that they also overlap.
Equally important: Every person is unique and will act differently, depending
on his or her personality, coping style, relationship with the deceased, past
experiences, and cultural and religious background. In fact, in some cases,
the death of a specific person can even have a positive effect; for example,
some widows describe the death of the oppressive and abusive husbands as
liberating, an event that opened the door to a new life (Elison & McConigle,
2013). This is often called relief grief.
Longitudinal research has identified three dominant patterns of
bereavement (Balk, 2016; Bonanno, 2009):
■ First, many people recover relatively quickly (within a few weeks) from
the death of a loved one or friend. This does not mean that the death
does not matter to the griever, but rather that the individual has a
resilience to adversity with the result that the death does not shatter his
or her world.
Second, approximately 40% of persons find it difficult to adjust to the
■
death, but within 18 to 24 months, their well-being begins to improve
and they more readily re-engage in relationships with others and the
external world.
■ Third, about 10% of bereaved persons experience symptoms that not
only are much more intense than normal grief, but also last longer.
Such persons usually need professional help. Different terms are used
to describe this form of pathological grief: complicated grief disorder,
prolonged grief disorder, or persistent complex bereavement disorder.
The criterion is that it must cause significant impairment in social,
occupational, and other important areas of functioning. The symptoms
493
 must also last for a prolonged period (at least six months). Several 7.7 SPECIFIC LOSSES
risk factors may contribute to the development of pathological grief,
for example: a very close or highly dependent relationship with the
The intensity and manifestation of grief can be influenced significantly by
deceased; a sudden, unexpected, and violent death; a lack of support
the meaningfulness and importance of the role the deceased played in the
from family, friends, or colleagues; the co-occurrence with other stressors
person’s life. For example, a child, a parent, or a spouse/partner may elicit
(e.g. unemployment or divorce); traumatic childhood experiences (e.g.
different reactions.
abuse or neglect); a history of a mental disorder, especially depression
and anxiety; and personality characteristics, especially lack of resilience
7.7.1 The loss of a child
and adjustability.
“When a child dies, the very ground on which we depend for stability heaves
However, there are also cases where and quakes, and the rightness and orderliness of our existence are destroyed.
bereavement has positive outcomes Nothing in life prepares us ... (for this kind of loss). No coping skills we
(Foos & Clark, 2008). For example, have learned. Parents who lose children are thrown into chaos. The loss of
some individuals may undergo an a child is shattering, unique among losses.” This quotation from Bernstein
intense religious/spiritual experience (1996, p. 3) articulates the effect that a child’s death usually has on parents.
and develop a new perspective on life Therefore, it is understandable that many parents never succeed in coming
and their personal existence. There to terms with the death of their child. Much rather, they learn to live with it.
is often a new appreciation of things The child’s death can also have a major effect on many other spheres of life
and people around them. Others may (see Papalia & Martorell, 2014). If a marriage is strong, the couple may draw
emerge from the experience with closer together in an attempt to support each other. However, if the marriage
greater self-confidence and mental does not have a sound foundation, the loss can weaken and even destroy the
strength: they realise that if they are marriage. Parents, especially mothers, who have lost a child have a higher
able to survive this great loss, they can The loss of a loved one is a most traumatic risk of being hospitalised for a mental disorder, especially depression. The
also survive other traumas in the future. experience. Photo: Jaco Marais.
trauma of having lost a child may even hasten a parent’s death. Parents who
have lost their child unexpectedly (e.g. in a car accident) tend to grieve more
than those whose child died of an illness and therefore expected the death
REVIEW THIS SECTION and had time to prepare for it. Parents with other children experience less
1. Define the following concepts: (1) Grief (2) Bereavement (3) Mourning (4) Relief
grief than parents who have lost an only child do.
grief (5) Pathological grief An important psychological phenomenon associated with child death
2. Describe the phases of grief. Do all people go through the same phases? Give a is feelings of guilt that are often expressed by such parents. These guilt
reason for your answer. feelings can be realistic or unrealistic and are based on the person’s role
3. John, 70, has just lost his wife. He is experiencing intense depression, anxiety and as a parent or protector, or on something that he or she should have done
anger over the death of his beloved wife. His children are concerned that he may or has not done. Such guilt feelings may play a role in individuals getting
never be able to recover, and that he will eventually die. What will you say to them?
‘stuck’ or ‘trapped’ in their grief, which makes productive mourning difficult
4. Discuss the dominant patterns of bereavement. and delays the healing process. Various types of guilt reactions of grieving
5. Which risk factors may contribute to pathological grief? parents have been described (Cook & Oltjenbruns, 1998; Miles & Demi, 1984.
6. What positive outcomes may bereavement have? Also see Zetumer et al., 2016):
7. Discuss the bereavement practices of the Tswana, Xhosa and Zulu ethnic groups in
South Africa. How do these practices differ from your own ethnic, cultural or
religious group?
• Death causation guilt refers to the belief that the child’s death was in
some way caused by the parent. For example, in a case where a child
494 495
 must also last for a prolonged period (at least six months). Several 7.7 SPECIFIC LOSSES
risk factors may contribute to the development of pathological grief,
for example: a very close or highly dependent relationship with the
The intensity and manifestation of grief can be influenced significantly by
deceased; a sudden, unexpected, and violent death; a lack of support
the meaningfulness and importance of the role the deceased played in the
from family, friends, or colleagues; the co-occurrence with other stressors
person’s life. For example, a child, a parent, or a spouse/partner may elicit
(e.g. unemployment or divorce); traumatic childhood experiences (e.g.
different reactions.
abuse or neglect); a history of a mental disorder, especially depression
and anxiety; and personality characteristics, especially lack of resilience
7.7.1 The loss of a child
and adjustability.
“When a child dies, the very ground on which we depend for stability heaves
However, there are also cases where and quakes, and the rightness and orderliness of our existence are destroyed.
bereavement has positive outcomes Nothing in life prepares us ... (for this kind of loss). No coping skills we
(Foos & Clark, 2008). For example, have learned. Parents who lose children are thrown into chaos. The loss of
some individuals may undergo an a child is shattering, unique among losses.” This quotation from Bernstein
intense religious/spiritual experience (1996, p. 3) articulates the effect that a child’s death usually has on parents.
and develop a new perspective on life Therefore, it is understandable that many parents never succeed in coming
and their personal existence. There to terms with the death of their child. Much rather, they learn to live with it.
is often a new appreciation of things The child’s death can also have a major effect on many other spheres of life
and people around them. Others may (see Papalia & Martorell, 2014). If a marriage is strong, the couple may draw
emerge from the experience with closer together in an attempt to support each other. However, if the marriage
greater self-confidence and mental does not have a sound foundation, the loss can weaken and even destroy the
strength: they realise that if they are marriage. Parents, especially mothers, who have lost a child have a higher
able to survive this great loss, they can The loss of a loved one is a most traumatic risk of being hospitalised for a mental disorder, especially depression. The
also survive other traumas in the future. experience. Photo: Jaco Marais.
trauma of having lost a child may even hasten a parent’s death. Parents who
have lost their child unexpectedly (e.g. in a car accident) tend to grieve more
than those whose child died of an illness and therefore expected the death
REVIEW THIS SECTION and had time to prepare for it. Parents with other children experience less
1. Define the following concepts: (1) Grief (2) Bereavement (3) Mourning (4) Relief
grief than parents who have lost an only child do.
grief (5) Pathological grief An important psychological phenomenon associated with child death
2. Describe the phases of grief. Do all people go through the same phases? Give a is feelings of guilt that are often expressed by such parents. These guilt
reason for your answer. feelings can be realistic or unrealistic and are based on the person’s role
3. John, 70, has just lost his wife. He is experiencing intense depression, anxiety and as a parent or protector, or on something that he or she should have done
anger over the death of his beloved wife. His children are concerned that he may or has not done. Such guilt feelings may play a role in individuals getting
never be able to recover, and that he will eventually die. What will you say to them?
‘stuck’ or ‘trapped’ in their grief, which makes productive mourning difficult
4. Discuss the dominant patterns of bereavement. and delays the healing process. Various types of guilt reactions of grieving
5. Which risk factors may contribute to pathological grief? parents have been described (Cook & Oltjenbruns, 1998; Miles & Demi, 1984.
6. What positive outcomes may bereavement have? Also see Zetumer et al., 2016):
7. Discuss the bereavement practices of the Tswana, Xhosa and Zulu ethnic groups in
South Africa. How do these practices differ from your own ethnic, cultural or
religious group?
• Death causation guilt refers to the belief that the child’s death was in
some way caused by the parent. For example, in a case where a child
494 495
 dies from a disease, the parent believes that he or she failed to notice
early symptoms that could have saved the child’s life, or if a child drowns,
that she or he should never have allowed the child to swim on his or her
own.
• Relationship guilt is parents’ belief that they have failed in their parental
role; for example, that they did not protect the child in a way that was
expected of a parent, or did not always treat the child fairly.
• Moral guilt is the parent’s conviction that the child’s death is a punishment
or retribution for some sin or wrongdoing of the parent; for example, not
being religious enough or dishonest in business deals.
• Survival guilt is when a parent feels guilty that he or she has survived.
They believe that the death of a child is against the natural order of life
and that according to this order, parents should die before their children.
• Grief guilt develops when the grieving parents do not feel or exhibit
the ‘proper’ emotions or behaviour usually expected by society in such
situations.
• Recovery guilt is related to grief guilt: It occurs when the parent begins
to recover from the grief and begins to enjoy life again. The guilt centres
on the feeling that by not continuing to grieve, they are violating a
societal norm and disappointing the deceased.
The loss of a child is devastating
Relatively little research has been done on older adults’ adjustment to
the death of an adult child, although the reactions are similar to those found
earlier in life. One way for older parents to adjust to the death of an adult
child is to maintain strong ties with their grandchild/grandchildren who are
the offspring of their deceased son or daughter. In doing so, they maintain
496
their identity as a parent (see Carr, 2016).
It seems that grandparents experience similar patterns of grief when a
grandchild dies (Foos & Clark, 2008). The most prominent reactions are the
blunting of emotions and feelings of guilt, as described above. There is also
a strong need to stay in touch with their own child, the parent of the lost
grandchild. Cook and Oltjenbruns (1998) state that the grief experienced by
grandparents is usually threefold: They grieve for their beloved grandchild,
they grieve for their own beloved son or daughter, and they grieve for
themselves.
7.7.2 The loss of a spouse or life partner
As mentioned in Chapters 5 and 6, the death of a spouse or life partner is
one of the most traumatic events in a person’s life. This is understandable:
The marital relationship reflects a psychosocial, emotional, physical, sexual,
and economic interdependence over many years. In addition, the death of
a spouse or life partner happens mostly during late adulthood when the
person is often at his or her most vulnerable.
The death of a spouse or life partner is one of the most traumatic events
in a person’s life
Three patterns of grief have been identified in adults of 60 years and
older who lost their spouses (Ott et al., 2007): common, resilient, and
chronic grief. People who experience common grief show high levels of
grief and depressive symptoms that usually decrease over time. Resilient
grief is characterised by the lowest levels of grief and depression, and the
highest quality of life. Resilient grievers do not differ from other grievers
regarding relationship quality, but they are more likely to use religion or
other internal factors as a coping mechanism (Smoski et al., 2015). Chronic
grief is characterised by the highest levels of grief and depression, the
lowest self-esteem, the highest marital dependency, and more sudden
deaths. The majority of people in the chronic cluster may meet the criteria
of complicated grief.
497
 dies from a disease, the parent believes that he or she failed to notice
early symptoms that could have saved the child’s life, or if a child drowns,
that she or he should never have allowed the child to swim on his or her
own.
• Relationship guilt is parents’ belief that they have failed in their parental
role; for example, that they did not protect the child in a way that was
expected of a parent, or did not always treat the child fairly.
• Moral guilt is the parent’s conviction that the child’s death is a punishment
or retribution for some sin or wrongdoing of the parent; for example, not
being religious enough or dishonest in business deals.
• Survival guilt is when a parent feels guilty that he or she has survived.
They believe that the death of a child is against the natural order of life
and that according to this order, parents should die before their children.
• Grief guilt develops when the grieving parents do not feel or exhibit
the ‘proper’ emotions or behaviour usually expected by society in such
situations.
• Recovery guilt is related to grief guilt: It occurs when the parent begins
to recover from the grief and begins to enjoy life again. The guilt centres
on the feeling that by not continuing to grieve, they are violating a
societal norm and disappointing the deceased.
The loss of a child is devastating
Relatively little research has been done on older adults’ adjustment to
the death of an adult child, although the reactions are similar to those found
earlier in life. One way for older parents to adjust to the death of an adult
child is to maintain strong ties with their grandchild/grandchildren who are
the offspring of their deceased son or daughter. In doing so, they maintain
496
their identity as a parent (see Carr, 2016).
It seems that grandparents experience similar patterns of grief when a
grandchild dies (Foos & Clark, 2008). The most prominent reactions are the
blunting of emotions and feelings of guilt, as described above. There is also
a strong need to stay in touch with their own child, the parent of the lost
grandchild. Cook and Oltjenbruns (1998) state that the grief experienced by
grandparents is usually threefold: They grieve for their beloved grandchild,
they grieve for their own beloved son or daughter, and they grieve for
themselves.
7.7.2 The loss of a spouse or life partner
As mentioned in Chapters 5 and 6, the death of a spouse or life partner is
one of the most traumatic events in a person’s life. This is understandable:
The marital relationship reflects a psychosocial, emotional, physical, sexual,
and economic interdependence over many years. In addition, the death of
a spouse or life partner happens mostly during late adulthood when the
person is often at his or her most vulnerable.
The death of a spouse or life partner is one of the most traumatic events
in a person’s life
Three patterns of grief have been identified in adults of 60 years and
older who lost their spouses (Ott et al., 2007): common, resilient, and
chronic grief. People who experience common grief show high levels of
grief and depressive symptoms that usually decrease over time. Resilient
