Professional Documents
Culture Documents
b ANGUAGE
Course Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
Copyright 2014 by McGraw-HillEducation. All rights
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1. Heritage Language Teaching in the United States: An Introduction: Chapter 1 from Heritage
Language Teaching: Research and Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 1
2. General Sociolinguistic Considerations: Chapter2 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and
Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 13
3. Who are Heritage Language Learners?: Chapter 3 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and
Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 20 15 32
4. Goals and Principles in Heritage Language Instruction: Chapter 4 from Heritage Language Teaching:
Research and Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 58
5. Developing Listening and Speaking Skills: Chapter5 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and
Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 82
6. Developing Literacy Skills: Reading: Chapter 6 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and
Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 104
7. Developing Literacy Skills: Writing: Chapter 7 ftom Heritage Language Teaching: Research and
Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 120
8. Approaches to Grammar Instruction: Chapter 8 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and
Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 20 15 153
9. Developing Cultural Proficiency: Chapter 9 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and Practice
by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 20 15 178
10. Program and Administrative Considerations: Chapter 10 from Heritage Language Teaching: Research
and Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski, 2015 193
A. Bibliography: Chapter from Heritage Language Teaching: Research and Practice by Beaudrie, Ducar,
Potowski, 2015 219
Index 237 -
- -- - - -- --- - -. - -
Heritage Language Teaching:Research and Practice 1
- .
CHAPTER 2
'1t should be noted that some researchers reject the term "heritage"learner and prefer terms like
"bilingual" instead (e.g., Garcia, 2005).
* I
Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
Pause to consider. ..
. . . the areas in which heritage learners likely feel stronger and weaker in
their heritage language. For example, do you think they feel stronger in lis-
tening and speaking or in reading and writing the heritage language? Why
might this be?
2 ~ h next
e most numemus are French (13% of postsecondary enrollments), German (6%), and
American Sign Language (5%).
Heritage Language Teaching: Research and Practice
- 5
between 2000 and 2010, and there is a long history of research and pedagogy
on Spanish as a HL. We also include specific examples from other heritage
languages, including Arabic, Chinese, French, Korean, and Russian.
TABLE 1.1 Language Other Than English Spoken in the Home by Those 5
and Older in the U.S.
% of Total U.S. Metropolitan Areas with
Number of Population High Concentrations of
Language Speakers (308,745,538) Speakers
Spanish 37,579,787 12.2% Los Angeles, New York,
Miami, Chicago
Chinese 2,882,497 0.9% New York, Los Angeles,
San Francisco, San Jose
Tagalog 1,594,413 0.5% Los Angeles, San Francisco,
New York, San Diego
Vietnamese 1,419,539 0.5% Los Angeles, San Jose,
Houston, Dallas
French 1,301,443 0.4% New York, Washington,
DC, Boston, Miami
Korean 1,141,277 0.4% Los Angeles, New York,
Washington, Chicago
German 1,083,637 0.4% New York, Chicago,
Los Angeles, Washington
Source: Based on U.S. Census Bureau, "Language Spoken at Home" table, Americail
r ?,..C I \ I - _ . .P-1: ...-L - - / m n - I l \
6 Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
Pause to consider. ..
...the ways in which linguistic repression takes place. Have you ever heard
someone say "You're in America, speak English" (or "speak American") or
other signals that non-English languages are not welcome in the U.S.?What
might be the historical and ideological basis of such messages? How does
the educational system promote the superiority of English?
ORIENTATIONS TO LANGUAGE
According to Ruiz (1984),societies tend to view languages from one of three per-
spectives: (1) language-as-problem, (2) language-as-right, and (3) language-as-
resource. It is useful to consider the ways in which these three perspectives can
manifest within the H L classroom, because they result in very different out-
comes. The language-as-problem orientation can manifest itself negatively in
the classroom in many ways:
When H L students lack some of the academic skills valued in formal
school settings, their home language is often incorrectly blamed, lead-
ing some educators to argue that these students should take additional
English classes instead of HL classes.
When teachers are trained only in methods designed for L2 learners,
which often do not work well with HL learners (as we will see through-
out this book), they tend to view Hl.students as problematic because their
language skills do not match those of the textbook or the other students.
As we will see in Chapter 2, the variety of the language spoken by many
heritage learners is sometimes stigmatized. Teachers who view stu-
dents' variety of the language negatively can unintentionally contribute
to students' decision to abandon it altogether rather than suffer shame
through criticisms of their ways of speaking.
An example of the language-as-problem orientation comes from the 19th
century. The U.S. treated indigenous languages as a problem and created
boarding schools to eradicate students' native languages and replace them with
Heritage LanguageTeaching:Research and Practice 1I
!
English. Our aim in this book is to help all language educators, L2 and HL
alike, to see the value of understanding the H L as a resource. The language-
as-resource orientation acknowledges that all natural forms of language have
value and can be used as resources in a number of different ways, including but
not limited to:
There have been some recent advances on the national level of the
language-as-resource orientation toward heritage languages. Starting in the
1990s, grassroots movements to promote HL teaching became more wide-
spread. The late Russ Campbell helped organize a series of meetings to discuss
current knowledge about heritage language maintenance, development, and
revitalization, as well as establish a research agenda. That momentum led to
the first national Heritage Languages in America conference in 1999. A year
later came the Heritage Language Research Priorities conference, followed
by the second National Heritage Languages Conference. Soon thereafter, the
Alliance for the Advancement of Heritage Languages was officially estab-
lished. In 2002 the Heritage Language Jourrzal was founded. Finally, in 2006, the
National Heritage Language Resource Center was founded as one of the fifteen
language resource centers funded by the U.S.Department of Education, with
yearly research institutes, multiple conferences and workshops, and online
resources. Clearly, heritage languages are gaining increased recognition in this
country, and it is important that they garner the same respect and recognition
within our classrooms.
- 8
-- - --
Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
- - - ..
Pause to consider. ..
How can teachers-not only heritage language teachers but also teachers
of other content areas-promote the orientation of language as a resource?
Think of several concrete ways in which we can help the following groups
understand the value of all languages as well as the benefits of bi(or multi)
lingualism: students, colleagues, parents, the larger community.
Pause to consider. , .
. ., the case of a proficient English speaker who seeks; to fulfill his Eng-
lish requirement in high school or college through an English as a Second
Language (ESL) course. Would the school permit him to do so? Would the
student necessarily get an "easy A" because he already speaks English? Do
you think this is similar to the case of a heritage learner with strong profi-
ciency in the heritagelanguage taking a course designed for second
language learners?
TABLE 1.2 Necessary Teacher Competencies for Teaching Heritage Learners of Spanish
Teachers of heritage learners should meet the requirements expected of all teachers of
Spanish. In particular, teachers of heritage learners should demonstrate the following
competencies:
1. Advanced language proficiency
2. Knowledge of appropriate pedagogical principles in language expansion and
enrichment
3. Theories of cognitive processes that underlie bilingualism
4. Theories of social and linguistic processes that underlie bilingualism and
languages in contact
5. Knowledge of the sociolinguistic dynamics of the heritage language around the
world and as a viable system of communication in the United States
6. Knowledge and understanding of the connections of the students' home culture
with those of their families' countries of origin
7. Understanding the social, political, and emotional issues associated with having
various degrees of proficiency in one's heritage language
8. Ability to elicit and respond appropriately to students' attitudes toward studying
their heritage language
9. Differentiatinginstruction to respond to the diierent proficiencies and learning
styles of students
10. Knowledge of sound procedures in language course placement
11. Advocating for heritage learners and promoting the importance of the heritage
language program within the school
12. Knowledge of literacy development theories and best practices
13. Knowledge of theories and pedagogies related to the acquisition of formal registers
14. Knowledge of the local heritage cominunities with whom they will be working
Source: Based on Garcia and Blanco (2000), Potowski (2005), Webb and Miller (2000),
and AATSP (2000).
