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Comptia Cysa Cybersecurity Analyst Certification Practice Exams Exam Cs0 002 Kelly Sparks Sparks Full Chapter
Comptia Cysa Cybersecurity Analyst Certification Practice Exams Exam Cs0 002 Kelly Sparks Sparks Full Chapter
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Part VI Appendixes
Introduction
Part VI Appendixes
Exam Structure
The following table lists the extent to which each exam domain is
represented both in this book and in the examination.
Exam-Taking Techniques
• Time management is key; know how much time to spend on
each question.
• Performance-based questions will take more time than
multiple-choice questions.
• Read questions carefully; identify key words to understand the
nature of each question.
• Pay attention; some questions may require more than one
response.
• Performance-based questions can be presented at any point in
the exam.
• Double-check your answers if you have time at the end of the
test.
• Stay calm throughout the exam; trust that your test
preparation will pay off.
Q QUESTIONS
–Stèphane Nappo
Q QUESTIONS
ANSWERS A
1. Joshua, a security team analyst, is using a framework as he
analyzes security incidents. The framework he is using serves
as an encyclopedia of previously observed tactics from bad
actors and enables tracking adversarial behavior over time,
based on observed activity shared with the security community.
Which framework is Joshua using?
A. Lockheed Martin Cyber Kill Chain
B. Diamond Model of Intrusion Analysis
C. X-Force IRIS cyberattack
D. MITRE ATT&CK
D is correct. MITRE ATT&CK is the framework that enables
tracking adversarial behavior over time based on observed
activity shared with the community.
A, B, and C are incorrect. A is incorrect because the Cyber
Kill Chain is based on the seven stages of a cyberattack. B
is incorrect because the Diamond Model is used to capture
and communicate details about malicious activity. C is
incorrect because the X-Force IRIS cyberattack helps
organizations predict the steps an adversary might take to
infiltrate corporate networks.
2. A security engineer analyzes computer networks, ensures
they’re running securely, and tries to foresee possible security
issues that may arise in the future so that protections can be
built into a system from the beginning. How does sharing
threat intelligence with security engineers provide a benefit?
(Choose all that apply.)
A. Allows quick action when dealing with new threats
B. Provides insight into the possible effectiveness of security
measures
C. Enables security engineers to operationalize
countermeasures to specific adversary tactics
D. Prepares them to predict the capability, intent, and
opportunity for a threat in the future
B and C are correct. Security engineers can utilize threat
intelligence to provide insight into the effectiveness of
security measures and operationalize countermeasures to
specific adversary tactics.
A and D are incorrect. A is incorrect because security
engineers do not normally deal directly with new threats.
D is incorrect because it is not the role of security
engineers to predict future threat possibilities.
3. Attack vectors are used by threat actors to gain unauthorized
access to a device or network for nefarious purposes. Which of
the following is not an example of an attack vector?
A. E-mail attachment
B. TCP intercept
C. Social engineering
D. Vulnerable web server
B is correct. TCP Intercept is a feature to defend against
TCP SYN flood attacks by intercepting and validating TCP
connection requests.
A, C, and D are incorrect. These are all examples of attack
vectors.
4. Talos and VirusTotal provide lookup information on potentially
malicious URLs, domains, and IP addresses across the Internet
and rate them on the potential of being risky based on
association with the following types of data or activities:
malware, spyware, spam, phishing, fraud, and so on. The data
described is commonly referred to as which type of data?
A. Reputation
B. Indicator of compromise
C. Attack vector
D. Kill chain
A is correct. Reputation data is offered by various
companies as a service. Once enrolled, every URL request
(whether in a browser or e-mail) is evaluated for security
risk by querying the reputation database and blocking
connection to known risky sites.
B, C, and D are incorrect. B is incorrect because indicators
of compromise are pieces of information on your system
that identify potential malicious activity. C is incorrect
because an attack vector is a path or means through
which a hacker can gain access to a computer or network.
D is incorrect because kill chain is a series of steps that
trace the stages of a cyberattack.