grief is characterised by the lowest levels of grief and depression, and the
highest quality of life. Resilient grievers do not differ from other grievers
regarding relationship quality, but they are more likely to use religion or
other internal factors as a coping mechanism (Smoski et al., 2015). Chronic
grief is characterised by the highest levels of grief and depression, the
lowest self-esteem, the highest marital dependency, and more sudden
deaths. The majority of people in the chronic cluster may meet the criteria
of complicated grief.
497
 Two reactions to the loss of a spouse or partner that have been studied
widely are depression and anxiety (Foos & Clark, 2008). As far as depression
is concerned, it seems that after two months following the death of a spouse,
about 25% of widows and widowers show serious symptoms of depression.
Although the incidence of depression decreases with time, significant
symptoms still exist after two years after the loss. People who are the most
likely to experience depression are young widows and widowers, as well as
those who have a history of depression. Anxiety also occurs more frequently
among young widows and widowers. A loss of income, as is most often the
case with widows, increases the possibility of anxiety. No significant decline
in anxiety levels of both genders may be noted during the first seven months
after the loss.
Men usually experience more emotional difficulty and adjustment
problems to everyday life without their partner (Erber, 2013). Additionally,
in the event of terminal illness, men more likely than women seem to begin
grieving and experiencing depressive symptoms long before the death of
their spouses (Hoyer & Roodin, 2009).
The mortality rate increases in the surviving spouse after the death of a
partner (Carey et al., 2014; Newman & Newman, 2014). In fact, this finding
has been confirmed in men and women of all ages all over the world. This
increase could vary between 15% and in some cases even 90% (Subramanian
et al., 2008). The high-risk period is usually the first 12 months after the loss,
with the first three months the most critical period (Moon et al., 2013). Most
studies found that the risk is higher for men than for women. Although various
causal factors have been associated with this phenomenon, especially two
factors are prominent: stress and social support (Foos & Clark, 2008). The
negative effect of stress on the body and the physical health of a person are
well known and widely accepted. In fact, many deaths can be traced back
to a stressful lifestyle. Therefore, it is understandable that stress is regarded
as an important factor in deaths in these circumstances (see Box 7.5). In this
scenario, social support comprises two factors. First, the partner’s love and
emotional support are no longer available. As interaction with friends and
even family decreases (the person often wants to be left alone), support for
him or her also diminishes. Second, without the caring support and ‘watchful
eye’ of a partner, many survivors (especially men) fall victim to self-neglect;
for example, they do not take their medication, exercise regularly, or keep
doctor’s appointments, or they tend to drink and smoke more. Research has
indicated that among elderly people, even hospitalisation of a partner is
associated with an increased risk of death (Christakis & Allison, 2006).
498
Box 7.5 Death and stress
Death was walking toward a city one morning, and a man asked, “What are you going
to do?” “I’m going to take 100 people,” Death replied.
“That’s horrible!” the man said.
“That’s the way it is,” Death said, “that’s what I do.”
The man hurried to warn everyone he could about Death’s plan.
As evening fell, he met Death again. “You told me you were going to take 100 people,”
the man said. “Why did 1,000 die?”
“I kept my word,” Death responded. “I only took 100 people. Worry took the others.”
7.7.3 The loss of an elderly parent
Regardless of the life phase in which children find themselves – childhood
or adulthood – the death of a parent remains very traumatic and requires its
own unique adjustments. After all, the death of a parent signifies the end of
the oldest and longest relationship the individual has ever had.
Just like older adults’ adjustment to the death of an adult child has not
received the research attention it deserves, the adjustment to the loss of an
elderly parent is a neglected research area. However, research in this regard
has revealed the following (e.g. Carr, 2016; Hayslip, 2015; Hoyer & Roodin,
2009; Middleton et al., 1998):
• An estimated 45% of adult children experience physical reactions to the
death of a parent, and roughly 10% to 15% report a decline in general
health.
• Symptoms of anxiety and depression often occur immediately after the
death; however, they rarely persist in the longer term. After six months,
there is generally a significant decline in these emotional reactions to
death.
• Adults who recently lost a parent have significantly more frequent
alcohol use and more depressive symptoms than their peers without a
parental loss.
• The effects are largest for those who had positive relationships with
their late parent.
• Grief symptoms are linked to the nature of the death: Some studies
suggest that sudden deaths or deaths for which the adult child feels
partly responsible are particularly likely to trigger symptoms of distress.
Other studies suggest that the toll of parental death is more severe when
the second parent dies.
• Some research suggests that sibling relationships may grow closer upon
499
 Two reactions to the loss of a spouse or partner that have been studied
widely are depression and anxiety (Foos & Clark, 2008). As far as depression
is concerned, it seems that after two months following the death of a spouse,
about 25% of widows and widowers show serious symptoms of depression.
Although the incidence of depression decreases with time, significant
symptoms still exist after two years after the loss. People who are the most
likely to experience depression are young widows and widowers, as well as
those who have a history of depression. Anxiety also occurs more frequently
among young widows and widowers. A loss of income, as is most often the
case with widows, increases the possibility of anxiety. No significant decline
in anxiety levels of both genders may be noted during the first seven months
after the loss.
Men usually experience more emotional difficulty and adjustment
problems to everyday life without their partner (Erber, 2013). Additionally,
in the event of terminal illness, men more likely than women seem to begin
grieving and experiencing depressive symptoms long before the death of
their spouses (Hoyer & Roodin, 2009).
The mortality rate increases in the surviving spouse after the death of a
partner (Carey et al., 2014; Newman & Newman, 2014). In fact, this finding
has been confirmed in men and women of all ages all over the world. This
increase could vary between 15% and in some cases even 90% (Subramanian
et al., 2008). The high-risk period is usually the first 12 months after the loss,
with the first three months the most critical period (Moon et al., 2013). Most
studies found that the risk is higher for men than for women. Although various
causal factors have been associated with this phenomenon, especially two
factors are prominent: stress and social support (Foos & Clark, 2008). The
negative effect of stress on the body and the physical health of a person are
well known and widely accepted. In fact, many deaths can be traced back
to a stressful lifestyle. Therefore, it is understandable that stress is regarded
as an important factor in deaths in these circumstances (see Box 7.5). In this
scenario, social support comprises two factors. First, the partner’s love and
emotional support are no longer available. As interaction with friends and
even family decreases (the person often wants to be left alone), support for
him or her also diminishes. Second, without the caring support and ‘watchful
eye’ of a partner, many survivors (especially men) fall victim to self-neglect;
for example, they do not take their medication, exercise regularly, or keep
doctor’s appointments, or they tend to drink and smoke more. Research has
indicated that among elderly people, even hospitalisation of a partner is
associated with an increased risk of death (Christakis & Allison, 2006).
498
Box 7.5 Death and stress
Death was walking toward a city one morning, and a man asked, “What are you going
to do?” “I’m going to take 100 people,” Death replied.
“That’s horrible!” the man said.
“That’s the way it is,” Death said, “that’s what I do.”
The man hurried to warn everyone he could about Death’s plan.
As evening fell, he met Death again. “You told me you were going to take 100 people,”
the man said. “Why did 1,000 die?”
“I kept my word,” Death responded. “I only took 100 people. Worry took the others.”
7.7.3 The loss of an elderly parent
Regardless of the life phase in which children find themselves – childhood
or adulthood – the death of a parent remains very traumatic and requires its
own unique adjustments. After all, the death of a parent signifies the end of
the oldest and longest relationship the individual has ever had.
Just like older adults’ adjustment to the death of an adult child has not
received the research attention it deserves, the adjustment to the loss of an
elderly parent is a neglected research area. However, research in this regard
has revealed the following (e.g. Carr, 2016; Hayslip, 2015; Hoyer & Roodin,
2009; Middleton et al., 1998):
• An estimated 45% of adult children experience physical reactions to the
death of a parent, and roughly 10% to 15% report a decline in general
health.
• Symptoms of anxiety and depression often occur immediately after the
death; however, they rarely persist in the longer term. After six months,
there is generally a significant decline in these emotional reactions to
death.
• Adults who recently lost a parent have significantly more frequent
alcohol use and more depressive symptoms than their peers without a
parental loss.
• The effects are largest for those who had positive relationships with
their late parent.
• Grief symptoms are linked to the nature of the death: Some studies
suggest that sudden deaths or deaths for which the adult child feels
partly responsible are particularly likely to trigger symptoms of distress.
Other studies suggest that the toll of parental death is more severe when
the second parent dies.
• Some research suggests that sibling relationships may grow closer upon
499
 the death of a second parent, as the surviving children must develop
new rituals and practices to make up for those previously upheld by their
parents, such as family meals or celebrations.
• Women seem to have more difficulty adjusting to the loss of a parent
and demonstrate a more intense grief response. The same applies to
those who are single or separated.
• It seems that the death of an elderly parent is less traumatic than the
death of a younger parent, just as the death of a parent or spouse is
less stressful than the death of a child. One of the main reasons why the
death of an older parent is less traumatic is that older children have time
to prepare themselves for the death: They see their parents becoming
older, more frail, and sickly, and discuss the possibility of their passing
away with family and friends.
The death of an elderly parent remains very traumatic
In sum, while little is known about older adults’ adjustment to elderly
parents’ deaths, the literature generally concludes that effects are short-
lived, although the early weeks and months are marked by profound sadness
and identity shifts, which are particularly acute when a second parent dies
and the surviving child/children must assume the identity as the most senior
member of their family line.
To many adult children, the death of a parent also has symbolic meaning,
especially when both parents are deceased. Apart from the loss of security
and support, it also means the relinquishing (giving-up) of the ‘inner child’
within them (Cook & Oltjenburns, 1998; Moss & Moss, 1983). One’s life as
somebody‘s child is forever gone and one now ‘stands alone’ to face the
onslaughts of life. At the same time, the ‘buffer against death’ is removed:
500
The child is now suddenly the next generation, which is a strong reminder
that he or she is next in the line of mortality.
However, as we have emphasised several times in this book – every
individual is unique; therefore, a specific person’s reaction is very difficult,
and often impossible, to predict. Psychology can provide us only with broad
guidelines that usually are based on averages. There are no set rules or
formulas regarding the exact nature or intensity of a person’s reaction to
the loss of a loved one (Erber, 2013).
We end this chapter and this book with a poem that was written by
Henry Scott-Holland in 1918. The poem has a unique perspective: It is written
from ‘beyond the grave’ to ensure those left behind that “all is well”. We
hope it will serve as some consolation and comfort to those who have lost a
loved one or significant other.
LIFE UNBROKEN
Death is nothing at all
I have only slipped into the next room.
I am I, and you are you:
Whatever we were to each other, that we still are.
Call me by my old familiar name;
Speak to me in the easy way you always used.
Put no difference into your tone;
Wear no air of solemnity or sorrow; Laugh as we always
laughed
at the little jokes we enjoyed together.
Play, smile, think of me, pray for me. Let my name be ever
the household word that it always was.
Let it be spoken without affect; without the ghost of a shadow
on it.
Life means all that it ever meant. It is the same as it ever was.
There is absolutely unbroken continuity.
What is this death but negligible accident? Why should I be
out of mind because I am out of sight?
I am waiting for you,
for an interval, somewhere, very near. Just around the corner.
All is well.
501
 the death of a second parent, as the surviving children must develop
new rituals and practices to make up for those previously upheld by their
parents, such as family meals or celebrations.
• Women seem to have more difficulty adjusting to the loss of a parent
and demonstrate a more intense grief response. The same applies to
those who are single or separated.
• It seems that the death of an elderly parent is less traumatic than the
death of a younger parent, just as the death of a parent or spouse is
less stressful than the death of a child. One of the main reasons why the
death of an older parent is less traumatic is that older children have time
to prepare themselves for the death: They see their parents becoming
older, more frail, and sickly, and discuss the possibility of their passing
away with family and friends.
The death of an elderly parent remains very traumatic
In sum, while little is known about older adults’ adjustment to elderly
parents’ deaths, the literature generally concludes that effects are short-
lived, although the early weeks and months are marked by profound sadness
and identity shifts, which are particularly acute when a second parent dies
and the surviving child/children must assume the identity as the most senior
member of their family line.
To many adult children, the death of a parent also has symbolic meaning,
especially when both parents are deceased. Apart from the loss of security
and support, it also means the relinquishing (giving-up) of the ‘inner child’
within them (Cook & Oltjenburns, 1998; Moss & Moss, 1983). One’s life as
somebody‘s child is forever gone and one now ‘stands alone’ to face the
onslaughts of life. At the same time, the ‘buffer against death’ is removed:
500
The child is now suddenly the next generation, which is a strong reminder
that he or she is next in the line of mortality.
However, as we have emphasised several times in this book – every
individual is unique; therefore, a specific person’s reaction is very difficult,
and often impossible, to predict. Psychology can provide us only with broad
guidelines that usually are based on averages. There are no set rules or
formulas regarding the exact nature or intensity of a person’s reaction to
the loss of a loved one (Erber, 2013).
We end this chapter and this book with a poem that was written by
Henry Scott-Holland in 1918. The poem has a unique perspective: It is written
from ‘beyond the grave’ to ensure those left behind that “all is well”. We
hope it will serve as some consolation and comfort to those who have lost a
loved one or significant other.
LIFE UNBROKEN
Death is nothing at all
I have only slipped into the next room.
I am I, and you are you:
Whatever we were to each other, that we still are.
Call me by my old familiar name;
Speak to me in the easy way you always used.
Put no difference into your tone;
Wear no air of solemnity or sorrow; Laugh as we always
laughed
at the little jokes we enjoyed together.
Play, smile, think of me, pray for me. Let my name be ever
the household word that it always was.
Let it be spoken without affect; without the ghost of a shadow
on it.
Life means all that it ever meant. It is the same as it ever was.
There is absolutely unbroken continuity.
What is this death but negligible accident? Why should I be
out of mind because I am out of sight?
I am waiting for you,
for an interval, somewhere, very near. Just around the corner.
All is well.
501
 REVIEW THIS SECTION

