Public Health at the Border of

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1890–1940: African Experiences in a
Contested Space 1st ed. Edition Francis
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AFRICAN HISTORIES
AND MODERNITIES

Public Health at the

Border of Zimbabwe and
Mozambique, 1890–1940
African Experiences in
a Contested Space
Francis Dube
African Histories and Modernities

Series Editors
Toyin Falola
The University of Texas at Austin
Austin, TX, USA

Matthew M. Heaton
Virginia Tech
Blacksburg, VA, USA
This book series serves as a scholarly forum on African contributions to
and negotiations of diverse modernities over time and space, with a par-
ticular emphasis on historical developments. Specifically, it aims to refute
the hegemonic conception of a singular modernity, Western in origin,
spreading out to encompass the globe over the last several decades. Indeed,
rather than reinforcing conceptual boundaries or parameters, the series
instead looks to receive and respond to changing perspectives on an
important but inherently nebulous idea, deliberately creating a space in
which multiple modernities can interact, overlap, and conflict. While privi-
leging works that emphasize historical change over time, the series will
also feature scholarship that blurs the lines between the historical and the
contemporary, recognizing the ways in which our changing understand-
ings of modernity in the present have the capacity to affect the way we
think about African and global histories.

Editorial Board
Akintunde Akinyemi, Literature, University of Florida, Gainesville
Malami Buba, African Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies,
Yongin, South Korea
Emmanuel Mbah, History, CUNY, College of Staten Island
Insa Nolte, History, University of Birmingham
Shadrack Wanjala Nasong’o, International Studies, Rhodes College
Samuel Oloruntoba, Political Science, TMALI, University of South Africa
Bridget Teboh, History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth

More information about this series at

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 Francis Dube

Public Health at the

Border of Zimbabwe
and Mozambique,
1890–1940
African Experiences in a Contested Space
Francis Dube
Department of History, Geography, and Museum Studies
Morgan State University
Baltimore, MD, USA

African Histories and Modernities

ISBN 978-3-030-47534-5    ISBN 978-3-030-47535-2 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47535-2

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To my family and friends
 Preface

Growing up on the Zimbabwean side of this border region, I was always

struck by the networks of interdependence that still pervade it. I wanted
to dig deeper into the history of the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border to
investigate how pivotal it has been in shaping the historical process in the
region. Many villagers still have families, across the border, and in many
cases, men have wives on both sides of the border. The border, in some
places, is just marked by a few strands of falling barbed wire fence. Villagers
cross it every day without even realizing it. Many villagers have fields on
both sides of the border and cross it for many reasons. Many villagers on
Mozambican side of the border region do not even have Mozambican
identification. They have more in common with Zimbabweans than other
Mozambicans. They use Zimbabwean currency and were severely affected
by the economic downturn in Zimbabwe, which resulted in hyperinflation
in the 1998–2008 decade. As the Zimbabwean government constantly
issued new banknotes (bearer checks) while disowning the older ones in
order to keep up with inflation, culminating in the adoption of the multi-
currency system in 2008, these Mozambican villagers often found their
bags of older Zimbabwean notes worthless. Unlike Zimbabweans, who
could quickly exchange the older notes for newer ones, these Mozambican
villagers found the wealth they had stored in this Zimbabwean currency
disappear. This is just one case of interdependence. There still are many
other networks of interdependence, including travel to hospitals, to find
healers, and for healers to find medicines and visit patients.
I am grateful to a number of people who helped make this project suc-
cessful. I want to thank the anonymous reviewers for their invaluable

vii
viii PREFACE

input. At the University of Iowa, special thanks go Professor James

L. Giblin and Professor Paul R. Greenough. Many thanks also go to my
colleagues at Morgan State University for their support and encouragement.
In Zimbabwe, many thanks to the faculty and students in the Economic
History and History Departments at the University of Zimbabwe, partic-
ularly. I also extend my gratitude to a number of research assistants in the
Economic History Department for helping in collecting oral histories.
Many thanks to the staff at the National Archives of Zimbabwe for their
invaluable assistance.
In Mozambique, I particularly want to thank Dr. Benigna Zimba of the
Department of History at Universidade Eduardo Mondlane in Maputo
and the hard-working staff at the Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique and
other governmental departments.
I also want to thank my family and friends who have always provided
moral and logistical support. My wife, Kate, and my daughters, Kundiso
and Rumbidzai, have always been supportive. I, however, take responsibil-
ity for any errors and omissions.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

Part I Life and Health Before the Border  31

2 The Trans-border Landscape: Regional Mobility and

Health Before the Border 33

Part II Life and Health with the Border  47

3 The Imposition of the Border and the Creation of a Public

Health Problem 49

4 Colonial Border Restrictions and the African Response 69

Part III The Border and Public Health  81

5 The Political Ecology of Disease Control: The Border and

Sleeping Sickness 83

6 Cross-Border movements, Smallpox Epidemics, and Public

Health129

ix
x Contents

7 Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs), the Border, and

Public Health169

8 Borders and the Provision of Health Services for Rural

Africans205

9 Conclusion245

Index 249
 Abbreviations

ABCFM American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions

BSAC British South Africa Company
FRELIMO Frente de Libertação de Moçambique
GHI Government Health Inspector
NC Native Commissioner
NLV Native (African) Lay Vaccinator
RENAMO Resistência Nacional Moçambicana
WHO World Health Organization

xi
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The 2014–2015 Ebola epidemic in West Africa highlighted the trans-­

border nature of epidemics, created in part by the movement of people
across borders, and the challenges posed by trans-border coordination of
surveillance. Yet this is by no means a new challenge. Portuguese and
British colonial governments in Southern Africa, for instance, also dealt
with the same public health challenges posed by a common border. The
border and the fear of diffusion of diseases it generated contributed to the
evolution and implementation of discriminatory public health programs
among the Shona people of the Mozambique (Portuguese East Africa)-
Zimbabwe (Rhodesia/Southern Rhodesia) border region where mobility
was the norm.1 In this region, mobility was the norm because of
environmental diversity and kinship connections, which prompted the
need for villagers to access resources that lay across the border and to visit
kin.2 For the colonial governments, cross-border movements of people,

1
The names Zimbabwe and Southern Rhodesia/Rhodesia are used interchangeably in this
book. The same applies to Mozambique and Portuguese East Africa. Other countries dis-
cussed in this book are Malawi (Nyasaland) and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia). The portion
of Mozambique under study, central Mozambique, was governed by the chartered
Mozambique Company for much of the period under analysis, from 1890 to 1942, while
Zimbabwe was under British South Africa Company rule from 1890 to 1923, when
Responsible Government took over.
2
The choice of fieldwork sites for this study reflects an attempt to include these different
environmental zones, including micro-environments, upland plateaus, lowlands, areas of

© The Author(s) 2020 1

F. Dube, Public Health at the Border of Zimbabwe and Mozambique,
1890–1940, African Histories and Modernities,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47535-2_1
2 F. DUBE

livestock, and wildlife heightened fears of disease diffusion, which affected

health and economic productivity. These administrations therefore imple-
mented invasive public health measures, including border controls, com-
pulsory quarantine, medical inspections or examinations, surveillance
measures, vaccinations, as well as colonial suppression of indigenous heal-
ing practices. Yet, for African villagers and migrants, the border crossing
was a crucial part of their livelihood. Africans therefore contested the colo-
nial governments’ public health policies on border restrictions and surveil-
lance. Public health at the border became an area of contestation because
of the discriminatory implementation of public health measures and the
particularly oppressive nature of settler colonialism, which conspired to
make life difficult for Africans. This ultimately contributed to low compli-
ance with invasive aspects of colonial public health and medicine. This
contestation of the border and public health by Shona villagers, town
dwellers, and migrants served as a powerful force in the constitution of
colonial power.3 Hence, by focusing on the contestation of public health
at the border, Public Health at the Border explores the utility of the border
as a theoretical, methodological, and interpretive construct for under-
standing colonial public health.
The Zimbabwe-Mozambique border was particularly significant for
health, given that cattle disease scares of the turn of the twentieth century,
such as East Coast Fever, among others, show how Rhodesians regarded
Portuguese East Africa as a reservoir of infection and regarded the

high and low rainfall, and various zones of flora and fauna. The area under focus in Zimbabwe
stretches from Pungwe River in the north, down to where the Save River crosses into
Mozambique. Its western edge is demarcated by the Odzi and Save Rivers in Zimbabwe and
it encloses the Mutare, Chimanimani, and Chipinge districts. In Mozambique, it roughly
encompasses the western portions of Manica, Sussundenga, and Mossurize districts. This
border region generally falls into areas inhabited by the eastern Shona people, with the
Manyika in the north and the Ndau in the south. The major urban centers are Mutare
(Umtali), Penhalonga (a gold mine), Chipinge (Melsetter/Chipinga), and Chimanimani
(originally a sub-district of Melsetter district) in Zimbabwe. The major towns on the
Mozambican side are Manica (Macequece/Masekesa/Massi-Kessi), Espungabera
(Spungabera) in Mossurize (Musirizwi Umselezwe/Umsilizi/Mossurise) district, and
Sussundenga. While this book focuses on the period from 1890 to 1940, it also includes
occasional references to the pre-1890 and post-1940 periods.
3
Eric Allina-Pisano, ‘Borderlands, Boundaries, and the Contours of Colonial Rule: African
Labor in Manica District, Mozambique, c. 1904–1908,’ International Journal of African
Historical Studies 36, 1 (2003), pp. 59–82.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Portuguese themselves as incompetent guardians of colonial health.4

Hence, this anti-Latin prejudice on the part of British in Zimbabwe was a
factor that made this particular border appear especially dangerous for
public health.
Apart from this colonial rivalry, this historical and cultural context also
demonstrates how the conjunction of a particular colonized society, a dis-
tinctive kind of colonialism and a particular territorial border, generated
reluctance to embrace public health. The border led to the disruption of
networks of interdependence, not only economic, but those of kinship in
particular. This adversely affected African health, given the fact that deci-
sions about therapy alternatives in many precolonial African societies were
made collectively by groups of kin.5 Some of these Africans in turn chal-
lenged colonial public health decisions on who or what could cross the
border and when to cross the border and under what circumstances. Thus,
certain colonial circumstances impeded the acceptance of therapeutic
alternatives that were in fact embraced by colonized people elsewhere.
Public health implies the duty of government to provide for the health
of its citizens, a situation which many believe has never been fully realized
in Africa.6 More specifically, public health is the science and art of disease
prevention, prolonging life, and fostering physical health and efficiency
through organized community efforts.7 Such efforts are generally preven-
tive in nature and they include sanitation, control of contagious infections,
hygiene education, early diagnosis and preventive treatment, and mainte-
nance of adequate living standards. Public health interventions require an

