Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Meaning-Making in
the Contemporary
Congregational Song
Genre
Daniel Thornton
Alphacrucis College
Parramatta, NSW, Australia
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Foreword
v
vi FOREWORD
as fact. This is a deeply objective, factual analysis. And that is what the
(sub)discipline of congregational music is crying out for. Sure, we have
seen this in more anthropological and sociological accounts, but this kind
of quantifiable musicology has been rare.
I write this Foreword in a fascinating time globally. Just today, in the
place where I live, churches were able to accept a limited number of wor-
shippers—but there was to be no ‘singing or chanting’. How interesting
that congregational singing has been singled out as a health risk. What
extra power has just been invested in the common activity of joining in
(any form of) corporate singing. In the weeks prior to this, here, and
around the world, churches have been delivering their liturgies, and the
music that accompanies them, virtually, in an online world that we all now
recognize as normal. But these external stimuli raise very real questions for
congregational music. What will congregational singing look like (and
sound like) in a post-COVID-19 world? What does it mean for churches
if they cannot sing out loud together? Does this environment actually
highlight the importance of high production values in recorded congrega-
tional song? How will people of faith adapt to a personal-only musical
experience? How do congregants connect to worship in an online envi-
ronment? What is achievable musically for congregants when left on their
own in their lounge rooms? And dare I say it, how relevant is music to the
contemporary post-COVID-19 church? Here Thornton’s volume takes
on even more significance. It tells us what is achievable. It documents
objectively what people do and don’t want to sing. And more than any-
thing, this volume documents in the most timely fashion, how online
communities built around contemporary congregational songs function
and grow. As Thornton notes, the volume gives us a “greater understand-
ing of this global genre, and its impact, through its texts, producers, and
participant-audiences”. This volume tells us exactly what the global con-
temporary congregational song genre sounds like, how songs are con-
structed, and why people engage with them the way they do. What could
be more timely than that!
This is a volume of great value, and we will be richer for it analytically
and practically.
But it is also a volume that should make us ask, ‘what now?’
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
xi
xii CONTENTS
Appendix A217
Bibliography219
Index233
List of Figures
Fig. 1.1 The Magisteria-Ibiza Spectrum (Marsh and Roberts, 2013, 19;
excerpt from Personal Jesus by Clive Marsh and Vaughan
S. Roberts, copyright © 2012. Used by permission of Baker
Academic, a division of Baker Publishing Group) 13
Fig. 8.1 D and D2 guitar fingering 135
Fig. 9.1 Key themes/words in CCS 155
Fig. 9.2 Four CCS lyric categories 160
Fig. 9.3 Weight of CCS song types 161
Fig. 9.4 Visual representation of Godhead and POV fraction 164
Fig. 11.1 10,000 Reasons: http://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=DXDGE_lRI0E (Background picture) 186
xv
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
Christians sing. Before instantly dismissing that statement as idealistic or
naïve, consider both the Scriptural imperative to do so for believers and
the worship practices that Christians have institutionalised over the last
2000 years. Whether one appeals to the Old Testament Scriptures, such as
Psalm 96:1 “Oh, sing to the Lord a new song! Sing to the Lord, all the
earth”, or the New Testament, “speaking to one another in psalms and
hymns and spiritual songs, singing and making melody in your heart to
the Lord”, the edict is clear, Christians sing. They sing not only to God,
and to one another, but also to themselves. Some have observed in recent
times that (Western) Christians are singing less than they once did
(Goddard 2016). Undoubtedly, there are Christians who feel they cannot
sing or choose not to sing. Nevertheless, Christians throughout the ages
have expressed their faith through song, and particularly through com-
munal song, not just because it was a noble idea or an entertaining activity,
or because their surrounding culture celebrated communal singing, but
because it was a Christian mandate.
The content and style of Christian song and its accompaniment (if any)
have changed over time and across different cultures and traditions. The
bastion of certain styles of Christian song has lasted centuries, such as
Gregorian chants, the Eastern Orthodox musical traditions, or the hymns
of Watts or Wesley. At other times, musical style within the church has
been transient or localised. I still remember the first and only rap song that
made it into our church’s roster (for a short time) in the early 1990s:
“Jump To The Jam” (©1993 Paul Iannuzzelli).
When songs and styles have a long life, they also gain the opportunity
to be examined and analysed from various perspectives and disciplines over
multiple generations. However, an emerging music genre may be left
unexamined by scholars until it is quite well established or has made
enough of an impact somewhere on some group of people. Indeed, aca-
demia was slow to catch up with the emergence of Rock ‘n’ Roll in the
1950s, not least because it was not seen as ‘serious’ music, and thus not
deemed worthy of serious scholarship. However, by the 1980s, popular
music studies had emerged with seminal research from Simon Frith,
Richard Middleton, and Allan Moore, among others. Reflection necessar-
ily follows, rather than precedes, practice, but at what distance? At what
point does analysing the ‘seedling’ of a music genre produce viable insight
into the ‘tree’ which it may or may not become?
Contemporary congregational songs (CCS) now have some 50 years of
history, of evolution, and of worship practice in contemporary expressions
of Christianity. En masse, Christians sing contemporary congregational
songs. Their origins may have been in Pentecostal and charismatic circles;
it was what Pentecostal/charismatic Christians sang. This fastest growing
strain of Christianity over the last century now represents more than 500
million adherents worldwide (Pew Research Center 2011), but the genre
has had far wider implications. Hundreds of millions of Christians sing
contemporary congregational songs regardless of denominational, gener-
ational, lingual, or cultural differences. It is the examination and analysis
of this global genre of musical worship renewal that this volume undertakes.
perspective of the global genre. That being said, many international data
sources are also utilised, and as a scholar, composer, and worship leader, I
have travelled the globe and witnessed first-hand, diverse, localised, and
varied cultural expressions of CCS which inform and affirm my findings.
To whatever degree a uniquely Australian perspective may still colour this
research, this study provides an important counterpoint to the extant con-
gregational music-making scholarship. It is complementary to the ethno-
musicological thick descriptions of particular contexts and local expressions
of contemporary worship, or to the historical accounts of the genre, or to
the theological or philosophical engagements with the genre, and what-
ever regional influences may have informed their authors.