1. Why may the loss of a child be especially difficult for parents?

2. Discuss the types of guilt reactions such parents may experience.
3. How may the loss of a spouse or life partner affect an individual?
4. Describe the following patterns of grief experienced after the death of a spouse or
partner:
– Common grief
– Resilient grief
– Chronic grief
5. Discuss the effects of the loss of an older parent on the adult child.
6. Do all people experience the same reactions to specific losses? Give reasons for
your answer.

CONCLUSION

In this book we have provided you with a glimpse of life’s journey throughout
adulthood. As you have seen, this journey is both interesting and challenging,
with many mountains to climb, valleys to cross, and rivers to swim. We hope
you have enjoyed this exploration with us, as much as we have.

Good luck with your own journey!

Dap and Anet Louw

502 503
 REVIEW THIS SECTION

1. Why may the loss of a child be especially difficult for parents?

2. Discuss the types of guilt reactions such parents may experience.
3. How may the loss of a spouse or life partner affect an individual?
4. Describe the following patterns of grief experienced after the death of a spouse or
partner:
– Common grief
– Resilient grief
– Chronic grief
5. Discuss the effects of the loss of an older parent on the adult child.
6. Do all people experience the same reactions to specific losses? Give reasons for
your answer.

CONCLUSION

In this book we have provided you with a glimpse of life’s journey throughout
adulthood. As you have seen, this journey is both interesting and challenging,
with many mountains to climb, valleys to cross, and rivers to swim. We hope
you have enjoyed this exploration with us, as much as we have.

Good luck with your own journey!