37 L2 methods course syllabi in 23 states3 and found that only one syllabus
mentioned heritage language issues, even though some of the universities were
located in areas with heritage Spanish-speaking populations large enough to
support Spanish HL courses for undergraduates at those very universities. Of
the seven most popular textbooks used in those syllabi, only two mentioned
HL issues, totaling eight pages of material. Thus, most of the areas in Table 1.2
appear not to be covered in typical L2 methodology courses, nor are these top-
ics likely to have been studied by teachers when they were undergraduates or
graduate students (particularly when their language degrees were awarded
from predominantly literature-based language departments).The present book
seeks to improve heritage language education by addressing these necessary
teacher competencies.
3~lthoughthe sample of syllabi is not large enough to make generalizationsabout L2 methods instruc-
tion across the United States, the courses represented by these syllabi are clearly insuffiaent to prepare
teachers who work with heritage language speakers. In addition, an informal survey taken of teach-
ers in twelve states revealed that only one state had requirements for HL teachers, and no state had
standards for heritage language instruction (Center for Applied Linguistics, 2001). No state currently
offers certification or endorsement for public school teachers who teach heritage language courses.
Heritage LanguageTeaching:Research and Practice 1 11
Pause to consider. . .
. . . the fourteen areas of competency recommended in Table 1.2 for teachers
of heritage learners. Which three do you feel are most important, and why?
In what ways can teachers learn about those areas?
SUMMARY
Of the three views of linguistic diversity proposed by Ruiz (1984)-language as
a resource, language as a right, and language as a problem-the first two, language
as a resource and as a right, are the ones most commonly espoused by success-
ful modem educators. Using these perspectives to recognize and address the
linguistic and affective needs of heritage learners-which include developing
confidence in their heritage language skills, reconnecting with family members,
maintaining cultural traditions, and communicating with the larger heritage
community-are of primary importance. There are additional potential ben-
efits to working effectively with heritage learners. Their linguistic and cultural
skills can play a vital role in the security and economic prosperity of the nation.
Heritage language learners also represent a large potential source of enrollments
to L2 programs in the U.S., particularly in Spanish. Most importantly, equipping
HL students with additional skills in their HL will better prepare them for a
future in which they can effectively serve their own HL community as well as
interact with larger global communities that speak their HL.Encouraging stu-
dents to see the value in their HL and culture is a primary goal of I-IL education.
The fact that today's second language classrooms are increasingly popu-
lated by heritage language learners provides a strong argument that all lan-
guage teachers should receive professional preparation for working effectively
with these students - not just those assigned to the HL classroom. This is simi-
lar to recent movements in K-12 education that advocate for all teachers, not
just "bilingual" or ESL teachers, to receive professional preparation in working
with English language learning children (Samson & Collins, 2012). Valdes and
her colleagues caution us that "inappropriate instruction may actually have a
much greater impact on the abandonment of home languages by young peo-
ple" (Vald&s,Fishman, et al., 2008, p. 22), meaning that there is a lot riding on
effective heritage language instruction.
In this book we seek to offer concrete ideas on how to achieve this goal
of effective heritage language instruction. Wherever possible, we cite relevant
research on heritage learners. However, some areas of HL language develop- .
ment and instruction have not yet received research attention. In those areas
we cite research with L2 learners and sometimes with L1 native language arts
instruction as well, in an attempt to offer informed hypotheses about best class-
room practices with heritage learners. We hope to create dialogue between
teachers with their valuable classroom experiences and researchers who can
carry out qualitative and quantitative research on the many important aspects
of heritage language learning and development.
12
- .
I Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski - -
-- -
KEY CONCEPTS
1.Second/ World language 5. Official language/minority
education language
2. Heritage speaker/learner 6. Language as a problem/resource/
3. L2 learner right
4. Heritage language education
DISCUSSION QUESnONS
1. Think about the minority languages that are common in the area of the U.S.
in which you live. Are these languages generally treated as a problem, a
right, or a resource in the community and in the schools?
2. It is often the case that second language learners are praised for the language
skills they develop in Spanish, Chinese, French, Korean, and so on, while
heritage learners of these languages are criticized for the ways they speak
these languages. Why do you believe this occurs? How can this be changed?
3. Consider how you might justify to administrators, fellow teachers, and par-
ents the need for heritage language speakers to formally study their HL.
How might you use the ideas of language as a problem, right, or resource
to present your case? See the TEDx talk by Potowski called "No Child Left
Monolingual" for additional ideas.
4. Examine the websites of the National Heritage Language Resource Center
and/or the Alliance for Heritage Languages. Report on two or three concrete
activities of these groups that you find interesting.
CHAPTER 2
General Sociolinguistic
Considerations
Chapter 1 introduced the idea that for teachers to work effectively with heri-
tage learners, their knowledge base must include sociolinguistic considerations.
This chapter explores such concepts, including dialects, registers, "standard"
language, languages in contact, and language shift. Throughout this chapter
we offer suggestions about how teachers can best apply knowledge of these
concepts to heritage language teaching.
live in the Catalonian region of Valencia say that they speak "Valencian" and
claim that it is a separate language from Catalan, although there is almost
100% mutual intelligibility with the Catalan spoken in the rest of Catalonia. In
this example, opposite from the Chinese example, people are seeking to distin-
guish themselves from others with whom they share the same language.
There are at least two additional problems with the "mutual intelligibility"
yardstick. Many speakers of Spanish and Italian say that they can communi-
cate rather well with each other-but linguists typically agree that Spanish and
Italian are in fact two different languages. Finally, there can be asymmetrical
degrees of "intelligibility" between groups of speakers. For example, Norwe-
gians report understanding Danish and Swedish much better than Danes and
Swedes report understanding Norwegian.
Another approach to understanding the difference between language and
dialect is that of power and prestige. Yiddish sociolinguist Max Weinreich is
credited with popularizing the phrase "A language is a dialect with an army
and navy." This underscores the role of social and political conditions in the
way people understand the status of ways of speaking: when a group of people
controls military power, their way of speaking enjoys elevated status. Similarly,
it is sometimes mistakenly thought that the prestigious variety of a language is
"the language" in some true sense of the word (for instance, a more pure or
more correct version), while less prestigious varieties are called "dialects" of
that language. This is not true. In linguistic terms, everyone speaks a dialect of
a language.
The following analogy about ice cream can be helpful in understanding
the linguistic relationship between dialects and language. If you walk into
an ice cream store and simply order "ice cream," the person working behind
the counter will not be able to serve you anything. This is because you did
not specify whichflavor you want. "Ice cream" is a generic concept, and while
we can all agree, in a general sense, on what ice cream is, it really only exists
and can be consumed through its different flavors. Similarly, "language" is a
generic concept, and while we can all agree on what "Vietnamese," "Italian,"
and "English are, these languages only exist and can be spoken through their
dialects. For example, the "English language" (like "ice cream") is an abstract
concept that no one actually speaks! You can only speak a dialect, such as
Australian English, U.S. English, Indian English, or Irish English. Dialects are
like ice cream flavors; everyone speaks at least one of them.
Furthermore, national dialects can be broken down further into regional
and ethnic dialects. U.S.English has many dialects, such as New York English
or Chicano English, and UK English includes dialects like Yorkshire English
and Black Country English. A few other examples, with some concrete gram-
matical differences, are shown in Table 2.1. An asterisk "*" before a sentence
means that it is not grammatical in a particular dialect.