4
See, for example, Francis Dube, “‘In the Border Regions of the Territory of Rhodesia,
There is the Greatest Scourge …’: The Border and East Coast Fever Control in Central
Mozambique and Eastern Zimbabwe, 1901–1942,” Journal of Southern African Studies 41,
2 (2015): 219–235.
5
Steven Feierman and John M. Janzen, introduction to The Social Basis of Health and
Healing in Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 18.
6
Ruth J. Prince, “Introduction: Situating Health and the Public in Africa,” in Making and
Unmaking of Public Health in Africa: Ethnographic and Historical Perspectives, ed. Ruth
J. Prince and Rebecca Marsland (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2014), 1–2. See also Milcah
Amolo Achola, “The Public Health Ordinance Policy of the Nairobi Municipal/City Council
1945–62,” in African Historians and African Voices: Essays presented of Professor Bothwell
Allan Ogot, ed. E. S. Atieno Odhiambo (Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2001), 115, and
Maryinez Lyons, “Public Health in Colonial Africa: The Belgian Congo,” in The History of
Public Health and the Modern State, ed. Dorothy Porter (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994), 357.
7
Michael H. Merson et al., International Public Health: Diseases, Programs, Systems, and
Policies (Gaithersburg: Aspen Publishers, 2001), xvii–xxx.
4 F. DUBE

understanding not only of epidemiology, nutrition, and antiseptic prac-

tices but also of social science. However, in colonial Zimbabwe and
Mozambique, one essential component of public health, education, was
largely absent. Many Shona people of the border region only remember
being forced to submit to public health measures without any clear expla-
nation of the purpose of such measures. In view of the fact that they were
more coercive than they were persuasive, colonial medical services did lit-
tle to stimulate changing idioms for comprehending suffering.8 This also
reflects the pitfalls of not implementing organic ideas and the overreliance
on health care policies developed in Europe and linked to the process of
capital accumulation and political domination.9 This oppressive nature of
colonial medicine extended all the way to the colonial apparatus involved
in the manufacture and application of drugs, for example, Lomidine, a
drug that the French forced on Africans in their territories, which was later
found to be ineffective in preventing trypanosomiasis.10
Public health interventions limited people’s freedoms of movement,
association, and choices of therapies and medical providers and included a
host of other dehumanizing effects which were not limited to colonial
subjects.11 Nevertheless, what made the colonial situation unique were
questions over the legitimacy of colonial authority and the discriminatory
nature of public health programs. In the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border
region, these also included colonial repression of indigenous healing prac-
tices and values which conveyed and reinforced underlying ideas about
health and healing. For Africans, therefore, the blatant refutation of these
values constituted “cultural disinheritance.”12 As a result, these indigenous
healing practices survived because Africans selectively absorbed and
adapted elements of Western biomedicine which appeared useful, just in

8
Jonathan Sadowsky, Imperial Bedlam: Institutions of Madness and Colonialism in
Southwest Nigeria (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 116.
9
Jean-Germain Gros, Healthcare Policy in Africa: Institutions and Politics from Colonialism
to the Present (Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 2016), 40.
10
Guillaume Lachenal, The Lomidine Files: The Untold Story of a Medical Disaster in
Colonial Africa (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2017), 5.
11
For instance, after his treatment in a hospital in Paris, France, in 1929 stricken with
pneumonia, George Orwell recounted how doctors and students performed procedures on
him without even talking to him. See George Orwell, “How the Poor Die,” http://orwell.
ru/library/articles/Poor_Die/english/e_pdie (8 August 2014).
12
George Oduor Ndege, Health, State, and Society in Kenya (Rochester: University of
Rochester Press, 2001), 1–2.
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

the same way Europeans internalized some elements of indigenous heal-

ing practices.13
Questions on the legitimacy of oppressive settler colonial governments,
replete with massive land dispossession, forced labor, excessive taxes, and
restrictions on movement, among other things, contributed to a lack of
trust in colonial institutions and consequently low or noncompliance with
public health among the Shona. In the recent past, noncompliance has
been used to refer to the measurement of sub-optimal uptake of medical
treatment due to a patient’s resistance, ignorance, or cultural beliefs, and
characteristics of the disease.14 However, Paul Farmer, looking at the fail-
ure of tuberculosis treatments in Haiti, has challenged placing the blame
on a patient’s beliefs and attitudes. He argues that what are at play are
often times “structural barriers” to treatment, such as lack of access to
medical care, medical infrastructure, and income.15 My usage of this term
acknowledges the failure of therapy as a result of both material barriers
and cultural factors, but goes beyond therapy intake to include all forms of

13
Tracy J. Luedke and Harry G. West, “Healing Divides: Therapeutic Border Work in
Southeast Africa,” in Borders and Healers: Brokering Therapeutic Resources in Southeast
Africa, ed. Tracy J. Luedke and Harry G. West (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press,
2006), 4. See also Jean Comaroff and John Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution. Volume
Two, The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1997), 364, Adam Mohr “Missionary Medicine and Akan Therapeutics: Illness,
Health and Healing in Southern Ghana’s Basel Mission, 1828–1918,” Journal of Religion in
Africa 39 (2009): 437, Francis Dube, “Medicine without Borders: the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions in central Mozambique and eastern Zimbabwe,
1893–1920s,” OFO: Journal of Transatlantic Studies 4, 2 (2014): 21–38, Webb, Jr. and
Tamara Giles-Vernick, “Introduction,” in Global Health in Africa: Historical Perspectives on
Disease, ed. James L. A. Webb, Jr. and Tamara Giles-Vernick (Athens: Ohio University Press,
2013), 4, Steven Feierman and John Janzen, ed., Health and Healing in Africa (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1992), John Janzen, The Quest for Therapy: Medical Pluralism
in Lower Zaire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), Julie Livingston, Debility
and the Moral Imagination in Botswana (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005),
Cristiana Bastos, “Medical Hybridisms and Social Boundaries: Aspects of Portuguese
Colonialism in Africa and India in the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Southern African
Studies 33, 4 (2007): 767, and Pier Larson, “‘Capacities and Modes of Thinking’: Intellectual
Engagements and Subaltern Hegemony in the Early History of Malagasy Christianity,”
American Historical Review 102, 4 (October 1997): 969–1002.
14
R. Menzies, I. Rocher, and B. Vissandjee, “Factors Associated with compliance in
Treatment of Tuberculosis,” Tuberculosis and Lung Disease 74 (1993): 36.
15
Paul Farmer, Infections and Inequalities: The Modern Plagues (Berkeley, University of
California Press, 1999), 225–227.
6 F. DUBE

“everyday resistance” or reluctance to accept biomedical practices, akin to

what James Scott has called “weapons of the weak.”16
Building upon Paul Farmer’s concept of structural inequality, Elisha
Renne has emphasized the fact that effective public health compliance
requires trust in government in her vivid comparison of polio eradication
efforts in Northern Nigeria and Northeastern Ghana. She notes that
Northern Nigerian parents’ lack of faith in national health institutions and
international public health organizations, inter-alia, contributes to low
compliance with public health.17 Yet this is not the case in Northeastern
Ghana, where there is confidence in government and high rates of compli-
ance and, as a result, fewer cases of polio than in Northern Nigeria. Renne
points out that Northern Nigerian parents question why there is a focus
on an apparently “minor” health problem because not many children get
paralyzed by polio and because the government did not take polio to be
an urgent health problem until the late 1950s and after independence.18
They also ask why the government focuses exclusively on polio eradication
while not providing basic primary health care for other diseases and why
health personnel is taken away from basic primary health care to work on
polio eradication initiatives. Northern Nigerian parents also question why
the government does not provide polio immunizations with primary
health care simultaneously instead of essentially placing the burden of
basic health care on individuals and their families.19
Moreover what is striking about Northern Nigeria and Northeastern
Ghana, as Renne points out, is that both are predominantly Muslim,
largely agricultural, with high retentions of forms of “traditional organiza-
tion,” and both are in former British colonies and employ local medical
practices, yet the responses to polio eradication initiatives could not have
been more different.20 In Ghana there was routine immunization and as a
result there were no wild poliovirus infections between 2004 and 2007.21

16
James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (Yale University
Press: New Haven, CT, 1985).
17
Elisha P. Renne, The Politics of Polio in Northern Nigeria (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 2010). On distrust of government in the era of Boko Haram, see Elisha
P. Renne, “Parallel Dilemmas: Polio Transmission and Political Violence in Northern
Nigeria,” Africa 84, 3 (2014): 466–486.
18
Renne, The Politics of Polio, 11, 24.
19
Ibid., 14.
20
Ibid., 87.
21
Ibid., 86.
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

Renne adds that in Northeastern Ghana, although parents were aware of

rumors about polio vaccine and infertility, just like in Northern Nigeria,
these rumors were not widespread, and there was active participation of
the Muslim community in polio eradication initiatives, with the immuni-
zation dates announced in mosques and immunizations carried out in
Islamic schools. Renne concludes that the crucial distinguishing factor was
the Ghanaian government’s involvement in statewide primary health care
programs, particularly routine immunizations, and its provision of basic
health care infrastructure which bolstered public health cooperation with
and even faith in government polio eradication efforts.22
This same scenario played out during the 2014–2015 West African
Ebola Virus Disease pandemic which reinforced distrust of interventions
by governments which only paid lip service to the provision of primary
health care. The rumor that circulated in Sierra Leone that Ebola was not
real and that it was just a trick used by doctors to steal people’s blood was
just one of the manifestations of this mistrust.23 While some dismissed
these stories as ridiculous conspiracy theories, others blamed the rapid
spread of Ebola in West Africa on what they viewed as irrational beliefs and
perilous cultural practices.24 These include everything from the hunting
and butchering of game or the so-called bushmeat, funeral practices in
West African villages, to attributing Ebola sickness and mortality to
witchcraft.25

22
Ibid., 87–88.
23
Shaunagh Connaire, “Ebola Outbreak” transcript, PBS Frontline, July 2014, http://
www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/health-science-technology/ebola-outbreak/tran-
script-67/ (24 December 2014). See also Jason Beaubien, “Rumor Patrol: No, A Snake In
A Bag Did Not Cause Ebola,” NPR, July 22, 2014, http://www.npr.org/blogs/goatsand-
soda/2014/07/22/334022357/rumor-patrol-no-a-snake-in-a-bag-did-not-cause-ebola
(24 December 2014).
24
Mary Moran and Daniel Hoffman, “Ebola in Perspective,” Fieldsights – Hot Spots,
Cultural Anthropology Online, October 07, 2014, http://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/585-
ebola-in-perspective (24 December 2014).
25
Mike McGovern, “Bushmeat and the Politics of Disgust,” Fieldsights – Hot Spots,
Cultural Anthropology Online, October 07, 2014, http://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/588-
bushmeat-and-the-politics-of-disgust (24 December 2014), Paul Richards and Alfred
Mokuwa, “Village Funerals and the Spread of Ebola Virus Disease.” Fieldsights – Hot Spots,
Cultural Anthropology Online, October 07, 2014, http://www.culanth.org/fieldsights/590-
village-funerals-and-the-spread-of-ebola-virus-disease (24 December 2014), and Catherine
E. Bolten, “Articulating the Invisible: Ebola Beyond Witchcraft in Sierra Leone,” Fieldsights –
Hot Spots, Cultural Anthropology Online, October 07, 2014, http://www.culanth.org/
8 F. DUBE