Dap and Anet Louw

502 503
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marital counselling in preventing the global trend of divorce. American International Journal of Research
in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, 5(1), 130-136.
Academy of Science of South Africa. (2015). Diversity in human sexuality: implications for policy in Africa.
Pretoria: Academy of Science of South Africa.
Acierno, R., Hernandez-Tejada, M. A., Anetzberger, G. J., Loew, D., & Muzzy, W. (2017, August 24). The
national elder mistreatment study: an eight-year longitudinal study of outcomes. Journal of Elder Abuse
& Neglect.
Adams, B. G., Van de Vijver, F. J., & De Bruin, G. P. (2012). Identity in South Africa: examining self-descriptions
across ethnic groups. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 36, 377-388.
Adams, K. B. (2013, September 12). Looking at wisdom from mid-life. Retrieved February 16, 2018, from
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wisdom-mid-life
Adeagbo, O. (2016). ‘Love beyond colour’: the formation of interracial gay men’s intimate relationships in
post-apartheid South Africa. National Identities, 18(3), 1-24.
Adeagbo, O. A. (2015). Gay men, intimacy and family life: exploring interracial same-sex unions in
Johannesburg. D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology). [Unpublished]. University of Johannesburg. Retrieved February
26, 2018, from https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za
Afshin, A. E. (2017). Health effects of overweight and obesity in 195 countries. The New England Journal of
Medicine, 377(1), 13-27.
Ahmed, L. A., & Ryan, J. M. (2016). Same-sex marriage. In N. A. Naples, The Wiley Blackwell encyclopedia of
gender and sexuality studies. John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Ainsworth, M. (1973). The development of infant-mother attachment. In B. Caldwell, & H. Ricciuti (Eds.),
Review of child development research (Vol. III). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Aizpurua, A., & Koutstaal, W. (2016). Intelligence, fluid. In S. Whitbourne (Ed.), The Encyclopedia of Adulthood
and Aging (Vol. II, pp. 656-660). Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley Blackwell.
Alastalo, H., Räikkönen, K., Osmond, C., Barker, D., Heinonen, K., Kajantie, E., & Eriksson, J. (2013). Early life
stress and blood pressure levels in late adulthood. Journal of Human Hypertension, 27, 90-94.
Aldwin, C., & Igarashi, H. (2015). Successful, optimal, and resilient aging: a psychosocial perspective. In P.
Lichtenberg, & B. Mast, APA Handbook of clinical geropsychology (pp. 331-359). Washington: American
Psychological Association.
Aldwin, C., Jeong, Y.-J., Igarashi, H., & Spiro, A. (2014). Do hassles and uplifts change with age? Longitudinal
findings from the VA Normative Aging Study. Psychology and Aging, 29(1), 57-71.
Aldwin, C., Jeong, Y.-J., Igarashi, H., Choun, S., & Spiro, A. (2014). Do hassles mediate between life events
and mortality in older men? : longitudinal findings from the VA Normative Aging Study. Experimental
Gerontology, 2014(November), 74-80.
Allaire, J. (2012). Everyday cognition. In S. K. Whitbourne, & M. J. Sliwinski (Eds.), The Wiley-Blackwell
handbook of adulthood and aging. Chichester: Blackwell Publishing.
Allaire, J. (2012). Everyday cognition. In S. Whitbourne, & M. Sliwinski (Eds.), The Wiley-Blackwell handbook
of adulthood and aging. Chichester, England: Blackwell Publishing.
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Wiley-Blackwell Handbook of Adulthood and Aging(pp. 190-207). Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-
Blackwell.
Allemand, M., Aschwanden, D., Martin, A., & Grünenfelder-Steiger, A. E. (2017). Personality development
in adulthood and old age. In J. Stein (Ed.), Reference Module in Neuroscience and Biobehavioural
Psychology (pp. 1-8). Diego, CA: Elsevier.
Allemand, M., Grünenfelder-Steiger, A. E., & Hill, P. L. (2013). Stability of personality traits in adulthood.
Journal of Gerontology and Geriatric Psychiatry, 26, 5-13.
Allemand, M., Hill, P. L., & Lehmann, R. (2015). Divorce and personality development across middle
adulthood. Personal Relationships, 22, 122-137.
Allen, D. (2013). High school graduation rates among children of same-sex households. Review of Economics
of the Household, 11(4), 635-658.
Allen, J. O. (2016). Ageism as a risk factor for chronic disease. The Gerontologist, 56(4), 610-614.
Allik, J., & McCrae, R. R. (2004). Toward a geography of personality traits: patterns of profiles across 36
cultures. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 35(1), 13-28.
504
Allik, J., Realo, A., & McCrae, R. R. (2013). Universality of the Five-Factor Model of personality. In P. T.
Costa, & T. Widiger (Eds.), Personality disorders and the Five-Factor Model of personality (pp. 61-74).
Washington, D.C,: American Psychological Association.
Alloway, T., Horton, J., Alloway, R., & Dawson, C. (2013). The impact of technology and social networking on
working memory. Computers & Education, 63, 10-16.
Allwood, C. M. (2012). The distinction between qualitative and quantitative research methods is problematic.
Quality & Quantity, 46, 1417-1429.
Almeida, D. M. (2005). Resilience and vulnerability to daily stressors assessed via diary methods. Current
Directions in Psychological Science, 14(2), 64-68.
Almeida, D., & Horn, M. (2004). Is daily life more stressful during middle adulthood? In O. Brim, C. Ryff, & R.
Kessler (Eds.), How healthy are we? A national study of well-being at midlife. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press.
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Vogt, L., & Laher, S. (2009). The Five Factor Model of personality and individualism/collectivism in South
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Volkow, N. D., Baler, R. D., Compton, W. M., & Weiss, S. R. (2014, June 5). Adverse health effects of marijuana
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Von Humboldt, S., & Leal, I. (2014). Adjustment to aging in late adulthood: a systematic review. International
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Voyer, B. G., & Franks, B. (2016). Toward a better understanding of self-construal theory: an agency view of
the process of self-construal. Review of General Psychology, 101-114.
Vulić‐Prtorić, A., & Tkalić, R. G. (2016). Faces of social anxiety: fear of intimacy and anxiety in interpersonal
relationships among Croatian young adults. 37th STAR CONFERENCE.
Waite, L. J., Browning, D., Doherty, W. J., Gallagher, M., Lue, Y., & Stanley, S. M. (2003). Does divorce make
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for American Values: http://www.americanvalues.org/search/item.php?id=13
Walsh, R. (2015). What is wisdom? Cross-cultural and cross-disciplinary syntheses. Review of General
Psychology, 19(3), 278-293.
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suicide prevention programmes: the SEYLE cluster-randomised controlled trial. The Lancet. 385(9977),
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Watkins, N. K., & Waldron, M. (2017). Timing of remarriage among divorced and widowed parents. Journal of
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Westaway, M., Olorunju, S., & Rai, L.-C. (2007). Which personal quality of life domains affect the happiness of
older South Africans? Quality of Life Research, 16, 1425-1438.
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with self-rated health and life satisfaction: the West of Scotland Twenty-07 Prospective Cohort Study.
Gerontologist, 56(6), 1082-1092.
Whitley, E., Popham, F., & Benzeval, M. (2016). Comparison of the Rowe-Kahn Model of Successful Aging with
self-rated health and life satisfaction: the West of Scotland Twenty-07 Prospective Cohort Study. The
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Wickremartachi, M. M. & Llelewelyn, J. G. (2006). Effects of ageing on touch. Postgraduate Medical Journal,
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Wong, J., & Mellor, D. (2014). Intimate partner violence and women’s health and wellbeing: impacts, risk
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 factors and responses. Contemporary Nurse, 46(2), 170-179.
Woods, A., Velasco, C., Levitan, C., Wan, X., & Spence, C. (2015). Conducting perception research over the
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internet: a tutorial review. PeerJ, e1058.
Woods, H., & Scott, H. (2016). #Sleepyteens: Social media use in adolescence is associated with poor sleep A Attachment theory, 285
quality, anxiety, depression and low self-esteem. Journal of Adolescence, 51, 41-49. Attachment to former spouse and divorce, 328
World Health Organisation. (2016). Discrimination and negative attitudes about ageing are bad for your Absent-mindedness, 132 Attention, 112
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550 551
 factors and responses. Contemporary Nurse, 46(2), 170-179.
Woods, A., Velasco, C., Levitan, C., Wan, X., & Spence, C. (2015). Conducting perception research over the
INDEX
internet: a tutorial review. PeerJ, e1058.
Woods, H., & Scott, H. (2016). #Sleepyteens: Social media use in adolescence is associated with poor sleep A Attachment theory, 285
quality, anxiety, depression and low self-esteem. Journal of Adolescence, 51, 41-49. Attachment to former spouse and divorce, 328
World Health Organisation. (2016). Discrimination and negative attitudes about ageing are bad for your Absent-mindedness, 132 Attention, 112
health. Retrieved March 11, 2017, from http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2016/ Absolutist thinking, 192 Attentional deployment, 267
discrimination-ageing-youth/en/ Abstraction vs. concreteness, 244 Attentional resources theory, 114
World Health Organization. (2014). Global status report on alcohol and health. World Health Organization. Academic domain, 243 Australian Study of Health and Relationships, 91
Retrieved October 12, 2017, from http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/publications/global_alcohol_ Accommodation, 210 Authentic road, 262
report/msb_gsr_2014_1.pdf?ua=1 Achieving stage, 194 Authoritarian parenting style, 350
World Health Organization. (2014, August). Visual impairment and blindness. Fact Sheet N°282. Retrieved Active genotype-environment correlation, 236 Autobiographical memory, 128
February 4, 2017, from http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs282/en/ Active lifestyle, 424
World Health Organization. (2015). World report on Ageing and Health. Retrieved March 11, 2017, from Activity theory, 424 B
http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/186463/1/9789240694811_eng.pdf Adaptation, 188
World Health Organization. (2016). Elder abuse. Retrieved March 12, 2017, from http://www.who.int/ Adoption, 352 Baltes, Paul, 22, 171, 196
mediacentre/factsheets/fs357/en/ Adoptive parents, 352 Basic concepts. See Chapter 1
World Health Organization. (2016). HIV/AIDS. Retrieved February 13, 2017, from http://www.who.int/ Adaptive intelligence, 193 Basic tendencies and FFM, 206
mediacentre/factsheets/fs360/en/ Adultery, 321 Basic Traits Inventory (BTI), 216, 218
World Health Organization. (2016, April). Mental health and older adults. Retrieved April 11, 2017, from Adultery and divorce, 321 Behavioural genetics, 235
http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs381/en/ Adulthood, 8 Belief systems and divorce, 329
World Health Organization. (2016, July 19). Number of people (all ages) living with HIV. Retrieved January 20, Affect domain, 243 Bereavement, 489
2017, from http://apps.who.int/gho/data/view.main.22100WHO?lang=en African perspective Big Five, 206
World Health Organization. (2017). The global burden. Retrieved May 1, 2017, from Management of bereavement, 490 Biological age, 10
substance abuse: http://www.who.int/substance_abuse/facts/global_burden/en/ developmental theories, 228 Biological functions of family, 343
World Health Organization. (2017). What is “active aging”? Retrieved April 8, 2017, from Ageing and life- family, 342 Biological perspectives on adult development, 204
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World Health Organization. (2017?). Global Health Observatory (GHO) data. Retrieved from Life expectancy: marriage, 313 Biological theories, 58
http://www.who.int/gho/mortality_burden_disease/life_tables/situation_trends/en/ mental disorders, 459 Bipolar disorder, 441
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Africa_2013_v_2015_04_18.pdf wisdom, 172
Woudstra, F. H., Van de Poel-Mustafayeva, A. T., Van der Ploeg, M., De Vries, J. J., Van der Lek, R. F., & Izaks, G. Age, 9 C
J. (2014). Symptoms mimicking dementia in a 60-year-old woman with bipolar disorder: a case report. Age discrimination, 395
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Xavier Gómez-Olivé, F., Thorogood, M., Clark, B. D., Kahn, K., & Tollman, S. M. (2010). Assessing health and Age-complexity hypothesis, 118 Cannabis, 456
well-being among older people in rural South Africa. Global Health Action, 3(1), 2126. Ageing, 11 Cardiovascular system, 76
Yang, C. L., & Hwang, M. (2014). Personality traits and simultaneous reciprocal influences between job attitudes towards, 409 Career cycle, 389
performance and job satisfaction. Chinese Management Studies, 8(1), 6-26. Ageism, 395, 410 Career plateau, 393
Yudell, M., Roberts, D., DeSalle, R., & Tishkoff, S. (2016). Taking race out of human genetics. Science, Ageless self, 11 Casual sex, 99
351(6273), 564-565. Age-related positivity effects, 267 Cataracts, 67
Zadel, A. (2018). Connections between personality traits and work experiences. International Journal of Age-sensitive abilities, 145 Cattell, Raymond, 143
Business and Systems Research, 12(1), 69-84. Agreeableness, 207 Cell phone use, 297
Zampieri, S., Pietrangelo, L., Loefler, S., Fruhman, H., Vogelauer, M., Burggraf, S., . . . Sandri, M. (2015). Ainsworth, Mary, 285 Cell-division, 60
Lifelong physical exercise delays age-associated skeletal muscle decline. Journal of Gerontology: Alcohol, 456 Central nervous system, 57
Biological Sciences, 70(2), 161-173. Alcohol abuse and divorce, 322 Change and personality traits, 210
Zaugg, M., & Lucchinetti, E. (2003). Respiratory function in the elderly. Anesthesiology Clinics of North Alienation, 420 Characteristic adaptations, 209, 271
America, 18(1), 47-58. Alzheimer’s disease, 444 Cheating, 321
Zetumer, S., Young, I., Shear, M. K., Skritskaya, N., Lebowitz, B., Simon, N., . . . Zisook, S. (2015). The impact of Analytical intelligence, 140 Child, loss of, 495
losing a child on the clinical presentation of complicated grief. Journal of affective disorders, 170, 15-21. Ancestral selfhood, 228 Childhood amnesia, 130
Zimprich, D., Allemand, M., & Lachman, M. E. (2015). Factorial structure and age-related psychometrics of Anxiety disorders, 442 Childless couples, 377
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Zupanc, G. (2006). Neurogenesis and neuronal regeneration in the adult fish brain. Journal of Comparative Apraxia, 166 Children in divorce, 327, 329
Physiology, 192, 649-670. Assimilation, 210 Chronological age, 9
Zwane, C., Venter, C., Temane, M., & Chigeza, S. (2012). Black adults’ perceptions of healthy family Assortative mating theory, 284 Civil marriage, 301
functioning. Journal of Psychology in Africa, 22(1), 43-48. Attachment, 285 Civil union, 301