Thus, every single person who speaks a language by definition speaks a par-
ticular dialect of that language. Linguists have long underscored that all dialects
are rule-governed and equal in value (we will return to specific examples later
in this chapter). But from a sociopolitical perspective, some dialects are accorded
higher prestige than others. This chapter explores the relevance of this issue in
the HL classroom because, in the case of HL learners, the dialect acquired in the
Heritage Language Teaching: Research and Practice iI 15
I
flavors of ice cream--but this does not mean that rocky road or mint chocolate
chip are "incorrect" in any way, Applying this analogy to language, educators
must recognize that there are many different ways of speaking, and that one
"flavor" or dialect is no more correct than another. In Chapter 4 we will return
to ways in which teachers can fruitfully address issues of dialect prestige.
WHAT IS "REGISTER"?
In addition to the fact that we all speak a geographic and social dialect of a
language, practically every speaker also moves between various styles of speak-
ing. Register is the term used to describe the different levels of formality we use
with different interlocutors (that is, our listeners or readers). When we give a
formal speech to an assembly or to classmates, we tend to speak in a more for-
mal register. Likewise, when we "hang out" with friends, we use a very different
style of speaking. Adjusting our register refers to our ability to adapt our speech
to our interlocutors and the communicative event. Even people who have not
received a formal education in their native language(s) are able to use different
registers; for example, in all dialects of English, it is fairly common knowledge
when it is appropriate to use "Could you please pass the salt?" versus "Girnme
the salt." Different registers of speech are learned as part of the normal language
acquisition and socialization process that all children go through.
Heritage speakers are usually aware of the fact that a different style of
speaking is required with certain people. However, they sometimes do not have
the repertoire in their heritage language in order to carry out more formal reg-
isters. The following analogy is useful in understanding why heritage speakers
typically have a preponderance of informal language features, and the way that
we as teachers can respond in a sociolinguistically informed way. Think about
what you typically wear to a beach, versus what you wear to a formal wedding
in a cathedral, temple, or some other formal locale. Before continuing, take a
moment to fill in the chart below with some of your ideas.
I
Heritage LanguageTeaching: Research and Practice 17
You probably listed very different articles of clothing for the beach (includ-
ing sandals, shorts, bathing suits) versus the wedding (possibly including a
gown, suit and tie, formal shoes). Now consider what would happen if a couple
were to show up at the formal wedding wearing the beach attire. What might
the other people in attendance say? "What, are they crazy?! Look at what they're
wearing! That is totally inappropriate." Next consider what would happen if
the couple were to show up at the beach, but wearing the formal wedding attire
(and for this example, they are not attending a beach wedding!). What might
the other beachgoers think? "Wow, those people must be uncomfortably hot!
Why are they wearing those clothes? That is totally weird."
What do these reactions have in common? In both cases the couple was con-
sidered to be dressed in a way that was unexpected. Notice that it was never
suggested that the bathing suit, the tie, the high heels, or the tuxedo were "incor-
rect." This is because an article of clothing cannot be incorrect. Clothing can be
unexpected, inappropriate, ill fitting, out of fashion, mismatched, and maybe
even ugly, but we cannot call any garment inherently "incorrect." Garments of
clothing simply exist; there is nothing "correct" or "incorrect" about them.
It is similar with language. While it is certainly true that learners (both L2
and HL) produce language uses that are grammatically incorrect, when an entire
community uses a particular way of speaking, as sociolinguistically informed
teachers we cannot label it incorrect. It may represent an unexpected use of lan-
guage in certain communicative events, and we should engage our students in
an analysis of why it is considered as such. For example, writing "cuz" instead of
"because" in a school essay is an instance of an unexpected use of language, not
because "cuz" is "incorrect" but rather because it is too informal for the specific
academic writing assignment. And despite the fact that it is not incorrect, its use
will likely have negative consequences for a student who produces it in a formal
essay. In another example, saying "She don't want none" is not incorrect either
(despitewhat "official" grammar books say; we will return to the concept of pre-
scriptive grammar later in this chapter), but it will likely not be well received in
most formal speeches. It is also true that when we bump into a friend in the hall-
way, it would be bizarre to ask, "At what time is our engagement this evening?"
instead of "When are we meeting later?" Thus, using language in an unantici-
pated way-language that is either too formal or too informal for the particular
communicative exchange-may result in reactions ranging from an odd look
to costing someone a position during a job interview. Understanding these lan-
guage differences and making our students aware of them and of their commu-
nicative consequences is, we feel, one of the central jobs of the HL teacher.
Let us take the beach/wedding analogy a bit further. Heritage speakers
often show up to our language classes with knowledge of "beach Arabic,"
"beach Korean," or "beach Spanish." That is, they have bathing suits, sandals,
and shorts in their heritage language. However, they do not have "wedding
Arabic/Korean/Spanish," such as a suit and tie or a gown. Why is it often the
case that, particularly when they were raised in the U.S.from a young age,
heritage speakers have both beach and wedding attire in English, but they have
only beach attire in the heritage language? It is likely because every formal
communicative event they have had to carry out in their lives has taken place
in English. That is, almost every time they wrote a school essay, spoke to an
18 Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
elder stranger, or carried out a bank transaction, it was in English. Thus, their
"wardrobe" in English contains a wider variety of clothing that is useful for
both formal and informal events. However, they typically did not have many
opportunities to "attend formal events" (such as writing essays, speaking with
strangers, or going to the bank) in their heritage language. The informal context
of their homes, much like the "beach" in our analogy, allowed them to develop
only an informal "wardrobe" (register) in the heritage language.
As heritage language teachers, what should our reaction be when students
show up to the "wedding" that is our classroom, but they are wearing bath-
ing suits? Do we wonder, "What, are they crazy?! Look at what they're wear-
ing!" and tell them that their ways of speaking are "incorrect"? Think back to
the Pause to consider. . . box on page 3 in this chapter-how might such com-
ments make our students feel? In contrast, a teacher who is sociolinguistically
informed could ask their students to carry out an informal investigation on a
particular language use so that they can arrive themselves at the notion that
certain forms are used more frequently in certain settings.
Here is an example from Spanish, where the verb haber can be realized in
the present subjunctive as either haiga (stigmatized) or lraya (prestigious).After
alerting our students to the two forms, without further explanation, we could
assign our students to observe pre-prepared clips of lectures, news, and other
formal events as well as telenovelas (soap operas) or media that use more infor-
mal speech, all of which include the use of lzaiga and haya. Students could then
be asked to discuss their results with each other the following class period. This
activity exposes students to more formal uses of the H L as well as having them
critically examine which forms are used in which context. The teacher can then
lead the students in a discussion that includes ideas such as these:
As you can see, haiga and Izaya, despite sharing the same meaning and
deriving from the same verb, are used in different contexts. We saw
that most formal contexts use haya. But this does not mean that we
never hear haya in informal contexts. Nor does it mean that we never
hear haiga in formal contexts, although it is less frequent. Choosing
which form to use when, and understanding the implications of your
choices and what reactions they might cause, are our primary goals in
this class. Being able to use both forms will make you a more versatile
speaker and writer of the language.
Next the teacher might have the whole class read some formal texts and
underline the uses of Izaya. He might spend time explaining the origins of the
form haiga and how it became stigmatized in modern Spanish. He could also
send students to Mark Davies's Spanish corpus and have them search for the
word haiga (http://www.corpusdelespanol.org/). Allowing students to dis-
cover first-hand the high frequency of this word in both the past and the present
likely legitimizes their varieties more than hearing the teacher's explanations.
Importantly, the teacher can also encourage students not to eliminate haiga
from their Spanish. When we attend a wedding wearing formal clothes, no one
expects us to throw away our bathing suits! We need our bathing suits when-
ever we go to the beach. In the same way, our students might prefer to use lzaip
when they speak informally with family and community members. Finally, this
I
Heritage LanguageTeaching:Research and Practice j 19
teacher would be patient while the student "tries on" and acquires the appro-
priate use of the new article of clothing to see how it fits (that is, how it is used
in formal contexts)'.