The legitimacy of the colonial state was thus central in determining

African experiences with and responses to colonial public health.26 Gloria
Waite has shown that public health regulations existed in precolonial East-­
Central African societies and were not, therefore, newly introduced by
Europeans in the twentieth century.27 If public health encompasses all
activities taken to improve a population’s health, then rain-making and
identification of sorcerers in precolonial Africa as well as control of infec-
tious diseases, public sanitation works, and health education can be includ-
ed.28 Though contested, public health and control over healing in
precolonial Africa were also central in gaining, maintaining, and exercising
political power.29 Thus when epidemics such as smallpox and other cata-
strophic events occurred, African authorities prohibited people from
engaging in certain everyday activities, such as conjugal relationships as
well as house-to-house visitations.30 The contestation of public health

fieldsights/596-articulating-the-invisible-ebola-beyond-witchcraft-in-sierra-leone (24
December 2014).
26
See also Jonathan Sadowsky, “The long Shadow of Colonialism: Why We Study Medicine
in Africa,” in Medicine and Healing in Africa: Multidisciplinary Perspectives, ed. Paula
Viterbo and Kalala Ngalamulume (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2010),
p. 211 and Jonathan Sadowsky, Imperial Bedlam, 116.
27
Gloria Waite, “Public Health in Pre-colonial East-Central Africa,” in The Social Basis of
Health and Healing in Africa, ed. Steven Feierman and John M. Janzen (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1992), 212–231.
28
Ibid. See also Rebecca Marsland, “Who Are the ‘Public’ in Public Health?: Debating
Crowds, Populations, and Publics in Tanzania,” in Making and Unmaking of Public Health
in Africa: Ethnographic and Historical Perspectives, ed. Ruth J. Prince and Rebecca Marsland
(Athens: Ohio University Press, 2014), 75–95, Murray Last, “Understanding Health,” in
Culture and Global Change, ed. Tim Allen and Tracy Skelton, 72–86 (London: Routledge,
1999), Steven Feierman, “Colonizers, Scholars and the Creation of Invisible Histories,” in
Beyond the Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture, ed. Victoria
E. Bonnell and Lynn Hunt, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 182–216; and
Livingstone, Debility and the Moral Imagination in Botswana, 17.
29
Prince, “Introduction: Situating Health and the Public in Africa,” 16. See also Steven
Feierman, “On Socially Composed Knowledge: Reconstructing a Shambaa Royal Ritual,” in
In Search of A Nation: Histories of Authority and Dissidence in Tanzania, ed. James L. Giblin
and Gregory H. Maddox (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2005), 14–32.
30
Ibid. The ruling elites included religious figures and chiefs who held power over land, its
fertility, and its vitality through their persons, their use of medicines, and their control over
ritual through their authority over healers and spirit mediums, rain-making, and witchcraft.
With this power, they could cleanse the land and persons of pollution but could also limit
growth and fertility. However, these elites could be deposed if they were unable or unwilling
to respond to misfortune, and healers were not always close to those in political power; they
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

policy at the border thus reflected the questioning of colonial authority

and contributed to reinforcing resistance to the most unpopular methods
of biomedicine, hospitalization, and laboratory tests. This is evident in
fears expressed in accounts of bodies disappearing in colonial hospitals
never to be seen again, accounts of “blood sucking” for unknown reasons,
and high death rates in hospitals contained in oral histories of colonial
Africa.31
The Zimbabwe-Mozambique border was productive in the evolution
and implementation of colonial public health policy. It was productive not
only in breeding the obvious obstructions and frustrations but also in
breeding desires and needs to cross it. The border produced opportunity
as well as prohibition. This border-centric analysis calls into question the
pervasive notion that cross-border movements pose health dangers, cen-
tral to European settlers’ claims of diffusion of disease, which influenced
the evolution of colonial public health policy. Contrary to these claims,
what largely affected disease ecologies were environmental and demo-
graphic changes engendered and perpetuated by colonialism, contributing
to a worsening disease environment within the colonies. In fact, for many
Africans, colonial restrictions on cross-border travel were harmful to
African health because in precolonial times travel was a way of maintaining
or regaining health, as in travel to see healers, obtain medicines and, espe-
cially in Shona society, travel to visit shrines of spirit mediums. As one
village elder recalled, villagers sometimes crossed the border to visit African
healers in Mozambique after being referred to them by Zimbabwean heal-
ers.32 As Markku Hokkanen has shown in his work on the medical history
of Malawi (Nyasaland), mobility, which was reflected in networks, was
central part of “the intertwined medical cultures that shared the search for
medicines in changing conditions.”33
Not only did travel aid patients, but healers as well. Tracey Luedke and
Harry West have convincingly argued in their edited volume exploring

could undermine such power or destabilize it. See also Feierman, “On Socially Composed
Knowledge: Reconstructing a Shambaa Royal Ritual,” 14–32.
31
These fears were not confined to Southern Africa. They were present in many African
societies. For East Africa, see Ndege, Health, State, and Society in Kenya, 6 and Luise White,
Speaking with Vampires: Rumor and History in Colonial Africa (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 2000), 89.
32
Interview, Vheremu, Zimbabwe, December 24, 2016.
33
Markku Hokkanen, Medicine, Mobility and the Empire: Nyasaland Networks, 1859–1960
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2017), 2.
10 F. DUBE

large-scale circulation and the accompanying border-crossing of “people

and spirits, objects and substances, practices and techniques, discourses,
ideas, and memories associated with healing in southeast Africa” that bor-
der crossings empowered healers and made their work of healing possible.34
Therefore, in spite of twentieth-century hopes that globalization would
usher in a borderless and deterritorialized world, Yakubu Joseph and
Rainer Rothfuss note that borders have remained an integral part of
human political and social life and are even adapting to evolving spatio-
temporal conditions.35 They also observe that interdisciplinary border
research has witnessed a paradigm shift from a state-centric national secu-
rity focus to a decentralized human security concern, where the state and
the population are all active players and shapers of borders. Hence, the
study of borders has moved from the concept of “space- and time-oriented
fixed demarcating lines” to bordering, with “an emphasis on the symbolic
and social practices of spatial differentiation aimed at controlling move-
ment of people both into and within a securitized space.”36
There is a considerable amount of literature on African borders and
borderlands, particularly in analyses of African experiences of colonialism,
labor migration, economic transformation, as well as resistance to colonial
rule.37 Some scholars consider borders as permeable, arguing that have
shown that border zones are “shadowy places,” often sites of activities
such as smuggling, local “vigilante” justice, and unauthorized movements
that are “officially illegal but have become accepted features of everyday
life for resident populations.”38 This is in line with a recent reconsideration

34
See Luedke and West, “Healing Divides,” 3–4.
35
Yakubu Joseph and Rainer Rothfuss, “Symbolic Bordering and the Securitization of
Identity Markers in Nigeria’s Ethno-Religiously Segregated City of Jos,” in Reece Jones and
Corey Johnson (eds), Placing the Border in Everyday Life (Surrey: Ashgate, 2014): 167.
36
Ibid. See also Ronen Shamir, “Without Borders? Notes on Globalization as a Mobility
Regime,” Sociological Theory 23, 2 (2005): 200.
37
See, for example, S. Berry, “Crossing boundaries, Debating African Studies,” Paper pre-
sented at the Fifth Annual Penn African Studies Workshop (October 17, 1997), available at
http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Workshop/sara.html, retrieved on 20 August 2013, Eric
Allina-Pisano, “Borderlands, Boundaries, and the Contours of Colonial Rule,” Patrick
Harries, Work, Culture, and Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c.
1860–1910 (Portsmouth, Heinemann, 1994), A. I. Asiwaju, “Migrations as Revolt: The
Example of the Ivory Coast and Upper Volta before 1945,” Journal of African History, 17,
4 (1976), pp. 577–594.
38
Maxim Bolt, “Waged Entrepreneurs, Policed Informality: Work, the Regulation of Space
and the Economy of the Zimbabwean–South African Border,” Africa, 82, 1 (2012), p. 112.
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

of the idea of “arbitrary” borders in Africa to highlight the fact that bor-
ders were also zones of opportunity and that most of them are “natural-
ized” today and not contested as such by African actors.39 Other scholars,
however, say that borders are powerful, arguing that fixed territorial
boundaries often operate to restrict people’s movements and limit peo-
ple’s access to opportunities and resources.40
In Southern Africa, the presence of the Zimbabwe-Mozambique bor-
der meant that, while the intrusive colonial public health measures were
constant and pervasive, they were not always effective. The Zimbabwe-­
Mozambique border region constitutes an area whose epidemiology was
fundamentally affected by cross-border movements. In a region where the