Beyond the unique sources and methods, this research adopts a disci-
plinary approach that is rare in congregational music studies. The method-
ology of music semiology and its interdisciplinary partners will be discussed
in depth later in this chapter. Here, however, I posit that the way in which
this methodology builds on a musicological heritage means that the songs
themselves are central to the analysis. This stands in stark contrast to much
of the congregational music studies literature where little or no analysis is
given of the actual music, but rather of the people who make it, or engage
with it, or the environmental, ecclesial, cultural, theological, historical, or
political contexts in which contemporary congregational songs occur. At
the same time, this methodology does not ignore the production milieu at
one end, nor the individual, subjective meaning-making at the other,
which all contribute to an ongoing dialogical definition of the genre.
[G]enres, are cultural forms, dynamic and historically fluid, … guiding peo-
ple’s behaviour; they are learned, and they are culturally specific; they are
rooted in institutional infrastructures; they classify objects in ways that are
sometimes precise, sometimes fuzzy, but always sharper at the core than at
the edges; and they belong to a system of kinds, and are meaningful only in
terms of the shifting differences between them. (Frow 2006, 128)
Importantly, this quote indicates that genre markers will be most evi-
dent towards the “core”. It is, of course, unrealistic to analyse every con-
temporary congregational song ever written, or even every contemporary
congregational song that Christian Copyright Licensing International
(CCLI) represents, which is now well over half a million. For this reason,
a sample must be chosen for analysis. However, according to Frow’s defi-
nition, a random sample of CCS would not provide us with the clearest
picture of the CCS genre. Rather, an analysis of a sample of songs at the
core of the genre would provide the greatest insight. For the global CCS
genre, core songs would be those that are sung by the most Christians,
across the most countries and denominations around the world; a discus-
sion to which I will return. This quote also affirms that the CCS genre
definition derived from this research is subject to the “dynamic and his-
torically fluid” nature of genre definitions. It is only a snapshot of the
genre at a moment in church and wider Western cultural history and at a
specific point in the CCS scholarly discourse. Ultimately, the proposed
CCS genre definition in this book needs to be in an ongoing state of con-
testation, re-examination, nuancing, and updating.
With a more specific focus on music genres, Lena and Peterson state
that they are “systems of orientations, expectations, and conventions that
bind together an industry, performers, critics, and fans in making what
they identify as a distinctive sort of music” (Lena and Peterson 2008,
698). The particular relationship, noted above, between music genres and
industry is a focus for Negus, who recognises the co-constitutive processes
of music genres shaping and being shaped by lived musical experience and
“formal organization by an entertainment industry” (Negus 1999, 4).
This link will be borne out in the coming chapters.
Approaching music genre theories initially from their “linguistic label
(a name)”, Marino, who builds on the work of Fabbri (1982) and Holt
(2007), suggests they are assigned to a “set of recognizable musical fea-
tures … carrying socio-cultural connotations” (Marino 2013, 7). From
this vantage point, he reviews approximately 100 genre names, dividing
6 D. THORNTON
them into six macro-classes: (1) Music (descriptive), (2) Aim (prescrip-
tive), (3) Lyrics (thematic), (4) Culture (aggregative), (5) Geography
(locative), and (6) Totem (i.e., object; symbolic) (ibid., 12). For Marino,
“Christian (rock)” (which would include CCS in his taxonomy) is classi-
fied under the “Lyric (thematic)” category, which also includes the ‘Love
song’ and Christmas carol. The concept that Christian music is only defin-
able through its lyrical content is supported by other authors (e.g., Price
1999). Marino, however, goes on to propose that Christian music is nei-
ther a proper genre, nor style, but more a ‘type’ or ‘area’ of music, which
he asserts is the equivalent of Shuker’s “metagenres” (2013), Holt’s
“abstract genres” (2007), and Fabbri’s “superordinate categories” (2014)
(ibid., 13). Such a position is not uncontested. Lena and Peterson, restrict-
ing themselves to music genres that operate in the commercial market-
place, see genres as potentially moving through four forms: Avant-garde,
Scene-based, Industry-based, and finally to a Traditionalist form (2008,
700). As contemporary Christian music (CCM), and thus its subgenre,
CCS, commenced as (Christian/church) ‘Scene-based’ expressions of
existing genres (rock/pop/folk) rather than as a substantially new musical
idiom, Lena and Peterson see CCM, and presumably CCS, as Scene-based
and Industry-based forms of a music genre, still too young to arrive at its
Traditionalist form (ibid., 710).
Christian music, for many scholars, seems to be one of the more abstract
and difficult music genres to qualify, beyond its lyrical content. However,
CCS are a special case of Christian music, not specifically dealt with by any
of the above-mentioned authors. A more detailed, concrete, and nuanced
definition of the CCS genre is not only possible but important to the dis-
course. I propose the following definition: Towards its centre, the CCS
genre can be defined as songs that are popular music oriented, written by
Christian worshippers, relatively easily replicable in vernacular contexts,
memorable, containing lyrics that are theologically resonant to their per-
formers (congregation), and are personally meaningful. Furthermore, I
posit that there are a large number of musical, lyrical, and extra-musical
features, which are consistent across the corpus, and thus define the genre.
The rest of this book is devoted to supporting, justifying, and extrapolat-
ing on these assertions.
1 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS GENRE FORMATION… 7
Selected Scholarship
On the topic of contemporary worship scholarship, the majority of
researchers have engaged in ethnographic/ethnomusicological or phe-
nomenological approaches (e.g., Adnams 2008; Hall 2006; Ingalls
2008; Jennings 2008; Ingalls 2018; Ingalls and Yong 2015), which is
arguably the combined result of a young research field and one that
often defines itself experientially (Jennings 2014; Vondey and Mittelstadt
2013, 10). Sociology, cultural, and religious studies have informed such
research, though many of these researchers consider themselves primar-
ily as ethnomusicologists, a discipline which has been typically associated
with the study of ‘other’ musics (Bohlman 2008, 100–101; Nooshin
2008, 72–73). The lens, then, is often that of the participant-observer
coming in from the outside to gain an understanding of the music and
its culture, rather than of the musical native exploring music from his/
her naturally ‘emic’ perspective (Thornton 2015). Even when scholars
are inside settings where CCS have infiltrated their church’s worship, as
Ingalls describes (2018, 23), the resulting scholarship is not the type of
‘insider’ research that this study represents. As a child of the charismatic
renewal, birthed in a charismatic church, the ‘worship wars’ were only
something I heard about well into my adulthood as I engaged with
churches in other denominations. I do not suppose that this experience
gives me any privileged position for scholarship regarding CCS, how-
ever, it is this perspective that has been lacking in much contemporary
congregational music-making scholarship and brings a needed breadth
to the field.