LANGUAGES IN CONTACT
In the previous section we mentioned that a linguistic use can be stigmatized
because it suggests recent contact with another language. Language contact is
almost as old as humanity itself. There are a number of linguistic phenomena that
typically result from language contact, including codeswitching, borrowing, and
extensions. We will briefly explain examples of each of these phenomena and dis-
cuss their role in the HL classroom (for a more complete discussion of language
contact terminology and phenomena, see Thomason & Kaufrnan, 1988).
Phenomenon I : Codeswitching
Codeswitching refers to the use of two (or more) languages in a single turn or
speech act. It can happen at the boundary between two sentences (intersenten-
tial) or within the same-sentence (intrasentential), as shown in Examples 2.1
and 2.2 below. Note that intrasentential codeswitching does not need to involve
a large phrase, nor does it require that one remain in the "switched" language.
'We must also acknowledge that some forms that are in fact used by groups of speakers in formal
contexts would be considered inappropriate by other speakers. In our analogy: Different comrnuni-
ties consider different kinds of attire appropriate for a wedding.
20 - Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
- . .
Why do people codeswitch, then, if they know how to say the words they
need in the language they had been speaking first? There are many different
reasons that bilinguals engage in codeswitching: to quote what someone else
said, either directly or indirectly; to provide emphasis or clarification; to change
topics; or to convey a meaning that is culturally tied to one language more than
the other, to name a few. In the same way that an English monolingual exer-
cises communicative options when choosing words like "huge," "massive," or
"humongous," a bilingual exercises communicative options in going back and
forth between languages. Chinese HL scholar Anges He's study showed how
bilinguals mixed English and Chinese at multiple levels of phonemes, mor-
phemes, syllable structures, tones, noun and verb phrases, and clauses through
a full range of verbal resources from both languages that are simultaneously
accessible to the speakers. Based on her findings, she argues that
pushing and breaking perceptible linguistic boundaries, [Chinese] HL
speakers celebrate their multi-competence, traverse invisible cultural
and identity boundaries, and employ and enjoy both languages at
all ages and proficiency levels in transient and transcendent multi-
performances, which in turn can become a rich resource for heritage
language socialization across the lifespan. (He, 2013, p. 304)
It is important to note that codeswitching is a constraint-governed behavior.
This means that speakers do not change languages back and forth at random
points in a sentence; there are very strong tendencies2 that govern where it is
"OK to switch languages and where not to switch. The principal tendency is
this: almost without exception, codeswitches obey the syntactical rules of both
languages at the same time. That is, the grammatical rules of neither Language
1nor Language 2 are violated. Studies have shown that most bilinguals agree
on which codeswitches sound "natural" and which do not--even though there
are no lists of rules that parents explicitly pass down to their children about
how to codeswitch. Codeswitching is just another part of the internal grammar
system that many bilinguals develop naturally as they interact with other bilin-
guals in the community.
Pause to consider , ..
.. .
the following codeswitches. In each language, Wo of the examples are
considered felicitous (they sound "OK"to most people) &d two are infelic-
itous (probably no m e would ever say them). If you speak Arabic, Russian,
or Spanish: Can you determine which two examples are infelicitous and
which two are felicitous? Can you propose what grammatical "rule" makes
certain codeswitches sound wrong? If you teach a different language, search
online for (or try to generate) a few examples that sound OK and a few that
do not, and explain what the rule might be.
'~nterestedreaders can consult sources such as Poplack (1980) to learn more about the grammatical
constraints on codeswitching.
Heritage Language Teaching: Research and Practice
21
--..
Arabic
1. I like to aruuh.
2. Ana mish munkin to fall in love with her.
3. She told me to go, bes ma-ha beit- sh.
4. FaWcarf innak you wanted to come.
Russian
1. Ona skazala mne to call her when I am done.
2. With any luck nasha kornanda pobedit.
3. This malchik skazal mame good-bye.
4. Ne take moju kurtku.
Spanish
1. Yo went to la store para buy the ensalada.
2. Le dijo que she didn't want to wait any longer.
3. If you don't bring a jacket te va a darfrio.
4. La ardilla no had anything else to offer his friend besides beans, but
he se lo ofreci6 con generosidad.
For additional examples in Spanish, check out the "iHablaya!" series on
YouTube.
Answers are found at the end of this chapter.
3~ilingualPuerto Rican comedian Bill Santiago writes, "I happen to speak two languages and use
them both. What's so lazy-brained about that? I happen to have two legs, too, but nobody ever
accuses me of being perezoso [lazy] because I don't hop around on just one!"
22 Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
Pause to consider .. .
.. .what the role of codeswitching might be in the HL classroom. Should it
be completely excluded or promoted by the students and by the teacher? At
what levels of instruction, and in what activities, might codeswitching serve
as a useful bridge for students studying an academic variety of the heritage
language?
Phenomenon 2: Borrowings
The second phenomenon of languages in contact to be described here are lexical
borrowings. This refers to taking a word from Language B that did not previ-
ously exist in Language A and "dressing it up" so that it looks and sounds like
it belongs to Language A. There are many borrowings in English from other
languages, such as mammoth, sputnik, and vodka (from Russian), bandanna, guru,
and jungle (from Hindi/Urdu), and patio, corral, and mustang (from Spanish).
There are several reasons why borrowings happen. Psycholinguistic
research has shown that the human mind produces language based on
frequency-the more often we hear or use a word, the more likely we are to
produce it. Because the dominant language of the United States is English, it is
not uncommon to hear many words that are of English origin make their way
into non-English languages. In addition to frequency effects, sociolinguistic
Heritage LanguageTeaching: Research and Practice
I
23
researchers have suggested that there may be cultural motivations for lexical
borrowings. For example, Otheguy and Garcia (1993)conducted interviews with
25 bilingual individuals who had moved to New York City as adults. They had
lived their own childhoods entirely in Spanish in Latin America, and had raised
their children in the U.S.When talking about their own childhoods, they used
Spanish words like el comedor escolar (lunch room), ellla director(a1 (school
principal), and el edificio (building). But when talking about their children's
experiences, they used the English borrowings el lunclz room, ella principal, and
el bildin. Obviously these borrowings were not due to any lack of knowledge
of the monolingual Spanish variant, which they had produced several months
prior. The authors proposed that these pairs of concepts did not, in fact, refer to
the same thing in the minds of these speakers. For example, a comedor escolar
is culturally different from el lunch roam in that a comedor is a space devoted to
eating at any time of day, both in homes and in institutions, while a lunchroom's
primary purpose is a midday meal and is found only in institutions. Thus, in
this explanatory account, culturally different concepts require different names.
Whatever the underlying reasons for lexical borrowings, research has
shown that the lexical base of the HL is quite similar to the lexical base of other
monolingual varieties of the language (Carreira, 2000). That is, U.S. Korean is
still highly lexically similar to the Korean language as spoken in Korea. Yet
many people judge lexical variation in bilingual varieties more harshly than
they do in monolingual varieties. For example, if a British person says, "This
queue is too long," although American listeners might not initially understand
the word "queue," they will quickly gather that a "queue" is a line. In addition,
they will not likely judge the person as "speaking poorly." Yet heritage speak-
ers are routinely criticized by monolinguals (including teachers) for employing
lexical borrowings, even if they are perfectly comprehensible.
A sociolinguistically informed HL teacher makes students aware of lexical
differences and, again invoking the beach versus wedding analogy, lets them
know that there are more formal ways to express certain ideas. It merits repeat-
ing that our job is not to tell students that el high sclzool or el bildin are incorrect-
quite the opposite, in fact, because not only are these words not incorrect, they
are the most appropriate choice in various communicative contexts. Instead,
teachers can help students understand that monolingual speakers of the HL
might not understand these words and offer different options to express simi-
lar (though not always equal) concepts. This is aligned with the language-as-
resource approach outlined in Chapter 1 because it does not require students to
abandon ways of speaking, but rather adds on to an already established base of
communicative knowledge.