See also, van Schendel, W, “Spaces of Engagement: How Borderlands, Illegal Flows and
Territorial States Interlock,” in I. Abraham and W. van Schendel (eds), Illicit Flows and
Criminal Things: States, Borders, and the Other Side of Globalization (Bloomington IN,
Indiana University Press, 2005), pp. 38–68, H. Cunningham and J. Heyman, “Introduction:
Mobilities and Enclosures at Borders,” Identities 11, 2 (2004): 289–302, and Blair
Rutherford, “The Politics of Boundaries: The Shifting Terrain of Belonging for Zimbabweans
in a South African Border Zone,” African Diaspora: Transnational Journal of Culture,
Economy & Society 4, 2 (2011): 207–229.
39
Allina-Pisano, “Borderlands, Boundaries, and the Contours of Colonial rule,” p. 60. See
also Eric Allina-Pisano, “Negotiating Colonialism: Africans, the State, and the Market in
Manica District, Mozambique, 1895–c. 1935” (PhD thesis, Yale University, 2002) and Eric
Allina, Slavery By Any Other Name: African Life Under Company Rule in Colonial
Mozambique (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012). See also Ana Cristina
Roque, “A History of Mozambique’s Southern Border: The Archives of the Portuguese
Commission of Cartography,” in Steven Van Wolputte (ed.) Borderlands and Frontiers in
Africa (Berlin: LIT VERLAG Dr. W. Hopf, 2013), 23–54, Dereje Feyissa and Markus Virgil
Hoehne, “State Borders and Borderlands as Resources,” in Dereje Feyissa and Markus Virgil
Hoehne (eds.) Borders and Borderlands as Resources in the Horn of Africa (Suffolk: James
Currey, 2010), p. 1–7, Steven Van Wolputte, “Introduction: Living the Border,” in Steven
Van Wolputte (ed.) Borderlands and Frontiers in Africa (Berlin: LIT VERLAG Dr. W. Hopf,
2013), 2, V. Das and D. Poole, “State and its Margins: Comparative ethnographies,” in
V. Das and D. Poole (eds) Anthropology in the Margins of the State (New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2004), 3–33, Ana L. Tsing, “From the margins,” Cultural Anthropology 9,
3 (1994): 279–297, Benedikt Korff and Timothy Raeymaekers, “Introduction: Border,
Frontier and the Geography of Rule at the Margins of the State,” in Benedikt Korff and
Timothy Raemaekers (eds.) Violence on the Margins: States, Conflict, and Borderlands (New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 4, and Karen Büscher and Gillian Mathys, “Navigating the
Urban ‘In-Between Space’: Local Livelihood and Identity Strategies in Exploiting the
Goma/Gisenyi Border,” in Benedikt Korff and Timothy Raemaekers (eds.) Violence on the
Margins: States, Conflict, and Borderlands (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 120.
40
See, for example, A. I. Asiwaju (ed.), Partitioned Africans: Ethnic Relations Across
Africa’s International Boundaries, 1884–1984 (New York, St. Martins, 1985).
12 F. DUBE

population was highly mobile, public health policies restricted to territo-

rial boundaries encountered enormous difficulties in addressing infectious
and communicable diseases, such as smallpox, sleeping sickness, and sexu-
ally transmitted diseases (STDs) such as syphilis.41 Therefore, while the
border was permeable, it still played a crucial role in the evolution of colo-
nial public health services. It was this conditional permeability of the bor-
der which made it so powerful, prompting colonial authorities who were
fearful of the spread of infections to act.42
Yet the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border was still difficult and con-
straining because although people crossed it, they lost some of the rights
and securities they enjoyed at home.43 This conditional permeability of
border characterized much of Southern Africa, demonstrating that colo-
nial powers drew Africa’s borders as “sifters of labour rather than as barri-
ers to its movement.”44 The border was also a zone of opportunity, with
African mobility in the borderland serving a powerful force in the consti-
tution of colonial power.45 For instance, African chiefs in Mozambique
used the border as a powerful negotiating tool with colonial administra-
tors to avoid labor conscription by the Mozambique Company govern-
ment. Thus, while the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border was permeable
and contested, it was still powerful in shaping the course of events because
this permeability of the border prompted colonial authorities to act in
order to restrict movements of Africans and their livestock.

41
See also James L. A. Webb, Jr., “The First Large-Scale Use of Synthetic Insecticide for
Malaria Control in Tropical Africa: Lessons from Liberia, 1945–62,” in Global Health in
Africa: Historical Perspectives on Disease, ed. James L. A. Webb, Jr. and Tamara Giles-Vernick
(Athens: Ohio University Press, 2013), 12. This is similar to what the British experienced in
the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, where medical and administrative personnel faced the contradic-
tion of public health’s need for impermeable borders in contrast to the socio-economic need
for permeable ones, see Heather Bell, Frontiers of Medicine in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan,
1899–1940 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 10.
42
See also Francis Dube, “‘In the Border Regions.’”
43
David Hughes, From Enslavement to Environmentalism: Politics on a Southern African
Frontier (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 2006), 76.
44
Ibid., 76–77.
45
Allina-Pisano, ‘Borderlands, Boundaries, and the Contours of Colonial rule’, 60. See
also Allina-Pisano, “Negotiating Colonialism,” and Allina, Slavery By Any Other Name. See
also Roque, “A History of Mozambique’s Southern Border,” Feyissa and Hoehne, “State
Borders and Borderlands as Resources,” 1–7, Van Wolputte, “Introduction: Living the
Border,” 2, Das and Poole, “State and its Margins,” 3–33, Tsing, “From the margins,” Korff
and Raeymaekers, “Introduction,” 4, and Büscher and Mathys, “Navigating the Urban
‘In-Between Space.’” 120.
 1 INTRODUCTION 13

This border was therefore both restrictive and porous at the same time.
It was restrictive because colonial officials monitored and limited move-
ments of people and livestock across it. This often happened on official
ports of entry which were easily accessible, usually by road and on foot.
While these official ports of entry regulated movement, there were numer-
ous paths that Africans used to cross the border, where nobody could
restrict them. This demonstrates that the border was porous. However,
these paths had restrictions of a different nature. They were not easily
accessible. They usually were in areas of difficult and hazardous terrain,
such as mountains. Africans therefore had to climb up and down steep
mountains, usually with heavy luggage. These restrictions thus caused
much hardship to villagers and to women, the elderly, and children in
particular, who, in the absence of colonial health services in the rural areas
were left with few alternatives. For the majority of African men recruited
to work on government and white settler projects, at least, there was a
semblance of health care provided, albeit only to keep the labor force
healthy and maintain or increase productivity.
While many studies have focused on migration in Southern Africa, few
have attempted to analyze migration in light of disease and public health
although there is growing interest in new ways of understanding migra-
tion, ecology, disease, health, and colonialism. Also, while there are impor-
tant studies addressing various aspects of medicine and health in Africa
such as the various African responses to Western medicine, including resis-
tance, acceptance, and adaptation to African conditions,46 the role of
intermediaries and subordinates in public health,47 the public health con-
sequences of the gap between the biomedical and social sciences,48 and the

46
See, for example, David Baronov, The African Transformation of Western Medicine and
the Dynamics of Global Cultural Exchange (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2008),
Ndege, Health, State, and Society in Kenya, Tracy J. Luedke and Harry G. West, “Healing
Divides,” 4. See also Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution. Volume Two,
364, Adam Mohr “Missionary Medicine and Akan Therapeutics: Illness, Health and Healing
in Southern Ghana’s Basel Mission, 1828–1918,” Journal of Religion in Africa 39 (2009):
437, Steven Feierman and John Janzen, ed., Health and Healing in Africa (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1992), Janzen, The Quest for Therapy, Julie Livingston,
Debility and the Moral Imagination in Botswana, Bastos, “Medical Hybridisms and Social
Boundaries,” 767, and Larson, “‘Capacities and Modes of Thinking,’” 4.
47
Ryan Johnson and Khalid Amna (eds.), Public Health in the British Empire: Intermediaries,
Subordinates, and the Practice of Public Health, 1850–1960 (New York: Routledge, 2012).
48
James L. A. Webb, Jr. and Tamara Giles-Vernick, ed., Global Health in Africa: Historical
Perspectives on Disease (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2013).
14 F. DUBE

meaning of public health in Africa,49 to date, not much has been done to
examine the relationship between borders and health in the African con-
text. Nevertheless, there has been recent and considerable interest in stud-
ies conceived at the scale of not one colony or one empire but rather
focused on intercolonial and inter-imperial circulations, exchanges, and
boundaries.50
Existing works on borders and health examine cooperation largely from
the metropolitan level, looking at the training of practitioners and testing
of drugs, and do not specifically deal with the implications borders on
public health.51 Allison Bashford has noted that the desire to combat
infectious disease has been an arm of geopolitics and disease management,
with quarantine lines in Africa serving as boundary lines for new “interna-
tional” borders between Sudan and Egypt, between Uganda, French
Congo, and Belgian Congo.52 Along the same lines, Heather Bell has writ-
ten about the role of colonial medicine in the establishment of colonies,
the protection of a profession, and the control of disease through the
demarcation of borders.53
In Mozambique and Zimbabwe, the border provided both opportunity
and prohibition, inspiring some distrust of public health in spite of claims
that colonial medicine broke down the African distrust of European medi-
cine.54 The architects of colonial rule had placed much hope in the cultural
power of colonial medicine. They hoped that colonial medicine’s p ­ erceived

49
Ruth J. Prince and Rebecca Marsland, ed., Making and Unmaking of Public Health in
Africa: Ethnographic and Historical Perspectives (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2014).
50
See, for example, Anne Digby, Waltraud Ernst, and Projit B. Mukharji, ed., Crossing
Colonial Historiographies: Histories of Colonial and Indigenous Medicines in Transnational
Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010), Frederick Cooper and Ann
Stoler, ed., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in A Bourgeois World (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1997), Warwick Anderson, Colonial Pathologies: American Tropical
Medicine, Race, and Hygiene in the Philippines (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006),
Deborah J. Neill, Networks in Tropical Medicine: Internationalism, Colonialism, and the Rise
of a Medical Specialty, 1890–1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012), and Alison
Bashford, ed., Medicine at the Border: Disease, Globalization and Security, 1850 to the Present
(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006).
51
See, for example, Neill, Networks in Tropical Medicine.
52
Alison Bashford, “‘The Age of Universal Contagion’: History, Disease and Globalization,”
in Alison Bashford, ed., Medicine at the Border: Disease, Globalization and Security, 1850 to
the Present (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 2. See Bell, Frontiers of Medicine, 4.
53
Bell, Frontiers of Medicine, 233.
54
D. M. Blair, Foreword to A Service to the Sick: A History of the Health Services for Africans
in Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1953 (Gwelo: Mambo Press, 1976), 6–8.
 1 INTRODUCTION 15

efficacy would convince colonial subjects to accept imperial rule. They

were also convinced that colonial medicine would facilitate the creation of
a new cosmology by eroding the influence of indigenous belief systems,
thereby easing the development of colonial, capitalist social forms.55 Some
even went as far as exploring the potential usefulness of Western biomedi-
cine as a tool of governance. The French in colonial Cameroon, for exam-
ple, made an unsuccessful attempt to hand over the political reins to
doctors under a utopia of “medical governance” between 1939 and
1948.56 However, these grandiose aims of colonial authorities have been
called into question by studies showing the limits of both hegemonic
power and hegemonic desires of colonial medical institutions.57
Western European ideas of public health achieved limited success
because they lacked resonance with African socio-economic and political
conditions and prevailing systems of health management.58 Even with the
best intentions, colonial authorities faced unintended consequences and
dilemmas. If they did not intervene in medical emergencies they would be
accused of nonchalance to the plight of colonial subjects, but if they inter-
vened with vigor they were often accused of neglecting social and eco-
nomic circumstances.59 However, African resentment was also tied to the
growth of colonial discrimination against Africans and African doctors,
even those with biomedical training.60 Hence, as global public health ini-
tiatives rooted in Western biomedicine attempt to cross the hurdle of
earned distrust, “the historical significance of colonial medicine may lie
55
Jonathan Sadowsky, Imperial Bedlam, 116. See, for example, David Arnold. Colonizing
the Body: State Medicine and Epidemic Disease in Nineteenth-Century India (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993), David Arnold, “Introduction: Disease, Medicine and
Empire,” in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1988), 16, and John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Of revela-
tion and revolution: Christianity, colonialism, and consciousness in South Africa (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1991), and Francis Dube, “Medicine without Borders.”
56
Guillaume Lachenal, “Experimental Hubris and Medical Powerlessness: Notes from a
Colonial Utopia, Cameroon, 1939–1949,” in Rethinking Biomedicine and Governance in
Africa: Contributions from Anthropology, ed. Paul Wenzel Geissler, Richard Rottenburg, and
Julia Zenker (Bielefeld: Verlag, 2012), 119.
57
Ibid. See also Meghan Vaughan, “Healing and Curing Issues in the Social History and
Anthropology of Medicine in Africa,” Social History of Medicine 7, 2 (1994): 288.
58
Lyons, “Public Health in Colonial Africa,” 356.
59
Myron Echenberg, Black Death, White Medicine: Bubonic Plague and the Politics of
Public Health in Colonial Senegal, 1914–1945 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2002), 4.
60
Sadowsky, “The long Shadow of Colonialism,” 210. See also Adell Patton, Jr., Physicians,
Colonial Racism, and Diaspora in West Africa (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1996).
16 F. DUBE