The ethnomusicological studies described above often excel at identify-
ing specific practices and perspectives, engaging with, and extrapolating
1 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS GENRE FORMATION… 9
Corbitt concludes:
his criteria. Agreement for the universality of songs in worship has already
been justified earlier.
Begbie’s (2007) contribution is interesting in its attempt to create,
from biblical text and history, an approach involving “Christian ecology”
which utilises Creation as a framework. He is particularly interested in
applying this to musical theologians and theological musicians. Rather
than a theology of worship, Begbie works towards a theology of music,
which does not attempt to promote or demote any particular musical
style. In one sense then, it lacks a ‘position’ on contemporary musical wor-
ship and the believer, except to spread a very wide interpretation of
Creation and humanity’s position in the Christian ecology. Three of his
notable contentions include: “[that] pieces of music typically possess an
aesthetic integrity … they operate metaphorically, generating a surplus of
meaning … [and that] music is very context friendly” (Begbie 2007, 57).
There is a veiled warning here, as heard elsewhere, that analyses that pur-
port positivist song meaning will quickly reveal their limitations. There is
also the insight that people easily reinterpret music based on the setting in
which they experience it, a notion supported by DeNora’s wider, secular
sociomusicological research (2000), and examined specifically in relation
to CCS lyrics in Chap. 9. Begbie advocates thinking of music in a Christian
ecology that is neither escapist nor imperialist. Others who have sought an
inclusive framework for Christians’ interaction with all popular music
whether in consumption or creation include Faulkner (2012), Joseph
(2003), Howard and Streck (2004), and Marsh and Roberts (2013).
Sacramental theology is a framework through which Marsh and
Roberts, and Lim and Ruth in a more limited context (2017, 121–40),
explore popular music. Marsh and Roberts suggest this convergent theo-
logical approach to popular music has growing interest—that popular
music can be a “channel of the self-revelation of God, or of the grace of
God” (37). Their attempt to align Christian perspectives of popular music
with Daniel Levitin’s The World in Six Songs (2008) is admirable, though
unnecessary and from certain perspectives problematic, given Levitin’s
evolutionary, and ultimately scientifically reductive orientation. However,
the most compelling aspect of their work is the creation of the ‘Magisteria-
Ibiza Spectrum’ to describe ‘affective space’ in which people consume
popular music (including CCS). The authors describe affective space as
“any practice or activity that entails significant emotional engagement,
through which a person can be shown to do more than just enjoying the
moment” (16). The spectrum allows for a high level of complexity and
12 D. THORNTON
[f]or those to whom music is at all significant, then, music is part of the self-
shaping process and a means of discovering and expressing who we believe
ourselves to be. In a clear sense, we are our playlists. (ibid., 111)
All of these are readily applied to the live corporate1 worship experience
of churches utilising CCS; alongside which, the authors identify four
dominant themes in people’s use of popular music, including transcen-
dence, embodiment, connectedness, and ritual (ibid., 146–153). Thus,
while these authors do not set out to analyse CCS per se, the framework
provides valuable insights and tools to do so.
What is clearly missing from the literature, as discussed throughout this
section, is a comprehensive analysis of contemporary congregational songs
as a global music genre, which takes into account the diverse disciplinary
methods which would best inform such an analysis.
1
This term is used many times throughout the book as it is commonly used by those inside
contemporary church worship practices. Corporate worship refers to the worship of the
gathered body of believers, most often a Sunday service, but could equally be other subsets
of the local church worshipping together.
Magisteria Ibiza
A B C D
Norms Family “Pick ‘n’ mix” You can be
Generational “whatever you
Political party Hybridity want to be”
legacy
Institutional Antiauthoritarian “I know what I like”
Fan community
Political theorists
+ policy-makers “I just want
Group of friends “I can do what I want”
‘Web police” to escape”
“Affective Space”
Conformity School/College/ Authenticity “It’s what I feel
Media Moguls Learning group Nonhierarchical that matters”
Corporate
Faith community “I’m here to
The Magisterium “Experience not
enjoy the film” rules”
Mainstream Sports team
Governing bodies Play Self-expression
Fig. 1.1 The Magisteria-Ibiza Spectrum (Marsh and Roberts, 2013, 19; excerpt from Personal Jesus by Clive Marsh and
Vaughan S. Roberts, copyright © 2012. Used by permission of Baker Academic, a division of Baker Publishing Group)
1 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS GENRE FORMATION…
13
14 D. THORNTON
2
I acknowledge that trace analysis is also a method in scientific analysis; however, it is far
enough away from this field to not cause any unnecessary complexity.
1 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS GENRE FORMATION… 17
signification.3 For all of those reasons, it has fallen out of favour as a disci-
pline, on top of which there has not risen a scholar to champion its resur-
rection. I do not suppose that I am such a champion or that my use of it
will solve all the historical issues. However, it is arguably a useful overarch-
ing discipline to explore the contemporary congregational song genre,
following in the footsteps of Evans (2006).
Though Nattiez’s focus is on Western Art Music, his statement below
acutely applies to the experiential and embodied nature of popular and
vernacular musics, including CCS:
3
Although semiology is technically a subset of semiotics, its usage by Nattiez is not as nar-
row as its Saussurean origins. The subtle distinctions between semiology and semiotics,
though important, are not required to be differentiated for this research. What Nattiez calls
semiology is probably more accurately, semiotics.
1 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS GENRE FORMATION… 19
a viable solution. CCLI needed cooperation from both the song owner
and the Master Recording owner to create a ‘rehearsal licence’ for
churches, and their historical relationship had only been with song
owners. In the absence of such a licence, churches look for alternatives,
and YouTube provides one. Every song found in any of the CCLI ‘top
songs lists’ has tens if not hundreds of representations on YouTube.