550 551
Classic ageing curve/pattern, 144 D Emotions, 264 General ageing effect, 111
Climacteric, 85 Empty love, 283 Generalised reciprocity, 292
Clinical death, 466 Daily hassles, 423 Empty nest syndrome, 316 Generalised slowing hypothesis, 117
Cognitive abilities, 153 Dark adaptation, 67 Encompassing social relationship, 230 Generativity versus stagnation, 224
Cognitive development, 31. See Chapter 3 Davison, Sean, 478, 479 Endocrine glands, 57 Genetic programming theory, 59
Cohabitation, 334, 337 Death. See Chapter 7 Environmental demands and social interactions, 269 Genital relationship, 280
Cohort effect, 45 Death anxiety, 469 Equity theory, 283 Genotype-environment correlation, 235
Cohorts, 45 Deception, 51 Erikson, Erik, 222 Geriatric psychology, 8
Collaborative creativity, 182 Decision making, 151 Error theories, 61 Geriatrics, 8
Commitment, 257, 282 Delirium, 450 Euthanasia, 482 Gerontological psychology, 8
Communication and divorce, 319 Dementia, 444 Everyday cognition, 147 Gerontology, 8
Communication predicament model of ageing, 164 Demographic factors and divorce, 328 Evocative genotype-environment correlation, 236 Geropsychology, 8
Communication styles, 316 Dependency, 421 Executive attention, 114 Glass ceiling, 399
Communitarian ethic, 229 Dependent variable, 39 Executive stage, 194 Glaucoma, 67
Companionate love, 283 Depression, 439 Experiences and cognition, 186 Grandparenthood, 367
Compensation, 197 Determinants of development, 42 Experiential intelligence, 140 Grandparenting styles, 368
Competence domain, 243 Determinants. See Research Experimental group, 39 Grey divorce, 318
Complex interdependence, 227 Developmental changes, 43 Experimental research, 38 Grief, 489, 497. See Chapter 7
Computer use, 297 Developmental trajectory, 145 Expertise, 166 Guilt and death of child, 495
Confidentiality, 51 Diabetes mellitus, 83 Explicit memory, 126
Conscientiousness, 207 Dialectical thinking, 192 Explicit theories of wisdom, 171 H
Construction-of-situation models, 159 Differences in priorities and responsibilities, 325 Exploration, 257
Consummate love, 283 Diffusion model, 118 Extended family, 341 Hawthorne effect, 44
Contextual intelligence, 140 Dispositional traits, 271 External control, 135 Health and cognition, 184
Continuity theory, 425 Divided attention, 114 Extraversion, 207 Health and self-esteem, 251
Continuous-discontinuous debate, 28 Divorce, 317 Hearing, 68
Control group, 39 drug abuse, 323 F Height, 74
Convenience sampling, 35 Domains of development, 31 HIV/AIDS, 78, 81
Coping and personality, 209 Domestic abuse/violence, 320 Familiarity, 154 Homosexual partnerships, 307
Coping strategies, 135 Downward slope, 262 Family, 341 Hoped-for selves, 245
Correlation, 39 Drop-out effect, 44 Family lifestyles, 341 Hopelessness, 419
Corresponsive principle, 233 Drug abuse and divorce, 322 Family relationships, 341 Hormonal changes, 88
Costa, Paul, 205, 215, 219 Durex Global Sex Report, 93 Father-daughter relationships, 361 Human population, 13
Creative intelligence, 140 Dying Fatherhood, 357 ageing, 14
Creative productivity, 179, 180 stages of, 474 Fatuous love, 283 demographics, 12
Creativity, 177 Dynamic balance of opposites, 225 Feared selves, 245 growth rate, 15
Cross-cultural psychology, 46 Dynamic integration theory, 268 Filial maturity, 371 migration patterns, 16
Cross-cultural research, 46 Dysarthria, 166 Filial obligation, 371 population age 60+, 15
Cross-linking theory, 62 Dysfunctional families, 345 Finances and divorce, 324 population growth, 13
Cross-racial adoption, 354 Financial dependency, 422 S A population reduced to 100, 14
Cross-sectional design, 44 E Five-factor model 205 urbanisation, 16
Crystallised intelligence, 144 Five-factor theory, 205 world population, 13
Culturally inclusive model, 173 Early adulthood, 8 Flashbulb memories, 130 Hypertension, 83
Culture Early career period, 390 Fluid intelligence, 143 Hypochondriasis, 458
bereavement and, 491 Economic functions of family, 343 Foster parents, 352 Hypothesis, 34
defining old age and, 9 Education and self-esteem, 251 Free radical theory, 61 Hypothetic-deductive reasoning, 189
identity development, 259 Economic consequences of divorce, 327 Freud, Sigmund, 7 Hysterectomy, 99
intelligence and, 142 Effective interaction and marriage, 312 Friendships, 380
mental disorders and, 459 Effortfulness hypothesis, 160 Functional age, 10 I
personality development and, 227 Ego integrity versus despair, 224
personality levels and,, 272 Elderly abuse, 412 G Ideal selves, 245
research. See Cross-cultural research Emigration, 375 Identity, 255
stages of dying and, 476 Emotion appraisal, 267 Generalised anxiety disorder, 442 Identity accommodation, 260
wisdom and, 172 Emotion, integration with logic, 192 Gardner, Howard, 141 Identity achievement versus identity confusion, 223
Cumulative continuity principle, 232 Emotion perception, 267 Gathering information, 34 Identity assimilation, 260
Customary marriage, 301 Emotion regulation, 267, 292 Gender and self-esteem, 251 Identity balance, 260
Cyber psychology, 295 Emotional abuse and divorce, 320 Gender differences and divorce, 329 Identity development principle, 233
Cyberspace, 294 Emotional benefits, 155 Gender stereotypes, 399 Identity diffusion, 257
Emotional experience, 266 Gene-by-environment interaction, 237 Identity disequilibrium, 257