Pause to consider . ..
What are some common lexical borrowings in your students' speech
or writing? How should these borrowings be treated in the classroofn?
How can teachers use these borrowings as stepping stones in expanding
students' language skills?
24-
- - -- -~
- -
Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
- - -- - - -
These three phenomena that result from language contact are summarized
in Table 2.4 with examples from Korean and Spanish in contact with English.
In summary, when languages are in contact, these three phenomena often
result. Given the fact that English has much more prestige and use in the U.S.
than the heritage languages, it is common for heritage languages to show more
influence from English than vice versa4. Some of these phenomena constitute
simplifications of the heritage language. Just as children naturally try to make
language as systematic as possible, so do bilinguals-in particular because man-
aging two languages is an increased cognitive load. Research has shown that
even when a language is not in direct contact with another language, it tends
to simplify its grammar over time. The bilingual mind, like all human minds,
strives to make the most efficient use of its time and resources. As a result, it is
common for the less dominant language to show processes of simplification.
Despite the fact that these phenomena have occurred in almost every
language contact situation throughout time and around the globe, they are
often stigmatized. We saw in Chapter 1that non-English languages are often
viewed with suspicion and negativity in the U.S.What this section has shown
is that, in addition, the particular ways that heritage learners speak these lan-
guages are often stigmatized as well--sometimes by their own family and
community members-because they manifest these three contact phenom-
ena. Thus, the doubly negative message that heritage speakers often receive
is: "Chinese/Hindi/Arabic/Spanish (etc.) is not valued here in the US.,but
especially not the way you speak it." Often, popular speech even refers to U.S.
language varieties by names like Chinglish, Franglais, Japish, or Spanglish.
4Note,however, that it is not uncommon for the HL to influence heritage learners' English, as in the
Spanish example "Lastnight I dreamt with my grandmother" (Lynch201393).
Pause to consider ...
. . .the following quote from Ricardo Otheguy about the term "Spanglish":
It's inevitable that the term "Spanglish" carries the idea that Spanglish
is not Spanish. I think it's important that people have the idea, "I speak
Spanish, I speak a kind of home Spanish, I need to learn to read and
write and talk a more formal type of Spanish." That seems to me more
positive than a person saying, "I don't speak Spanish. I speak Spang-
lish." [Translated from Spanish. A video and transcription of the debate
are available at http://potowski.org/debate-spanglish with a written
summary in English.]
Also consider Ana Celia Zentella's perspective that this term should be
embraced, mostly because speakers themselves often use it, and also
because the wider community can be educated about the validity of
bilingual varieties.
Do you think terms such as "Korenglish," "Runglish," "Hinglish," or
"Spanglish" are positive or neutral, or do they reflect and create harmful
connotations?
'ln September 2012, the Real Academia de Lengua Espaiiola (Royal Academy of the Spanish
Language) introduced the term "estadounidismo" ("United States-ism") into its dictionary to
describe Spanish words originating in the United States.
I
,
Heritage LanguageTeaching: Research and Practice ' 27
i
Pause to consider . ..
Have you seen any of the three phenomena discussed in this chapter in
print or heard them orally? Do you think those uses of the words/phrases
were appropriate for the audience-perhaps more appropriate than the
formal/academic variety?
"STANDARD" LANGUAGE
With or without formal schooling, most speakers have a sense of what is
"good" in their language and what is not as good. If someone in the U.S. were
to ask, "What is standard English?," a common response might be that stan-
dard English is "correct" English-the way people are "supposed to" talk and
write, according to grammar books. The assumption is that standard English, or
the "standard" of any language, follows a set of grammatical rules. These rules
are taught in schools and exemplified in formal contexts such as the media.
These same rules are supposed to guide our speech and writing, helping us
sound more "proper."
In many countries people take great pride in the fact that their language
was codified in dictionaries and grammar books and "standardized"; schol-
ars and educated people agreed on what was the "best" form of the lan-
guage. Some examples of the many languages that have been standardized
include Polish, Quechua, Lithuanian, modern Greek, Catalan, and Dutch.
Languages that have been standardized typically have a regulating body
28 -- Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
- . - - - -
Pause to consider . .. -
...the word "standard." What word is its opposite? How would that word
sound to you if someone used it to describe the way that you, your family,
and your community speak? What might be a more accujtate (and less
negative-sounding) way to talk about such concepts?
As Villa (1996) points out, another definition for the term "standard" is
something toward which one should aspire. In this definition, "standard"
language is an idealized, nonexistent norm. However, it is undeniable that this
norm, whether real or mythical, guides native speakers' intuitions. It serves as
the basis for standardized tests in language such as the American Council on
the Teaching of Foreign Languages Oral Proficiency Interview. People's belief
Heritage LanguageTeaching: Research and Practice 29
LANGUAGE SHIFT
We mentioned earlier in this chapter that many U.S. varieties of non-English
languages have emerged as new dialects--such as U.S. Spanish, U.S. Viet-
namese, and U.S. Polish. However, most of these dialects do not have time to
become established, because speakers shift to English within a few generations.
Typically, and particularly where immigrant languages are involved, there is a
three-generation pattern of language shift: the parent generation, sociolinguis-
tically called first generation or "GI," arrives to the U.S.as adults, fluent and
30 Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
KEY CONCEPTS
1. Dialect 9. Linguistic extensions
2. Language 10. Language simplification
3. Register 11. Standard language
4. Style 12. Linguistic prestige
5. Language contact 13. Language shift
6. Language identity 14. Sociolinguistically informed
7. Codeswitching approach to HL teaching
8. Lexical borrowing
DISCUSSION QUESTTONS
1. Consider the beach/wedding analogy discussed in this chapter. How is
choosing which language is more comfortable different from choosing which
language is more appropriate?What consequences might there be to choosing
the comfortable form in the (in)appropriate context? How should both of
these issues inform our teaching?
2. Generate a list of 3-5 borrowings and/or extensions in the heritage language
you teach. Do some of them seem more common or acceptable than others?
Why might that be the case?
3. Design an activity to help students become more aware of the sociolinguis-
tic variation present in the languages they speak. How can teachers use the
students in the HL classroom as a starting point? And how can the com-
munity outside the classroom be utilized for this purpose? What activities
might help students become more aware of the different styles, registers, and
dialects that they use and hear on a daily basis?
4. Think about the HL curriculum you currently teach. How does the idea of a
standard language shape and inform it? What are your views on the influ-
ence that standard language varieties should have in the HL context?
even when applying the narrow definition, there can be a very wide range of
learner profiles.
As noted in Chapter 1, one of the most commonly cited definitions of "her-
itage learner" comes from Guadalupe Valdks, who defines an HL learner as an
individual who "is raised in a home where a non-English language is spoken.
The student may speak or merely understand the heritage language and be, to
some degree, bilingual in English and the heritage language" (Valdks, 2000a,
p. 1). This definition highlights a strong connection to the language from the
home and/or community context, as well as the expectation of a certain degree
of proficiency in the language, although this proficiency might be minimal. In
other words, Valdes embraces a narrower definition of heritage learners as best
suited for educational contexts, as we do throughout this book. Notice that our
"narrow" definition is actually quite broad, excluding only those learners with
practically zero degree of HL proficiency. Our intention is not to exclude learn-
ers who have a heritage motivation. Our focus is on the language-teaching
profession and the linguistic needs of learners. Those students who do not
possess even receptive proficiency in the language may have their needs best
met in an L2 classroom, even though this may ignore their cultural and affec-
tive needs (see Carreira, 2003; Beaudrie & Ducar, 2005). In general, HL learners
falling within ValdQfs (2000a) definition will have linguistic needs that are
best met using a combination of native language arts and L2 pedagogies.