The view count of CCS videos on YouTube mostly represents individ-
ual watchers. This individual activity verifies people’s engagement with
specific CCS, in other words, a ‘view’ is a person watching/listening to the
song. Thus, a large view count indicates a higher level of public engage-
ment than a small view count. In this way, YouTube CCS data provides a
valuable counterbalance to CCLI data, which only measures song usage
inside church services. For the purpose of this research, YouTube is used
to ensure that the analysed songs are representative of the global choices
of individual Christians, and not just of choices made on behalf of congre-
gations by those in charge of local corporate worship.
Keil argues that “in class society the media of the dominant class must
be utilised for [a vernacular] style to be legitimated” (cited in Frith 1998,
231). If Keil is right, CCS must exist on YouTube if they are to be a ‘legiti-
mate’ popular music genre. YouTube is currently the dominant streaming
media platform of global society. As CCS exist on YouTube, the form and
content they assume become the legitimised version of the genre. No mat-
ter what other versions are available to consumers, CCS on YouTube are
authoritative. With that in mind, and the arguments set forth above, the
identified most sung global CCS from the CCLI data (discussed in Chap. 2)
were cross-referenced to YouTube views. Highly viewed songs affirmed
that the chosen CCS were globally representative of the genre.
It is impossible to individually survey the mass YouTube audience, and
it is not known whether viewers watched these mediations before they
sang them in their local church, or whether they went looking for them on
YouTube because they had sung them in their local church. Furthermore,
this binary does not adequately address the complex ways in which viewers
may ultimately come to watch a CCS video. However, it is important to
establish the level of influence YouTube has in the popularisation of
CCS. None of the YouTube mediations of the most sung CCS were
uploaded before 2006 and the median year was 2013. This is no doubt
related to the timelines of broader streaming musical media adoption,
which Holt states, “spread rapidly around 2008 and became evident to
many in 2009” (Holt 2011, 51). Twelve of the 32 most sung CCS,
22 D. THORNTON
however, were written before 2008. Many of these older songs were chart-
ing highly on the CCLI reports long before they had YouTube representa-
tion. In the pre-broadband/mobile Internet era, people’s first interaction
with a song was through radio/TV, or the purchase of the CD, or the
experience of the song at a conference or church service. The weight of
those activities has changed. A survey by CCLI founder, Howard Rachinski
(2014), indicated that the greatest method for discovering new music for
churches was through the Internet (42%), although now six years on, this
would undoubtedly be much higher. While that survey did not give par-
ticipants the option to specify a preferred site, YouTube’s own statistics
indicate its primacy in online music discovery and engagement.
CCS over the last decade must have representation on YouTube to cre-
ate the momentum that they now co-create through album sales, radio/
TV airtime, or conference exposure. However, these do not have to be
official music videos. In fact, only half of the videos analysed were officially
produced and uploaded to official channels; the other videos were
uploaded by fans. Some of those were official videos ripped by fans and
uploaded, such as “Mighty to Save”. However, these tended to be older
uploads as worship producers have progressively realised the importance
of uploading official video content as early as possible. Only a few years
ago, background nature pictures with overlaid large white font lyrics were
the typical YouTube mediation of popular CCS, as Chaps. 10 and 11
will attest.
Why nature pictures were the background of choice for CCS fan-
created videos is worthy of some speculation here in terms of the trace
analysis. First, nature for many Christians is synonymous with Creation,
no matter whether one holds to a creationist or evolutionist position in
regard to its origins. The Bible confirms nature’s affirmation of God
(Romans 1:20) and its role in His praise (1 Chronicles 16:33; Psalm 148;
Isaiah 44:23). Second, nature pictures are so accessible, whether person-
ally photographed or ‘Googled’. Third, there is an aesthetic beauty in
nature photography that would otherwise require great skill (and time) to
reproduce in drawings, paintings, or digital artwork. Moreover, copyright
ownership may be more equivocal in nature photography than it is in
other artistic formats. Finally, the simple white font lyrics provide a legible
and satisfactory contrast to the rich colours of the background picture; the
picture does not obscure or compete with the lyrics.
Whatever the visual content of CCS YouTube videos is, it is subservient
to the music. As Goodwin astutely observes, “in terms of their use-value
1 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS GENRE FORMATION… 23
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of Contemporary Christian Music. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.
Ingalls, Monique. 2008. Awesome in This Place: Sound, Space, and Identity in
Contemporary North American Evangelical Worship. University of Pennsylvania.
———. 2018. Singing the Congregation: How Contemporary Worship Music Forms
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amazon.com/Singing-Congregation-Contemporary-Evangelical-Community-
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Ingalls, Monique M., and Amos Yong, eds. 2015. The Spirit of Praise: Music and
Worship in Global Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity. University Park: Penn
State University Press.
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———. 2014. Exaltation: Ecstatic Experience in Pentecostalism and Popular Music.
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26 D. THORNTON
What’s in a Name?
Two issues need attention before undertaking the music semiological
analysis of the global contemporary congregational song genre. First,
there is the name persistently applied in the first chapter to these songs and
their genre. Most of this chapter is dedicated to the important discussion
of nomenclature, addressing the background and justification for the
term—contemporary congregational songs. Following that is a discussion
of the specific CCS that are under analysis, and how they are representa-
tive of the genre as a whole. It may at first be difficult to imagine that 32
songs could be indicative of the whole genre. However, the end of this
chapter will supply the justification and arguments to support such a claim.
Historically, practitioners, popular publications, industry, scholars, and
you (if you have been at all involved in practising or discussing contempo-
rary worship) have preferred alternative terms to contemporary congrega-
tional songs for this genre. ‘Praise and Worship’ (music) is probably the
most utilised and problematic term, especially in the popular press,
although also in scholarly literature (Hartje 2009; Walrath and Woods
2010). Other writers have used contemporary Christian worship music
(CCWM) or just contemporary worship music (Frame 1997; Ingalls
2008; Redman 2002). Each of these labels has semantic and theological
ambiguities which make them at least non-ideal terms, if not potentially
problematic ones.