5. Ron is performing post-attack analysis of an incident and
tracing the attacker’s activities through the seven linear phases
in hopes he can develop protections to stop future attacks in
their earlier phases. Based on this information, Ron is most
likely using which of the following frameworks to complete his
analysis?
A. Diamond Model of Intrusion Analysis
B. X-Force IRIS cyberattack
C. Lockheed Martin Cyber Kill Chain
D. MITRE ATT&CK
C is correct. Cyber Kill Chain is a method of breaking down
a cyberattack into a series of structured steps or phases
typically used by attackers to perform cyberintrusions
intended to assist analysts in detecting and preventing
attacks.
A, B, and D are incorrect. A is incorrect because the
Diamond Model of Intrusion Analysis is an approach to
conducting intelligence on network intrusion events. B is
incorrect because X-Force IRIS cyberattack helps
organizations predict the steps an adversary might take to
infiltrate corporate networks. D is incorrect because
MITRE ATT&CK is a globally accessible knowledge base of
adversary tactics and techniques based on real-world
observations.
6. Threat intelligence shared with which group enables them to
prepare, develop strong processes, reduce time needed to
react, and update their playbook?
A. Security engineers
B. Incident responders
C. Vulnerability managers
D. Risk assessors
B is correct. Incident responders, by the nature of their
trade, are reactionary, relying on strong processes that are
normally documented in a “playbook.” They rely heavily
upon threat intelligence to stay prepared and enhance
their playbook, enabling them to quickly identify and
respond to the latest threats.
A, C, and D are incorrect. A is incorrect because security
engineers are not normally reactionary. C is incorrect
because vulnerability managers are all about making risk-
based decisions. D is incorrect because risk assessors
focus on impact and probability.
7. Frameworks such as the MITRE ATT&CK contribute to our
understanding of TTPs, types of threat actors, their intent, and
their strengths and weaknesses. Based on this description,
which threat modeling methodology is being leveraged?
A. Likelihood
B. Total attack surface
C. Impact
D. Adversary capability
D is correct. Adversary capability threat modeling
methodology helps us identify and understand our
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sometimes became ‘liquorish’ at the table, and on one occasion made rather
free with another man’s wife to the husband’s indignation until mollified
with the assurance of his spouse that she ‘did not like him at all.’ Even so,
thought the irate husband, Hamilton ‘appears very trifling in his
conversation with ladies.’[508] And ‘trifling’ indeed must have been much of
the talk.
Thus it was at a dinner at Clymer’s, a leading member of the House.
Present, Otis, the Binghams, the Willings—the top cream of the aristocracy.
Aha, cried the vivacious sister of Mrs. Bingham, referring to the host’s
newly acquired stomacher, and mentioning the touching case of the Duke of
York, recently married to the Duchess of Württemberg who was compelled
to cut a semi-circle out of his table to give access to his plate. Mrs. Bingham
coyly expressed sympathy for the Duchess. (Bursts of laughter and
applause.) But Clymer, not to be outdone, turned to his married sister with
the comment that he would ‘soon be able to retort this excellent jest on her.’
(Renewed laughter and more applause.) It was an hilarious occasion, the
applause ‘would have done credit to a national convention’ and ‘Miss Abby
and Miss Ann did not disguise their delight nor their bosoms.’[509] On now
to a dinner at Harrison’s, who married a sister of Mrs. Bingham, where one
of the guests, ‘after rallying Sophia ... upon her unfruitfulness,’ led to a
‘natural but not very flattering transition’ which ‘introduced Mrs. Champlin
and her want of prolific qualities as a seasoning for the Canvas Backs.’[510]
But let us hurry on to a third dinner, with Hamilton, his vivacious sisters-in-
law, Mrs. Church and Miss Schuyler. A lively company! Mrs. Church, ‘the
mirror of affectation,’ who is ‘more amusing than offensive’ because so
affable and free from ceremony; and, still more lively, Miss Schuyler ‘a
young wild flirt from Albany, full of glee and apparently desirous of
matrimony.’ Mrs. Church drops her shoe bow, Miss Schuyler picks it up and
fastens it in Hamilton’s button-hole with the remark, ‘I have made you a
knight.’ ‘But what order?’ asks Mrs. Church, ‘he can’t be a knight of the
garter in this country.’ ‘True, sister, but he would be if you would let him.’