552 553
Classic ageing curve/pattern, 144 D Emotions, 264 General ageing effect, 111
Climacteric, 85 Empty love, 283 Generalised reciprocity, 292
Clinical death, 466 Daily hassles, 423 Empty nest syndrome, 316 Generalised slowing hypothesis, 117
Cognitive abilities, 153 Dark adaptation, 67 Encompassing social relationship, 230 Generativity versus stagnation, 224
Cognitive development, 31. See Chapter 3 Davison, Sean, 478, 479 Endocrine glands, 57 Genetic programming theory, 59
Cohabitation, 334, 337 Death. See Chapter 7 Environmental demands and social interactions, 269 Genital relationship, 280
Cohort effect, 45 Death anxiety, 469 Equity theory, 283 Genotype-environment correlation, 235
Cohorts, 45 Deception, 51 Erikson, Erik, 222 Geriatric psychology, 8
Collaborative creativity, 182 Decision making, 151 Error theories, 61 Geriatrics, 8
Commitment, 257, 282 Delirium, 450 Euthanasia, 482 Gerontological psychology, 8
Communication and divorce, 319 Dementia, 444 Everyday cognition, 147 Gerontology, 8
Communication predicament model of ageing, 164 Demographic factors and divorce, 328 Evocative genotype-environment correlation, 236 Geropsychology, 8
Communication styles, 316 Dependency, 421 Executive attention, 114 Glass ceiling, 399
Communitarian ethic, 229 Dependent variable, 39 Executive stage, 194 Glaucoma, 67
Companionate love, 283 Depression, 439 Experiences and cognition, 186 Grandparenthood, 367
Compensation, 197 Determinants of development, 42 Experiential intelligence, 140 Grandparenting styles, 368
Competence domain, 243 Determinants. See Research Experimental group, 39 Grey divorce, 318
Complex interdependence, 227 Developmental changes, 43 Experimental research, 38 Grief, 489, 497. See Chapter 7
Computer use, 297 Developmental trajectory, 145 Expertise, 166 Guilt and death of child, 495
Confidentiality, 51 Diabetes mellitus, 83 Explicit memory, 126
Conscientiousness, 207 Dialectical thinking, 192 Explicit theories of wisdom, 171 H
Construction-of-situation models, 159 Differences in priorities and responsibilities, 325 Exploration, 257
Consummate love, 283 Diffusion model, 118 Extended family, 341 Hawthorne effect, 44
Contextual intelligence, 140 Dispositional traits, 271 External control, 135 Health and cognition, 184
Continuity theory, 425 Divided attention, 114 Extraversion, 207 Health and self-esteem, 251
Continuous-discontinuous debate, 28 Divorce, 317 Hearing, 68
Control group, 39 drug abuse, 323 F Height, 74
Convenience sampling, 35 Domains of development, 31 HIV/AIDS, 78, 81
Coping and personality, 209 Domestic abuse/violence, 320 Familiarity, 154 Homosexual partnerships, 307
Coping strategies, 135 Downward slope, 262 Family, 341 Hoped-for selves, 245
Correlation, 39 Drop-out effect, 44 Family lifestyles, 341 Hopelessness, 419
Corresponsive principle, 233 Drug abuse and divorce, 322 Family relationships, 341 Hormonal changes, 88
Costa, Paul, 205, 215, 219 Durex Global Sex Report, 93 Father-daughter relationships, 361 Human population, 13
Creative intelligence, 140 Dying Fatherhood, 357 ageing, 14
Creative productivity, 179, 180 stages of, 474 Fatuous love, 283 demographics, 12
Creativity, 177 Dynamic balance of opposites, 225 Feared selves, 245 growth rate, 15
Cross-cultural psychology, 46 Dynamic integration theory, 268 Filial maturity, 371 migration patterns, 16
Cross-cultural research, 46 Dysarthria, 166 Filial obligation, 371 population age 60+, 15
Cross-linking theory, 62 Dysfunctional families, 345 Finances and divorce, 324 population growth, 13
Cross-racial adoption, 354 Financial dependency, 422 S A population reduced to 100, 14
Cross-sectional design, 44 E Five-factor model 205 urbanisation, 16
Crystallised intelligence, 144 Five-factor theory, 205 world population, 13
Culturally inclusive model, 173 Early adulthood, 8 Flashbulb memories, 130 Hypertension, 83
Culture Early career period, 390 Fluid intelligence, 143 Hypochondriasis, 458
bereavement and, 491 Economic functions of family, 343 Foster parents, 352 Hypothesis, 34
defining old age and, 9 Education and self-esteem, 251 Free radical theory, 61 Hypothetic-deductive reasoning, 189
identity development, 259 Economic consequences of divorce, 327 Freud, Sigmund, 7 Hysterectomy, 99
intelligence and, 142 Effective interaction and marriage, 312 Friendships, 380
mental disorders and, 459 Effortfulness hypothesis, 160 Functional age, 10 I
personality development and, 227 Ego integrity versus despair, 224
personality levels and,, 272 Elderly abuse, 412 G Ideal selves, 245
research. See Cross-cultural research Emigration, 375 Identity, 255
stages of dying and, 476 Emotion appraisal, 267 Generalised anxiety disorder, 442 Identity accommodation, 260
wisdom and, 172 Emotion, integration with logic, 192 Gardner, Howard, 141 Identity achievement versus identity confusion, 223
Cumulative continuity principle, 232 Emotion perception, 267 Gathering information, 34 Identity assimilation, 260
Customary marriage, 301 Emotion regulation, 267, 292 Gender and self-esteem, 251 Identity balance, 260
Cyber psychology, 295 Emotional abuse and divorce, 320 Gender differences and divorce, 329 Identity development principle, 233
Cyberspace, 294 Emotional benefits, 155 Gender stereotypes, 399 Identity diffusion, 257
Emotional experience, 266 Gene-by-environment interaction, 237 Identity disequilibrium, 257