Names infer, signify, and connote. They exist within a broader intricate
web of semantics, language, and culture. Christians are not exempt from
this complex negotiation of meaning and have wrestled with the names
that define and shape their faith throughout the ages, whether they be
denominational identifiers, theological concepts, Scriptural precepts, or
‘Christianese’ vernacular. It is a combination of a particular understanding
of Scripture, ‘Christianese’, and the worship music industry that has bur-
dened us with the sticky term for personal, and corporate, musical expres-
sions of worship, namely, the genre (and practice) of ‘Praise and Worship’.
In the 1960s and 1970s, the term for this emerging genre was ‘cho-
ruses’ or ‘praise choruses’ (Eskridge 2008). It differentiated these new
popular music-oriented songs from traditional hymns as a contemporary
musical expression of corporate worship. Over time, as practice evolved
into industry and publications, the label, ‘Praise and Worship’, was adopted
as the preferred term to differentiate this genre from others in the market-
place. Many popular publications of the era promoted the use of the term;
Sorge’s Exploring Worship: A Practical Guide to Praise and Worship is a
typical example (1987). Sorge argued that all congregational songs could
be divided into either “praise” or “worship”. Furthermore, he inadver-
tently argued for the equivalence of those terms with song tempi—“fast”
(praise) or “slow” (worship), a sadly pervasive and perpetuated conflation
(Sorge 1987, 278–79).
As mentioned, the term ‘Praise and Worship’ did not achieve universal
consensus. Some scholars proposed alternative titles including contempo-
rary Christian worship music, or the more concise contemporary worship
music. Redman defines contemporary worship music (CWM) as “worship
music in the genres of popular music produced over the past thirty years
by North American Protestant recording and publishing companies,
churches, and individuals” (Redman 2002, 47). However, Redman also
problematically separates “the praise and worship movement” from the
“contemporary worship industry” as if such a distinction were easily or
obviously achievable.
In a related conundrum, Wren recognises the need to distinguish
between “contemporary Christian music [CCM]” (intended for profes-
sional performance) and “praise music” (Wren 2000, 131), a term he
adopts from Yee (1997). This is a widely accepted delineation. However,
while Wren initially uses the term “praise music”, he also sees it as prob-
lematic because “‘praise’ is not the only kind of song that is, or can be,
sung [in this style]”. Thus, Wren retreats to the term “contemporary
2 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS 29
words for our equivalent English word ‘worship’ are non-musical; yet,
contemporary usage of the word has become synonymous with music, at
least in pentecostal-charismatic1 circles. Scripture clearly indicates that
music featured in both individual and corporate worship expressions, the
Psalms being just one example. However, the current interchangeability of
terms is neither biblical nor helpful. Recognising this, Carson notes that
there is a rich theological and biblical scope for our English word ‘wor-
ship’, but we constantly skew Christians’ perceptions of the word with our
usage—for example, ‘worship leader’, ‘time of worship’, and ‘worship
team’ (Carson 2010). At the same time, Carson articulates the struggle to
find a term for the specific activities of the gathered New Testament believ-
ers if ‘worship’ is to be awarded its broadest biblical meaning.
Numerous writers raise concern over contemporary usage of the word
‘worship’ and its dislocation from biblical, theological, and historical
foundations (Chant 2000; Evans 2006; Duncan 2009; Faulkner 2012). It
is not that worship cannot be sung, nor that the intimate aspects of wor-
ship (surrender, adoration, devotion) are not deeply connected to the
ways in which music can function for human beings. Rather, when wor-
ship is unintentionally pigeon-holed as song/singing, Christians lose the
profound scope of worship and its application to their whole lives. Scholars
have a responsibility to ensure that the language they use is accurate and
most helpful to their readers. Thus, when discussing this genre, it is most
helpful to avoid labels that perpetuate a limiting or skewed understanding
of Christian worship, which the current labels, as discussed, inevitably per-
petuate. With these considerations in mind, Evans posits that the most
useful and accurate label for this genre is contemporary congregational
songs (CCS) (2006, 45).
1
This non-capitalised term is coined by Ingalls to differentiate denominational or for-
malised Pentecostal and charismatic expressions of Christianity from those exhibiting aspects
of Pentecostalism, particularly in relation to worship practices (Ingalls and Yong 2016, 4). I
find it useful because my own contexts of practice extend beyond Pentecostal denomina-
tions, better fulfilling the criteria of the pentecostal-charismatic term.
2 CONTEMPORARY CONGREGATIONAL SONGS 31
besides “How Deep the Father’s Love” (1995), “How Great Thou Art”
(1953), and “Shout to the Lord” (1993), none of the songs were written
before 2000. This alone would justify the term contemporary compared
to the age of hymns employed in traditional worship settings. Of course,
contemporary also has an alternative definition, whereby things simply
occur concurrently. Under that definition, whatever any congregation is
singing at their next service is contemporary, including 200-year-old
hymns. Clearly, such a definition is unhelpful here but must be acknowl-
edged as a potential weakness in the choice of this identifier. Interestingly,
the chosen definition of contemporary does impact the reinterpretation of
old hymns. “Amazing Grace (My Chains Are Gone)” is on the most sung
CCS list because as a re-imagined hymn it is newly in copyright. The re-
imagination is not just the addition of a Chorus, but with the stylistic
expression of CCS.
Another argument for contemporary is that it appropriately correlates
with other popular music genres, such as ‘adult contemporary’ and ‘con-
temporary Christian music’ (CCM). Finally, the term contemporary offers
currency; it remains applicable even through the musical/lyrical evolution
that has already occurred over the last 50 years and will no doubt con-
tinue. Instead of limiting the genre to a chronologically bound term, con-
temporary is meaningful, inclusive, and adaptable.
Defining Congregational
Congregational incorporates several ideas. The Macquarie Dictionary
defines congregation (the root form) as “an assembly of persons met for
common religious worship”, as well as “an organisation formed for the
purpose of providing for worship of God…” (“Congregation” 2009).
Furthermore, under the adjectival definition of ‘congregational’, as
opposed to the capitalised version referring to the denomination, the
Macquarie Dictionary gives as its example ‘congregational singing’ (ibid.),
thus reinforcing the colloquial connection of these words as argued for
here. Congregational is the only part of the term that contextualises the
songs as Christian. Admittedly, the term could be perceived as not being
expressively Christian enough, or alternatively, too denominationally con-
notative (Congregationalism). However, the alternative term of ‘worship’
is not any more Christian. Many religions worship, but using congrega-
tional avoids the other issues already raised.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
was an hour giving orders and dispatching men to the planters, even
twenty miles off, for assistance.