What heritage learners of both the broad and the narrow definitions share,
and what differentiatesthem from "homeland"' speakers, is that they spent a por-
tion of their prime language-learning years immersed in an English-speaking
environment. Although no exact age range has been established for what we
are calling "prime language-learning years," most language acquisition schol-
ars agree that someone who immigrates to the U.S. at the age of 15 or later has
probably developed adult-like proficiency in their homeland language(s).Thus,
someone who emigrates from Korea at the age of 17, for example, would be con-
sidered not a heritage speaker of Korean, but rather a native Korean speaker.
Similarly, an individual who arrived from Mexico at the age of 16, proficient in
Spanish and Zapotec, would not be considered a heritage speaker of Spanish
or Zapotec. The term "native speaker" requires additional discussion, as it is
'By "homeland,"we are refemng to the countries of origin of the nonBnglish language.However,
this term is problematic in the case of indigenous languages as well as Spanish in parts of the
Southwest US.,where the "homeland"is currently U.S.territory.
34 Beaudrie, Ducar, Potowski
--- I
. . .the different profiles of the students you teach, Based on the common
i
characteristics of these learners, what definition of a heritage learner would
be most appropriate for your classroom?
1
1I
i
Heritage Language Teaching: Research and Practice 35
i
These categories carry with them radically different historical, social, lin-
guistic, and demographic realities. For example, when compared to immigrant
languages such as Arabic or Mandarin, indigenous languages like Navajo
and Hawaiian tend to evidence fewer speakers, lower proficiency levels, and
fewer social networks in which the languages are used. Undoubtedly this is
the result of the sociohistorical situation of indigenous communities in the
United States. In the case of immigrant languages, the immigration history of
the family can be an essential element in understanding the learner's degree
of proficiency in the HI,. As described in Chapter 2, language shift to English
occurs very rapidly, typically within three generations: the first generation
arrives after age 11, and is usually monolingual in the home language; the
second generation is born here or brought before the age of 6 and usually ends
up bilingual in English and the HL,but stronger in English; and members of
the third generation (the grandchildren of the first generation) are sometimes
productively competent in the HL,but sometimes only receptively competent;
other times, members of the third generation do not develop any proficiency
at all in the HL.
Although there are exceptions, these patterns are helpful in understanding
the variety of HL proficiency levels. For example, consider the Korean-origin
students described in Table 3.2, all of whom are today 19 years old:
'"Generation 1.5 refers to an individual who immigrated to the U.S. between the ages of 6 and 12
and usually completed some schooling in the home country.
Heritage LanguageTeaching: Research and Practice
, . - 37 -
this does not always mean that during the person's life both languages will
be spoken with the same degree of proficiency or frequency. It is normally the
case that one language develops more than the other. For example, some adults
who experienced BFLA only understand (without being able to produce) one
of their languages, whereas others have productive abilities in both languages.
Researchers agree that in cases of BFLA, each language develops independently
and that children go through the same stages of acquisition as monolingual
children. Children who experience the second pattern, early second language
acquisition (ESLA), begin learning their second language between the ages of
1;5 and 4;O. This describes the case of heritage learners who were raised mono-
lingually in the heritage language until, for example, they began attending day-
care in English. Finally, children with the third pattern, late second language
acquisition (LSLA), began learning a second language after the age of 4;O. Many
G2 heritage speakers are cases of LSLA: they heard and spoke only the heritage
language until they began attending school in English. However, LSLA out-
comes are also affected by age of onset of bilingualism; that is, many children
who immigrate to the U.S. at age 5 end up with higher English proficiency as an
adult than one who arrives at age 9 (and often the opposite is true of their HL
competence, which is stronger the later they arrive).
Why is age of onset of bilingualism so important? There are at least two rea-
sons. First, research suggests that after the age of 10, it is likely that a child who
emigrates to a country where a different language is spoken will not acquire
every feature of the new language. However, she will not lose many basic
aspects of her first language, either (Montrul, 2008). This is sometimes referred
to as the "critical period" of language acquisition: after a certain age, typically
coinciding with puberty, people may not have access to their innate biologi-
cal capacity to acquire language in the same way they did when they were
children. Prior to that age, it is more likely that the new L2 will be completely
acquired and that some aspects of the L1 might be lost. Second, several stud-
ies indicate that there is a strong correlation between a younger age at onset of
learning a majority language (in our case, English in the U.S.) and a lower profi-
ciency in the minority/heritage language (Anderson, 1999,2001; Montrul, 2002;
Silva-Corvaltin, 2003). For example, a child who heard and spoke nothing but
Polish during the first 5 years of his life (a case of LSLA) will typically have a
stronger Polish system than another child who began exposure to English at the
age of 3 (ESLA) or since birth (BFLA). This is because in most parts of the US.,
minority languages are used in far fewer contexts than the majority language,
and as a result of the early use of English, children have fewer opportunities to
develop their linguistic systems.
Other linguistic facets of heritage learners' diversity include dialect pres-
tige, domains of HL use, and quantity of HL use. Chapter 2 described in detail
issues of linguistic prestige and stigmatization. An example from the Spanish-
speaking world is described by Zentella (1997). Many Puerto Rican Spanish
speakers have internalized criticisms from different sources that their dialect
of Spanish is inferior. Rather than be mocked or criticized for the ways they
speak Spanish, they sometimes prefer to shift to English. This is less likely to
happen to speakers of more prestigious dialects of Spanish. Students also differ
greatly in terms of the different domains or arenas of interaction in which they
Heritage LanguageTeaching: Research and Practice 1I
speak their HL, which in turn influences the registers they will develop. If the
domains of HL use are only informal (such as in the home and neighborhood),
then only informal registers will typically be developed; but if speakers engage
in formal domains of HL use (including school, business, or religious services),
they are more likely to develop more formal registers as well.
Overall amounts of HL use, too, influence linguistic development. This can
depend greatly on the composition of the local community. For example, Alba
et al. (2002) found that a third-generation Cuban child living in Miami, where
50% of the population is Spanish-speaking, is twenty times more likely to be
bilingual than a child living in an area where just 5% of the population speaks
Spanish. Also, overall amounts of HL use can vary during the life cycle. There
can be stretches of time during which individuals speak the HL exclusively,
other times when they rarely speak it at all, and then times when they revert
to using it more frequently again. For example, Zentella (1997) found that a
group of Puerto Rican girls in New York City used Spanish rather frequently
as young children, shifted away from it during adolescence, and returned to
greater Spanish use upon having their own children.
In their national survey, Carreira and Kagan (2011) asked students about
the quantity of their exposure to the heritage language, including within the
domains of home, Internet, reading, schooling, and visiting the home country.
Table 3.3 shows the general patterns they reported for exposure and self-rated
proficiency for differentlanguage groups (although we must note that students
who speak the same language may vary considerably from each other).
This diversity in learners' linguistic profiles has tremendous implications
for teaching. Teachers cannot assume that the strengths and weaknesses that
learners bring to the classroom are uniform, so we must invest time in identify-
ing these differences-ideally for a majority of students and before designing
and implementing a curriculum. As HL teachers, we need to be inquisitive,
flexible, and considerate of learner differences if we wish to successfully utilize
what they already know as a bridge to the development we seek from them.
The HL curriculum should allow sufficient time at the beginning of the course
to explore students' diversity through "get-to-know-you" activities, diagnos-
tic assessments, surveys, and formal and informal interviews (see the section
"Tools for Getting to Know Heritage Language Learners" below). We will fur-
ther discuss the need for continued formative assessment in Chapter 4.