less in its intention or ability to colonize the mind than in its tendency
more simply to control or neglect the ailing person.”61
Reflecting the dynamism of African societies, however, while the Shona
of the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border region tended to dislike intrusive
and discriminatory preventative public health policies, they were willing to
experiment with new ideas, particularly out-patient treatment services.
Thus, as Africans critiqued certain aspects of Western biomedicine, there
were accommodations and compromises.62 They were discouraged, how-
ever, by the failure of colonial governments to provide adequate treatment-­
based services for Africans. This attitude of colonial governments toward
Africans only served to prove that the provision of health services for
Africans was driven by European fears of infection and economic impera-
tives rather than the concern for Africans. The failure to establish compre-
hensive and effective treatment services diminished the success of public
health programs. Hence, contrary to popular belief, Africans were not
distrustful of Western medicine per se; they were distrustful of the methods
of delivery and what those methods represented, everything from racism
and coercion to paternalism and control.
In the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border region, European settler fears
of infection were a major impetus for public health measures as Europeans
considered Africans to be a source of a myriad of infectious and commu-
nicable diseases.63 Thus disease was a powerful element in European per-
ceptions of indigenous society because it cultivated Europeans’ growing
sense of their inherent racial and physical supremacy.64 These fears of infec-
tion account for the differences in the degree of implementation of public
health measures between Mozambique, which had a small European set-
tler population, and Zimbabwe, which had a considerable European set-
tler population on estates, on farms, and in towns. The Zimbabwean side
consequently developed a more rigorous approach to public health than
Mozambique due to the pressure from the settler population. However,
most of these settlers’ fears stemmed from misunderstandings of epidemi-
ology and were often grossly exaggerated as well as bluntly racist in nature.
Yet, regardless of whether these theories were accurate or not, the policies
that emerged from them adversely affected the Shona people. For

61
Sadowsky, Imperial Bedlam, 116.
62
Ndege, Health, State, and Society in Kenya, 2.
63
Achola, “The Public Health Ordinance Policy,” 114–115.
64
Arnold, “Introduction,” 7–8.
 1 INTRODUCTION 17

example, some Mozambican migrant workers were afraid that their dis-
tinctive smallpox vaccination scars would make them easily identifiable for
deportation while seeking work in South Africa.
Although colonial powers attempted to use medicine as a “tool” of
empire and as “biopower” to soften the coercive features of colonial rule
by developing a broader imperial dominance than could be acquired by
subjugation alone,65 they failed in this respect. For in spite of the
Enlightenment ideal of implementing biomedicine impartially, colonial
biomedicine was full of internal contradictions and external dissensions.66
Racial and colonial stereotypes, the denigration of Africans and Africa,
blood theft rumors, misunderstandings, violence, and repression that took
place around biomedical practice all emphasize that biomedicine was
unpredictable and incoherent.67
An analysis of the development of colonial health services in Africa
shows that although each European nation intervened in varied ways, in
general the French, Portuguese, Belgian, and the British developed medi-
cal services that depended heavily on technology and ignored social and
economic circumstances.68 From the late nineteenth century to the 1920s
65
Ibid., 16. See also Martin Shapiro, “Medicine in the service of colonialism: medical care
in Portuguese Africa, 1885–1974” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles,
1983), Roy MacLeod, preface to Disease, Medicine, Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine
and the Experience of European Expansion (New York: Routledge, 1988), x and Spencer
H. Brown, “A Tool of Empire: The British Medical Establishment in Lagos, 1861–1905,”
International Journal of African Historical Studies 37, 2 (2004): 309.
66
Poonam Bala and Amy Kaler, “Introduction: Contested ‘Ventures’: Explaining
Biomedicine in Colonial Contexts,” in Biomedicine as a Contested Site: Some Revelations in
Imperial Contexts, ed. Poonam Bala (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009), 3.
67
Prince, “Introduction: Situating Health and the Public in Africa,” 13. See also White,
Speaking with Vampires, Nancy Rose Hunt, A Colonial Lexicon: Of Birth Ritual,
Medicalization, and Mobility in the Congo (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999), Steven
Feierman, “Colonizers, Scholars and the Creation of Invisible Histories,” in Beyond the
Cultural Turn: New Directions in the Study of Society and Culture, ed. Victoria E. Bonnell
and Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 182–216.
68
Randall Packard, “Visions of Postwar Health and Development and Their Impact on
Public Health Interventions in the Developing World,” in Internal Development and the
Social Sciences: Essays on the History and Politics of Knowledge, ed. Fredrick Cooper and
Randall Packard (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 95. See also Megan
Vaughan, Curing Their Ills: Colonial Power and African Illness. (Stanford: Stanford
University Press, 1993), Michael Worboys, “The Emergence of Tropical Medicine,” in
Perspectives on the Emergence of Scientific Disciplines, ed. Gerald Lemaine, et al. (The Hague:
Mouton, 1976), 75–98, Michael Worboys, “The Discovery of Colonial Malnutrition
between the Wars,” in Imperial Medicine and Indigenous Societies, ed. David Arnold
18 F. DUBE

colonial authorities focused their efforts on improving the health of

European settlers and in controlling epidemics of infectious and tropical
diseases that threatened the supply and efficiency of African labor.69
Wherever disease was believed to threaten the health of the African labor
force, for example, in towns and mining centers, colonial governments
established health services for Africans in the early years of colonial rule.
For rural Africans, however, the encounter with Western biomedicine dur-
ing this period was mostly limited to intrusive public health campaigns
against diseases such as sleeping sickness, plague, and smallpox, and
Christian medical services such as those of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM, hereafter American Board
Mission) in the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border region. There is no doubt
that financial constraints played a significant part in this lop-sided develop-
ment of health services, but this should also be viewed more in terms of
colonial priorities than simply the lack of funds. These priorities that
placed emphasis on European health and economic well-being dictated
where the available resources were spent, and it was not on African health
per se. The early coercive and violent campaigns, however, did much to
shape African attitudes toward Western biomedicine.70 Later in the 1930s
and 1940s, there were limited attempts to extend health services to
Africans in rural areas.71 For colonial Zimbabwe and Mozambique, con-
cerns about settler health were still paramount and investment in African
health was not an end in itself, but was meant to benefit white settlers and
colonial economies.
The writing of the history of colonial public health has moved from
celebratory accounts of colonial medical services and “heroic” medical

(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), 208–223, John Farley, Bilharzia: A

History of Imperial Tropical Medicine, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991),
L. Doyal, The Political Economy of Health (London: Pluto Press, 1979), and James
L. A. Webb, Jr. and Tamara Giles-Vernick, “Introduction,” 1–2. See also W. Penn
Handwerker, Foreword to Indigenous Theories of Contagious Disease (Walnut Creek, CA:
AltaMira Press, 1999), 7.
69
Prince, “Introduction: Situating Health and the Public in Africa,” 17. See also Packard,
“Visions of Postwar Health and Development,” 93–115 and Michael Gelfand, A Service to
the Sick: A History of the Health Services for Africans in Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1953
(Gwelo: Mambo Press, 1976), 40.
70
See, for example, Vaughan, Curing Their Ills and White, Speaking with Vampires.
71
Packard, “Visions of Postwar Health and Development,” 93–115.
 1 INTRODUCTION 19

men, particularly in British colonies,72 to the political ecology of disease

scholars of the 1970s who challenged this perception. These scholars con-
tended that political, economic, and social transformations brought about
by colonization had disrupted existing ecological relationships and the
health of local populations.73 The results of these environmental changes
were epidemic outbreaks which increased the burden of disease in colonies
especially on vulnerable sections of society such as women, children, and
rural inhabitants.74 The failure of colonial public health to convince
Africans of the efficacy of Western biomedicine has also led to the ques-
tioning of the image of an omnipotent colonial state.75 There has also
been an effort to focus on subordinate and intermediary agents who
formed the backbone of colonial medical services, instead of merely focus-
ing on administrators.76 In the same vein, new literature on colonial
European and indigenous nurses has examined their role as intermediaries
and “cultural brokers.”77 These works reflect new trends in historiography
that situate colonial health and medicine within broader international,
global, and transnational contexts.78 This approach is credited with break-
ing down the notion that indigenous healing was traditional and unchang-
ing while Western medicine was dynamic and modern.79

72
See, for example, Gelfand, A Service to the Sick and Michael Gelfand, Proud Record in
Health Services in Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, 1959.
73
See John Ford. The Role of the Trypanosomiases in African Ecology: a Study of the Tsetse
Fly Problem (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971).
74
Feierman, “Struggles for Control,” 12.
75
See, for example, Mark Harrison, Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive
Medicine, 1859–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
76
Ryan Johnson and Amna Khalid, “Introduction,” in Public Health in the British Empire:
Intermediaries, Subordinates, and the Practice of Public Health, 1850–1960, ed. Ryan Johnson
and Amna Khalid (Routledge: New York, 2012), 2.
77
See, for example, Anne Digby and Helen Sweet, “Nurses as Cultural Brokers in
Twentieth-Century South Africa,” in Plural Medicine, Tradition and Modernity, 1800–2000,
ed. Waltraud Ernst (London: Routledge, 2002), 113–129.
78
See, for example, Anne Digby, Waltraud Ernst, and Projit B. Mukharji, ed., Crossing
Colonial Historiographies.
79
Johnson and Khalid, “Introduction,” 12. See also, Waltraud Ernst, ed., Plural Medicine,
Tradition and Modernity, 1800–2000 (London: Routledge, 2002) and Karen Flint, Healing
Traditions: African Medicine, Cultural Exchange, and Competition in South Africa,
1820–1948 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2008).
20 F. DUBE