Wine, women and song—such the spirit in some of the great houses in
moments of abandon. But it would be unfair to leave the impression these
incidents would convey. There were brilliant men of vast achievement, and
women of extraordinary charm and cleverness moving behind these
curtained windows. Let us meet them in the mansion of Mrs. Bingham—the
uncrowned queen of the Federalist group—the woman without a peer.
IV
None of the three capitals of the country have produced another social
leader of the cleverness, audacity, and regality of Mrs. William Bingham.
During the eight years of the domination of the Federalists, of whom her
husband was one of the leaders, there was no public character of the first
order who did not come under the influence of her fascination. By birth,
environment, nature, and training she was fitted to play a conspicuous part in
the social life of any capital in the world. The daughter of Willing, the
partner of Robert Morris, she was the favored of fortune. Some years before
her birth, her father, inspired by sentimental motives, built the mansion on
Third Street in which she was born, and patterned it after the ancestral home
in Bristol, England. There, surrounded by all the advantages of wealth, her
beauty unfolded through a happy childhood. The pomp and pride of great
possessions did not imbue her with a passion for republics or democracy.
She was destined to play a part in a rather flamboyant aristocracy, and was
as carefully perfected in the arts and graces of her sex as any princess
destined to a throne. In the midst of the Revolution, in her sixteenth year, she
married William Bingham who combined the advantages of wealth, social
position, and a capacity for political leadership.
She was only twenty, when, accompanied by her husband, she went
abroad to captivate court circles with her vivacity, charm, and beauty. At
Versailles, the gallants, accustomed to the ways and wiles of the most
accomplished women of fashion, were entranced. At The Hague, where she
lingered awhile, the members of the diplomatic corps fluttered about the
teasing charmer like moths about the flame. In the court circles of England
she suffered nothing in comparison with the best it could offer, and the
generous Abigail Adams, thrilling to the triumph of the young American,
found her brilliancy enough to dim the ineffectual fires of Georgiana,
Duchess of Devonshire. Five years of familiarity with the leaders in the
world of European fashion and politics prepared her to preside with stunning
success over the most famous political drawing-room of the American
capital.
It was after their return from Europe that Mrs. Bingham moved into the
imposing mansion on Third Street built on the ample grounds of her
childhood home. All the arts of the architect, landscape gardener, and
interior decorator had been drawn upon to make a fit setting for the mistress.
The garden, with its flowers and rare shrubbery, its lemon, orange, and citron
trees, its aloes and exotics, was shut off from the view of the curious, only
mighty oaks and the Lombardy poplars visible above the wall—‘a
magnificent house and gardens in the best English style.’[511] The
furnishings were in keeping with the promise of the exterior. ‘The chairs in
the drawing-room were from Seddon’s in London of the newest taste, the
back in the form of a lyre, with festoons, of yellow and crimson silk,’
according to the description of an English tourist. ‘The curtains of the room
a festoon of the same. The carpet, one of Moore’s most expensive patterns.