552 553
Identity disorganisation, 257
Identity foreclosure, 257
Identity in South Africa, 256
Identity moratorium, 257
Identity process theory, 259
Identity status theory, 257
Implicit memory, 126
Implicit theories of wisdom, 170
Importance of work, 387
Independence vs. interdependence, 244
Independent variable, 39
Indirect reciprocity, 292
Individual differences and pesonality, 211
Individual differences and self-esteem, 250
Inefficient encoding hypothesis, 121
Inefficient retrieval hypothesis, 121
Infantilisation, 165
Infatuation, 283
Infidelity, 321
Information processing, 110, 116
Information seeking, 292
Informed consent, 50
Informing participants, 51
Inhibitory deficit theory, 114
Initiator of divorce, 329
Insomnia, 452
Intelligence, 138
Interactionist model, 30
Internal changes, 77
Internal control, 133
Internal organs, 76
Internal working models, 286
Internet, 48, 294
Internet addiction, 298
Internet addiction disorder, 298
Interracial adoption, 354
Interviews, 37
Intimacy, 279, 282
Intimacy versus isolation, 224, 280
Ischemic heart disease, 82
K Medical dependency, 421
Kevorkian, Jack, 483
Kinsey Reports, 91
Kübler-Ross, Elizabeth, 474
L Memory self-efficacy, 134
Lack or loss of trust, 321
Language, 157
Language comprehension, 158
Language disorders, 166
Language production, 162
Late adulthood, 8
Late career period, 395
Leadership stereotypes, 399
Learned helplessness, 420
Legacy-creating stage, 195
554
Legal aspects of divorce, 318
Legal definition of age, 12
Legal maturity, 12
Leisure and recreation, 401
LGBT, 103
Life in time, 225
Life outcomes and self-esteem, 253
Life partner, loss of, 497
Life stories, 270
Life-cycle forces, 24
Lifestyle factors and cognition, 185
Lifestyle choices, 300
Liking, 283
Living will, 487
Lobola, 303
Locus of control, 416
Logic, integration with emotion, 192
Loneliness, 428
Longitudinal design, 43
Long-term memory, 124
Love, 280
M Neuroticism, 206
Major life events, 423
Male menopause, 88
Marcia, James, 257
Marital equity and marriage, 311
Marital lifestyles, 300
Marital relationships, 309
Marital satisfaction, 313
Marriage, 300
Mask of aging, 74
Master genetic programme, 59
Maturity of marital partners, 310
Maturity principle, 232
McCrae, Robert, 205, 212, 215, 219
Mean level and personality traits, 210
Meandering way, 262
Measurement effect, 44
Mechanistic model, 30
Meditation, 427
Memory, 120
Memory ageing, 135
Memory control, 133
Memory monitoring, 133
Menopause, 85
Mental disorders, 433
Mental health and divorce, 327
Mental health and old age, 433
Mental health diagnosis, 436
Meta-analysis, 42
Metamemory, 133
Mid-career period, 390
Middle adulthood, 8
Midlife crisis, 226
Migratory mourning, 376
Mixed-method research, 34 Passion, 282
Mood disorders, 439 Passive genotype-environment correlation, 236
Mourning, 489 Pathways metaphor, 262
Multilingualism and cognition, 185 Perimenopause, 85
Multiple intelligence, 139 Peripheral social relationships, 384
Multiple social enmeshments, 230 Permissive parenting style, 350
Multiple threshold model, 260 Personal age, 11
Muscle strength, 71 Personality, 202
Myopia, 66 Personality and affect, 209
Personality and coping, 209
N Personality and culture, 272
Personality and health, 209
Narrative identity, 271 Personality and job achievement, 209
Naturalistic observation, 36 Personality and lifestyle, 209
Nature-nurture-interactionist -reciprocity debate, 26 Personality and relationships, 209
Near death experience, 467 Personality and self-esteem, 209
Neo-Piagetian approach, 191 Personality and well-being, 209
Neo-socioanalytic model, 231 Personality characteristics and old age, 415
Neurogenesis, 65 Personality characteristics and self-esteem, 251
Neuro-imaging, 65 Personality development. See Chapter 4
Neurological approach, attention, 115 Personality factors, 185
Neurons, 64 Personality factors and cognition, 185
Personality factors and marriage, 209, 312
Neurotransmission, 118 Personality traits, 204, 210
Niche-picking principle, 233 Person-environment interaction models, 30
Non-harmful procedures, 50 Personhood, 227
Non-marital lifestyles, 300 Pfizer Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and
Non-normative influences, 25 Behaviours, 93
Norm, 38 Phobias, 443
Normative age-graded influences, 24 Phonological loop, 123
Normative history-graded influences, 25 Physical abuse and divorce, 320
Nsamenang, A Barne, 228 Physical appearance, 73
Nuclear family, 341 Physical changes, 64
Physical dependency, 421
O Physical development. See Chapter 2
Physical domain, 243
Objective biography, 210 Physical health, 77
Obsessive-compulsive disorder, 443 Physical health and divorce, 327
Occupational domain, 243 Physical self, 247
Occupational self, 247 Piaget, Jean, 188
Older Persons Act 13 of 2006, 406 Plasticity principle, 233
Online dating, 296 Poignancy, 267
Online disinhibition effect, 298 Population. See Human population
Openness, 207 Positive psychology, 18
Optimal ageing, 11 Possible selves, 245
Optimisation, 196 Postformal thought, 191
Organisation, 188 Posttraumatic stress disorder, 443
Organismic model, 29 Poverty, 349, 418
Practical intelligence, 140
P Practice effect, 43
Pre-career period, 389
Panic disorder, 443 Pre-divorce functioning, 328
Papernow, Patricia, 363 Presbycusis, 68
Paradox of ageing, 268 Presbyopia, 66
Parent, loss of, 499 Primary ageing, 10
Parenthood and parenting, 347 Problem solving, 151
Parenting style, 349 Procedural memory, 126
Parkes, Colin M, 492 Programmed ageing theories, 59
Parkinson’s disease, 448 Prospective memory, 131
555
Identity disorganisation, 257
Identity foreclosure, 257
Identity in South Africa, 256
Identity moratorium, 257
Identity process theory, 259
Identity status theory, 257
Implicit memory, 126
Implicit theories of wisdom, 170
Importance of work, 387
Independence vs. interdependence, 244
Independent variable, 39
Indirect reciprocity, 292
Individual differences and pesonality, 211
Individual differences and self-esteem, 250
Inefficient encoding hypothesis, 121
Inefficient retrieval hypothesis, 121
Infantilisation, 165
Infatuation, 283
Infidelity, 321
Information processing, 110, 116
Information seeking, 292
Informed consent, 50
Informing participants, 51
Inhibitory deficit theory, 114
Initiator of divorce, 329
Insomnia, 452
Intelligence, 138
Interactionist model, 30
Internal changes, 77
Internal control, 133
Internal organs, 76
Internal working models, 286
Internet, 48, 294
Internet addiction, 298
Internet addiction disorder, 298
Interracial adoption, 354
Interviews, 37
Intimacy, 279, 282
Intimacy versus isolation, 224, 280
Ischemic heart disease, 82
K Medical dependency, 421
Kevorkian, Jack, 483
Kinsey Reports, 91
Kübler-Ross, Elizabeth, 474
L Memory self-efficacy, 134
Lack or loss of trust, 321
Language, 157
Language comprehension, 158
Language disorders, 166
Language production, 162
Late adulthood, 8
Late career period, 395
Leadership stereotypes, 399
Learned helplessness, 420
Legacy-creating stage, 195
554
Legal aspects of divorce, 318
Legal definition of age, 12
Legal maturity, 12
Leisure and recreation, 401
LGBT, 103
Life in time, 225
Life outcomes and self-esteem, 253
Life partner, loss of, 497
Life stories, 270
Life-cycle forces, 24
Lifestyle factors and cognition, 185
Lifestyle choices, 300
Liking, 283
Living will, 487
Lobola, 303
Locus of control, 416
Logic, integration with emotion, 192
Loneliness, 428
Longitudinal design, 43
Long-term memory, 124
Love, 280
M Neuroticism, 206
Major life events, 423
Male menopause, 88
Marcia, James, 257
Marital equity and marriage, 311
Marital lifestyles, 300
Marital relationships, 309
Marital satisfaction, 313
Marriage, 300
Mask of aging, 74
Master genetic programme, 59
Maturity of marital partners, 310
Maturity principle, 232
McCrae, Robert, 205, 212, 215, 219
Mean level and personality traits, 210
Meandering way, 262
Measurement effect, 44
Mechanistic model, 30
Meditation, 427
Memory, 120
Memory ageing, 135
Memory control, 133
Memory monitoring, 133
Menopause, 85
Mental disorders, 433
Mental health and divorce, 327
Mental health and old age, 433
Mental health diagnosis, 436
Meta-analysis, 42
Metamemory, 133
Mid-career period, 390
Middle adulthood, 8
Midlife crisis, 226
Migratory mourning, 376
Mixed-method research, 34 Passion, 282
Mood disorders, 439 Passive genotype-environment correlation, 236
Mourning, 489 Pathways metaphor, 262
Multilingualism and cognition, 185 Perimenopause, 85
Multiple intelligence, 139 Peripheral social relationships, 384
Multiple social enmeshments, 230 Permissive parenting style, 350
Multiple threshold model, 260 Personal age, 11
Muscle strength, 71 Personality, 202
Myopia, 66 Personality and affect, 209
Personality and coping, 209
N Personality and culture, 272
Personality and health, 209
Narrative identity, 271 Personality and job achievement, 209
Naturalistic observation, 36 Personality and lifestyle, 209
Nature-nurture-interactionist -reciprocity debate, 26 Personality and relationships, 209
Near death experience, 467 Personality and self-esteem, 209
Neo-Piagetian approach, 191 Personality and well-being, 209
Neo-socioanalytic model, 231 Personality characteristics and old age, 415
Neurogenesis, 65 Personality characteristics and self-esteem, 251
Neuro-imaging, 65 Personality development. See Chapter 4
Neurological approach, attention, 115 Personality factors, 185
Neurons, 64 Personality factors and cognition, 185
Personality factors and marriage, 209, 312
Neurotransmission, 118 Personality traits, 204, 210
Niche-picking principle, 233 Person-environment interaction models, 30
Non-harmful procedures, 50 Personhood, 227
Non-marital lifestyles, 300 Pfizer Global Study of Sexual Attitudes and
Non-normative influences, 25 Behaviours, 93
Norm, 38 Phobias, 443
Normative age-graded influences, 24 Phonological loop, 123
Normative history-graded influences, 25 Physical abuse and divorce, 320
Nsamenang, A Barne, 228 Physical appearance, 73
Nuclear family, 341 Physical changes, 64
Physical dependency, 421
O Physical development. See Chapter 2
Physical domain, 243
Objective biography, 210 Physical health, 77
Obsessive-compulsive disorder, 443 Physical health and divorce, 327
Occupational domain, 243 Physical self, 247
Occupational self, 247 Piaget, Jean, 188
Older Persons Act 13 of 2006, 406 Plasticity principle, 233
Online dating, 296 Poignancy, 267
Online disinhibition effect, 298 Population. See Human population
Openness, 207 Positive psychology, 18
Optimal ageing, 11 Possible selves, 245
Optimisation, 196 Postformal thought, 191
Organisation, 188 Posttraumatic stress disorder, 443
Organismic model, 29 Poverty, 349, 418
Practical intelligence, 140
P Practice effect, 43
Pre-career period, 389
Panic disorder, 443 Pre-divorce functioning, 328
Papernow, Patricia, 363 Presbycusis, 68
Paradox of ageing, 268 Presbyopia, 66
Parent, loss of, 499 Primary ageing, 10
Parenthood and parenting, 347 Problem solving, 151
Parenting style, 349 Procedural memory, 126
Parkes, Colin M, 492 Programmed ageing theories, 59
Parkinson’s disease, 448 Prospective memory, 131
555
Prospective method, 43 Same-sex parenting, 362 Socio-economic conditions, 418 Universality-context specific debate, 28
Proverbs and African wisdom, 176 Sandwich generation, 372 Socio-economic status and self-esteem, 251 Upswing hypothesis of marital satisfaction, 313
Psychological age, 10 Shaie, K Warner, 145, 196 Socio-emotional selectivity theory, 268, 292
Psychological dependency, 421 Secondary ageing, 10 Sociogenomics, 238 V
Psychological forces, 24 Selection, 196 Solidarity-conflict model, 372
Psychological functions of family, 343 Selective attention, 113 South African Personality Inventory (SAPI), Validity, 37
Psychological stages of divorce, 330 Selective attrition, 44 216, 217, 219 Variable, 38
Psychological tests, 37 Selective optimisation with compensation model, Spiritual selfhood, 228 Vision, 66
Psychologically healthy family, 344 196, 268, 286 Spirituality, 425 Visual dysfunctions, 67, 68
Psychosocial development, 222 Self-concept, 242 Spouse, loss of, 497 Vital involvement, 225
Self-construal, 244 Stability and self-esteem, 252
Q Self-efficacy, 417 Stability of variance and personality traits, 211 W
Self-esteem, 248 Stamina, 73
Qualitative research, 33 Self-fulfilling prophecy, 418 Standardisation, 37 Wear and tear theory, 61
Quality of life, 432 Selfhood, 229 Stepfamilies, 363 Weight, 74
Quality of life and South African elderly, 432 Self-reports, 37 Stepfamily cycle, 363 Well-being, 18
Quantitative research, 33 Self-schemas, 242 Step-parenting, 363 Well-being and divorce, 327
Questionnaires, 37 Self-stereotypes, 411 Sternberg, Robert, 140, 282 Whitbourne, Susan, 260
Semantic and episodic memory, 127 Story comprehension, 161 Widowhood, 333
R Senses, 57, 66 Straight and narrow pathway, 262 Willis, Sherry L, 194
Sensory input, 111 Stratified sampling, 35 Wisdom, 169
Race, importance of, 306 Sensory register, 112 Strength and vulnerability integration model, 268 Women’s career cycle, 399
Random sampling, 35 Sentence processing, 159 Stressful life experiences and self-esteem, 251 Word recognition, 159
Rank order and personality traits, 210 Sequential design, 46 Stroke, 82 Work and leisure, 386
Reaction speed, 71 Sexual behaviour patterns, 97 Structured observation, 36 Work engagement, 392
Reciprocity, 27 Sexual intimacy and marriage, 312 Subordination of individual identity, 230 Work status and self-esteem, 251
Reconstituted families, 363 Sexual orientation, 101, 102 Substages of adulthood, 8 Workaholism, 391
Recreation, 401 Sexuality, 89. See Chapter 2 Substance abuse, 453 Working memory, 122
Regressive identities, 257 Short-term memory, 124 Successful ageing, 407. See Chapter 6 World population, 14
Reintegrative stage, 195 Sibling relationships, 378 Successful marriage, 310 Worrying, 445
Relationships and self-esteem, 251 Sight, 66 Surrogate parents, 356
Relativistic thinking, 192 Similarity and marriage, 311 Sustained attention, 113
Reliability, 37 Singlehood, 337 Swan song phenomenon, 182
Religion, 425 Single-parent families, 373 Switching attention, 113
Religious marriage, 301 Situation selection, 267 Systematic observation of behaviour, 36
Remarriage, 331 Skipped generation, 370
reminiscence peak, 130 Sleep apnoea, 453 T
Remote memory, 128 Sleep disorders, 451
Reorganisational stage, 195 Sleep-disordered breathing, 453 Tacit intelligence, 140
Representativeness, 36 Smell, 69 Taste, 69
Research designs, 38 Social age, 10 Telomerase, 60
Research ethics, 50 Social anxiety disorder, 443 Telomeres, 60
Research question, 34 Social capital theory, 293 Temporal self, 247
Respiratory system, 76 Social convoy model, 290 Tertiary ageing, 11
Responsible stage, 194 Social dependency, 422 Thanatophobia, 471
Retirement, 395 Social development, 31. See Chapter 5 Touch, 70
Retrospective memory, 131 Social domain, 243 Toxic femininity, 401
Rhythms of collective life, 230 Social exchange theory, 291 Traits. See Personality traits
Right to die, 477 Social functions of family, 343 Transactional approach, 240
Rigidification, 257 Social genomics, 238 Transactional approaches and personality, 235
Rites of passage, 227 Social investment principle, 233 Transracial adoption, 354
Role continuity principle, 233 Social involvement and divorce, 328 Triangular theory of love, 281
Romantic love, 283 Social networks, 288 Triumphant trail, 262
Rowe-Kahn model, 407 Social relationships and divorce, 328 Tuberculosis (TB), 83
Social selfhood, 228
S Social support and divorce, 328 U
Social-genomic model, 238
SA Population reduced to 100, 14 Sociocultural forces, 24 Ubuntu, 228
Same-sex marriage, 307 Sociodemographic factors and cognition, 184 Uninvolved, 350