Overview
Public Health at the Border is divided into three parts: “Life and Health
Before the Border,” “Life and Health with the Border,” and “The Border
and Public Health.” In Part I, Chap. 2 discusses the landscape, geography,
and disease environment of the Zimbabwe-Mozambique border region. It
provides a vivid sense of the environmental diversity to show why it was
important for people to access resources that lay across the border. The
reason for this was that the organization of precolonial public health
largely overlapped with environmental differences, with people in semi-­
arid areas concerned about rainfall, for example. Chapter 2 also details the
social, political, and economic forces that determined patterns of mobility
before the colonization of the region in 1890. These forces included trade
and exchange, kinship or family connections, hunting, herding, and trav-
eling for health reasons.
Part II then deals with the imposition of the border and the creation of
a public health problem from 1890. Here, Chap. 3 details the process of
colonization, the demarcation of the border, and subsequent border
restrictions as well as the establishment of Christian mission stations which
played a crucial role in the provision of health services for the Shona peo-
ple of the border region. Chapter 4 then examines the general oppression
that followed the establishment of colonial rule, with an emphasis on land
alienation, taxation, forced labor, and dipping fees, among other things,
arguing that these, together with border restrictions, contributed to the
contestations of the border and colonial authority. It shows how the con-
junction of a particular colonized society, a distinctive kind of colonialism
and a particular territorial border, generated forms of low compliance with
public health.
The implications of the border for the control of infectious diseases
such as trypanosomiasis, syphilis, and smallpox as well as the provision of
health services for Africans are taken up in Part III. Thus, Part III exam-
ines colonial public health efforts and African evasion of cross-border
restrictions and other forms of noncompliance. It shows that low compli-
ance with public health resulted from a lack of trust and fear of govern-
ment institutions, as well as the discriminatory application of public health.
Hence, Chap. 5 deals with the increased incidence of sleeping sickness
(trypanosomiasis) as a result of environmental changes engendered by the
imposition of colonial rule. The attempt to control sleeping sickness con-
tributed to colonial efforts to restrict the mobility of African cattle herders
 1 INTRODUCTION 21

across the border, particularly after 1900 as the much hoped for gold
wealth did not materialize and the colonial states emphasized agriculture
and cattle ranching as the mainstays of the economy.
The war on epidemics such as smallpox is the subject of Chap. 6, which
examines smallpox epidemics and control, whose incidence also increased
as a result of the establishment of colonial rule in 1890. It shows how the
border continued to be an obstacle to the implementation of effective
regional public health policy. The wide-ranging impact of colonial public
health is taken up in this chapter as well. This chapter argues that in their
attempts to monitor the border for public health purposes, colonial gov-
ernments went as far as depriving Africans of their right to congregate for
religious purposes beginning in the 1920s. For some members of African
Independent Churches, therefore, colonial interference with faith healing
became one of the most important grievances against colonial rule.
Chapter 7 then examines the implications of the border on the control
of STDs, particularly syphilis. It argues that as a result of the growth of
agriculture, cattle ranching, mining, and urbanization from the 1920s, all
of which depended largely on African male labor, the incidence of STDs
increased in mining and farming compounds and urban areas, particularly
in Zimbabwe. Thus, beginning in the 1920s, in an effort to control STDs
and to regulate African mobility, colonial officials compelled Shona men
and women to undergo shameful “medical examinations” which inter-
fered with Shona’s ideas of privacy and masculinity.
The extension of curative health services, through hospitals and clinics,
to rural Africans is the subject of Chap. 8. Chapter 8 considers the spatial
distribution of health services based on borders, both internal and interco-
lonial. It continues the theme of the fear of diffusion of disease and its
impact on public health. The borders included rural/urban, African/
European, and Zimbabwe/Mozambique. This chapter contends that
treating disease in rural Africans was the European settlers’ last line of
defense against disease, which partially explains why efforts to expand the
services came relatively late in the 1930s and early 1940s and also why
they were influenced by the size and political clout of European settlers in
each colony. This chapter therefore argues that while the Shona people of
the border region were open to innovation, they were discouraged by the
discriminatory nature and inadequacy of colonial medical services. It
clearly contrasts low compliance with public health and willingness to ben-
efit from curative biomedicine, which did not require the same trust in
government. Parts II and III thus examine border restrictions imposed by
22 F. DUBE

the colonial governments, how these restrictions changed over time, and
how and why villagers and townsfolk evaded these restrictions on cross-­
border movement. The Conclusion, which is Chap. 9, then considers the
significance of all these developments.
The research for Public Health at the Border occurred between 2003
and 2010 in both Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Sources include docu-
ments from the National Archives of Zimbabwe in Harare (formerly
Salisbury) and the documents of the Companhia de Moçambique (hereaf-
ter Mozambique Company) from Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique in
Maputo, largely comprising reports and correspondence. The Mozambique
Company governed central Mozambique for 50 years, from 1892 to
1942, and left much documentation that deals with many aspects of its
reign, including health issues. After 1942, the sources on the Mozambican
section of the border region become rare. That is where oral histories
come in. In general, the sources for Zimbabwe are more readily accessible
than those for Mozambique.
In addition to archival documents, this book also made use of materials
from the Departments of Agriculture and Natural Resources in Zimbabwe
and the Direcção Nacional de Pecuária and the Department of Tsetse
Control in Mozambique. The records of the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions, housed in the Houghton Library of
Harvard University in Boston, Massachusetts, the United States, are also
pivotal in this research. The missionary sources consist mainly of corre-
spondence between missionaries abroad and the directors of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in Boston and reports on
the medical, evangelistic, and educational activities of the missionaries.
These records also include reports on the relations between the mission
and colonial governments and minutes of meetings.
Oral histories also play an important role, particularly in determining
African perceptions of disease and healing, as well as the impact of colonial
public health policy. These were collected between 2006 and 2007, some
by the author and others by research assistants. The interviews were con-
ducted in Shona, a language spoken on both sides of the Zimbabwe-­
Mozambique border. The places visited on the Zimbabwean side include
Penhalonga (Tsvingwe Village, Old West Mine Compound, Elim Mission),
Zimunya (Chitakatira, Mvududu, Nehwangura, and Nyamakamba vil-
lages), Ngaone, and in areas surrounding Mt. Selinda (Chirinda), such as
Beacon Hill, Days Hill, Holland Farm, Maengeni Village, and Vheremu.
A few more interviews were conducted at Tanganda Halt in the semi-arid
 1 INTRODUCTION 23

part of Chipinge district and in Harare. On the Mozambican side, inter-

views were carried out in Chambuta and Zangiro in the Sussundenga dis-
trict, and at Spungabera and areas surrounding it, such as Mamuse,
Makubvu, Mpanyeya, and Muedzwa in Mossurize district. The names of
some interviewees have been intentionally left out because most of the
interviews were conducted with the understanding that the names would
not be made public due to political considerations. When these interviews
were collected, some interviewees in the border region were afraid of
being accused of talking to foreign media and being “sellouts” due to the
political situation in Zimbabwe at that time.

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 PART I

Life and Health Before the Border

 CHAPTER 2

The Trans-border Landscape: Regional

Mobility and Health Before the Border

An examination of the social, political, and economic history of the agrar-

ian societies of the Shona people and patterns of mobility shows why vil-
lagers would have traveled. Villagers traveled for a number of reasons,
including traveling to visit family and kin, to trade, to hunt, and for health
reasons, among other reasons. In addition, the organization of precolonial
“public health” largely overlapped with environmental differences, with
people in semi-arid areas concerned about rainfall, harvest, food security,
and health, for example. Health-wise, traveling was a way of gaining or
maintaining health through visiting healers, moving to different environ-
ments, visiting spirit mediums and shrines, as well as through healers trav-
eling to treat patients or to find medicines. Therefore, free circulation of
people and interconnections across the region for purposes of trade,
exchanging complementary products, keeping kinship connections alive,
hunting, gathering medicines, and many other reasons were vital.
The area under focus in Zimbabwe stretches from Pungwe (Pungué)
River in the north, then south to where the Save (Sabi) River crosses into
Mozambique (see Fig. 2.1). Its western edge is demarcated by the Odzi
and Save Rivers in Zimbabwe and it encloses the Mutare (Umtali),
Chimanimani (North Melsetter), and Chipinge (Melsetter/Chipinga/
South Melsetter) districts. In Mozambique it roughly encompasses the
western portions of Manica (Macequece/Masekesa/Massi-Kessi, also
known as (Vila de) Manhiça), Sussundenga, and Mossurize (Musirizwi/
Umselezwe/Umsilizi/Mossurise) districts. This border region generally

© The Author(s) 2020 33

F. Dube, Public Health at the Border of Zimbabwe and Mozambique,
1890–1940, African Histories and Modernities,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47535-2_2
34 F. DUBE

Fig. 2.1 Map of the

Zimbabwe-Mozambique
border region.
(Reproduced with
permission from The
Geographical Journal 2,
6 (1893))
 2 THE TRANS-BORDER LANDSCAPE: REGIONAL MOBILITY AND HEALTH… 35

falls into areas inhabited by the eastern Shona people, with the Manyika in
the north and the Ndau in the south.1 The major urban centers are Mutare,
Penhalonga (a gold mining town), Chipinge, and Chimanimani in
Zimbabwe. The major towns on the Mozambican side are Manica,
Espungabera in Mossurize district, and Sussundenga.
The Zimbabwe-Mozambique border region’s physical attributes had a
profound effect on settlement patterns, farming, livestock-keeping, dis-
ease, and patterns of mobility. It is an area of high elevation, particularly
on the Zimbabwean side, which meant that this Zimbabwean side was less
susceptible to tsetse fly and trypanosomiasis. Consequently, villagers prac-
ticed a form of transhumance, keeping their livestock on the highlands of
Zimbabwe during the rainy season and moving the animals to the low-
lands of Mozambique during the dry season when pastures were scarce on
the highlands and when the threat of trypanosomiasis in the lowland
decreased due to low temperatures. In fact, the Zimbabwe-Mozambique
international border follows the crest of the Vumba range of mountains to
the north and the Chimanimani range of mountains to the south. Known
as the Eastern Highlands in Zimbabwe, this region’s natural fertility, land,
and water-based routes have profoundly influenced its history.2
The fertile soils, mineral resources, vegetation, and livestock-rearing
potential attracted both African and, later, European settlements. Land in
Zimbabwe has been classified into “natural farming regions” I–V, with
region I being the most productive agricultural land with high rainfall and
V being an arid environment, with little agricultural potential. The
Zimbabwean side of the border region has some of the best farmlands
ranging from “natural farming regions” I–II. These are healthy upland
plateaus around Chimanimani and Chipinge at around 3937–7874 feet
(1200–2400 meters) above sea level. The region has deep, reddish brown
sandy loam soils that cover the Eastern Highlands to as far north as Nyanga
(Inyanga). These soils have good moisture retention capacity, a character-
istic essential for ensuring adequate moisture for growth of plants. The
highland peoples were therefore able to produce surplus food, which was
traded with the less fortunate peoples of the lowlands. According to Robin
1
For an extended discussion of Ndau history over the longue durée, see Elizabeth
MacGonagle, Crafting Identity in Zimbabwe and Mozambique (Rochester: University of
Rochester Press, 2007).
2
John Keith Rennie, “Christianity, Colonialism and the Origins of Nationalism among the
Ndau of Southern Rhodesia, 1890–1935,” PhD Thesis, Department of History,
Northwestern University, 1973, 37.
36 F. DUBE