The room papered in the French taste, after the style of the Vatican in
Rome.’[512] The halls, hung with pictures selected with fine discrimination
in Italy, gave a promise not disappointed in the elegance of the drawing-
rooms, the library, the ballroom, card-rooms, and observatory.[513] To some
this extravagant display of luxury was depressing, and Brissot de Warville,
who was to return to Paris to die on the guillotine as a leader of the ill-fated
party of the Gironde, held the
MRS. WILLIAM BINGHAM
mistress of the mansion responsible for the aristocratic spirit of the town. It
was a pity, he thought, that a man so sensible and amiable as Bingham
should have permitted a vain wife to lead him to ‘a pomp which ought
forever have been a stranger to Philadelphia.’ And all this display ‘to draw
around him the gaudy prigs and parasites of Europe,’ and lead ‘to the
reproach of his fellow citizens and the ridicule of strangers.’[514] But if the
French republican was shocked, even so robust a democrat as Maclay was so
little offended that he was able to write after dining at the mansion that
‘there is a propriety, a neatness, a cleanliness that adds to the splendor of his
costly furniture and elegant apartments.’[515]
And ‘the dazzling Mrs. Bingham,’ as the conservative Abigail described
her,[516] what of her? The elegance and beauty which has come down to us
on canvas prepares us for the glowing descriptions of contemporaries. Hers
was the type of patrician beauty that shimmered. She was above the medium
height and well-formed, and in her carriage there was sprightliness, dignity,
elegance, and distinction. Sparkling with wit, bubbling with vivacity, she had
the knack of convincing the most hopeless yokel introduced into her
drawing-room by the exigencies of politics that she found his personality
peculiarly appealing. Daring at the card-table, graceful in the dance, witty in
conversation even though sometimes too adept with the naughty devices of a
Congreve dialogue, inordinately fond of all the dissipations prescribed by
fashion, tactful in the selection and placing of her guests at table, she richly
earned the scepter she waved so authoritatively over society.[517] What
though she did sometimes stain her pretty lips with wicked oaths, she swore
as daintily as the Duchess of Devonshire, and if she did seem to relish
anecdotes a bit too spicy for a puritanic atmosphere, she craved not the
privilege of breathing such air.[518]
Hers the consuming ambition to be the great lady and to introduce into
American society the ideas and ideals of Paris and London. Did Jefferson
gently chide her for her admiration of French women? Well—was she not
justified? Did they not ‘possess the happy art of making us pleased with
ourselves?’ In their conversation could they not ‘please both the fop and the
philosopher?’ And despite their seeming frivolity, did not these ‘women of
France interfere with the politics of the country, and often give a decided
turn to the fate of empires?’ In this letter to the man she admired and liked,
while loathing his politics, we have the nearest insight into the soul of the
woman.[519]
But these graver ambitions were not revealed to many who observed her
mode of life, her constant round of dissipations, her putting aside the
responsibilities of a mother, leaving her daughters to their French
governesses until the tragic elopement of Marie with a dissipated nobleman,
and the apprehension of the pair after their marriage at the home of a
milliner in the early morning. Hers were not the prim notions of the average
American of her time. It was Otis, not she, who was shocked to find Marie
so thinly dressed in mid-winter that he was ‘regaled at the sight of her whole
legs for five minutes together,’ and wondered ‘to what height the fashion
would be carried.’[520] Swearing, relating risqué stories, indulging in
dissipations night after night, shaming her motherhood by her affected
indifference or neglect, the fact remains that the breath of scandal never
touched her until the final scene when in her early thirties they bore her on a
stretcher from the home of her triumphs in the vain hope of prolonging her
life in the soft air of the Bermudas.
And so to her dinners, dances, parties, the clever men of the Federalist
Party flocked, with only a sprinkling of Jeffersonians, for, though Jefferson
himself could always count on a gracious reception from the hostess, he was
not comfortable among the other guests. Always the best was to be had there
—and the newest. Did she not introduce the foreign custom of having
servants announce the arriving guests, to the discomfiture of Monroe?
‘Senator Monroe,’ called the flunky.
‘Coming,’ cried the Senator.
‘Senator Monroe’—echoed a flunky down the hall.
‘Coming as soon as I can get my greatcoat off,’ promised the Senator.
But we may be sure that no expression of amusement on the face of the
beaming Mrs. Bingham added to his embarrassment.
‘A very pretty dinner, Madame,’ said the intolerable Judge Chase, after
looking over the proffered repast, ‘but there is not a thing on your table that I
can eat.’
An expression of surprise or resentment on the hostess’s face? Not at all.
What would the Judge relish? Roast beef? Very well—and a servant received
his orders and soon hurried back with beef and potatoes to be gluttonously
devoured and washed down with a couple of bottles of stout ale instead of
French wines.