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Prospective method, 43 Same-sex parenting, 362 Socio-economic conditions, 418 Universality-context specific debate, 28
Proverbs and African wisdom, 176 Sandwich generation, 372 Socio-economic status and self-esteem, 251 Upswing hypothesis of marital satisfaction, 313
Psychological age, 10 Shaie, K Warner, 145, 196 Socio-emotional selectivity theory, 268, 292
Psychological dependency, 421 Secondary ageing, 10 Sociogenomics, 238 V
Psychological forces, 24 Selection, 196 Solidarity-conflict model, 372
Psychological functions of family, 343 Selective attention, 113 South African Personality Inventory (SAPI), Validity, 37
Psychological stages of divorce, 330 Selective attrition, 44 216, 217, 219 Variable, 38
Psychological tests, 37 Selective optimisation with compensation model, Spiritual selfhood, 228 Vision, 66
Psychologically healthy family, 344 196, 268, 286 Spirituality, 425 Visual dysfunctions, 67, 68
Psychosocial development, 222 Self-concept, 242 Spouse, loss of, 497 Vital involvement, 225
Self-construal, 244 Stability and self-esteem, 252
Q Self-efficacy, 417 Stability of variance and personality traits, 211 W
Self-esteem, 248 Stamina, 73
Qualitative research, 33 Self-fulfilling prophecy, 418 Standardisation, 37 Wear and tear theory, 61
Quality of life, 432 Selfhood, 229 Stepfamilies, 363 Weight, 74
Quality of life and South African elderly, 432 Self-reports, 37 Stepfamily cycle, 363 Well-being, 18
Quantitative research, 33 Self-schemas, 242 Step-parenting, 363 Well-being and divorce, 327
Questionnaires, 37 Self-stereotypes, 411 Sternberg, Robert, 140, 282 Whitbourne, Susan, 260
Semantic and episodic memory, 127 Story comprehension, 161 Widowhood, 333
R Senses, 57, 66 Straight and narrow pathway, 262 Willis, Sherry L, 194
Sensory input, 111 Stratified sampling, 35 Wisdom, 169
Race, importance of, 306 Sensory register, 112 Strength and vulnerability integration model, 268 Women’s career cycle, 399
Random sampling, 35 Sentence processing, 159 Stressful life experiences and self-esteem, 251 Word recognition, 159
Rank order and personality traits, 210 Sequential design, 46 Stroke, 82 Work and leisure, 386
Reaction speed, 71 Sexual behaviour patterns, 97 Structured observation, 36 Work engagement, 392
Reciprocity, 27 Sexual intimacy and marriage, 312 Subordination of individual identity, 230 Work status and self-esteem, 251
Reconstituted families, 363 Sexual orientation, 101, 102 Substages of adulthood, 8 Workaholism, 391
Recreation, 401 Sexuality, 89. See Chapter 2 Substance abuse, 453 Working memory, 122
Regressive identities, 257 Short-term memory, 124 Successful ageing, 407. See Chapter 6 World population, 14
Reintegrative stage, 195 Sibling relationships, 378 Successful marriage, 310 Worrying, 445
Relationships and self-esteem, 251 Sight, 66 Surrogate parents, 356
Relativistic thinking, 192 Similarity and marriage, 311 Sustained attention, 113
Reliability, 37 Singlehood, 337 Swan song phenomenon, 182
Religion, 425 Single-parent families, 373 Switching attention, 113
Religious marriage, 301 Situation selection, 267 Systematic observation of behaviour, 36
Remarriage, 331 Skipped generation, 370
reminiscence peak, 130 Sleep apnoea, 453 T
Remote memory, 128 Sleep disorders, 451
Reorganisational stage, 195 Sleep-disordered breathing, 453 Tacit intelligence, 140
Representativeness, 36 Smell, 69 Taste, 69
Research designs, 38 Social age, 10 Telomerase, 60
Research ethics, 50 Social anxiety disorder, 443 Telomeres, 60
Research question, 34 Social capital theory, 293 Temporal self, 247
Respiratory system, 76 Social convoy model, 290 Tertiary ageing, 11
Responsible stage, 194 Social dependency, 422 Thanatophobia, 471
Retirement, 395 Social development, 31. See Chapter 5 Touch, 70
Retrospective memory, 131 Social domain, 243 Toxic femininity, 401
Rhythms of collective life, 230 Social exchange theory, 291 Traits. See Personality traits
Right to die, 477 Social functions of family, 343 Transactional approach, 240
Rigidification, 257 Social genomics, 238 Transactional approaches and personality, 235
Rites of passage, 227 Social investment principle, 233 Transracial adoption, 354
Role continuity principle, 233 Social involvement and divorce, 328 Triangular theory of love, 281
Romantic love, 283 Social networks, 288 Triumphant trail, 262
Rowe-Kahn model, 407 Social relationships and divorce, 328 Tuberculosis (TB), 83
Social selfhood, 228
S Social support and divorce, 328 U
Social-genomic model, 238
SA Population reduced to 100, 14 Sociocultural forces, 24 Ubuntu, 228
Same-sex marriage, 307 Sociodemographic factors and cognition, 184 Uninvolved, 350

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Dap Louw is an extraordinary professor in the Department of Psychology at the University
of the Free State. He holds master’s degrees and doctorates in both Psychology and
Criminology. He studied and lectured in the USA. He is the editor and author of several
textbooks that are widely prescribed at Southern African universities. He has published
more than 100 articles in accredited national and international scientific journals.

Anet Louw completed her PhD in Child Psychology. She was an associate professor
in the Department of Psychology at the University of the Free State and is currently a
research fellow. She coordinated the PhD Programme in Child Psychology, as well as
the Child Practice Programme in the Master’s Course in Professional Psychology for
several years. She is the author, co-author, and editor of several publications in the field
of human development. She also lectured in developmental psychology in the USA.

https://doi.org/10.18820/9781928424468