Palmer, there was much local trade in the region, “for example in the
Melsetter area between the people of the drought-stricken Sabi Valley,
who in bad years exchanged salt, dried fish, palm wine, mats, baskets, and
cloth for grain and tobacco from the people of the more favoured
uplands.”3 Similarly, Jocelyn Alexander notes that the economy of
Chimanimani was more dependent on local trade between the larger vil-
lages of the mountains and the scattered lowland settlements, driven by
shangwa (drought and disaster), than on long-distance trade in cattle
and ivory.4
Besides the quality of the soils, other factors crucial for plant growth
and animal domestication are rainfall and temperature. The highlands of
the border region receive annual rainfall of between 45 and 55 inches,
which is higher than in any other region in Zimbabwe and reliable, thanks
to light winter rains. The temperatures in the highlands are also comfort-
able and conducive to crop production all year round, with the mean daily
temperature averaging between 55 and 70 °F (12.77 and 21.11 °C).
Apart from climatic factors, rivers associated with the border region
also played a role in the social and economic history of the Shona peoples.
The presence of water encouraged the growth of thickets of vegetation,
which in some areas harbored tsetse flies. Rivers also impacted travel, fish-
ing, and farming. The major rivers of the region are the Save, Odzi,
Pungwe, Budzi (Busi/Búzi), Musirizwi, Rusitu (Lucite), Harondi
(Chibira/Harom), Mussapa, and Rebvuwe (Revuè). The Pungwe rises in
the Nyanga Mountains, whose peaks rise to over 8500 feet (2590.8 meters)
and flows in a southeasterly direction to the Indian Ocean. It is largely “a
rapid mountain river” until it enters a flat area toward the Indian Ocean.5
The Budzi originates in the table-land north of Chief Mapungwana’s
(Mapungane) area and flows in a southeasterly direction to its confluence
with the Musirizwi. The Rebvuwe also rises in the mountains and follows
an easterly direction to the Indian Ocean.
Another river of importance, the Mussapa, originates in an area north
of the Chimanimani Mountains and flows in a southeasterly direction to
its confluence with the Rusitu. The Rusitu, flowing in a deep valley with
3
Robin Palmer, Land and Racial Domination in Rhodesia (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1977), 14.
4
Jocelyn Alexander, The Unsettled Land: State-Making and the Politics of Land in Zimbabwe
(Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006), 19.
5
J. J. Leverson, “Geographical Results of the Anglo-Portuguese Delimitation
Commission,” The Geographical Journal 2, 6 (1893): 506.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
T he Chase I sing, hounds, and their various breed,
And no less various use. O thou, great Prince!
Whom Cambria’s towering hills proclaim their lord,
Deign thou to hear my bold, instructive song.
While grateful citizens, with pompous shew,
Rear the triumphal arch, rich with the exploits
Of thy illustrious house; while virgins pave
Thy way with flowers, and, as the royal youth
Passing they view, admire, and sigh in vain;
While crowded theatres, too fondly proud
Of their exotick minstrels, and shrill pipes,
The price of manhood, hail thee with a song,
And airs soft-warbling; my hoarse-sounding horn

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 14-38.

Invites thee to the chase, the sport of kings;
Image of war, without its guilt. The Muse
Aloft on wing shall soar, conduct with care
Thy foaming courser o’er the steepy rock,
Or, on the river bank, receive thee safe,
Light-bounding o’er the wave, from shore to shore.
Be thou our great protector, gracious youth!
And if, in future times, some envious prince,
Careless of right, and guileful, should invade
Thy Britain’s commerce, or should strive, in vain,
To wrest the balance from thy equal hand,
Thy hunter-train, in cheerful green array’d,
A band undaunted, and innured to toils,
Shall compass thee around, die at thy feet,
Or hew thy passage through the embattled foe,
And clear thy way to fame: inspired by thee,
The nobler chase of glory shall pursue,
Through fire, and smoke, and blood, and fields of death.
Nature, in her productions slow, aspires,
By just degrees, to reach perfection’s highth:
So mimick art works leisurely, till time
Improve the piece, or wise experience give
The proper finishing. When Nimrod bold,
That mighty hunter, first made war on beasts,
And stain’d the woodland green with purple dye,

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 39-63.

New, and unpolish’d, was the huntsman’s art;
No stated rule, his wanton will his guide.
With clubs and stones, rude implements of war,
He arm’d his savage bands, a multitude
Untrain’d: of twining osiers form’d, they pitch
Their artless toils, then range the desert hills,
And scour the plains below: the trembling herd
Start at the unusual sound, and clamorous shout,
Unheard before; surprised, alas! to find
Man now their foe, whom erst they deem’d their lord;
But mild, and gentle, and by whom, as yet,
Secure they grazed. Death stretches o’er the plain,
Wide-wasting, and grim slaughter, red with blood:
Urged on by hunger keen, they wound, they kill;
Their rage, licentious, knows no bound: at last,
Incumber’d with their spoils, joyful they bear,
Upon their shoulders broad, the bleeding prey.
Part on their altars smokes a sacrifice
To that all-gracious Power, whose bounteous hand
Supports his wide creation: what remains,
On living coals they broil, inelegant
Of taste, nor skill’d, as yet, in nicer arts
Of pamper’d luxury. Devotion pure,
And strong necessity, thus first began
The chase of beasts; though bloody was the deed,

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 64-88.

Yet without guilt: for the green herb, alone,
Unequal to sustain man’s labouring race,
Now every moving thing that lived on earth,
Was granted him for food. So just is Heaven,
To give us in proportion to our wants.
Or chance, or industry, in after-times,
Some few improvements made; but short, as yet,
Of due perfection. In this isle, remote,
Our painted ancestors were slow to learn,
To arms devote, of the politer arts
Nor skill’d, nor studious; till, from Neustria’s coasts,
Victorious William to more decent rules
Subdued our Saxon fathers, taught to speak
The proper dialect; with horn and voice
To cheer the busy hound, whose well-known cry
His listening peers approve with joint acclaim.
From him successive huntsmen learn’d to join,
In bloody social leagues, the multitude
Dispersed, to size, to sort their various tribes,
To rear, feed, hunt, and discipline the pack.
Hail, happy Britain! highly favour’d isle,
And Heaven’s peculiar care; to thee ’tis given
To train the sprightly steed, more fleet than those
Begot by winds, or the celestial breed
That bore the great Pelides through the press

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 89-113.

Of heroes arm’d, and broke their crowded ranks;
Which, proudly neighing, with the sun begins
Cheerful his course; and ere his beams decline,
Has measured half thy surface unfatigued.
In thee alone, fair land of liberty!
Is bred the perfect hound, in scent and speed
As yet unrivall’d; while in other climes
Their virtue fails, a weak degenerate race.
In vain malignant steams, and winter fogs,
Load the dull air, and hover round our coasts;
The huntsman, ever gay, robust, and bold,
Defies the noxious vapour, and confides
In this delightful exercise, to raise
His drooping head, and cheer his heart with joy.
Ye vigorous youths, by smiling fortune bless’d
With large demesnes, hereditary wealth,
Heap’d copious by your wise forefathers’ care,
Hear, and attend; while I the means reveal
To enjoy those pleasures, for the weak too strong,
Too costly for the poor: to rein the steed
Swift-stretching o’er the plain, to cheer the pack,
Opening in concerts of harmonious joy,
But breathing death. What though the gripe severe
Of brazen-fisted time, and slow disease
Creeping through every vein, and nerve unstrung,

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 114-138.

Afflict my shatter’d frame, undaunted still,
Fix’d as the mountain ash, that braves the bolts
Of angry Jove, though blasted, yet unfall’n;
Still can my soul, in fancy’s mirrour, view
Deeds glorious once, recall the joyous scene
In all its splendours deck’d, o’er the full bowl
Recount my triumphs pass’d, urge others on
With hand and voice, and point the winding way:
Pleased with that social sweet garrulity,
The poor disbanded veteran’s sole delight.
First, let the kennel be the huntsman’s care;
Upon some little eminence erect,
And fronting to the ruddy dawn; its courts
On either hand wide opening to receive
The sun’s all-cheering beams, when mild he shines,
And gilds the mountain tops. For much the pack
(Roused from their dark alcoves) delight to stretch
And bask in his invigorating ray:
Warn’d by the streaming light, and merry lark,
Forth rush the jolly clan; with tuneful throats
They carol loud, and, in grand chorus join’d,
Salute the new-born day. For not alone
The vegetable world, but men and brutes
Own his reviving influence, and joy
At his approach. Fountain of light! if chance

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 139-163.

Some envious cloud veil thy refulgent brow,
In vain the Muses aid, untouch’d, unstrung,
Lies my mute harp, and thy desponding bard
Sits darkly musing o’er the unfinish’d lay.
Let no Corinthian pillars prop the dome,
A vain expense, on charitable deeds
Better disposed, to clothe the tatter’d wretch
Who shrinks beneath the blast, to feed the poor,
Pinch’d with afflictive want: for use, not state,
Gracefully plain let each apartment rise.
O’er all let cleanliness preside; no scraps
Bestrew the pavement, and no half-pick’d bones,
To kindle fierce debate, or to disgust
That nicer sense, on which the sportsman’s hope,
And all his future triumphs, must depend.
Soon as the growling pack, with eager joy,
Have lapp’d their smoking viands, morn or eve,
From the full cistern lead the ductile streams,
To wash thy court, well-paved; nor spare thy pains,
For much to health will cleanliness avail.
Seek’st thou for hounds to climb the rocky steep,
And brush the entangled covert, whose nice scent
O’er greasy fallows, and frequented roads,
Can pick the dubious way? Banish far off
Each noisome stench, let no offensive smell

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 164-188.