‘There, Madame,’ said the Judge, made comfortable, ‘I have made a
sensible and excellent dinner, but no thanks to your French cook.’
And he never knew from the lady’s pleased expression that she thought
him an insufferable bore.
Such the woman whose home was to be to the Hamiltonians what
Madame Roland’s was to the Girondists, and Lady Holland’s to the English
Whigs. Now let us peep into the drawing-room and observe the men and
women who bowed to her social scepter.
VI
We have an English-drawn picture of an evening at the British Legation
with many American guests gathered about the blazing fire. The Consul is
‘descanting on various subjects, public and private, as well as public and
private characters, sometimes with unbecoming levity, sometimes with
sarcasm even more unbecoming.’ An English guest was afraid that such talk
‘could hardly fail to be offensive to ... many of the guests and to the good
taste of all.’ But could this English gentleman have listened in on the
conversations at Mrs. Bingham’s, Mrs. Morris’s, or Mrs. Stewart’s, he might
have concluded that these reflections on certain public characters were
altogether pleasing to the principal figures in the society of the capital.[535]
And could he have returned a little later to find society chuckling over the
display in the windows of a newspaper office of the pictures of George III,
Lord North, and General Howe, he might have decided that there was a
pronouncedly pro-English party in America. Had he driven about the
environs, among the hills, and along the banks of the rivers, he would have
seen country houses of the aristocracy—Lansdowne, the seat of the
Binghams; Bush Hill, where the Adamses lived at first; Woodford, and other
country places to suggest similar seats in his own land. And had he been
meandering in the neighborhood of Horsehead’s or Chew’s Landing, seven
or nine miles out, he might have been startled at the familiar English picture
of gentlemen in bright coats, the pack in full cry after the fox.[536] And
having made these observations he could have found some extenuation in
the conversation in the British Minister’s house.
The snobbery of class consciousness entered into even the Dancing
Assembly which held forth at frequent intervals at O’Eller’s, in a ballroom
sixty feet square, with a handsome music gallery at one end, and the walls
papered after the French style.[537] The suppers at these dances were mostly
liquid,[538] and, since it is on record that on hot summer days ladies and
gentlemen could count on a cool iced punch with pineapple juice to heighten
the color, it may be assumed that the Assembly suppers were a success.[539]
The fact that the young ladies sometimes took two pair of slippers, lest they
dance one out, hints of all-night revels.[540] And the expulsion from
membership of a young woman who had dared marry a jeweler tells its own
tale.[541] At the theater, which was usually crowded,[542] the aristocrats and
democrats met without mingling, for the different prices put every one in his
or her place, and if wine and porter were sold between acts to the people in
the pit ‘precisely as if they were in a tavern,’[543] the aristocracy paid eight
dollars for a box,[544] and an attaché, in full dress of black, hair powdered
and adjusted in the formal fashion, and bearing silver candlesticks and wax
candles, would meet Washington at the entrance and conduct him with much
gravity to the presidential box, festooned with red drapery, and bearing the
United States coat of arms.[545] ‘The managers have been very polite to me
and my family,’ wrote Mrs. Adams. ‘The actors came and informed us that a
box is prepared for us. The Vice-President thanked them for their civility,
and told them he would attend whenever the President did.’[546] On these
occasions, when the highest dignitaries of the State attended, a stranger,
dropped from the clouds, would have scarcely thought himself in a republic.
At the theater he would have found a military guard, with an armed soldier
at each stage door, with four or five others in the gallery, and these assisted
by the high constables of the city and police officers.[547] There was no
danger threatening but the occasion offered the opportunity for pompous
display so tempting to the society of the city.
At first the statesmen had to content themselves with the old Southwark
Theater, which was dreary enough architecturally, lighted with oil lamps
without glasses, and with frequent pillars obstructing the view.[548] But the
best plays were presented, by good if not brilliant players, and the
aristocracy flirted and frolicked indifferent to the resentful glances of the
poorer classes in less favored seats. It reached the climax of its career just as
the new theater was about to open with the then celebrated tragic actress,
Mrs. Melmoth—and soon afterward, the new Chestnut Street Theater
opened its doors and raised its curtain. The opening was an event—the
public entranced. Two or three rows of boxes, a gallery with Corinthian
columns highly gilded and with a crimson ribbon from capital to base.