For a week thereafter, day and night, I fairly lived on horseback at
the levee, superintending the repair work in place of my absent
husband and our inefficient overseer. Each planter affected by the
crevasse came, or sent an overseer with a force of slaves, who
worked in hour shifts, to their waists in the water, driving piles and
heaping sand bags. As the shifts changed the men were given a
dram and hot soup or coffee, and sent to a huge bonfire nearby to
dry themselves.
Another time I landed from a boat at the witching hour between
midnight and dawn. The boat’s bell and whistle sounded to attract
some light sleeper. By the time I was fairly ashore a glimmering light
of a lantern was seen. I was escorted to the house by the coachman,
but if any other negro had responded I should have felt quite as safe.
Mammy Charlotte was supreme in the domestic department. The
little cupbearers from the quarters reported to her for the “dreenings”
of the coffee pot or the left-over soup. The visitor by the library fire
called to her for a glass of wine or a “finger” of whisky. I called
Charlotte to ask what we were going to have for dinner. She was the
busy one, and every plantation had just such a mammy. Charlotte
and I belonged to the same church. When there was a vacant seat in
the carriage Sunday morning she was called to occupy it.
One of our neighbors, that a New Englander would call a “near”
man, owned a few acres adjoining ours, but too remote from his
plantation to be advantageously cultivated. He would not fence his
property nor work his road, nor keep his levee in repair (it was just
there we had the crevasse); however, it afforded good pasturage for
Uncle Billy’s cow, and for us, a supply of mushrooms. Billy’s nets and
lines supplied us with shrimp and fish, small catfish that William
cooked à la pompano, not a poor imitation of that delectable Gulf
dainty. I heard Charlotte berating Billy for not bringing in some more
of those fine shrimp, when he knew, too, there was company in the
house. Imagine my consternation at Billy’s reply, “Dey done gorn; dat
ole drowned mule is floated away.”
Col. Hicky was our nearest neighbor, on Hope estate. When the
dear old man was eighty and I was twenty-five we were great chums.
He never passed in his buggy if I was visible on the lawn or porch
without stopping for a chat. There was frequent interchange of
neighborly courtesies. He had fine large pecans, and we didn’t; we
had celery and he didn’t, so there was much flitting back and forth of
baskets. If we were having an unusual occasion, like the dinner my
husband gave in honor of Messrs. Slidell and Benjamin, when they
were elected to the United States Senate, a big basket came from
Hope estate. Didn’t the dear old gentleman send a capon turkey
which was too big for any dish we had, and didn’t we have to borrow
the Hicky dish?
Col. Hicky had a birthday dinner, when he was eighty-two, and a
grand dinner it was, to be sure. Sam Moore—I never knew just who
he was, or why he was so essential at every function—sat at the
host’s right. The Colonel was too deaf to hear all the bon mots, and
Sam interpreted for him, and read in a loud voice all the toasts, some
of which were very original and bright. Anyone remembering Col.
Winthrop, or better still, Judge Avery, can understand there was no
lack of wit and sparkle in any toast they might make.
XXVII
PEOPLE I HAVE ENTERTAINED
The story of Mary Ann and Martha Ann and the red bonnet has
been so often retold to my children and grandchildren that every
detail has been retained, and in its completeness as I give it here, it
is a bit of authentic family history “dressed up” as its hearers love it.
“What kin we do, Ma’y Ann? I dun hear Miss Liza talkin’ ’bout it
agin, and ’lowin’ it got to be found.” The two little negroes sat under a
wide-spreading pecan tree that scattered its shade and its late
autumn nuts over the grassy lawn of a spacious Southern mansion.
They crouched closely together, heads touching, voices whispering
and faces turned to the river road, their scanty linsey skirts drawn
tightly over little black legs, so that no searching eye from the broad
veranda could spy them. Mary Ann looked anxiously around, and,
drawing her knotty, kinky head closer still to Martha’s softer locks,
whispered: “Marm Charlotte gwine to clean out de L, and you know
she’ll go in dat room fust thing.”
Marthy sprang back with dilated eyes.
“Ma’y Ann, it carnt stay dar; it’s gotten to cum outen dar, oh Lordy!
What did you put it dar in the fust place fur?”
“I didn’t put it dar.” Ma’y Ann’s eyes flashed. “You fotch it dar your
own self, unner your apern; you sed it was yourn and Miss Ellen giv
it to you.”
Marthy sprang to her feet. “Miss Ellen never giv me nothin’ in her
whole life.” She shook her clenched fist in Ma’y Ann’s face, then
burst into tears. The stolen conference, like many another that had
preceded it, was opened in a spirit of mutual conciliation, but as the
interview progressed and interest waxed, the poor little negroes
became fierce in their alarm, fast losing sight of the turpitude of the
deed committed in common in the over-mastering anxiety of each
one to shift the entire blame on the other.
“Hush, gal, set down; I hear Marm Charlotte dis bery minit; she
mustn’t kotch me under dis here pecon tree agin. I was down here
yisterday, tryin’ to dig a hole where we’s settin’ now! I want ter berry
de rotten thing. Marm Charlotte kotch’d me here, and she ax’d what I
doin’ and I ’low’d I was gitten pecons fur de turkeys, and she
’sponded she low’d ter tell me when to feed de turkeys.”
Marthy Ann slowly resumed her seat, taking care to get well
behind the pecan tree. She was nervously sobbing, “She’s kept me
—a—lookin’ fur it—till I feared to go in—our—room—feared to find it
—a settin’ on de baid—Oh, Ma’y Ann, what made you take hit?”
Ma’y Ann’s eyes flashed fire. She was of the heroic sort, and by no
wise melted by Marthy’s lamentations and tears.
“I didn’t take hit; you tuck hit, and you know you did; you’s de
biggest rascal on de place. You does a thing, den you goes whinin’
and cryin’ ’bout hit. I does a thing, I jist ’sponds fur hit and sticks hit
out.”
Marthy wiped her eyes on the linsey skirt and tried to imbibe some
of her companion’s courage.
“Well, Ma’y Ann, you put it whar tis and ghostes cum out ev’ry
night and ties me wid de long, red strings.”