Invade thy wide inclosure, but admit
The nitrous air, and purifying breeze.
Water and shade no less demand thy care:
In a large square the adjacent field inclose;
There plant, in equal ranks, the spreading elm,
Or fragrant lime; most happy thy design,
If, at the bottom of thy spacious court,
A large canal, fed by the crystal brook,
From its transparent bosom shall reflect
Downward thy structure and inverted grove.
Here, when the sun’s too potent gleams annoy
The crowded kennel, and the drooping pack,
Restless and faint, loll their unmoisten’d tongues,
And drop their feeble tails, to cooler shades
Lead forth the panting tribe; soon shalt thou find
The cordial breeze their fainting hearts revive:
Tumultuous soon they plunge into the stream,
There lave their reeking sides, with greedy joy
Gulp down the flying wave; this way and that,
From shore to shore, they swim, while clamour loud,
And wild uproar, torments the troubled flood;
Then on the sunny bank they roll and stretch
Their dripping limbs; or else in wanton rings
Coursing around, pursuing and pursued,
The merry multitude disporting play.

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 189-213.

 But here, with watchful and observant eye,
Attend their frolicks, which too often end
In bloody broils and death. High o’er thy head
Wave thy resounding whip, and, with a voice
Fierce-menacing, o’er-rule the stern debate,
And quench their kindling rage; for oft, in sport
Begun, combat ensues; growling they snarl,
Then on their haunches rear’d, rampant they seize
Each other’s throats, with teeth and claws, in gore
Besmear’d, they wound, they tear, till on the ground,
Panting, half dead, the conquering champion lies:
Then sudden all the base ignoble crowd,
Loud-clamouring, seize the helpless worried wretch,
And, thirsting for his blood, drag different ways
His mangled carcase on the ensanguined plain.
O breasts of pity void! to oppress the weak,
To point your vengeance at the friendless head,
And, with one mutual cry, insult the fall’n!
Emblem too just of man’s degenerate race.
Others apart, by native instinct led,
Knowing instructor! ’mong the ranker grass
Cull each salubrious plant, with bitter juice
Concoctive stored, and potent to allay
Each vicious ferment. Thus the hand divine
Of Providence, beneficent and kind

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 213-236.

To all his creatures, for the brutes prescribes
A ready remedy, and is himself
Their great physician! Now grown stiff with age,
And many a painful chase, the wise old hound,
Regardless of the frolick pack, attends
His master’s side, or slumbers, at his ease,
Beneath the bending shade; there, many a ring
Runs o’er in dreams; now on the doubtful foil
Puzzles perplex’d, or doubles intricate
Cautious unfolds; then, wing’d with all his speed,
Bounds o’er the lawn to seize his panting prey,
And in imperfect whimp’ring speaks his joy.
A different hound, for every diff’rent chase,
Select with judgment; nor the timorous hare
O’ermatch’d destroy, but leave that vile offence
To the mean, murd’rous, coursing crew, intent
On blood and spoil. Oh blast their hopes, just Heaven!
And all their painful drudgeries repay
With disappointment, and severe remorse.
But husband thou thy pleasures, and give scope
To all her subtle play: by nature led,
A thousand shifts she tries; to unravel these
The industrious beagle twists his waving tail,
Through all her labyrinths pursues, and rings

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 237-260.

Her doleful knell. See there, with countenance blithe,
And with a courtly grin, the fawning hound
Salutes thee, cowering, his wide opening nose
Upward he curls, and his large sloe-black eyes
Melt in soft blandishments, and humble joy;
His glossy skin, or yellow-pied, or blue,
In lights or shades by nature’s pencil drawn,
Reflects the various tints; his ears and legs,
Fleckt here and there, in gay enamell’d pride
Rival the speckled pard; his rush-grown tail
O’er his broad back bends in ample arch;
On shoulders clean, upright and firm he stands;
His round cat foot, straight hams, and wide-spread thighs,
And his low-dropping chest, confess his speed,
His strength, his wind, or on the steepy hill,
Or far-extended plain; in every part
So well proportion’d, that the nicer skill
Of Phidias himself can’t blame thy choice.
Of such compose thy pack: but here a mean
Observe; nor the large hound prefer, of size
Gigantick; he in the thick-woven covert
Painfully tugs, or in the thorny brake
Torn and embarrass’d, bleeds: but if too small,
The pigmy brood in every furrow swims;

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 261-285.

Moil’d in the clogging clay, panting they lag
Behind inglorious; or else shivering they creep,
Benumb’d and faint, beneath the shelt’ring thorn.
For hounds of middle size, active and strong,
Will better answer all thy various ends,
And crown thy pleasing labours with success.
As some brave captain, curious and exact,
By his fix’d standard forms, in equal ranks,
His gay battalion, as one man they move,
Step after step, their size the same, their arms
Far gleaming, dart the same united blaze:
Reviewing generals his merit own;
How regular! how just! and all his cares
Are well repaid, if mighty George approve.
So model thou thy pack, if honour touch
Thy generous soul, and the world’s just applause.
But above all take heed, nor mix thy hounds
Of diff’rent kinds; discordant sounds shall grate
Thy ears offended, and a lagging line
Of babbling curs disgrace thy broken pack.
But if the amphibious otter be thy chase,
Or stately stag, that o’er the woodland reigns;
Or if the harmonious thunder of the field
Delight thy ravish’d ears; the deep-flew’d hound
Breed up with care, strong, heavy, slow, but sure,

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 286-310.

Whose ears, down-hanging from his thick round head,
Shall sweep the morning dew; whose clanging voice
Awake the mountain echo in her cell,
And shake the forests: the bold Talbot kind
Of these the prime, as white as Alpine snows;
And great their use of old. Upon the banks
Of Tweed, slow-winding through the vale, the seat
Of war and rapine once, ere Britons knew
The sweets of peace, or Anna’s dread commands
To lasting leagues the haughty rivals awed,
There dwelt a pilfering race; well train’d and skill’d
In all the mysteries of theft, the spoil
Their only substance, feuds and war their sport:
Not more expert in every fraudful art
The arch felon was of old, who by the tail
Drew back his lowing prize: in vain his wiles,
In vain the shelter of the covering rock,
In vain the sooty cloud, and ruddy flames,
That issued from his mouth; for soon he paid
His forfeit life; a debt how justly due
To wrong’d Alcides, and avenging Heaven!
Veil’d in the shades of night, they ford the stream,
Then prowling far and near, whate’er they seize
Becomes their prey; nor flocks nor herds are safe,
Nor stalls protect the steer, nor strong-barr’d doors

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 311-335.

Secure the favourite horse. Soon as the morn
Reveals his wrongs, with ghastly visage wan,
The plunder’d owner stands, and from his lips
A thousand thronging curses burst their way:
He calls his stout allies, and in a line
His faithful hound he leads; then, with a voice
That utters loud his rage, attentive cheers:
Soon the sagacious brute, his curling tail
Flourish’d in air, low-bending plies around
His busy nose, the steaming vapour snuffs
Inquisitive, nor leaves one turf untried;
Till, conscious of the recent stains, his heart
Beats quick; his snuffling nose, his active tail,
Attest his joy; then, with deep-opening mouth,
That makes the welkin tremble, he proclaims
The audacious felon; foot by foot he marks
His winding way, while all the listening crowd
Applaud his reasonings. O’er the watery ford,
Dry sandy heaths, and stony barren hills,
O’er beaten paths, with men and beasts distain’d,
Unerring he pursues; till at the cot
Arrived, and seizing by his guilty throat
The caitiff vile, redeems the captive prey:
So exquisitely delicate his sense!
Should some more curious sportsman here inquire,

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 336-360.

Whence this sagacity, this wond’rous power,
Of tracing step by step, or man or brute;
What guide invisible points out their way,
O’er the dank marsh, bleak hill, and sandy plain?
The courteous Muse shall the dark cause reveal.
The blood that from the heart incessant rolls
In many a crimson tide, then here and there,
In smaller rills disparted, as it flows,
Propell’d, the serous particles evade
Through the open pores, and, with the ambient air
Entangling, mix: as fuming vapours rise,
And hang upon the gently-purling brook,
There by the incumbent atmosphere compress’d.
The panting chase grows warmer as he flies,
And through the net-work of the skin perspires;
Leaves a long streaming trail behind, which, by
The cooler air condensed, remains, unless
By some rude storm dispersed, or rarefied
By the meridian sun’s intenser heat:
To every shrub the warm effluvia cling,
Hang on the grass, impregnate earth and skies:
With nostrils opening wide, o’er hill, o’er dale,
The vigorous hounds pursue, with every breath
Inhale their grateful steam; quick pleasures sting
Their tingling nerves, while they their thanks repay,

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 361-385.

And in triumphant melody confess
The titillating joy. Thus on the air
Depend the hunter’s hopes. When ruddy streaks
At eve, forebode a blust’ring stormy day,
Or lowering clouds blacken the mountain’s brow;
When nipping frosts, and the keen biting blasts
Of the dry parching east menace the trees,
With tender blossoms teeming, kindly spare
Thy sleeping pack, in their warm beds of straw
Low-sinking, at their ease; listless they shrink
Into some dark recess, nor hear thy voice,
Though oft invoked; or, haply, if thy call
Rouse up the slumbering tribe, with heavy eyes,
Glazed, lifeless, dull, downward they drop their tails
Inverted; high on their bent backs erect
Their pointed bristles stare; or ’mong the tufts
Of ranker weeds, each stomach-healing plant
Curious they crop, sick, spiritless, forlorn.
These inauspicious days, on other cares
Employ thy precious hours; the improving friend
With open arms embrace, and from his lips
Glean science, season’d with good-natured wit.
But if the inclement skies and angry Jove
Forbid the pleasing intercourse, thy books
Invite thy ready hand, each sacred page

BOOK I THE CHASE v. 386-399.

Rich with the wise remarks of heroes old.
Converse familiar with the illustrious dead;
With great examples of old Greece or Rome
Enlarge thy free-born heart; and bless kind Heaven,
That Britain yet enjoys dear liberty,
That balm of life, that sweetest blessing; cheap,
Though purchased with our blood. Well bred, polite,
Credit thy calling. See! how mean, how low,
The bookless, sauntring youth, proud of the skut
That dignifies his cap, his flourish’d belt,
And rusty couples gingling by his side.
Be thou of other mould; and know, that such
Transporting pleasures, were by Heaven ordain’d
Wisdom’s relief, and Virtue’s great reward.
BOOK II
 Argument.
Of the power of instinct in brutes. Two remarkable instances in the hunting
of the roebuck, and in the hare going to seat in the morning. Of the variety
of seats or forms of the hare, according to the change of the season,
weather, or wind. Description of the hare-hunting in all its parts,
interspersed with rules to be observed by those who follow that chase.
Transition to the Asiatick way of hunting, particularly the magnificent
manner of the Great Mogul, and other Tartarian princes, taken from
Monsieur Bernier, and the History of Gengis Cawn the Great. Concludes
with a short reproof of tyrants and oppressors of mankind.