Above the boxes, crimson drapery—panels of rose color—seats for two
thousand. ‘As large as Covent Garden,’ wrote Wansey, ‘and to judge by the
dress and appearance of the company around me, and the actors and scenery,
I should have thought I had still been in England.’[549] And such a company!
There was Fennell, noted in Paris for his extravagance, socially ambitious,
and handsome, too, with his six feet of stature, and ever-ready blush, about
whom flocked the literary youth of the town. Ladies—the finest trembled to
his howls of tragedy and simpered to his comedy. There, too, was Harwood,
who had married the granddaughter of Ben Franklin—a perfect gentleman;
and Mrs. Oldmixon, the spouse of Sir John, the ‘beau of Bath,’ who divided
honors in his day with Nash and Brummel; and Mrs. Whitlock, whom her
admirers insisted did not shine merely by the reflected glory of her sister,
Mrs. Siddons.
Quite as appealing to both aristocrat and democrat was the Circus at
Twelfth and Market Streets, established in 1792 by John Ricketts whose
credentials to society were in his erstwhile connection with the Blackfriars
Bridge Circus of London. Washington and Martha occasionally witnessed
the performances, quite soberly we may be sure, and the ‘court party’ thus
got its cue if any were needed. The proprietor riding two horses at full
gallop, Signor Spinacuta dancing daringly on a tight rope, a clown tickling
the risibilities of the crowd and mingling Mrs. Bingham’s laughter with that
of Mrs. Jones, her washwoman, women on horseback doing stunts, and a
trained horse that could leap over other horses without balking—such were
the merry nights under the dripping candles.[550]
Then there was Bowen’s Wax Works and museum of curiosities and
paintings and the museum of Mr. Peale—and under the same roof with the
latter the reading-room of the Philosophical Society, where Jefferson was to
find a sanctuary in the days when he was to be anathema in the fashionable
drawing-rooms.
Frivolity, extravagance, exaggerated imitation of Old-World dissipations,
could scarcely have been suited to Jefferson’s taste; but when he wished for
society of another sort he could always run in on Rittenhouse to discuss
science, or on Dr. Rush who mixed politics with powders, or, better still, he
could drive out to ‘Stenton,’ the beautiful country house of Dr. James Logan
and his cultured wife, approached by its glorious avenue of hemlocks. There
he could sit under the trees on the lawn or walk in the old-fashioned gardens
or browse in the fine library. There before the huge fireplace in the lofty
wainscoted rooms he could sit with the Doctor and discuss the aristocratic
tendencies of the times—and this he frequently did. Despite his democracy,
Jefferson lived like an aristocrat. He had found a place in the country near
the city where the house was ‘entirely embosomed in high plane trees with
good grass below,’ and there, on warm summer days, he was wont to
‘breakfast, dine, write, read, and entertain company’ under the trees. Even in
its luxury, his was the home of the philosopher. It was under these plane
trees that he worked out much of the strategy of his political battles.[551]
Such was the social background for the struggle of Hamilton and Jefferson
—with little in it to strengthen or encourage the latter in his fight.
CHAPTER VII
JEFFERSON MOBILIZES
II
As Jefferson’s mild eye surveyed the field, he found in almost every State
local parties, some long in existence, fighting for popular rights as they
understood them; but their fights had been waged on local issues. The party
he was to create was to fight in precisely the same cause—on the national
field. Here, then, was something already at hand. Why not consolidate these
local parties into one great national organization, and broaden the issue to
include the problems of both State and Nation? The local leaders? Why not
make them field marshals in command of the Massachusetts division, the
North Carolina division, Pennsylvania and Maryland divisions?
The philosopher-politician took up his pen, for he had learned in the
organization of the Revolution what could be done through correspondence.