TABLE 3 3 Exposure, Usage, and Proficiency Among Different Heritage Language Groups
-- -
Circulatory System
All Mollusca, without exception, possess a circulatory system of
more or less complexity. The centre of the system is the heart, which
receives the aerated blood from the breathing organs, and propels it
to every part of the body. In the Scaphopoda alone there appears to
be no distinct heart.
The heart may consist simply of a single auricle and ventricle, and
an aorta opening out of the ventricle. From the aorta the blood is
conveyed to the various parts of the body by arteries. Veins convey
the blood back to the breathing organs, after passing over which it
returns by the branchial or pulmonary vein to the heart, thus
completing the circuit.
As regards position, the heart is situated within the pericardium, a
separate chamber which in the Pelecypoda, Cephalopoda, and the
bilaterally symmetrical Gasteropoda lies on the median line, while in
the asymmetrical Gasteropoda it is on one or other of the sides of
the body, usually the right. The veins connected with the branchiae,
and consequently the auricle into which they open, are situated
behind the ventricle in the Opisthobranchiata (whence their name),
while in the Prosobranchiata they are situated in front of the
ventricle.
The number of auricles corresponds to the number of branchiae.
Thus there is only one auricle in the great majority of
Prosobranchiata (which are accordingly classified as Monotocardia),
and also in the Opisthobranchiata, while the Pulmonata have a
single auricle corresponding to the pulmonary chamber. There are
two auricles in the Amphineura, in a small group of Gasteropoda,
hence known as Diotocardia, in all Pelecypoda, and in the
Dibranchiate Cephalopoda. In the Tetrabranchiate Cephalopoda
alone there are four auricles corresponding to the four branchiae.
A single aorta occurs only in the Amphineura and in the
Tetrabranchiate Cephalopoda. In all the other groups there are two
aortae, leading out of the anterior and posterior ends of the ventricle
in Pelecypoda and Dibranchiate Cephalopoda, while a single aorta
leads out of the posterior end alone, and subsequently bifurcates, in
most of the Gasteropoda. One aorta, the cephalic, supplies the front
part of the body, the oesophagus, stomach, mantle, etc.; the other,
the visceral aorta, supplies the posterior part, the liver and sexual
organs.
The general circulatory system in the Mollusca has not yet been
thoroughly investigated. As a general rule, the blood driven from the
ventricle through the aorta into the arteries, passes, on reaching the
alimentary canal and other adjacent organs, into a number of
irregular spaces called lacunae. These in their turn branch into
sinuses, or narrow tubes covered with muscular tissue, which
penetrate the body in every direction. In the Dibranchiate
Cephalopoda true capillaries are said to occur, which in some cases
form a direct communication between the arteries and veins.
According to some authorities[277] capillaries and veins exist in
certain Pelecypoda in connexion with the intestinal lacunae, but this
again is regarded by others as not established. A similar difference
of opinion occurs with regard to the precise function of the foot-pore
which occurs in many Mollusca, some holding that it serves as a
means for the introduction of water into the blood-vascular system,
while others regard it as a form of secretion gland, the original
purpose of which has perhaps become lost.
Blood.—As a rule, the blood of the Mollusca—i.e. not the
corpuscles but the liquor sanguinis—is colourless, or slightly tinged
with blue on exposure to the air. This is due to the presence of a
pigment termed haemocyanin, in which are found traces of copper
and iron, the former predominating. Haemoglobin, the colouring
matter of the blood in Vertebrates, is, according to Lankester,[278] of
very restricted occurrence. It is found—(1) in special corpuscles in
the blood of Solen legumen (and Arca Noae); (2) in the general
blood system of Planorbis; (3) in the muscles of the pharynx and
jaws of certain Gasteropoda, e.g. Limnaea, Paludina, Littorina,
Chiton, Aplysia. This distribution of haemoglobin is explained by
Lankester in reference to its chemical activity; whenever increased
facilities for oxidisation are required, then it may be present to do the
work. The Mollusca, being as a rule otiose, do not possess it
generally diffused in the blood, as do the Vertebrata. The actively
burrowing Solen possesses it, and perhaps its presence in Planorbis
is to be explained from its respiring the air of stagnant marshes. Its
occurrence in the pharyngeal muscles and jaws of other genera may
be due to the constant state of activity in which these organs are
kept.[279]
According to Tenison-Woods[280] a species of Arca (trapezia
Desh.) and two species of Solen, all Australian, have red blood. It is
suggested that in these cases the habits of the animal (the Solen
burrowing deeply in sand, the Arca in mud) require some highly
oxidising element, surrounded as the creature is by ooze. In Arca
pexata (N. America) the blood is red, the animal being familiarly
known as the ‘bloody clam.’ Burrowing species, however, are not all
distinguished by this peculiarity. Tenison-Woods finds red fluids in
the buccal mass of many Gasteropoda, e.g. in species of Patella,
Acmaea, Littorina, Trochus, Turbo, giving the parts the appearance
of raw meat.
The Mantle
On the dorsal side of the typical molluscan body, between the
visceral sac and the shell, lies a duplicature of the integument,
generally known as the mantle. The depending sides of the mantle,
which are usually somewhat thickened, enclose between themselves
and the body mass a chamber of varying size and shape, called the
mantle cavity, which communicates freely with the external air or
water, and encloses and furnishes a protection for the organ or
organs of respiration. On its upper or dorsal surface the mantle is
closely applied to the shell throughout its whole extent, the cells with
which it is furnished secreting the materials from which the shell is
formed (see p. 255). The whole mantle is capable, to some degree,
of secreting shelly matter, but the most active agent in its production
is the mantle edge or margin.
In the Prosobranchiata the mantle cavity, for reasons which have
already been explained, is found on the left side of the animal, its
front portion being in many cases produced into a tubular siphon.
Within the mantle cavity are found, besides the branchia, the anus,
the apertures of the kidneys, and the osphradium. In the pulmonata
the mantle fold encloses a so-called lung-cavity. The front edge of
the mantle coalesces with the integument of the neck in such a way
as to enclose the cavity very completely, the only communication
with the outer air being by means of the contractile breathing or
pulmonary aperture on the right side. In the Tectibranchiate
Opisthobranchs the mantle fold is inconsiderable, and is usually not
of sufficient extent to cover the branchia, while in the Nudibranchs,
which have no true branchiae, it disappears altogether.
In the Pelecypoda the mantle cavity is equally developed on each
side, enclosing the two sets of branchiae. The mantle may thus be
regarded as consisting of two equal portions, which form a sort of
lining to the two valves. The lower or ventral portion of the mantle
edges may be simple, or provided with ocelli (Pecten, Arca),
tentacles, cilia (Lima, Lepton), or doubled folds. The two portions of
the mantle touch one another along the whole line of the edge of the
two valves, and, although thus in contact, may remain completely
separate from one another, or else become permanently united at
one or more points. This fusion of the mantle edges corresponds to
important changes in the organisation of the animal as a whole. The
anal and branchial siphons are no more than prolongations of the
mantle edges on the posterior side into a tubular form. These
‘siphons’ exhibit the siphonal form more distinctly according as the
adjacent portions of the mantle become more definitely fused
together.
Fig. 80.—Diagram illustrating the various stages in the closing of the mantle in
Pelecypoda: A, mantle completely open; B, rudiments of siphons, mantle still
completely open; C, mantle closed at one point; D, mantle closed at two
points, with complete formation of siphonal apertures; E, development of
siphons, ventral closure more extended; F, mantle closed at three points, with
fourth orifice: f, foot; s.a, s.b, anal and branchial siphons; 1, 2, 3, first, second,
and third points of closure of mantle. (After A. Lang.)