“No ghostes cum arter me,” said Ma’y Ann, bridling up. “Dat shows
you put it dar your own self.”
“We ain’t got no time ter talk and fuss; we got ter find a place to
put hit now. God knows it cums atter me ev’y night, and las’ night de
debbel had it on, Ma’y Ann. I seed him; he jist strutted all around de
room wid it on his haid and de ribbons was tied to his horns.”
“Oh, Lordy, Marthy, is he got hit now?” The terrified child sprang to
her feet and gazed distractedly up the tree. “Marthy, we kin fling hit
up in dis tree; won’t de debbil let hit stay in de crotch?”
The strained eyes eagerly searched for a sheltering limb that
would catch and conceal the thing, the ghost of which would not lay,
day or night. Marm Charlotte had never relaxed in her search, in
bureaus, and armchairs, behind hanging dresses, in the big cedar
chest, among the blankets, upon top shelves, in old bandboxes, in
trunks, over bed testers, downstairs in china closets, among plates
and dishes, under parlor sofas and over library bookcases. Ma’y Ann
and Marthy Ann had no rest. They made believe to search the
garden, after the house had been pulled to pieces, going down
among the artichoke bushes and the cherokee rose hedge that
smothered the orchard fence, wishing and praying somebody might
find it in one of those impossible places all torn by squirrels or made
into nests by birds.
Christmas, with its turkeys and capons fattened on pecan nuts, its
dances and flirtations in the wide halls of the big house, its weddings
and breakdowns in the negro quarters, had come and gone. The
whirr of the ponderous mill had ceased; the towering chimney of the
sugar house no longer waved its plume of smoke by day nor
scattered its showers of sparks by night. Busy spiders spun nets
over big, dusty kettles, and hung filmy veils from the tall rafters.
Keen-eyed mice scampered over the floors and scuffled in the walls
of the deserted building whence the last hogshead of sugar and
barrel of molasses had been removed, and the key turned in the
great door of the sugar house. Tiny spears of cane were sprouting
up all over the newly plowed fields. Drain and ditches were bubbling
over, and young crawfish darting back and forth in their sparkling
waters. The balmy air of early summer, freighted with odors of
honeysuckle and cape jessamine, and melodious with the whistle
and trill of mocking birds, floated into the open windows and doors of
the plantation dwelling. The shadowy crepe myrtle tree scattered
crimpy pink blossoms over the lawn. Lady Banks rose vines
festooned the trellises and scrambled in wild confusion over the roof
of the well house, waving its golden radiance in the soft, sunny air.
Cherokee and Chickasaw hedges, with prodigal luxuriance, covered
the rough wooden fences, holding multitudes of pink and white
blossoms in thorny embrace, and sheltering the secret nests of
roaming turkey hens and their wild-eyed broods.
“Well, Levi, you’se dun your job, and it wus a big one, too.”
“Yes, William, I whitewashed as much as ten miles o’ fencing, and
all de trees in de stable lot, besides de cabins and de chicken
houses.”
“Ten miles o’ fencing,” replied William doubtfully. “I didn’t ’low dere
wuz dat much on de whole plantation. Why, dey call hit ten miles
from here to Manchac, and ’bout ten from here to Cohite.”
“I mean ten miles in and out; about five miles one side de fence
and five miles de odder.”
“Oh! that-a-way,” said William dubiously. “Charlotte, give Mr.
Stucker another dodger.”
The speakers were two negro men, one in the shirt sleeves and
long apron that betokened the household cook, the other in the
shiny, shabby “store clothes” of the town darky. They sat at the
kitchen table, in front of a window commanding a view of newly
whitewashed fences and trees. Etiquette required that William
should play the rôle of host, on this, the last morning of the
whitewasher’s stay. Charlotte had laid the cloth and placed the
plates and knives for two, and served the fried bacon and hot corn
dodgers to Mr. Levi Stucker, a free man, who had a house of his own
and a wife to wait on him and in view of this dignity and state was
deemed entitled to unusual consideration.
“Lemme ask you, Charlotte,” said Stucker, carefully splitting his
dodger, and sopping the hot crumbs in the bacon gravy, “is you
missed ary thing outen de yard on dese premises? Caze I heard
dem two little gals havin’ a big talk in dat room next to me last night;
you knows dat’s a mighty weaky boardin’ ’tween dose rooms and a
pusson don’t have to listen to hear. I bin hearin’ ’em movin’ ’bout and
a whisperin’ most ginerally every night when dey ought most likely to
be asleep. Las’ night a old owl was a squinchin’ on dat mulberry tree
by de winder, and de shutter hit slammed. Dat woke dem gals up; it
was atter midnight; dey was skeert, one on ’em begin to blubber and
sed de debbil was dar to kotch ’em. From de way dey talked—(but it
was mystifyin’, I tell you)—I ’lowed in my mind dem gals had stole
somethin’, I couldn’t gather what, fur dey didn’t name no specials,
but sure’s you born dey’s up to somethin’, and skeered to death
’bout its bein’ foun’ out.”
Charlotte stopped on her way to the frying pan with widening eyes
and uplifted fork, and listened attentively, with an occasional jerk of
the head toward William.
“Jist tell me,” pursued Levi, “if you ’low dose gals to have de run of
de quarters, caze dey gits mischief in dere heads if dey run wid
quarter niggers.”
“No, sir,” responded the woman emphatically, “dey never goes
down dar; I’m keerful ’bout dat—onreason’ble keerful; no, sir, if I was
to let ’em have the run o’ dat quarter lot dere would never be a cold
biskit nor a cup o’ clabber in dis house de minit atter you put ’em
outen your hands. No, sir, Mr. Stucker, if old Hannah, or ary of de
sick niggers down dar wants anything from dis house dey got to
send one of their own little niggers wid de cup or de pan, and I
pintedly gives ’em what’s needed; dere’s nuff work for Ma’y Ann and
Marthy Ann ’bout dis house ’dout dey visitin’ at de quarters and
waitin’ on quarter niggers. I bet, dough, dey’s bin in some mischief I
ain’t had time to ferret out.”
After a pause she continued, “And you say you think dey done
stole somethin’?”