Out under the plane trees he was to sit at his table writing—to Sam Adams,
to Rutledge, to John Taylor, to Willie Jones. Under his roof and at his table
conferences with Madison, Monroe, Giles, Bloodworth, became
commonplace. ‘Oh, I should note that Mr. Jefferson, with more than Parisian
politeness, waited on me at my chamber this morning,’ wrote Maclay. ‘He
talked politics, mostly the French difference and the whale fishery.’[555] A
very cautious approach, we may be sure, for the master politician and
psychologist thoroughly understood the little vanities, prejudices, and
weaknesses of that singularly suspicious democrat. Quite different would
have been a conversation with Gallatin or Monroe. Taking an inventory of
prospective lieutenants in the States, and comparing the material with that
against him, he could not but have realized his disadvantage. Brilliant men
are prone to flutter about the rich and powerful, and nothing succeeds like
success with the strong. No chance for him to ride to war surrounded by
such scintillating company as that which encircled Hamilton—but here and
there was a man who shimmered in the sun.
In Massachusetts, home of Ames, Cabot, and Sedgwick, Jefferson could
count on two men who surpassed any of this famous group in service in the
making of the Republic, but, strange as it may seem in perspective, old Sam
Adams and John Hancock were not in good standing with the staid business
men of Boston. Their republicanism was too robust, their devotion to the
principles of the Declaration too uncompromising for the materialists, who
appeared, for the most part, on the battle-field after the fight was won, to
claim the fruits of the victory. Sam Adams had lost his race for Congress to
Fisher Ames who had dallied with his books when the ragged Continentals
were struggling in the field. When the clever politicians of the Essex Junto
exchanged letters, these erstwhile Revolutionary heroes of the dark days
were seldom mentioned with respect; but they had their following in the
streets and among those who had shared in the perils they had faced. Upon
these two Jefferson could rely.
But there were others, more active and militant in the Boston of those
days in the building of the party of democracy. Foremost in the fight, and
most annoying to the ruling oligarchy, was the brilliant Dr. Charles Jarvis,
who was a powerful orator[556] whose social status, on a par with that of
Otis, raised him above the condescension or contempt of the moneyed
aristocracy, and whose ability was beyond the reach of disparagement.[557]
Through many years of leadership in the legislature he ‘had made the rights
of man his pole star.’[558] No one did so much to organize and vitalize the
masses, for he could pass from the legislative hall to the public platform
without any diminution of power. As in the former he could match the best
in argument, on the latter no one knew better how to direct the storm.
‘Jarvis’s electioneering influence in this town is very great,’ wrote John
Quincy Adams to his father.[559]
As a file leader, organizer, agitator, he had powerful support in the robust,
rough-hewn rope-maker, Ben Austin, who wrestled under the rules of catch-
as-catch-can, mingled with the element that Ames and Cabot considered
vulgar, and under the signature of ‘Honestus’ dealt telling blows in letters
that the mechanic could understand. ‘Rabid essays,’ they were—judged by
the standard of the élite.[560] Sam Adams, John Hancock, Austin, and Jarvis
—these were the Jeffersonian leaders in the Old Bay State. Less aggressive,
but often valuable, was James Sullivan, orator, leader of the Bar, letter-writer
and pamphleteer, whose vigorous mind, powers of application, and
indomitable courage were to render yeoman service.
In the other New England States the democrats were less fortunate. In
Connecticut, ruled with an iron hand by an oligarchy of preachers,
professors, and reactionary politicians, the prospects were dark enough, but
even there the Jeffersonians found a leader capable of coping with the best
of the opposition in the hard-hitting, resourceful Abraham Bishop, who was
a veritable scandal and stench to the gentlemen of the cloth and of the
counting-room. Nowhere in America was such an amazing combination of
Church and State. Election days were celebrated with religious services, and
the sermons were party harangues, described by the irreverent Bishop as
consisting of ‘a little of governor, a little of Congress, much of politics, and a
very little of religion—a strange compote, like a carrot pie, having so little