This progressive fusion of the mantle edges may be taken as
indicating definite stages in the development of the Pelecypoda. A
perfectly free mantle edge, joined at no point with the edge of the
adjacent mantle, occurs in Nucula, Arca, Anomia, and Trigonia (see
Fig. 80, A, B). Here there is nothing in the nature of a siphon, either
anal or branchial; in other words, no contrivance exists to prevent the
spent water which has passed over the branchiae from becoming
mixed with the fresh water which is to reach them. When the mantle
edges are fused at one point only, this is invariably on the middle
part of the posterior side, thus separating off an anal opening which
may become prolonged into a tube-like form. At the same time the
adjacent underlying portions of the mantle edges draw together,
without actually coalescing, to form an opening for the incurrent
stream of water, the rudiments of the ‘branchial siphon’ (Fig. 80, C).
This is the case with most Mytilidae (see Fig. 75) with Cardita,
Astarte, and Pisidium. In the next stage the branchial opening is
separated off by the concrescence of the mantle edges beneath it,
and we have the mantle united in two places, thus forming three
openings, the ventral of which is the opening for the protrusion of the
foot (Fig. 80, D). This is the case in Yoldia, Leda, the majority of the
Eulamellibranchiata (e.g. Lucina, Cyrena, Donax, Psammobia,
Tellina, Venus, Cardium, Mactra), and all Septibranchiata. In Chama
and Tridacna the fused portions of the mantle become more
extended, and in Pholas, Xylophaga, Teredo, Pandora, and Lyonsia
this concrescence takes place over the greater length of the whole
mantle edge, so that the mantle may be regarded as closed, with the
exception of the three apertures for the foot and the two siphons
(Fig. 80, E).
In certain genera there occurs, besides these three apertures, a
fourth, in the line of junction between the pedal and branchial
orifices. It appears probable that this fourth orifice (which has been
regarded by some as an inlet for water when the siphons are
retracted), stands in relation to the byssal apparatus (Fig. 80, F). In
Lyonsia, for instance, a thick byssus protrudes through the orifice,
which is large and open. In Solen, Lutraria, Glycimeris,
Cochlodesma, Thracia, Aspergillum, and a few more genera, which
have no byssus, the orifice is very small and narrow. It is possible
that in these latter cases, the byssal apparatus having become
atrophied, the orifice has been correspondingly reduced in size.[281]
Mantle Reflected over the Shell.—It is sometimes the case that
the mantle edges tend to double back over the external surface of
the shell, and to enclose it to a greater or less extent. When this
process is carried to an extreme, the edges of the reflected mantle
unite, and the shell becomes completely internal. We see an
incipient stage of this process in Cypraea and Marginella, where the
bright polish on the surface of the shell is due to the protection
afforded by the lobes of the mantle. A considerable portion of the
shell of Scutus is concealed in a similar way, while in Cryptochiton,
Lamellaria, and Aplysia the shell is more or less completely
enclosed. Among Pulmonata, it is possible that in forms like Vitrina,
Parmacella, Limax, and Arion, we have successive stages in a
process which starts with a shell completely external, as in Helix,
and ends, not merely by enveloping the shell in the mantle, but by
effecting its disappearance altogether. In Vitrina and some allied
genera we have a type in which the mantle lobes are partly reflected
over the shell, which at the same time exhibits rather less of a spiral
form than in Helix. In the stage represented by Parmacella, the
mantle edges have coalesced over the whole of the shell, except for
a small aperture immediately over the spire; the nucleus alone of the
shell is spiral, the rest considerably flattened. In Limax the shell has
become completely internal, and is simply a flat and very thin plate,
the spiral form being entirely lost, and the nucleus represented by a
simple thickening at one end of the plate. In Arion, the final stage, we
find that the shell, being no longer needed as a protection to the vital
organs, has either become resolved into a number of independent
granules, or else has entirely disappeared.
Some indications of a similar series of changes occur in the
Pelecypoda. The mantle edge of Lepton is prolonged beyond the
area of the valves, terminating in some cases in a number of
filaments. In Galeomma and Scintilla the valves are partially
concealed by the reflected mantle lobes, and in a remarkable form
recently discovered by Dall[282] (Chlamydoconcha) the shell is
completely imbedded in the mantle, which is perforated at the
anterior end by an orifice for the mouth, and at the posterior end by a
similar orifice for the anus. In all these cases, except Lepton, it is
interesting to notice that the hinge teeth have completely
disappeared, the additional closing power gained by the external
mantle rendering the work done by a hinge unnecessary. It is quite
possible, on the analogy of the Gasteropoda mentioned above, and
also, it may be added, of the Cephalopoda and other groups, that we
have here indicated the eventual occurrence of a type of Pelecypoda
altogether deprived of valves, a greatly thickened mantle performing
the part of a shell.[283]
The following works will be found useful for further study of this
portion of the subject:—
F. Bernard, Recherches sur les organes palléaux des
Gastéropodes prosobranches: Ann. Sc. Nat. Zool. (7) ix. (1890), pp.
89–404.
G. Cuvier, Le Régne animal (ed. V. Masson); Mollusca, Text and
Atlas.
C. Grobben, Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Baues von Cuspidaria
(Neaera) cuspidata Olivi, nebst Betrachtungen über das System der
Lamellibranchiaten: Arb. Zool. Inst. Wien, x. (1893), pp. 101–146.
E. Ray Lankester, Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., vol. xvi.
(1883), Art. ‘Mollusca.’
A. Ménégaux, Recherches sur la circulation des Lamellibranches
marins: Besançon, 1890.
K. Mitsukuri, On the structure and significance of some aberrant
forms of Lamellibranchiate gills: Q. Journ. Micr. Sc., N.S. xxi. (1881),
pp. 595–608.
H. L. Osborn, On the gill in some forms of Prosobranchiate
Mollusca: Stud. Biol. Lab. Johns Hopk. Univ. iii. (1884), pp. 37–48.
R. Holman Peck, The structure of the Lamellibranchiate gill: Q.
Journ. Micr. Sc., N.S. xvii. (1877), pp. 43–66.
P. Pelseneer, Contributions à l’étude des lamellibranches: Arch.
Biol. xi. (1891), pp. 147–312.
CHAPTER VII
ORGANS OF SENSE: TOUCH, SIGHT, SMELL, HEARING—THE FOOT—THE
NERVOUS SYSTEM
Fig. 82.—Monodonta
canalifera Lam., New
Ireland, showing mantle
lobes. (After Quoy and
Gaimard.)
Fig. 83.—Glandina seizing
its prey, with buccal
papillae turned back.
(Strebel.)
It is in the Opisthobranchiata that the organs of touch attain their
maximum development. Many of this group are shell-less or possess
a small internal shell, and accordingly, in the absence of this special
form of defence, a multiplied sense of touch is probably of great
service. Thus we find, besides the ordinary cephalic tentacles,
clusters or crowns of the same above the head of many
Nudibranchiata, with lobe-like prolongations of the integument, and
tentacular processes in the neighbourhood of, or surrounding the
branchiae (see Figs. 58 and Fig. 84, or even projecting from the
whole upper surface of the body (Fig. 5, C).
In the Pelecypoda, the chief organs of touch are the foot, which is
always remarkably sensitive, especially towards its point, the labial
palps on each side of the mouth, and the siphons. In certain cases
the mantle border is prolonged into a series of threads or filaments.
These are particularly noticeable in Pecten, Lepton, and Lima (Fig.
85), the mantle lobes of the common L. hians of our own coasts
being very numerous, and of a bright orange colour. In many genera
—e.g. Unio, Mactra—this sensibility to touch appears to be shared
by the whole mantle border, although it is not furnished with any
special fringing. The ‘arms’ of the Cephalopoda appear to be keenly
sensitive to touch, and this is particularly the case with the front or
tentacular pair of arms, which seem to be employed in an especial
degree for exploration and investigation of strange objects.
Fig. 84.—Idalia Leachii A. and H., British seas;
br, branchiae. (After Alder and Hancock.)
II. Sight