“Yes,” answered Stucker, pushing back his chair and rising from
the table; “yes, I understand somethin’ of dat natur’, if you has
missed ary thing.”
“We did miss dat currycomb what William comb his har wid; it was
a bran new, kinder stiff one, and he missed it last Sunday,” replied
Charlotte.
“Dat jist fallen outen de winder, it warn’t lost,” interrupted William,
who had been watching for a favorable opportunity to join the
conversation.
“Yes, dem spawns foun’ hit outdoors, when I tole ’em I’d skin ’em if
it wasn’t perjuced,” said Charlotte, turning to William, who thereupon
relapsed into acquiescent silence.
“It warn’t no currycomb dey was talkin’ ’bout last night,” said
Stucker, jerking first one leg then the other to free his shaggy
breeches of dodger crumbs.
“Jist hold on a minit,” said Charlotte, stepping to the kitchen door
and shouting, “Ma’y Ann and Marthy Ann, whar’s you?”
“Here I is, ma’am, I’s comin’, yes ’em,” was responded from an
upper porch, and the two little darkies scuffled down the back stairs.
“Jist you two run down to de orchard whar I kin see you all de
time, hear me? All de time, and look fur dat Dominiker hen’s nest. I
hear her cacklin’ down dar, and don’t neither of you dar’ cum back till
you find it. If you cum back ’fore I call you, I’ll pickle you well. Run!”
Two little guinea blue cotton skirts whisked through a gap in the
rose hedge and emerged in the deep grass of the orchard, before
Charlotte turned back into the kitchen, satisfied they were at a
distance, and still under her observation. Levi Stucker meanwhile,
having carefully tied his two weeks’ earnings in the corner of his red
cotton handkerchief, and shared his last “chaw” of tobacco with
William, swung his bundle from the end of his long whitewash pole
and departed, with the shambling, shuffling gait of the typical
Southern negro.
“I’m gwine upstairs, William, and I’ll ramshackle dat room till I find
out what’s dar,” said the woman. She slowly mounted the stairs,
down which the two culprits had so lately descended with flying feet,
and turned into a small room on the servants’ gallery. She glanced
around the bare apartment the two little negroes called their own.
There was a battered trunk against the wall with a damaged cover
and no fastening of any kind, a rickety chair and a bed. Charlotte
tore the linsey dresses, homespun petticoats and check aprons from
nails behind the door, shaking and critically examining each article.
In the trunk she found remnants of rag dolls and broken toys and bits
of quilt pieces that had been their playthings for time out of mind.
There were no pockets to examine, no locks to pry open. “Dey don’t
need no pockets to carry dere money in, and no locked up trunks fur
dere jewelry,” Charlotte always said. It was her habit to go in and out
their room freely, to see that it was kept in some kind of order and
the bed regularly made up. The door of the room was always open,
and no means afforded for securing it on the inside. Notwithstanding
these precautions of Charlotte, who practically accepted the doctrine
of infant depravity, there was a mystery concealed in that room that
at intervals almost throttled the two little negroes, and, strange to
say, with all the woman’s vigilance, had slumbered months within
sound of her voice. She rapidly threw the clothes on the window sill,
turned the trunk inside out and pushed its battered frame into the
middle of the floor.
Nothing now remained to be searched but the plain unpainted bed.
It was neatly made up, the coarse brown blankets securely tucked in
all around. Charlotte whisked that off and dragged after it the cotton
mattress which rested on a “sack bottom,” secured by interlacing
cords to the bed frame. There was revealed the hidden secret!
Crushed quite flat and sticking to the sacking, long under pressure of
the cotton mattress and the tossing and tumbling children, what trick
of dainty beauty lay before her? It was so crumpled and smothered,
torn and ragged, soiled with fleeces of cotton lint that had sifted
through the bed seams, and covered with dust and grime that but for
glimpses of its original form and color here and there it would never
have been recognized. Charlotte snatched it out and fled to the
porch to see if Ma’y Ann and Marthy Ann were still down in the
orchard. There they lay, prone in the soft grass, happy as only
children, and black ones at that, can be. Four little ebony legs kicked
up in the air, and the sound of merry shouts reached Charlotte’s ear.
“You’ll fly dem laigs to sum purpose yit, fur I lay I’ll git Marse Jim to
giv you a breakdown dat’ll make dem laigs tired,” she said to herself.
“You jist lay dar,” she muttered, as she descended the steps. “You
needn’t waste your time (it’s a awful short one) lookin’ for aigs dat de
ole Dominiker ain’t never laid yit.”
The deep window of the library was wide open, the sash thrown up
and an easy lounging chair drawn to the veranda, on which reposed
the towering form of the planter, lazily smoking a cigar, and looking
off upon the broad, swift river at a passing steamboat, floating so
high on its swelling waves that its deck was almost on a line with the
top of the grass-covered levee. Its passengers, thronging the
“guards” in the fragrance of a fine morning, seemed almost near
enough to the spectator on shore to respond to a friendly nod of the
head. The delicate lady of the mansion sat silently within, also
watching the passing boat.
“I see some one waving a paper from the Belle Creole. I believe
that’s Green. Yes, he has tied a handkerchief to his crutch, and is
waving that.”
The planter rose as he spoke and stood for a moment for a better
view. “Here, give me something, quick, to wave back at him.”
At this critical moment Charlotte appeared on the scene. “This will
do,” he exclaimed, catching the velvet wreck from the astonished
woman’s grasp and tossing it aloft, holding it by the long strings.
“Lord! jist see Marse Jim wid dat bonnet I dun foun’, dat you lost
’fore grinding time, Miss Liza, and whar you spec it was? Right onder
Ma’y Ann’s bed.”
“My bonnet! for pity’s sake, only look at it. Look!”
“It don’t look much like a bonnet. It’s more like a red rag to make
the turkeys gobble,” replied the master, disdainfully, throwing it to
Charlotte.
“My bonnet I paid Olympe twenty dollars for, and never wore it but
once; see the satin strings! And just look at the cape at the back!
And the feather poppies!”
Charlotte straightened herself up, holding the crumpled bonnet
and turning it around to show its proportions. It was of the
“skyscraper” shape, made on stiff millinette, that is more easily
broken than bent. Mashed sideways, it showed in its flattened state
as much of the satin lining as of velvet cover.